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History of the Late Polish Revolution

by Joseph Hordynski

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XXIV

XXV

The actions which took place on the same day at Boimie, were without any decisive result, consisting only of a continued fire of artillery. During the night of that day, our forces in every point made a retrograde movement. The general in chief arranged his preparations to receive the enemy on the 26th, dividing his forces into two parts. The second division under Gielgud, and the division of cavalry, under Skarzynski, was to await the enemy at Minsk; while the general in chief, with the main body, awaited him in person at Dembe-Wielke.

BATTLE OF MINSK. [See Plan XXV.]

The position of Minsk may be considered as one of the strongest upon the great road from Siedlce to Warsaw. That town is situated in a plain, surrounded by an impenetrable forest, and traversed by a small river, which falls into the Swider. Upon the side of Warsaw, where our forces were placed, are heights which overlook the whole town, and they were particularly commanding upon the right of the roads leading to Warsaw. The fire from those heights could sweep almost every street of the city, and they were occupied by twenty-four pieces of artillery (a). Upon the side of Siedlce and Ceglow, whence the enemy was approaching, the whole plain was exposed to the commanding fire of this artillery. The town of Minsk was occupied by two battalions of our light infantry, dispersed as sharp shooters (b).

It was mid-day when the Russians (c) (d) debouched from the forest, commenced their advance, and deployed upon the plain under the fire of our artillery, which was opened immediately. Some fifty pieces of the enemy’s artillery, (e) approached the city, took position, and commenced their fire. As the town was occupied by so small a force, and so distributed as not to be affected by the enemy’s fire, he was permitted to continue this fire, and our artillery reserved theirs for the moment when he should make a general advance to storm the town. This soon took place. An enormous mass of infantry (f) advanced to the assault. Our light troops evacuated the part of the town beyond the river, to enable our artillery to open upon it. That part was immediately occupied by the enemy, who, crowded together in the streets, were subjected to a fire which spread death among their ranks. The enemy hesitated whether to advance or retire, and remained in the utmost disorder, falling under the fire of our artillery and the torn and burning fragments of the wooden buildings which were rent in pieces by that fire. While the enemy remained in this horrible suspense, the brave colonel Oborski led his regiment to the charge, and bore down all before him. A most terrible massacre, at the point of the bayonet, then took place in the Square of the Church (g), where great masses of the enemy were crowded together. The Russians were driven out of the town after a most severe loss. They were left at liberty to take possession of the same part again, but they did not repeat their attacks upon the town, satisfying themselves with concentrating a heavy fire of artillery principally upon the heights occupied by our own. This state of things continued till three o’clock, when general Gielgud gave orders to evacuate the position, agreeably to the directions of the general in chief. Sixteen squadrons of cavalry were left to cover the movement, and in this way our division, reaching the village of Stoiadly, two English miles distant, took a second position there. This new position was advantageous, on account of the elevation of the ground. Our right wing, in particular, was well supported upon a thick marshy forest, and was pushed forward far enough to give a cross fire to the enemy, in case he should try to force the passage of the great road. As the enemy was so imprudent, after our evacuation, as to commence his debouchment through the town, with his cavalry in advance, he exposed himself to a severe loss; for our artillery, consisting of six pieces, poured a destructive fire upon the main street of the city, which led to the only passage over the river; and again, after deploying under this fire upon the plain, he was subjected to vigorous charges from our cavalry under Skarzynski, which cost him a severe loss, and delayed his advance for more than half an hour. As the space between Stoiadly and Minsk was a plain gently descending from our side, moist in the lower parts, and in every way favorable for attacks by our cavalry, their charges were continually repeated, and the combat on this plain deserved the name of the combat of cavalry. To give the reader an idea of these effective charges against a cavalry of much superior force, I will merely state that each squadron of the sixteen, was engaged some three or four successive times with the enemy. Their horses were continually in foam. The regiment of Zamoyski, the Krakus, and the 5th Hulans greatly distinguished themselves. The loss of the enemy’s cavalry, of which the greater part consisted of regiments of heavy dragoons, was very great. Their horses hoofs sunk into the humid ground, and our Krakus, on their light animals, assaulted them in the very midst of their ranks. Many staff and other officers of the enemy were left dead upon the field. Our advanced guard having, in this way, fought with such advantages, against the whole Russian army, at Minsk and Stoiadly, from mid-day until 5, P.M.; the general in chief ordered them to evacuate their position as promptly as possible, and retire to Dembe-Wielke, where he awaited the enemy in order of battle, and where he was desirous of meeting his attack before night. This movement was executed without molestation from the Russians. Our advanced guard passed the forests between Dembe-Wielke and Stoiadly, and arrived at the position of Dembe-Wielke, where fifty pieces of our artillery were posted to receive the enemy, and our whole force took the order of battle. The enemy, however, did not debouch from the forests, but remained on the other side. This finishes the details of that day and of the battle of Minsk, in which the early cessation of the attacks of the enemy proved how much he had suffered. He had two generals mortally wounded, general Pahlen and the prince Galiczyn, and lost nearly 4,000 men. On our side the loss was four or five hundred only.

For their conduct in this battle, the National Government and the general in chief presented their thanks to the 2d division under Gielgud and the division of cavalry under Skarzynski. General Gielgud was advanced to the rank of general of division, and it was perhaps owing to his skilful dispositions and brave conduct on that day, that it was not feared to entrust him with the command of the all important expedition to Lithuania.

On the 27th and 28th, no events took place. During the night of the 28th, the enemy, to our astonishment, evacuated his position and retired as far as Kaluszyn, twenty-four English miles distant. We cannot give the true cause of this sudden and unexpected retreat. Perhaps it was on account of a failure of provisions. Another cause might have been the rumors, which had begun to take an aspect of importance, of the revolutions in Lithuania and Samogitia.

The reader will allow me to dwell for a moment upon this extraordinary movement of the enemy, which must be considered an indication, either of the extreme of physical and moral weakness to which the Russian army was reduced, or of a great want of generalship on the part of marshal Diebitsch. Such a course, voluntarily taken, in the eyes of the military critic, is enough to destroy all claim to military talent on the part of that commander. Such great objects attempted, followed up with so little perseverance, and abandoned without an adequate cause, would seem to indicate either the absence of any fixed plan, or a degree of indecision inconsistent with any sound military pretensions.

Our commander in chief felt sure that when general Diebitsch attacked, on the 25th, and 26th, it was with the view, having no longer any fear of the corps of generals Dwernicki and Sierawski, and being reinforced by the corps which had been opposed to the former, to follow up his attack and compel us to a general battle. Whatever might have been the result of that battle, it was the only course which a true general could have followed, especially when his army was in such superiority of strength. To one who considers these circumstances, two questions will arise. First, what was the object of commencing the attack? Secondly, what was, in regard to tactics, the cause of its cessation, and of that sudden retreat? It will be very difficult to find a satisfactory answer to either of those questions.56

Our army, after this retreat of the enemy, commenced anew its advance, and, on the 30th, it occupied again its former position at Boimie, on the river Kostrzyn. At this time, our left wing under Uminski, which, as the reader is aware, was on the right bank of the Narew, at the environs of Pultusk, received orders to join the main army, leaving a detachment at Zagroby, where the generalissimo ordered a strong bridge-head to be erected.

The position of the two armies on the 30th was as follows. [Plans VI and XXIX.] Our army was again concentrated between Wengrow and Ceglow, and indeed Wengrow was occupied by a small detachment. The centre or the greater force was on the main road at Kaluszyn. Its advanced posts were along the banks of the river Kostrzyn at Grombkowo, Strzebucza, and Boimie. Our right wing was again posted upon the river Swider, between Karczew and Ceglow. The Russian army was concentrated in the environs of Mordy and Sucha, where marshal Diebitsch entrenched himself in a fortified camp, and took again a defensive attitude. The corps of Kreutz and Witt were in the environs of Pulawy, and the Russian imperial guard advanced to the environs of Pultusk.

Footnotes

56 In the whole of this war, the videttes of the two armies were at no time so near as they were after this last battle. On the 27th and 28th, those of the Russian cavalry, cossacks and hussars, occupying the main road, were within fifty paces of the videttes of our lancers, so near in fact that they could have conversed together. On having this circumstance reported to him, the general in chief did not take advantage of any attack, but ordered the utmost forbearance to be observed, and the most friendly demonstrations to be made by our outposts. On changing of the guard, our sentinels, as they quitted their post, bade a friendly adieu to the opposite sentinel of the enemy; and under the cover of night, the enemy’s sentinels, and even some of their officers, approached our videttes, gave their hands, and entered into friendly conversation. It was touching to see those brave soldiers deeply affected at such meetings. With tears in their eyes, the Russians could only repeat that they had been forced to this contest, and confessed that, even if we should be conquerors, they would be the gainers in other respects. They also uttered their complaints of the tyranny and the privations to which they were subjected, and our lancers gave them all the relief which their own means could furnish.

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