Chap. XXII
Shewing how, and for what causes, after I had arrived in England, I tooke yet another Journey to Rome, and other parts of Italy, and returned againe to settle my selfe in this my Country.
Now Reader, as the stone that is falling, the neerer it cometh to its Center, more haste it maketh; So I the neerer I am coming to the conclusion of this my History, more haste I desire to make in this last Chapter, for the compleating and finishing of it. With brevity therefore I will relate some of my travels in Europe, in which I will yeeld to many of my Nation, but for America, and my travels and experience there, I dare boldly challenge all travellers of my Country. After my return to London, from Surrey, I began to expostulate with my younger Brother (knowing hee had been present at my Fathers death, and had a chief hand in the ordering and executing his last Will and Testament,) concerning what childs part was left unto mee. To which hee made mee answer, that my father had indeed left him, and my Brother the Colonell, and two other sons by a second wife, and my owne sister, every one somewhat, but to mee nothing, nay that at his death he did not so much as remember mee; which I could not but take to heart, and called to minde the angry and threatning letter which I had received from him in Spain, because I would not bee a Jesuite. Though for the present I said nothing, yet afterwards in many occasions I told my Brother I would have the Will produced, and would by course of law demand a childs part; but hee put me off, assuring me I should never want amongst other my friends and kindred, with whom hee knew I should bee well accommodated as long as I continued in England. After few dayes that I had been in London, my kinsman at Cheam, desired me to come to live with him; where I continued not long; for my Uncle at Gatton invited mee to his house, offering mee there meat, drink, lodging, horse and man, with twenty pound a yeare, which hee promised in other waies to make as good as thirty. Here I continued a twelve moneth, refining my self in my native tongue, and (though altogether unknown to my Uncle and kindred) searching into the Doctrine and truth of the Gospel professed in England; for which cause I made many journeys to London, and then privately I resorted to some churches, and especially to Pauls Church to see the service performed, and to heare the Word of God Preached; but so, that I might not be seen, known or discovered by any Papist. When in Pauls Church I heard the Organs, and the Musick, and the Prayers and Collects, and saw the Ceremonies at the Altar, I remembred Rome againe, and perceived little difference between the two Churches. I searched further into the Common-Prayer, and carryed with me a Bible into the Country on purpose to compare the Prayers, Epistles, and Gospels with a Masse Book, which there I had at command, and I found no difference but onely English and Latin, which made mee wonder, and to acknowledge that much remained still of Rome in the Church of England, and that I feared my calling was not right. In these my scruples coming often to London, and conversing with one Dade, Popham, and Crafts, Connel and Brown, English and Irish Dominican Fryers, I found their wayes and conversations base, lewd, light and wanton, like the Spanish and Indian Fryers, which made me againe reflect upon the Popish Church, upheld by such Pillars. I came yet to the acquaintance of one Price, Superiour to the Benedictine Monkes, whom I found to be a meer States-man, and a great Politician, and very familiar, private, and secret with the Archbishop of Canterbury William Laud; in conversion with my Brother, (who belonged then unto one Signior Con, the Popes Agent, and was in such favour at the Court, that hee was sent over by the Queen with a rich present to a Popish Idol, named our Lady of Sichem, in the Low Countries) I heard him sometimes say, that hee doubted not but to bee shortly Curate and Parish Preist of Coven Garden, sometimes that he hoped to bee made Bishop in England, and that then I should want for nothing, and should live with him, till hee got mee another Bishoprick; by which discourse of his, and by his and other Preists favour at Court and with the Archbishop I perceived things went not well, Spanish Popery was much rooted, Protestant Religion much corrupted, and the time not seasonable for me to discover my secret intents and purpose or heart. At this time comming once from Surrey to London, I chanced to bee discovered and knowne to one of the State Officers, a Pursevant, who had a large Commission for the apprehending of Seminary Preists and Jesuites, named John Gray, who meeting mee one day in Long Aker, followed and dogged me as far as Lincolns Inne wall, where he clapped mee on the shoulders, and told me, that he had a Commission against mee, to apprehend mee, and carry me to the Councell Table or to one of His Majesties Secretaries. To whom I spoke in Spanish (thinking thereby to free my selfe out of his hands for a Spaniard:) but this would not doe, for he replyed hee knew mee to bee an English man born, and by the name of Gage, and Brother to Colonel Gage and Mr. George Gage, and that before he left mee I must speake in English to him, he carryed mee to a Tavern, and there searched my Pockets for Letters and mony, which in discourse he told me was too little for him (not being above twelve shilling) and that I must goe with him to answer before one of His Majesties Secretaries. I told him that I would willingly goe before the Archbishop of Canterbury, or before Sir Francis Windebanke; at which he smiled, saying: I knew well whom to make choice of to favour and protect mee, but hee would carry mee to none of them, but to Secretary Cooke. I fearing the businesse might goe hard with me, and knowing him to be greedy of money, told him that I would give him any thing that might content him, and so offered him twelve shillings then about mee, and my word to meet him in any place the next day, with a better and fuller purse. Hee accepted of my money for the present, and further offer for the day following, and appointed the Angel Taverne in Long Aker, (knowing that I lodged thereabout) to bee the place of our meeting, and so dismissed mee. I being free from him, went immediately to my Brother, and told him what had happened unto mee, what money I had already given unto him, and what I had promised the next day following. My Brother hearing me began to chafe and vex, and to fall into furious words against John Gray, calling him knave and rogue, and that he could not answer what he had done, and that hee would have his Commission taken from him, chiding mee for that I had given him any money, and calling me young novice and unexperienced in the affairs of England. This seemed strange to me, that my Brother should not onely not fear a Pursevant, but should threaten to take away the Commission from him, who was appointed to search for and finde out Preists and Jesuites. Yet I told him I would according to my word and promise meet him the next day, and satisfie him for his faire carriage towards mee; to which my Brother would by no means yeeld, but said hee would meet him; which hee accordingly performed, and although for my sake and promise he gave him some money, yet he brought him before Signor Con, and there himselfe and the Popes Agent with him spake most bitter words unto him, and threatned him very much if ever again he durst meddle with mee.
After this my Brother carryed mee to one Sir William Howard a Papist Knight, living at Arundel gate over Clements Church, who was very familiar with Sir Francis Windebanke, telling him what had happened unto me, and desiring him to carry me with him in his Coach to Sir Francis, and to get his protection for mee. Secretary Windebanke understanding who I was, told mee I should feare no Pursevant of them all, and that if I lived quietly in England, no body should trouble me, and that John Gray was a knave, and wished me if ever he medled with me again to come unto him. Though for the present this was good and commodious for me to have such favour and protection, yet I perceived, this my Brothers power, and this conniving at Preists and Jesuites could not bee usefull for mee, if I should publish my mind and and purpose to alter my Religion. I was therefore much troubled in mind and conscience, which I found was curbed with the great power of the Papists. I resolved therefore to goe againe out of England, and to travell in some other Countries amongst both Papists and Protestants, and to try what better satisfaction I could find for my conscience at Rome in that Religion, or in France and Germany amongst the Protestants. I writ therefore to the Generall of the Dominicans at Rome, (without whose License I could not goe thither) that hee would bee pleased to send mee his Letters Patents, to goe to conferre some points with him; which hee willingly granted unto mee. I wanted not money from my Uncle (who commended unto mee some businesse to bee dispatched for him at Rome) for so long a journey, other friends also helped mee; but my chief trust was upon my Brother Colonell Gage, then in the Low Countries, whom I knew not, nor had seen him from a child. I had no other passe to take shipping at Dover, but onely the letter of a Papist in London, (by meanes of one Popham a Dominican Fryer) to Sir John Manwood his Lady, who was then Governour of Dover Castle, and with the foresaid letter suffered mee not to bee troubled, examined or searched, but gave order that I should freely and quietly passe over in the Packet boat to Dunkerke, wherewith in foure houres with a good wind I arrived, and from thence by Newport and Bridges went to Gant; not farre from whence my Brother with his Regiment lay in field against the Hollander. Hee was glad to see mee, and knowing what journey I was minded to take, furnished mee with more money, and for my Uncles businesse recommended mee to the Marques De Serralvo (then at Brussels) and to other great men, desiring them to give mee their letters to their friends at Rome; from them I got a letter to Don Francisco Barbarini, the Popes Nephew, and one of the chief Cardinals then in Rome, likewise to Cardinal Cucua, and Cardinal Albornos both Spaniards. With these letters I thought I should have occasion of some conversation with these pillars of the Church of Rome, and in discourse might pry into the hearts and wayes of them, and see whether in them were more Policy then Religion. By reason of the Warres between France and the Low Countries, I durst not make my journey the neerest and shortest way through France; but though there were Wars also in Germany, I thought that would bee my safest way, and I desired much to looke into the Protestant, and Lutheran Church in that Country. Whereupon I resolved from Brussels to goe to Namurs, and from thence by water to Leidge, and from thence to Collen in Germany. From Leidge to Collen though wee were twelve in company, wee were much troubled with Souldiers; yet God still delivered me and brought me safe to Collen; from whence by the river Rhine I went in boat to Frankefort in September at the time of that great Fair, where I knew I should meet company of Merchants to any part of Italy. In all my travells I never made a more pleasant journey then that which I made by the river Rhine, where I had occasion to see many fair and goodly Cities. In Frankefort there I began to take notice of the Lutheran Church, and for the space of a fortnight that I stayed there, had many thoughts of discovering my selfe there, and disclaiming Popery, thinking that there I might be sure and safe, and lie hid and unknowne to my Brothers and kinred, who is England would not suffer me to live a Protestant. Yet againe I considered how hard it would bee for mee a stranger to subsist there, and to get any livelyhood, for the which I must first get the native tongue, and though many points that were opposite to the Church of Rome, pleased me, yet in some points of that Religion my conscience was not satisfied. At the end of the Faire I sought out for company, and found neere a dozen wagons which were upon setting out towards Auspurg with goods of Merchants, who had also hired a Convoy of thirty souldiers to goe along with them; which I thought would be safe company for mee; with them, and many other passengers and travellers that went in the Wagons, and on foot, by them, I went as far as the famous and gallant City of Auspurg; from whence forward there was no great danger, neither in what part belonged to the Duke of Bavaria, nor in the County of Tirol: from whence wee passed some foure together to Trent; where I was taken with the first Ague that ever in my life I remembred I had, which continued seven months upon mee. I thought from thence to have continued my journey by land to Venice, but my Ague suffered mee to goe but to Verona; from whence I turned to Millan, and so to Genoua, leaving my good company; that from Genoua I might goe by Sea to Ligorne, and so likewise to Rome. After a fortnights stay in Genoua, I went with the Galleys of the great Duke of Florence to Ligorne, where I found no boats ready to Rome, and so in the meantime, whilst they were preparing, I went to Pisa and Florence to see those brave Cities, and returned again to Ligorne, where I found many boats ready to set out to Rome.
The first night and day wee had a faire winde to Piombino; but there it turned, and continued contrary for almost three weekes. At last it pleased God to send us a faire wind wherewith wee went out many Boats and Falluco’s in company together, thinking all had been friends; but when wee came neere to the Castle of Montalto, most of the boats having got before us, two that went in company with the boat wherein I was, suddainly set upon us, and shewed themselves to bee French Pirats, who robbed us all, and tooke from mee all the money I had, which was not then above five pound, leaving me some Bils of exchange which I had to take up mony at Rome; after we were robbed wee called in at Civita Vecha; for reliefe, where I met with a good English Merchant, who freely bestowed upon mee provision both of wine and meat, as much as would well suffice mee and a friend to Rome, whither wee got in a day and night. When I came to Rome I delivered my Letters to the Cardinals; of whom the two Spaniards I found proud and stately; but Don Francisco Barbarini, (who was intituled the Protector of England) I found more tractable, kinde, and loving. I perceived by his discourse that hee knew much of England, and desired to know more; and propounded unto mee many questions concerning the state of this Kingdome, and especially concerning the Archbishop of Canterbury, whom he seemed to affect; and yet sometime againe would say hee feared, hee would cause some great disturbance in our Kingdome, and that certainly for his sake and by his means the King had dissolved lately the Parliament (which was that which before this now sitting was so suddainly dissolved by his Majesty) which hee feared Scotland and most of the people of England, would take very ill. Hee asked mee further what conceipt the people had of the said Archbishop; and whether they did not mistrust that hee complyed much with the Court of Rome. And lastly, he told mee that hee thought, the creating of an English Cardinal at Rome might be of great consequence for the conversion of the whole Kingdome. I laid up in my heart all this discourse, and well perceived some great matters were in agitation at Rome, and some secret compliance from England with that Court, which I purposed to discover more at large among some friends there.
After this discourse with the Cardinall, I was invited to the English Colledge to dinner by one Father Fitzherbert, who was then Rector, a great States-man and Politician, with whom I had also great discourse concerning my Brother Colonel Gage, concerning my travels in America, and lastly concerning England; whereof I perceived little discourse could bee had in Rome, except the Archbishop William Laud had his part and share in it. The Jesuite began highly to praise the Arch-prelate for his moderate carriage towards Papists and Preists, boasting of the free accesse which one Simons, alias Flood, a Jesuite had unto him at all houres, and in all occasions; and to extoll him the more, he brought in the Archbishop, Abbot whom he cried down as much for a cruel enemie and persecutor of the Church of Rome, and of all Papists and Preists. But the now Archbishop, said hee, is not onely favourable unto us there, but here desireth to make daily demonstrations of his great affection to this our Court and Church; which, hee shewed not long since in sending a Common Prayer Booke, (which hee had composed for the Church of Scotland) to bee first viewed, and approved of by our Pope and Cardinals. Who perusing it, liked it very well, for Protestants to be trained in a Form of Prayer and service; yet considering the State of Scotland, and the temper and tenents of that people, the Cardinals, (first giving him thanks for his respect and dutifull compliance with them) sent him word, that they thought that form of prayer was not fitting for Scotland, but would breed some stir and unquietnesse there, for that they understood the Scots were aversed from all set Forms, & would not be tyed and limited to the invention of mans spirit, having (as they thought) the true and unerring Spirit of God in them, which could better teach and direct them to pray. All this (said Father Fitzherbert) I was witnesse of, who was then sent for by the Cardinals (as in all like occasions, and affaires concerning England) to give them my opinion concerning the said Common Prayer Booke, and the temper of the Scots. But the good Archbishop (quoth hee) hearing the censure of the Cardinals concerning his intention and Form of Prayer, to ingratiate himself the more into their favour, corrected some things in it, and made it more harsh and unreasonable for that Nation; which wee already heare they have stomacked at, and will not suffer it in many parts to be read; and wee justly fear that this his Common Prayer Book, & his great compliance with this Court, will at last bring strife and division between the two Kingdomes of Scotland and England.
And this most true Relation of William Laud late Archbishop of Canterbury, (though I have often spoken of it in private discourse and publiquely preached it at the Lecture of Wingham in Kent,) I could not in my conscience omit it here; both to vindicate the just censure of death, which the now sitting Parliament have formerly given against him for such like practises and compliance with Rome; and secondly to reprove the ungrounded opinion and errour of some ignorant and Malignant spirits, who to my knowledge have since his death highly exalted him, and cryed him up for a Martyr. At the same time whilst I was at Rome, I understood of another great businesse concerning England, then in agitation amongst the Cardinals, and much prosecuted by this Fitzherbert, and one father Courtney a Jesuite, son to one Sir Thomas Leeds; which was, to create one of the English Nation Cardinall; that so the Conversion of England, what by the Assistance of William Laud, what by the power of a higher person, and what by the authority of the said Cardinall, might be more fully and earnestly plotted and indeavoured. This businesse was much agitated in England by Signior Con, at whose house in Long Aker were many meetings of the chief Gentry of the Papists. In Rome Sir William Hamilton then Agent for the Queene, vied much for the said Cardinals Cap, and got a great number of friends to further this his ambitious design. But hee was too yong, and some scandall of a Gentlewoman, who stuck too close to him, made the red Cap unfit for his head; and secondly, because a greater then hee, to wit, Sir Kenelham Digby was appointed by the Queen to bee her Agent there; who sent before him his Chaplain, a great Politician and active Priest, named Fitton, to take up his lodging and make way, and friends for his ambitious preferment; who in his daily discourse cryed up his Master Digby for Cardinall, and told mee absolutely, that hee doubted not but hee would carry it. But though hee had great favour from the Queen, and was her Agent; yet hee had strong Antagonists in Fitzherbert, Courtney, and the rest of the crew of the Jesuites, who looked upon that honour and red Cap as better becomming one of their profession, and fitter for a head which had formerly worne a four Cornered black Cap, to wit, Sir Toby Mathy. But in case the said Cap should fall from Sir Toby his head, then they would helpe and further a third, whose birth and Nobility should advance him before Sir Kenelham Digby, to wit, Walter Mountague, the old Earle of Manchester his sonne at that time.
And thus it was a generall and credible report in Rome, that either a Digby, a Mathy, or a Mountague, should that yeere bee made Cardinall. Whereby I perceived that England was comming neere to Rome, and that my design of professing and following the truth in England was blasted, and that in vain I had come from America for satisfaction of my conscience in England. I was more troubled now then ever; and desired to try all wayes, if I could bee better satisfied concerning the Popish Religion in Rome, Naples or Venice, (whither I went) then I had been in America and among the Spaniards. But I found such exorbitances and scandalls in the lives of some Cardinals of Rome, whilst I was there, especially in Don Antonio Barbarini, and Cardinal Burgess, who at midnight was taken by the Corchetes or Officers of Justice in uncivill wayes, and came off from them with money, that I perceived the Religion was but as I had found it in America, a wide and open doore to loosnesse and policy, and the like in Naples and Venice, which made mee even hate what before I had professed for Religion, and resolve, that if I could not live in England, and there injoy my Conscience, that I would live in France, for a while, untill I had well learned that tongue, and then associate my selfe unto the best reformed Protestant Church; Whereupon I obtained from the General of the Dominicans this ensuing order to live in the Cloister of Orleans, intending from thence at my best opportunity to goe to Paris, Lyons, or some other place, and shake off my Magpy habit, and to live and dye in France in the true Protestant and reformed Religion as professed there.
In Dei filio sibi Dilecto Reverendo Patri fratri Thomæ Gageo Provinciæ Anglicanæ Ordinis Prædicatorum, Frater Nicolaus Rodulfius totius ejusdem Ordinis Magister Generalis ac servus in Domino salutem.
Conventui nostro Aurelia nensi Provinciæ nostræ Franciæ de probo & optimo Patre Sacerdote providere cupientes, Tenore præsentium, & nostri authoritate officii (te) supra nominatum Reverendum Patrem Fratrem Thomam Gageum revocamus a quovis alio Conventu, & Assignamus in dicto Conventu nostro Aurelianensi Assignatumque declaramus, in Nomine Patris, & Filii, & Spiritus Sancti, Amen. Mandantes Rdo. admodum Patri Magistro Priori illius, ut te benigne recipiat, & cum omni charitate tractet. In quorum fidem his officii nostri sigillo munitis propria manu subscripsimus. Datum Suriani die none Aprilis, 1640.
Frater Nicolaus Magister Ordinis.
Frater Ignatius Ciantes Magister; Provincialis Angliæ, & Socius.
The Forme whereof (as also the manner of sending Fryers from one Cloister to live in another, commonly called by them, an Assignation) is in English as followeth.
To our Beloved in the Son of God, the Reverend Father Fryer Thomas Gage, of the English Province, of the Order of Preachers, Fryer Nicholas Rodulfius of the same whole Order Master Generall, and Servant in the Lord, health and greeting.
Wee being willing and desirous to provide for our Convent of Orleans, of our Province of France, of an honest and very good Father and Priest; by Tenour of these present, and by the authority of our Office doe recall you the above named Reverend Fryer Thomas Gage from any other Convent, and doe Assigne you in our said Convent of Orleans, and declare you to bee assigned, in the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen. Commanding the very Reverend Father Master Prior thereof, that hee receive you curteously, and entertaine you with all love and charity. In witnesse whereof with our owne hand wee have subscribed these being sealed with the seale of our Office. Dated at Soriano the ninth day of April, 1640.
Fryer Nicholas Master of the Order.
Fryer Ignatius Ciantes Master Provincial of England and Companion.
Yet after I had got this Order, I bethought my selfe further that I would try one way, which was to see if I could find out a Miracle, which might give mee better satisfaction of the Romish Religion, then had the former experience of my life, and the lives of the Priests, Cardinals, and all such with whom I had lived in Spain and America. I had heard much of a Picture of our Lady of Loretto, and read in a Booke of Miracles or lies concerning the same, that whosoever prayed before that picture in the state of mortall sinne, the picture would discover the sinne in the soule, by blushing, and by sweating. Now I framed this argument to my selfe, that it was a great sin, the sin of unbeliefe, or to waver and stagger in points of Faith; but in mee (according to the Tenents of Rome) was this sin, for I could not believe the point of Transubstantiation, and many other; therefore (if the Miracles which were printed of the foresaid Lady of Loretto were true, and not lies) certainly shee would blush and sweat, when such an unbeliever as I prayed before her. To make this triall, I went purposely to Loretto, and kneeling downe before God, not with any faith I had in the picture; I prayed earnestly to the true Searcher of all hearts, that in his Son Jesus Christ he would mercifully looke upon me a wretched sinner, and inspire and enlighten mee with his Spirit of truth, for the good and salvation of my soule; In my prayer I had a fixed and setled eye upon the Ladies picture, but could not perceive that shee did either sweat or blush, wherewith I arose up from my knees much comforted and incouraged in my resolution to renounce and abandon Popery, and saying within my selfe as I went out of the Church, surely if my Lady neither sweat nor blush, all is well with mee, and I am in a good way for salvation, and the miracles written of her are but lies. With this I resolved to follow the truth in some Protestant Church in France, and to relinquish errour and superstition. Upon which good purpose of mine, I presently perceived the God of truth did smile, with what I heard hee was ordering in England by an Army of Scotland raised for Reformation, and by a new Parliament called to Westminster, at which I saw the Papists and Jesuites there began to tremble, and to say that it would blast all their designes, and all their hopes of setling Popery; William Laud his policy was now condemned and cursed, Con was dead at Rome, the Cardinals Cap for one of the three fore-named named was no more spoken of, Fitton was daunted, Fitzherbert and Courtney quite disheartned, Sir Kenelham Digby his Agency and comming to Rome put off and suspended, and with all this good newes I was much heartned and incouraged to leave off my journey to France, and to return to England, where I feared not my Brother nor any kindred, nor the power of the Papists, but began to trust in the protection of the Parliament, which I was informed would reform Religion, and make such laws as should tend to the undermining of all the Jesuits plots, and to the confusion and subversion of the Romish errours and Religion. I was too weak of body to make my journey by land (by reason of my long Ague which had but newly left mee) and so resolved to goe to Ligorne to find out shipping there; where I found foure or five ships of English and Hollanders ready to set out, but were bound to touch at Lisboe in their way. I bargained with one Captaine Scot for my passage, first to Lisboe, intending there to make a second bargain. We had no sooner sailed on as farre as to the Coast of France, joyning to the Dutchy of Savoy, but presently from Canes came out part of a Fleet lying there under the command of the Bishop of Burdeaux to discover us, and take us for a lawfull prize. I might say much here of the valour of the good old Captaine Scot, who seeing all the other ships had yeelded to the French men of Warre, would upon no termes yeeld to be their prize, (which they challenged because wee were bound for Lisboe, then their enemies Country) but would fight with them all, and at last rather blow up his ship, then to deliver the goods which had been intrusted to him by the Merchants of Ligorne. We were in a posture to fight, our guns ready, and Mariners willing to dye that day, which was heavy news to me. After much treaty between the French and our valorous Captain, who still held out and would not yeeld, there came up to us two ships to give us the last warning that if wee yeelded not, they would immediately set our ship on fire. With this all the passengers and many more in the ship desired the Captaine to yeeld upon some faire Articles for the securing of what goods he had for England, and should appeare were not any way for the strengthening of any enemies to the State and Kingdome of France. With much adoe our Captaine was perswaded, and we were carried with the rest into Canes for a lawfull prize. I seeing that the ships were like to bee stayed there long, obtained the Bishop of Bordeaux his passe to goe to Marcells, and from thence by land through France. Which being granted, I went by water to Tolon, and from thence to Marcells, and so in company of Carriers to Lions, and from thence to Paris, Roane, and Deepe, where in the first packet boat to Rye I passed over to England, where I landed upon Michaelmas day the same yeere that this present Parliament began to sit the November following. My Brothers Spirit I found was not much daunted with the new Parliament, nor some of the proudest Papists, who hoped for a suddain dissolving of it; But when I saw their hopes frustrated by His Majesties consent to the continuing of it, I thought the acceptable time was come for mee, wherein I ought not to dissemble any further with God, the world and my friends, and so resolved to bid adieu to flesh and blood; and to prize Christ above all my kindred, to own and professe him publiquely maugre all opposition of hell and kindred to the contrary. I made my self first knowne to Doctor Brunnick Bishop of Exeter, and to Mr. Shute of Lumbard street, from whom I had very comfortable and strong incouragements. The Bishop of Exeter carried me to the Bishop of London then at Fullom, from whom I received order to Preach my Recantation Sermon at Pauls: which done, I thought I must yet doe more to satisfie the world of my sincerity, knowing that Converts are hardly believed by the common sort of people, unlesse they see in them such actions which may further disclaime Rome for ever for the future. Whereupon I resolved to enter into the state of Marriage (to which God hath already given his blessing) which the Church of Rome disavowes to all her Preists. What I have beene able to discover for the good of this State I have done, and not spared (when called upon) to give in true evidence upon my Oath against Jesuites, Preists, and Fryers; for the which (after a faire invitation from my Brother Colonel Gage, to come over again to Flanders, offering mee a thousand pound ready money) I have been once assaulted in Aldersgate street; and another time like to be killed in Shooe lane by a Captain of my Brothers Regiment, named Vincent Burton, who (as I was after informed) came from Flanders on purpose to make me away or convey mee over, and with such a malicious designe followed mee to my lodging, lifting up the latch and opening the doore, (as hee had seene mee done) and attempting to goe up the staires to my chamber without any inquiry for mee, or knocking at the doore; from whom God graciously delivered me by the weak meanes of a woman my Land-lady, who stopped him from going any further; and being demanded his name, and answering by the name of Steward, and my Land-lady telling him from mee that I knew him not, he went away chafing and saying that I should know him, before he had done with mee. But hee that knoweth God well, shall know no enemy to his hurt; neither have I ever since seene or knowen this man. I might here also write down the contents of a threatning letter from mine own Brother, when hee was Colonell for the King of England and Governour of Oxford, which I forbear with some tender consideration of flesh and blood. At the beginning of the warres I confesse I was at a stand as a Neophyt and new plant of the Church of England concerning the lawfulnesse of the warre; and so continued above a yeere in London spending my owne meanes, till at last I was fully satisfied, and much troubled to see that the Papists and most of my kindred were entertained at Oxford, and in other places of the Kings Dominions; whereupon I resolved upon a choice for the Parliament cause, which now in their lowest estate and condition I am not ashamed to acknowledge. From their hands and by their order I received a Benefice, in the which I have continued almost foure yeers preaching constantly for a through and godly Reformation intended by them, which I am ready to witnesse with the best drops of blood in my veins, though true it is I have been envied, jealousied and suspected by many; to whom I desire this my History may be a better witnesse of my sincerity, and that by it I may perform what our Saviour Christ spoke to Peter, saying, And thou being converted strengthen thy Brethren. I shall think my time and pen happily imployed if by what here I have written, I may strengthen the perusers of this small volume against Popish superstition whether in England, other parts of Europe, Asia, or America; for the which I shall offer up my dayly prayers unto him, who (as I may well say) miraculously brought me from America to England, and hath made use of mee as a Joseph to discover the treasures of Egypt, or as the spies to search into the land of Canaan, even the God of all Nations, to whom be ascribed by mee and all true and faithfull Beleevers, Glory, Power, Majesty and mercy for evermore. Amen.
FINIS
Some brief and short Rules for the better learning of the Indian tongue called Poconchi, or Pocoman, commonly used about Guatemala and some other parts of Honduras.
Although it bee true that by the daily conversation which in most places the Indians have with the Spaniards, they for the most part understand the Spanish tongue in common and ordinary words, so that a Spaniard may travell amongst them, and bee understood in what hee calleth for by some or other of the Officers, who are appointed to attend upon all such as travell and passe through their townes: Yet because the perfect knowledge of the Spanish tongue is not so common to all Indians, both men and women, nor so generally spoken by them as their owne; therefore the Preists and Fryers have taken paines to learn the native tongues of severall places and countries, and have studied to bring them to a Form and method of Rules, that so the use of them may bee continued to such as shall succeed after them. Neither is there any one language generall to all places, but so many severall and different one from another, that from Chiapa, and Zoques, to Guatemala, and San Salvador, and all about Honduras, there are at least eighteen severall languages, and in this district some Fryers who have perfectly learned six or seven of them. Neither in any place are the Indians taught or preached unto but in their native and mother tongue, which because the Preist onely can speake, therefore are they so much loved and respected by the Natives. And although for the time I lived there, I learned and could speake in two severall tongues, the one called Cacchiquel, the other Poconchi, or Pocoman, which have some connexion one with another; yet the Poconchi being the easiest, and most elegant, and that wherein I did constantly preach and teach, I thought fit to set down some rules of it, (with the Lords Prayer, and brief declaration of every word in it) to witnesse and testifie to posterity the truth of my being in those parts, and the manner how those barbarous tongues have, are, and may be learned.
There is not in the Poconchi tongue, nor in any other the diversity of declensions, which is in the Latin tongue; yet there is a double way of declining all Nownes, and conjugating all Verbes, and that is with divers particles according to the words beginning with a vowell or a consonant; neither is there any difference of cases, but onely such as the said Particles or some Prepositions may distinguish.
The Particles for the words or Nownes beginning with a Consonant are as followeth,
Sing. Nu, A, Ru, plural. Ca. Ata. Qui tacque. As for example, Bat, signifieth a house, and Tat, signifieth father, which are thus declined;
Sing. Nupat, my house, Apat, thy house, Rupat, his house. Plural. Capat, our house, Apatta, your house, Quipat tacque, their house.
Sing. Nutat, my Father, Atat, thy Father, Rutat his Father. Plural. Catat, our Father, Atatta, your Father, Quitat tacque, their Father. Thus are declined Nownes beginning with a Consonant. As, Queh, a horse, Nuqueh, Aqueh, Ruqueh, &c. Huh, booke, or paper, Nuhuh, Ahuh, Ruhuh. Moloh, Egge, Numoloh, Amoloh, Rumoloh. Holom, Head, Nuholom, Aholom, Ruholom. Chi, Mouth, Nuchi, Achi, Ruchi. Cam, hand, Nucam, Acam, Rucam. Chac, flesh, Nuchac, Achac, Ruchac. Car, fish, Nucar, Acar, Rucar. Cacar, Acarta, Qui cartacque. Chacquil, body or flesh of man; Nuchacquil, Achacquil, Ruchacquil, Cachacquil, Achacquilta, Quichacquil tacque.
Some words there are which are pronounced like ts, which are written not with ts, but with this letter tȝ, peculiar in that tongue; as for tsi, dogge, tsiquin, bird, Nutsi, my dog, Atsi, thy dog, Rutsi, his dog, Catsi, our dog, Atsita, your dog, Quitsi tacque, their dog. Nutsiquin, my bird, Atsiquin, thy bird, Rutsiquin, his bird, Catsiquin, our bird, Atsiquinta, your bird, Quitsi quintacque, their bird.
There are no severall terminations for cases, as in Latin; but the cases are distinguished with some particles or prepositions, as for example. The house of Peter, Rupat Pedro, putting the possessours name, and the particle, Ru, which is a possessive. So for the dative, add the particle Re; as for example, give to Peter his dog, Chaye re Pedro rutsi. For the accusative, when it is motion to a place, or else not, adde Chi, as for example, I goe to the house of Peter, Quino chi rupat Pedro. The Vocative admitteth of this particle ah, or ha, of wishing or calling, as, O my son, or ho my son, Ah vacun, or ha vacun. The Ablative keeping stil the same termination with the Nominative, is expressed with some preposition or other, as in my mouth, pan nuchi, with my hand, chi nucam. In signifying I, is undeclinable, as also, At, signifying you, or thou. The possessive mine, is also undeclinable, as vi chin, mine, or for me; so thine, or for thee, Ave. Where note that in this tongue there is no w, but v, or u, are pronounced as w, as though wee pronounce, wacun, my sonne, wichin, mine or for mee, Awe, thine or for thee wee write vacun, vichin, Ave.
The Particles or letters, which serve for Nounes beginning with a Vowell, are as followeth. Singular. V. Av. R. Plural. C. or Qu. Avta. C. or qu. tacque, as for example, Acun, signifieth son, Ixim, Corn, Ochoch, likewise house, which are thus declined.
Sing. Vacun, my son, Avacun, thy son, Racun, his son. Plural. Cacun, our son, Avacunta, your son, Cacuntaque, their son.
Sing. Vixim, my corn, Avixim, thy corn, Rixim, his corn. Plural. Quixim, our corn, Aviximta, your corn, Quixim tacque, their corn.
Sing. Vochoch, my house, Avochoch, thy house, Rochoch, his house. Plural. Cochoch, our house, Avochochta, your house, Cochochtaque, their house.
So likewise are varied or declined, Abix, signifying a plantation, or peece of ground sowen. Acal, earth or ground. Vleu, also earth or ground. Acach, hen. Save onely that the words beginning with I, admit qu, in the first and third person plurall; the rest admit for the same persons plurall, C, onely.
And as thus I have observed for the varying or declining of Nounes; so also doe all the Verbes admit of severall particles for their conjugating, according as they begin either with a vowell or a consonant.
Those that begin with a consonant have somewhat like the Nounes these articles following.
Sing. Nu, Na, Inru. Plural. Inca, Nata, Inquitacque. As for example, locoh, to love.
Sing. Nulocoh, I love, Nalocoh, thou lovest, Inrulocoh, hee loveth. Plural. Incalocoh, wee love, Nalocohta, yee love, Inquilocohtaque, they love.
Nuroca, or Nurapa, I whip, or beat. Naroca or Narapa, thou whippest, or beatest; Inruroca, or Inrurapa, hee whippeth or beateth. Plural. Incaroca, or Incarapa, wee whip, or beat; Narocata, or Narapata, yee whip, or beat, Inquirocatacque, or Inquirapatacque, they whip or beat.
Nutsiba, I write, Natsiba, thou writest, Inrutsiba, hee writeth. Plural. Incatsiba, wee write, Natsibata, yee write, Inquitsibatacque, they write.
There is no preterimperfect tense, nor preterpluperfect tense; but the preterperfect tense standeth for them; neither is there any Future, but the present tense expresseth it, and is understood for it, according to the sense of the discourse, as Nulocoh Pedro, I love or wil love Peter. Tinulocoh, I love thee, or I wil love thee. Yet sometimes for fuller expression of the Future tense, is added this Verbe, inva, I wil, nava, thou wilt, Inra, he will, as Inva nulocoh Pedro, I will love Peter.
The Particles for the Preterperfect tense, are as follow:
Sing. Ixnu. Xa. Ixru. Plural. Ixca. Xata. Ixqui tacque. Where note, that in all these particles, and in all this language, the letter X, is pronounced like sh. as Ixnu, like Ishnu. Xa, like sha. Ixru, like Ishru. Ixca like Ishca, and so forth.
Preterperf. Sing. Ixnulocoh, I have loved; Xalocoh thou hast loved, Ixrulocoh, he hath loved. Plural. Ixcalocoh, we have loved, Xalocohta, yee have loved, Ixquilocohtacque, they have loved. And so of all the Verbes above.
The Particles for the Imperative Mood are these following:
For the singular number, and second person, Cha; for the third person singular Chiru; for the first person plural, Chica; for the second, Cha ta, for the third Chiqui tacque: as for example. Chalocoh, love thou. Chirulocoh, let him love. Plural. Chicalocoh, let us love; Chalocohta, love yee. Chiquilocoh tacque, let them love. And so of the rest of the Verbes above.
The Optative Mood is the same with the Indicative; adding to it this Particle Ta, which signifieth as much as utinam, or, would to God, as Nalocoh ta Dios, would God thou love God, Ixnulocoh ta Dios, would God I had loved God.
The Conjunctive Mood also is the same with the Indicative, adding to it this Particle, or Preposition vei, and ta, if. As for example vei nalocoh ta Dios, if thou love God, vei ixnulocoh ta Dios, if I had loved God.
There is no Infinitive Mood, but the Indicative serveth for it. As, Quinchol nutsiba, I can write. Quinquimi, signifieth to die, Nuraeh, I desire, Nuraeh quinquimi, I desire to dye.
Note further, that in all Verbes Actives, when mee and thee are expressed as the Accusative case following the Verbe, they are coupled to the person that doeth or goeth before the Verbe, by these two Particles for the present tense, Quin, mee, Ti, thee. And for the preterperfect tense, xin, mee, ixti, thee. As for example.
Quinalocoh, thou lovest me. Xinalocoh, thou hast loved me. Quinraalocoh, thou wilt love me. Quinalocohta, love me, or I pray God thou love me. Vei quinalocoh, if thou love me; vei xinalocoh, if thou hast or hadst loved mee; Quinaraeh nalocoh, thou desirest to love me. So for the second person being the Accusative. Tinulocoh, I love thee. Ixtinulocoh, I have loved thee. Tiranulocah, I will love thee. Tinulocohta, pray God I love thee; vei tinulocoh, if I love thee; vei ixtinulocoh, if I have or had loved thee. Tinuraeh nulocoh, I desire to love thee.
Note further, that these two Verbes, Quinchol, which signifieth, I can or am able, and Inva, which signifieth I will, when they are put with other Verbes of whatsoever person, they are elegantly put impersonally in the third person singular. As for example:
Inchol nulocoh, I can love. Inra nulocoh, I will love. Ixra ixnulocoh, I have been willing to love. Ixchol ixnulocoh, I have been able to love. Tichol nulocoh, I can love thee, Tira nulocoh, I will love thee.
The Letters or Particles for Verbes beginning with a Vowell, are these that follow.
Sing. Inv. Nav. Inr. Plural. Inqu. or Inc. Nauta. Inqu tacque, or Inc tacque. As for example, Eça, signifieth to deliver, which is thus formed.
Sing. Inveça, I deliver. Naveça, thou deliverest, Inreça, he delivereth. Plural. Inqueça, wee deliver, Naveçata, yee deliver; Inqueça tacque, they deliver.
A is a simple signifying to wish or desire, or will a thing, which is never found without these particles.
Sing. Inva, I will, Nava, thou wilt, Inra, he will; Plural. Inca we will, Navata, yee will, Incatacque, they will. Ivereh, to heare. Invivireh, I heare. Navivireh, thou hearest, Inrivireh, he heareth. Plural. Inquivireh, we heare; Navivirehta, yee heare; Inquivireh tacque, they heare.
Thus have I briefly set downe the way of declining all sorts of Nounes, and conjugating all sorts of Verbes of this tongue. It remaineth now that I speak of Verbes passives; their forming and their conjugating with like Particles. The Verbes passives being of divers terminations, are diversly formed. Commonly those that end with an A, cut off the A, in the passive, and to the last consonant add hi. As for example, Nuroca, I whip or beat, the passive is Quinrochi. So Nurapa, I whip or beat, in the passive is Quinraphi. Except Nutsiba, I write, which changeth b into m. Quintsimhi, I am written. Those that end in oh, change oh into onhi. As nulocoh, I love. Quinloconhi, I am loved. So those that end in eh, doe change eh into hi, as Invivireh, I hear, Quinivirhi, I am heard. Nucuta, I teach, Quincuthi, I am taught, by the first rule. But those that end in ça (where note this letter ç or c, with a tittle under it, is pronounced like s) change the a into ihi. As for example: inveça I deliver, Quineçihi, I am delivered. Nucamça, I kill, Quincamçihi, I am killed; those that end in ach, adde hi in the passive, as Nuçach, I forgive, in the passive maketh Quinçachhi, I am forgiven. The particles that vary, or conjugate the Verbes passives, are these following:
Sing. Quin. Ti. In. Plural. Coh, or Co. Tita. Quitacque. As for example:
Quinloconchi, I am loved, Tiloconhi, thou art loved. Inloconhi, hee is loved. Plural. Coloconhi, wee are loved. Tiloconhita, yee are loved. Quiloconhitacque, they are loved.
Quinrochi, I am beaten or whipped; Tirochi, thou art beaten or whipped; Inrochi, he is beaten or whipped. Plural. Corochi, we are beaten or whipped; Tirochita, ye are beaten or whipped; Quirochi tacque, they are beaten or whipped.
The Particles for the preterperfect tense are these following.
Sing. Xin. Ixti. Ix. Plural. Xoh, or Xo. Ixti ta; xi tacque. As for example. Sing. Xinloconhi, I have bin loved. Ixtiloconhi, thou hast bin loved. Ixloconhi, hee hath been loved. Plural. Xoloconhi, wee have been loved. Ixtiloconhita, yee have been loved. Xiloconhi tacque, they have been loved. Xinrochit, I have been whipped or beaten. Ixtirochi, thou hast been whipped or beaten. Ixrochi, hee hath been whipped or beaten. Plural. Xorochi, or xohrochi, we have been whipped or beaten, Ixtirochita, yee have been whipped or beaten. Xirochi tacque, they have been whipped or beaten.
The Imperative Mood is thus:
Tiloconhi, Bee thou loved, Chiloconho, let him bee loved. Plural. Chicaloconho, let us bee loved, Tiloconhota, bee yee loved, Chiquiloconho tacque, let them bee loved. Where you see the particle hi is changed into ho.
The Optative Mood, and the Conjunctive are after the manner of the Verbs Actives, by put to ta in the Optative, and vei in the Conjunctive. As for example.
Quinloconhi ta, I pray God I bee loved. Tiloconhi ta, I pray God thou bee loved; Inloconhita, I pray God hee be loved; Cohloconhita, I pray God we bee loved. Tiloconhitata, I pray God yee be loved. Quiloconhi ta tacque, I pray God they bee loved.
So in the preterperfect tense ta onely is added; as for example.
Xinloconhi ta, would to God I have or had been loved. Ixtiloconhita, pray God thou hast or hadst bin loved, Ixloconhita, pray God he have or had been loved. Plur. Xoloconhita, pray God we have or had been loved, Ixtiloconhi ta ta, I pray God ye have or had bin loved, Xiloconhi ta tacque, I pray God they have or had been loved. Where note that the particle Ta, if any other word or sentence be put with the Verb, may bee put before the Verb, as Nim ta Quinloconhi, I pray God I be greatly loved. Otherwise if the Verbe be alone, ta is placed after it.
The Conjunctive Mood is thus, Vei Quinloconhi, if I be loved, Vei tiloconhi, if thou bee loved, and so forth.
This is all, which commonly is taught concerning this tongue. In which grounds hee that is perfect in, and hath a Dictionary of the severall words of it, may soone learn to speake it. As I shall understand by my best friends, that there is a desire of further printing a Dictionary, I shall satisfie their desires, and apply my self unto it. These few rules for the present I have thought fit to print, for curiosity sake, and that it may appear, how easie the Indian tongues are to be learned. I shall conclude this unparalleld work, with the Lords Prayer in that tongue, and with a brief explication of it.
Catat taxah vilcat; Nimta incaharçihi avi; Inchalita Avihauripan Cana. Invanivita Nava yahvir vachacal, he invantaxah. Chaye runa cahuhunta quih viic; Naçachtacamac, he incaçachve quimac ximacquivi chiquih; Macoacana chipam catacchihi; Coaveçata china unche stiri, mani quiro, he inqui. Amen.
Note. Catat, according to the rule of declining Nounes, is the first person plural, which is known by the particle Ca, added to Tat, which signifieth father; and Catat is our father.
Taxah signifieth heaven; it is put before the word or verb vilcat, for more elegancy sake, and for better placing of it, contrary to the Latin and English, where es, and art, is put before in cælis, or in heaven. Likewise it is put without a preposition, contrary to the Greeke, Latin and English: for in this tongue many times the prepositions are omitted and understood.
Vilcat signifieth es or art: it is the second person of the Verbe, Sum, es, fui, which is a Verbe Anomal, and not conjugated after the rule of Verbes above. As for example. Vilquin, I am, Vilcat, thou art, villi, hee is. Plural. Vilcoh, wee are, Vilcatta, yee are, Vilque tacque, they are. The Preterperfect tence, Xinvi, I have been, Ixtivi, thou hast been, Ixvi, hee hath been. Plural. Xohvi, we have been, Ixtivita, yee have been, Xivi tacque, they have been. Imperative. Tivi or Tivo, bee thou; Chivi or Chivo, let him be. Plural. Cohvi ta or Cohvo ta, let us bee; Tivita or Tivota, bee yee; Quivi ta or Quivo ta tacque, let them bee. The Optative and Conjunctive are according to the Rule above, by adding ta or vei, to the present tense, and preterperfect tense of the Indicative Mood.
Nim ta Incaharcihi, which signifieth, I pray God may be greatly magnified. Nim signifieth great or greatly. Ta is optantis, or of wishing. Incaharcihi, is the third person of the Verbe Quincaharcihi, which signifieth to be magnified or extolled; and is formed according to the rule above, from the active verbe, Nucaharça, to magnifie or extoll, by changing the last a into ihi, and adding quin the particle of the passive.
Avi thy name. Vi, signifieth name, and according to the rule above for Nounes beginning with a Consonant a is the particle of the second person.
Inchalita avihauri, let come thy Kingdome, is the proper expression of this in English. Inchali, is the third person of the Verbe Quinchali, which signifieth to come. Ta is as before optantis, or of wishing. Ihauri or Ihauric, signifieth kingdome. Av, added, sheweth the second person.
Pan cana, upon our heads. This is a peculiar expression in that tongue; which (as all other tongues) hath many phrases, strange expressions, proper elegancies and circumlocutions. Whereof this one, to say, Let thy Kingdome come upon our heads. Pam or Pan, is a preposition, signifying in or within, or upon. Na signifieth head; Nuna, my head, Cana, our head, according to the rule above: from whence they call a hat, Pan Nuna, as being upon the head.
Invanivi ta Nava, let be done what thou wilt. They have no proper Noun to expresse a mans will, but expresse it by a Verbe: Invanivi, is the third person of the Verbe, Quinvanivi, which signifieth to be made or done. The Active is Nuvan, I doe or make: from whence are formed many passives, as Quinvan or Quinvanhi, or Quinvani, or Quinvanivi, or Quinbanari; or Quinvantihi, whereof this last signifieth to bee done speedily. And so to all Verbes Actives and Passives, this particle tihi, is added at the end, to signifie hast or speed in doing any thing. Nava, is the second person of the Verbe, Inva, I will, according to the rule for verbes beginning with a vowell, Nava, thou wilt, Inra, he will.
Yahvir vach a cal, here upon the face of the earth; Yahvir, is an Adverbe signifying here, Vach, signifieth face, Nuvach, my face, Avach, thy face, Ruvach, his face. Acal, signifieth the earth or ground.
He invan taxah, as it is done in heaven. He is an Adverbe, signifying even as, Invan, is the third person of the passive Verbe, Quinvan, to bee done. Taxah, as before, signifieth in heaven without any preposition to it.
Chaye runa, give to day. Nuye is the first person of the present tense, signifying, I give, Cha, is the particle (according to the rule above) of the second person of the Imperative Mood. Chaye, give thou; Chyrue, let him give. Runa, to day.
Cahuhun ta quih viic, our every day bread, where note that ca, put before huhun is very elegantly placed, though it doe belong to the word viic, which signifieth bread. Nuviic, my bread, Caviic, our bread. Huhun is an undeclined word, signifying every one, or every thing. quih signifieth the sun or the day.
Naçach ta camac, I pray God thou forgive our sinnes. They use not here the Imperative Mood, as in Latin demitte, and in English forgive, but with the particle ta, of wishing, they use the Optative Mood. Naçach is the second person of the Verbe, Nuçach, I forgive. Mac, signifieth sin. Numac, my sin or sins, camac, our sins. Laval is another word in that tongue also to signifie sin.
He incaçachve quimac, Even as we forgive their sins. Incaçach is the first person plural, according to the rule above, for verbes beginning with a consonant, ve is put at the end for elegancy sake. Quimac is the third person plural. Where note that in a whole speech or sentence, sometimes the particle tacque, observed above in the rule for declining is left out; and sometimes it is added. As here, quimac their sins; or else it might have been quimac tacque.
Xim acquivi chi quih, that have sinned against our backs, of Mac, signifying sin, is this Verbe formed, quinmacquivi, to sin. So likewise of lavil, sin, is formed another Verb, quinlavini, to sin. This Verbe quinmacquivi is a Deponent; of which sort there are many in that tongue, as quincutani, to preach, which have the same Particles as the Verbes Passives. Chiquih is a word compounded of the Preposition chi and ih, which signifieth back, and is varied like the Nounes beginning with a Vowell, and joyned with chi, signifieth against, as Chivih, against mee, chavih, against thee, chirih, against him. Plural. Chiquih, against us, chavihta, against yee, chiquih tacque, against them. And if another third person bee named, chirih, standeth for against, as chirih Pedro, against Peter, that is, against the back. If many be named in the third person Plural, then chiquih is used, as chiquih unche, or chiquih cunch elal, against all.
Mecoacana, leave us not. This Verbe is here compounded of three: first, Ma, is abbreviated from the word mani, which signifieth no or not, as likewise manchucu. Co or coh, signifieth wee or us, and as in the rules before I have observed, is put here before the Verb; which causeth the n to be cut off from the verb, which otherwise should have beene nacana, of nucana, I leave, nacana, thou leavest, inrucana, he leaveth, and so forth.
Chipam catacchihi, in our being tempted. This is another great elegancy in that tongue to use a Verbe Passive for a Noune, and to add to it a Preposition; as here, chipam, which signifieth in; and putting to the Verbe the Particles wherewith the Nounes are varied and declined. Nutacchih, signifieth I tempt. The Passive is quintacchihi, I am tempted; from whence nutacchihi, signifieth my being tempted, or my temptation; atacchihi, thy temptation, rutacchihi, his temptation, catacchihi, our temptation.
Coaveçata china unche tsiri. Deliver us from all evill things. Inveça, as I have noted before, signifyeth to deliver. Co is the first person Plural put before the Verbe, as I observed in the rule above, and in that Conjunction or compound macoacana. China is a Preposition, signifying above or from. Unche, signifieth all, which is undeclinable. tsiri, is an Adjective properly undeclinable also or unvariable, in Gender, Case, and Number; as are all Adjectives in that tongue. It signifieth evill or bad; as tsiri vinac, an evill man, tsiri ixoc, a bad woman, tsiri chicop, a bad or evill beast; so likewise in the Plural number it is the same. Without a Substantive it is as the Newter Gender, as malum for malares, signifying an evill thing, or evill things. The Substantive that is formed from it, is tsiriquil, which signifieth evill or wickednesse. Voronquil, signifieth the same.
Mani quiroz, not good: this is put for a further expression of evils to be delivered from whatsoever is not good. Mani, as I noted before, signifieth not. Quiro, is as tsiri, an Adjective, signifying good or a good thing, and is undeclinable, unvariable in both numbers. Quiro vinac, a good man, quiro ixoc, a good woman, quiro chicop, a good beast; so likewise in the plural number, quiro vinac, good men. The Substantive that is derived from this Adjective, is, quirohal, goodness. Chiohal, signifieth the same. quirolah, is very good, tsirilah, very bad, where lah is added at the end of an adjective, it puts the same aggravation as valde in Latin.
He inqui, even as he saith. The meaning is, even as hee saith that taught this prayer. Quinqui, signifieth I say, tiqui, thou saiest, inqui, hee saith, Cohqui, wee say, tiquita, yee say, quiquitacque, they say.
Amen. All words which have no true expression in the Indians tongues, are continued in the Spanish, or in the proper tongue, as here Amen. So wine which formerly they had not, they call vino; though by an improper word some call it Castilana ha, that is, the water of Castile. So God, they call Dios commonly; though some call him Nim Ahval, that is, the great Lord.
And thus for curiosities sake, and by the intreaty of some speciall friends, I have furnished the Presse with a language which never yet was printed, or known in England. A Merchant, Mariner, or Captaine at Sea may chance by fortune to be driven upon some Coast, where he may meet with some Pocoman Indian; and it may bee of great use to him, to have some light of this Poconchi tongue. Whereunto I shall be willing hereafter to add something more for the good of my Countrey; and for the present I leave thee Reader to study what hitherto hath briefely been delivered by mee.
FINIS