The Petition of Right
Sir,—In a letter which you allowed me to address to you a few days ago, I dealt with two perfectly distinct topics.
In the first place I pointed out that the words occurring in a recent judgment of the Privy Council, which were cited by Mr. Jenks as a clear example of an assumption “that the Petition of Right, in prohibiting the exercise of martial law, restricted its prohibition to time of peace,” imply, as I read them, no assumption as to the meaning of that document, but merely contain an accurate statement of fact as to the line of argument followed by the supporters of the Petition in the House of Commons. Can Mr. Jenks really suppose that in making this remark I was “appealing from the ’text of the Petition’ to the debates in Parliament”?
I then proceeded to deal very shortly with the Petition itself, showing that while it neither condemns nor approves of the application of martial law in time of war (see Lord Blackburn’s observations in R. v. Eyre), the prohibition contained in its martial law clauses, so far from being “absolute and unqualified,” relates exclusively to “commissions of like nature” with certain commissions which had been lately issued (at a time which admittedly, for the purposes of this discussion, was not “a time of war”), the text of which is still preserved, and the character of which is set forth in the Petition itself, as having authorised proceedings within the land, “according to the justice of martial law, against such soldiers or mariners,” as also against “such other dissolute persons joining with them,” &c. The description of these commissions, be it observed, is not merely introduced into the Petition by way of recital, but is incorporated by express reference into the enacting clause.
Thus much and no more I thought it desirable to say upon these two topics by way of dissent from a letter of Mr. Jenks upon the subject. In a second letter Mr. Jenks rides off into fresh country. I do not propose to follow him into the history of the conferences which took place in May, 1628, after the framing of the Petition of Right, except to remark that what passed at these conferences is irrelevant to the interpretation to be placed upon the Petition, and, if relevant, would be opposed to Mr. Jenks’s contention. It is well known that the Lords pressed the Commons to introduce various amendments into the Petition and to add to it the famous reservation of the “sovereign power” of the King. One of the proposed amendments referred, as Mr. Jenks says, to martial law, forbidding its application to “any but soldiers and mariners,” or “in time of peace, or when your Majesty’s Army is not on foot.” The Commons’ objection to this seems to have been that it was both unnecessary and obscurely expressed. “Their complaint is against commissions in time of peace.” “It may be a time of peace, and yet his Majesty’s Army may be on foot, and that martial law was not lawful here in England in time of peace, when the Chancery and other Courts do sit.” “They feared that this addition might extend martial law to the trained bands, for the uncertainty thereof.” The objections of the Commons were, however, directed not so much to the amendments in detail as to any tampering with the text of the Petition. “They would not alter any part of the Petition” (nor did they, except by expunging two words alleged to be needlessly offensive), still less would they consent to add to it the reservation as to the “sovereign power” of the King.
The story of these abortive conferences, however interesting historically, appears to me to have no bearing upon the legality of martial law, and I have no intention of returning to the subject.
I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
T. E. HOLLAND
Oxford, January 8 (1902).