The League of Nations
Sir,—The League is unquestionably “a brave design.” Sympathy with its objects and some hope that they may be realised have induced myself, as, doubtless many others, to abstain from criticising the way in which the topic has been handled by the representatives of the victorious Powers. Recent discussions seem, however, to render such reticence no longer desirable.
It begins to be recognised that, as some of us have all along held to be the case, a serious mistake was made by the Paris delegates when they combined in one and the same document provisions needed for putting an end to an existing state of war with other provisions aiming at the creation in the future of a new supernational society. Two matters so wholly incongruous in character should surely have been dealt with separately. Whether it is now too late to attempt a remedy for the consequences of this unfortunate combination is a question which can be answered only by the diplomatists whose business it is to be intimately in touch with the susceptibilities of the various nations concerned. In the meantime, however, on the assumption that this state of things is productive of regrettable results, I may perhaps venture to indicate, recommending their adoption, the steps which appear to be required for the reformation of the Treaty as drafted. My suggestions would run as follows:—
(1) Subtract from the Treaty of Versailles, Parts I. and XIII., the former constituting a League of Nations, the latter, in pursuance of a recital that universal peace “can be established only if it is based upon social justice,” wholly occupied with a sufficiently ambitious scheme for the regulation by the League of all questions relating to “Labour” which may arise within its jurisdiction.
(2) Let Part I., with Part XIII. annexed, constitute a new and independent Treaty; to be, as such, submitted to the Powers for further consideration. (The opportunity might be taken of ridding it of all references to a system of “mandates,” which might very probably lead to jealousies and misunderstandings.)
(3) Parts II. to XII., XIV., and XV. would then constitute the real Treaty of Peace, in which it would, however, be necessary in the numerous articles attributing functions, for the most part of a temporary character, the “League of Nations,” to substitute for any mention of the League words descriptive of some other authority, yet to be created, such as, for instance, “a Commission to be constituted by the principal Allied and Associated Powers.”
I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
T. E. HOLLAND
Oxford, December 16 (1919).
Sir,—Let me assure Lord Robert Cecil that I am perfectly serious in giving expression to a long-felt wish that the Treaty of Peace could be relieved of articles relating exclusively to an as yet to be created League of Nations, and in proceeding to indicate the steps that must be taken if this reform is to be effected.
It can hardly be necessary also to assure Lord Robert that I am fully aware of the formidable, though perhaps not insuperable, difficulties which would beset any efforts to carry out my suggestions. He may have inferred so much from my letter of the 16th, in which, treating the question whether it is now too late to attempt a remedy for the existing state of things as beyond the competence of an outsider, I describe it as one which can be answered “only by the diplomatists whose business it is to be intimately in touch with the susceptibilities of the various nations concerned.”
On a point of detail, I am surprised that Lord Robert is unwilling that the contents of Part XIII. should be removed to their natural context, on the ground that the Labour organisation might be annoyed if this were done. I am, however, confident that the organisation is too intelligent not to see that it would lose nothing if the articles in which it is interested were made an integral part of a Convention constituting a League of Nations; the League being already solely charged with giving effect to the articles in question.
I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
T. E. HOLLAND
Oxford, December 20 (1919).
Sir,—Professor Alison Phillips is not quite accurate in attributing to me a belief that the task of amending the Treaty of Versailles is “not beyond the powers of competent diplomatists.” No such belief is expressed in my letter of December 16, in which I was careful to admit that the question, “whether it is now too late to attempt” the reform which appears to me to be desirable is one “which can be answered only by the diplomatists.”
I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
T. E. HOLLAND
Oxford, January 5 (1920).