No. II Address of the National Government of Poland to the Inhabitants of Lithuania, Volhynia, Podolia, and Ukraine85
Brethren, and Fellow Citizens!
The National Government of regenerated Poland, happy on being able at last to address you in the name of the bond of brotherhood and liberty, is anxious to lay before you the present state of our country, and to show you our wants, our dangers, and our hopes.
The wall which separated us is broken down—your wishes and ours realized. The Polish eagle flies over our territory. United as we are, hand and heart, we will henceforth proceed in concert to accomplish the difficult, perilous, but just and sacred work—the restoration of our country.
The Manifesto of the Diet, in explaining the cause of our rising, gave an account of our sentiments as well as yours. Scarcely had we risen in arms, provided with but few means, and uncertain what course to pursue, before we showed to the world and to the Emperor Nicholas that the same spirit animated us, and that we were desirous to become, as we had formerly been, but one and the same nation. The Emperor Nicholas did not wish to consecrate the tomb of his brother by a monument, which, during the life time of Alexander, would have sealed the glory of his reign.
He did not wish to regard us as Poles, bowed down with injuries—as citizens of a free and independent country;—and would treat with us only as slaves who had rebelled against Russia. We have arrested—we have driven back the threatening phalanxes of his different corps. Of the forces of which our army was composed, some fought here against the main body of the enemy; others penetrated into your provinces to call forth our brethren to range themselves under the national banner. You did not wait for this appeal.
At the very commencement of the insurrection, many of your citizens explained their sentiments and their wishes in the National Assembly, and some raised regiments, dignified by the names of your provinces; in fine, whole districts of Lithuania and Volhynia rose en masse.
The partition of Poland has been denominated a crime by the unanimous voice of Europe, and who at this day will revoke such a decision? Who will venture to come forward as the champion against it? Undoubtedly none! And we have the well-grounded hope that Europe will hasten to recognize our independence, as soon as we have proved by our courage, our perseverance, our union, our moderate and noble conduct, that we deserve to be a free nation. This revolution is only a consequence of our oppression and our misfortunes. It was the wish of our hearts, and arises from the nature of our history, which displays our determination from the very beginning, and proves that our rising was not of foreign prompting. It is not civil war—it is not tainted with the blood of our brethren—we have not overturned social institutions in order to raise up new ones at hazard;—it is a war of independence, the most just of wars. This is the character of our revolution, which is at once mild, but firm—which with one arm conquers the enemy, and with the other raises and ennobles the needy peasant.
We admire England and France—we wish to be, like them, a civilized nation, but without ceasing to be Poles! Nations cannot and ought not to change the elements of their existence. Each has its climate, industry, religion, manners, character, education, and history. From these different elements spring the feelings or passions which display themselves in revolutions, and the circumstances proper to be adopted in their future conduct.
Individuality strongly expressed, forms the power of a people. We have preserved ours in the midst of slavery. Love of country, prepared to make every sacrifice—courage—piety—noble-mindedness, and gentleness, formed the character of our forefathers. These qualities also are ours.
The patriots of Warsaw triumphed without chiefs and without law; yet with what crime can they be charged? An army of 30,000 men, and, in short, the whole kingdom, rose as if by enchantment; and how did they conduct themselves towards the Grand Duke Constantine? That prince, who for fifteen years had shown himself destitute of regard or pity for our feelings and liberties, was in our power; but he knew the nation, and, just to it for once only, he intrusted his person and his army to our honor! At the moment of alarm, we did not listen to the voice of public vengeance, but respected the prince and his troops, without taking advantage of our superiority. Our battalions who had awaited with a firm determination all the forces of Russia, allowed to pass through their ranks the fallen enemy, whose safety was guaranteed by the national honor.
The generosity of the nation has been proved by many isolated facts, and Europe admires our moderation as much as our valor. Brethren, fellow-citizens, equal admiration still awaits us. Without delay, then, come forward with the whole of your force simultaneously, and act as one man in peace and in war; it is the people who are the source of all power. To the people, then, direct your views and your affections. Children, worthy of your fathers, you will act like them; you will break the odious bonds, and you will cement a holy alliance by reciprocal benefits and by gratitude. In other countries it is by force, and force alone, that the people recover their liberties—here those liberties are received as the gift of their brethren. A generous, just, and necessary deed will become the act only of your own choice, and you will proclaim to the people their independence, and the return of the Polish eagles to their native soil. Our fields will lose nothing in cultivation and value when they are tilled by the industry of brave men. You will be ennobled in the eyes of civilized Europe, and your country will gain millions of fellow-citizens, who, like our brave peasants, will fly to the defence of their liberty, and drive back a power whose character is that only of slavery. Do not forget, brethren and fellow citizens, that the Greek religion is professed by a great part of the people. Toleration is one of the qualities of civilization. The clergy, the churches, and religion, shall be placed under the protection of the government, and will lend you their assistance in carrying this measure of justice into effect.
[The address goes on to enlarge upon the respect paid by Polish noblemen to religious rites and feelings, and calls on the people on this occasion to follow their example; also to send deputies from the different provinces to the National Congress. It then goes on to describe the vast power of Russia, and the difficulties to be encountered, much in the same manner as the proclamation of Skrzynecki, and concludes thus:—]
God hath already wrought prodigies for us. God, and not the Emperor of Russia, will be our judge! He will decide.
He will decide who hath committed perjury, who has been the victim of oppression, and who ought to obtain the victory. We have already fought with success, in the name of the God of our fathers; and we will fight till at length we have accomplished the ends of justice. All the nations of Europe possessed of the feelings of humanity tremble for our fate, and exult with joy at our successes.—They only wait your general rising to hail you as members of the free and independent nations of Europe.
Brethren and fellow-citizens! when we shall have finished this terrible and unequal contest, we will invite the Powers of Europe to form themselves into a tribunal of justice; we will appear before them covered with our blood, lay open the book of our annals, unroll the chart of Europe, and say—‘Behold our cause and yours! The injustice done to Poland is known to you: you behold her despair; for her courage and generosity appears to her enemies!’
Brethren! let us hope in God. He will inspire the breast of our judges, who, obeying the dictates of eternal justice, will say—‘Long live Poland! free and independent!’
The President of the National Government,
(Signed) The Prince Czartoriski.
Warsaw, May 13, 1831.