To the Congress of the United States
The following address was prepared to be read before a special meeting of members of Congress as early as the summer of 1888. The news of the death of General Sheridan prevented the meeting, and no other opportunity having ever presented, the remarks have waited all the intervening years. What were the facts then are none the less true now, either for the Congress or the people, and I adopt the usual custom in such cases, and ask “leave to print.”
Gentlemen:—While proceeding to lay before you the various measures to which I have taken the liberty of inviting your honored consideration, it may be well to refresh your memories in regard to the principles involved in the subject of the Red Cross; to recall how, under the treaty, it stands related to our government, and how, through the same feature, it relates us to other governments.
The code of ten articles, forming the international compact or Treaty of Geneva, pledges each nation which unites with it to certain methods of neutral action and humanity never before formally admitted by nations at war, and it removes, to the greatest possible extent, all needless severities hitherto practiced under their usages.
This treaty, said to be the first compound treaty ever formed, came into existence at Geneva, Switzerland, in 1864. It now includes some thirty governments. The first efforts towards our own adhesion were made with the Executive Department; but as it was thought that the text of the treaty called for some changes in the “Articles of War,” it was submitted to Congress, by which body the adhesion was made in February, 1882.
It ever remains an undisputed fact, that the medical department of an army never is, nor can be, made adequate to the needs of the sick and wounded of its battles. Hence the inevitable suffering of the men, the terrible anxiety and agony of friends at home, and the loss of countless lives.
The Red Cross creates an organized, neutral volunteer force, from the people, supplied by the people, but still subject to the regulations of the military in the field, recognized by and working in full accord with it, bringing all needed aid in the form of intelligent, disciplined assistants, and abundant supplies to the direct help and use of the medical department of an army, and with which department it works, as if belonging to it.
It created, with great care, an insignia to be the one known and recognized sign of neutrality in the relief of the sick and wounded of armies, and in the protection of the military hospital service, the world over.
This insignia, which has given its name to the treaty, has become universally known and respected. There is no other military hospital flag, and no other sign marks the relief designed for the succor of the wounded soldier, nor protects from capture or harm, either himself or the non-combatant who goes to administer. It is probable that no sign nor figure in the secular world is sacred to so many eyes as the Red Cross of Geneva.
This treaty takes its powers from the common consent of the united governments of the civilized world. Their rulers sign it. Its ratifications are officially made by the Congress of Berne, Switzerland. It recognizes no other features than the relief of the victims, and the mitigation of the horrors of war.
In its short life of twenty-five years it has assumed the conduct of the entire auxiliary relief work of the armies of the world. It has given rise to more valuable inventions, and under its humane impulses sanitary science has made rapid growth.
By common consent of the powers, at the formation of the treaty, the worthy body of Genevese gentlemen, who called and conducted the convention, was formed into an International Committee, through which only medium the various nations within the treaty communicate, and which holds the direction of all international relief in time of war. Each nation, upon its accession to the treaty, is requested to form a national committee, which committee shall constitute the medium by which the other governments, through the International Committee, may communicate with its government.
These national committees are usually presided over by officers very near the crown or high in authority; as, for instance, the national president of the Red Cross of Germany is Count Otto de Stolberg, who recently crowned young Emperor William. Of France, Marshal McMahon; of England, Lord Lindsay; of Belgium, the King himself.
Their patrons are always of the crown or royal families, as Empress Augusta of Germany, Victoria of England, Dagmar of Russia, Marguerite of Italy, and the Royal Grand Duchess of Baden.
Although the object of the organization is people’s help for national necessities, its national branches receive strong governmental recognition, and encouragement. Every facility which can be is afforded them, and the patronage of the crown or government in monarchical countries, unlike our own, means substantial aid, which is afforded in many ways.
Each nation is left free to form its national committee in accordance with the spirit and needs of its nationality. In the formation of our own, it was thought possible to include other relief than that of war, and as you already know, America organized for the relief, first of war then of other great national calamities, such as the government is liable to be called upon to aid through its public treasury.
We were accepted by the ratifying powers at Berne, with this digression, and although novel, it has won great approval and is known abroad as the “American amendment.”
Under this civil feature the American Red Cross has aided in twelve great calamities: one forest fire, five floods, three cyclones, one earthquake, one famine and one pestilence. It has brought to the aid of the victims of these disasters, in money and material, many hundred thousands of dollars, acting as a systematized and organized medium of conveyance and distribution for the relief which the people desired to contribute. It has never yet solicited aid, it has scarcely suggested the raising of relief, but has endeavored to administer the relief which was raised wisely and faithfully.
As president of the American National Red Cross the honor has been accorded me to represent the government in each of these conferences. Some of the questions therein discussed, being of both national and international importance, will be later submitted for the consideration of your honorable legislative body.
The foregoing explanations made, I will, with your kind permission, gentlemen, venture to name to you some of the more personal features, of our own national branch of this world-wide organization, touching its conditions, positions, relations and requirements, inviting your thoughtful consideration to the same. I must do this, not only as its chief executive officer, but as the person who has been wholly responsible for our ever having had any connection with it. I alone brought this subject before the government, as the official representative of the International Committee, asking its adoption as a treaty, if found desirable; and was shown the exceptional courtesy of a unanimous accord in a most unfamiliar subject, by the largest, and, as I hold, the highest legislative body in the world.
During the intervening seven years, I have done my best and my utmost to properly test the value of the obligation taken, and to learn, from actual and practical experience, if the results would warrant a continuance of effort on the part of the national committee, and to some extent the encouragement and active co-operation of our government, without which the objects of the treaty would be misapplied, and its results practically lost.
These efforts have been made in the face of the open world. No action has been covered, none exaggerated. On its own fair merits, the American branch of the Red Cross stands before the government and the people it has served for their judgment.
If it has been an idle body?
If a parasite, drawing sustenance from others?
If it has promised and not performed?
If its work has been actual, or merely appeared upon paper?
If it has found favor with the people it has gone to aid?
If it has gained or lost in public estimation?
If in any way it has disappointed the expectations of the country or the people?
If it has given cause to the government to regret its admission?
If it has sustained its national standing in good repute with the affiliating nations of the world?
If it has been a costly adjunct to the government?
Like a gleaner it brings in its sheaves at the end of its seven years of faithful trial, and asks that its work be judged. If for any cause, the organization be looked upon as not meriting or justifying encouragement and co-operation of the government, which its peculiar relations to it demand, and it is thought wisest or best to withhold them, it will be a simple and perhaps welcome thing to let go and rest. Unless one is actually going down hill with a load, it is always easier to stop than to go on. In this case vastly so.
It is now thirteen years ago, during the administration of President Hayes, that I first brought this matter to the attention of our government, believing it to be, perhaps, the work of a month. From that day to this, I have found time for nothing else. I learned that its broad humanities were the belt that spanned the world. Dependent, as it is, upon the co-operation of the government, being substantially a link between it and the people at large, I should not have been justified in proceeding to organize great bodies of persons under its regulations, until I was assured what position the government would take in regard to it. I could not ask this decision of the government until actual results had proven to it, and to myself as well, that the position required was one worthy to be taken. Thus the trial has been made single handed. Not a penny of tax nor dues has ever been asked for the expenses of the National Red Cross.
The general impression prevails that it is actively a branch of the government, and of course, provided for by it. This impression has, pecuniarily, been heavily against us, as it enters no philanthropic mind to extend a generosity to the Red Cross, any more than to the War, or State, or Navy Departments, or any other branch of protected government service. No freight bill on shipments has ever been remitted, nor agent ever passed free over a road up to this time; and no bequest has ever been made to it. Postage is not even paid.
The government is supposed to do all these things, and it is generally believed that its officers have large salaries. In one way this impression has been helpful. It has doubtless given prestige; but it is a costly luxury, and not to be forever afforded.
The actual expenses of the government since the first, have been as follows: an appropriation in 1883 of one thousand dollars, expended in government printing of a little pamphlet history of the Red Cross, written by me, at the request of the Senate committee, for circulation after the adoption of the treaty—two thousand copies. As neither frank nor postage were provided for the mailing, the transmission of each copy cost some ten cents. The issue is exhausted. Appropriations of $1000 and $2000 respectively for expenses of governmental delegates to the International Conferences of 1884 and 1887, held at Geneva and Carlsruhe, the delegates giving their time and services, and meeting all costs, excepting those actually incurred en route, and provable by vouchers. Thus making an aggregate of six thousand dollars in eight years expended in its own behalf, with as much in value, in each instance, added by the committee, as otherwise appropriated. These are the only demands ever made upon the government. This balances our accounts to date.
We now reach a point where I may name some directions in which the government might properly extend its protecting and its helping hand. The International Committee of Geneva makes the National Committee of America the recognized medium of communication with our government. It sends its official communications to the president of the American National Red Cross, with directions that this officer present the same to our government, and duly transact the required business. But unfortunately, there is opened no legalized medium through which the Red Cross is expected to confer with the government, through either its executive or its legislative branches. “What is everybody’s business is nobody’s business.” The entire system has each time to be explained to busy men, precedents to be found, and, however willing and anxious, no one can be quite certain if he is right. The naming of two or three gentlemen from your own honorable body to act permanently as a committee on the affairs of the Red Cross would remedy all this, and render simple and efficient what is now complicated and awkward. It would then be somebody’s business. The subject would be understood, the needs comprehended, suitable advantages taken, mistakes avoided, time saved, prestige given both at home and abroad, and the unavoidable communications between the committee and government officials come to be regarded as legitimate business, and not as favors personally sought and graciously listened to.
I regard the appointment of this committee as a most important step, if any steps are to be taken—perhaps indispensable, in view of certain measures which must come officially before Congress.
At the last two International Conferences resolutions were passed requesting that each government within the treaty take firm measures for the protection of the international insignia of the Red Cross, from misuse and abuse by unauthorized persons and parties, as methods of popular advertising for speculation and gain. The patent office is besieged by applicants demanding the Red Cross for trademarks.
It becomes our duty on behalf of these conferences to present these resolutions to the government, together with the statements of the various countries through their delegates, and to ask its consideration, and its official action, in common with that of other nations. Our duty to the government demands this as well.
The great query which confronts us, and often with a tinge of seeming reproach, is: “Why is so little known of your organization? Why is it not written up, and circulated among the people for general information? Even the army knows nothing of it. Where shall we find something published about it?” And these inquiries come from the officers of the Regular Army, the National Guard, the Grand Army, and the medical fraternity in general, not to mention the people at large.
There is probably no one in the land who would more gladly see these questions favorably met, and the information go out, than the parties supposed to be responsible for this dereliction. It has sometimes occurred to me that a little “dangerous surplus” might be safely disposed of in that way without compromising any leading issues.
Governmental bureaus, with full powers, have been commenced requiring less of actual labor, method, skill, clerical ability, and official expenses than are expected and provided yearly at the private headquarters of the American National Red Cross, and with less of general demand for them, and smaller visible results.
Fortunately its president has been always able to furnish space for the Red Cross headquarters in her home, and as it was her child, she has naturally and willingly provided for it. But, gentlemen, children grow! In no other country does the organization of the Red Cross stand as an ordinary benevolent society. In all others its relation to the government is defined, pronounced, and its prestige assured. This is wise and just, and only this can make it of greatest service to the government and to the people.
It is a peculiar institution, without nationality, race, creed or sect, embracing the entire world in its humanizing bond of brotherhood, without arbitrary laws or rules, and yet stronger than armies, and higher than thrones.
I desire to have it better comprehended and more fittingly appointed in our great and advancing country. I would like to see for it a headquarters which, in point of activity, would be a national honor to us. The Red Cross of America should successfully undertake some difficult problems. Hospital and emergency work naturally fall to it. It has come to be the first thought of by any community suddenly overtaken by disaster.
With all our misdirected, criminal and incendiary immigration, which nothing seems to hinder, with our dangerous foreign leaders and teachers, our strikes, mobs and dynamite, who can foresee the moment when the United States flag shall be called to make peace and hold it? And wherever that symbol goes, the Red Cross must follow, and only one step in the rear. The first man who falls must see it on the arm that raises him, and the last must know it has not left him. The National Red Cross of America is not without possibilities for occupation, and these neither theoretical nor sentimental.
Gentlemen, there are some points in reference to which I desire to guard against misapprehension on your part. Of all things, I would not have you get the impression that I desire to foist the Red Cross upon the government for support. That, because I say it is liable to equal a government bureau in point of work and care, I desire to have it made a government bureau. Nothing is more impossible. I would not have you feel that we have carried it to a certain extent, and now want the government to take it up. These things could not be; it would at once defeat the very objects of the organization, which mean people’s help for national needs, not national help for people’s necessities. Still, there is a certain fitting and customary connection between the two, which it is proper to recognize. Certain protection of the rights and welfare of the organization, which it is suitable and for the interest of the government to maintain, as, for instance, the protection of the insignia. Its acts of incorporation—some aid in the circulation of information respecting it, its charters, etc., through its official printing bureaus, and some direct channel of communication, and advice opened between the government and the organization, as customary in other countries, and without which I think we cannot reasonably hope to stand upon a respectable basis in their estimation.
If Germany can place Count Stolberg, one of its highest official dignitaries and officers, at the active head of its Red Cross, we can scarcely do less than to permit a small advisory committee of our legislature to at least confer with ours.
These are all very small and inexpensive demands upon a government like ours, and from their apparent unimportance, likely to remain unconsidered. Still, they are important to the work that seeks them. With these assured, the National Committee can safely permit the people to take their place in the work, and if the time never comes when the country has need of the help for which they organize, it will be only a too fortunate land.
The part which I have thus far been privileged to take in this work has but one merit. It has been faithful, and I believe, unselfish. With better judgment, greater strength, wealth, power and prestige, or the ready help of those who had, I might have accomplished more. I have nothing to gain from it, and never have had. I have no ambitions to serve, and certainly no purposes. I regret only the years which have gone by in feeble, unaided effort, which, I feel, with stronger help, might have been more serviceable.
All I am worth to it to-day is the experience I have gained. I have no more time for trials, nor proof, and of these, no more are needed. The facts are established. I have stated what is needed of the government, before it can go on, and I ask your kind consideration of the same.
Notes
HSince our adhesion to the treaty two international conferences have been held: the one at Geneva, by the International Committee, in 1884; the other at Carlsruhe, by the Grand Duke and Grand Duchess of Baden, in 1887.