John Aubrey (1626-1697)
<These autobiographical jottings are found in MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 3-5. They have been printed, with a few slips and slight omissions, in John Britton’s Memoir of J. Aubrey, London, 1845, pp. 12-17. Aubrey (fol. 3) directs that the paper is ‘to be interposed as a sheet of wast paper only in the binding of a booke’; and appends to this direction the motto:—
‘I presse not to the choire115...
Thus devout penitents of old were wont,
Some without dore, and some beneath the font.
Mr. Thomas Carew.’
Aubrey gives (fol. 3) an (incomplete) drawing of his own horoscope, on the scheme:—
' natus 1625/6, March 11th, 17h 14´ 44˝ P.M....116 (tempus verum), sub latitudine 51° 30´.’
In MS. Aubr. 21, fol. 110, is Charles Snell’s calculation of Aubrey’s nativity, on the scheme
‘Sunday, 12 Martii 1626, 5h 13´ 40˝ A.M., natus Johannes Aubreius, armiger, sub polo 51° 06´. The astrologers of the time used sometimes the English, and sometimes the Italian, enumeration of the hours.>
His life119 is more remarqueable in an astrologicall respectJ then for any advancement of learningK, having120 from his birth (till of late yeares) been labouring under a crowd of ill directions: for his escapes of many dangersL, in journeys both by land and water, 40 yeares.
He was borne (longaevous, healthy kindredM) at Easton PierseN, a hamlet in the parish of Kington Saint Michael in the hundred of Malmesbury in the countie of Wilts, his mother’sO (daughter and heir of Mr. Isaac Lyte) inheritance, March the 12 (St. Gregorie’s dayP), A.D. 1625121, about sun-riseing, being very weake and like to dye that he was christned before morning prayer.
I gott not strength till I was 11 or 12 yeares old; but had sicknesse122 of vomitingQ, for 12 houres every fortnight for... yeares, then about monethly, then quarterly, and at last once in halfe a yeare. About 12 it ceased.
When a boy, bred at Eston, an123 eremiticall solitude. Was124 very curious; his greatest delight to be continually with the artificers that came there (e.g. joyners, carpenters, coupers, masons), and understood their trades.
1634125, was entred in his Latin grammar by Mr. R<obert> LatimerR, rector of Leigh de-la-mere, a mile’s fine walke, who had an easie way of teaching: and every time we askt leave to goe forth, we had a Latin word from him which at our returne we were126 to tell him again—which in a little while amounted to a good number of words. ’Twas my unhappinesse in half a yeare to loose this good enformer by his death, and afterwards was under severall dull ignorant rest127-in127127-house teachersS till 1638 (12128), at which time I was sent to Blandford schole in Dorset (William Sutton129, B.D., who was ill-natured).
Here I recovered my health, and gott my Latin and Greeke, best of any of my contemporaries. The130 usher131 had (by chance) a Cowper’s Dictionary, which I had never seen before. I was then in Terence. Percieving his method, I read all in the booke where Terence was, and then Cicero—which was the way132 by which I gott my Latin. ’Twas a wonderfull helpe to my phansie, my reading of Ovid’s Metamorphy in English by Sandys, which made me understand the Latin the better. Also, I mett accidentally a booke of my mother’s, Lord Bacon’s Essaies, which first opened my understanding as to moralls (for Tullie’s Offices was too crabbed for my young yeares) and the excellence133 of the style, or hints and transitions.
I134 was alwayes enquiringT of my grandfather135 of the old time, the rood-loft, etc., ceremonies, of the priory, etc. At 8, I was a kind of engineer; and I fell then to drawing, beginning first with plaine outlines, e.g. in draughts of curtaines. Then at 9 (crossed herein by father and schoolmaster), to colours, having no body to instruct me136; copied pictures in the parlour in a table booke——likeU.
Blandfordiae, horis vacuis, I drew and painted Bates’s... (quaere nomen libriV).
I was wont (I remember) much to lament with my selfe that I lived not in a city, e.g. Bristoll, where I might have accesse to watchmakers, locksmiths, etc. <I did> not very much care for grammar. <I had> apprehension enough, but my memorie not tenacious. So that then137 was a promising morne enough of an inventive and philosophicall head. <I had a> musicall head, inventive, <wrote> blanke verse, <had> a strong and early impulse to antiquitie (strong impulse to ♄138). <My> witt was alwaies working, but not adroict for verse. <I was> ex<ceeding139> mild of spirit; migh<tily> susceptible of fascination.140 My idea very cleer141; phansie like142 a mirrour, pure chrystal water which the least wind does disorder and unsmooth—so noise or etc. would143.
Peace147.
Lookt through Logique and some Ethiques.
1642, Religio Medici printed, which first opened my understanding, which I carryed to Eston, with Sir K. D.148
But now149 Bellona thundered, and as a cleare skie is sometimes suddenly overstretch<ed> with a dismall150 cloud and thunder, so was this serene peace151 by the civill warres through the factions of those times; vide Homer’s Odyssey.
In August152 following my father sent for me home, for feare.
In February... following, with much adoe153 I gott my father to lett me to beloved Oxon againe, then a garrison pro rege.
I gott Mr. Hesketh, Mr. Dobson’s man, a priest, to drawe the ruines of Osney 2 or 3 wayes before ’twas pulld downeX. Now the very foundation is digged-up.
In Aprill I fell sick of the small pox at Trinity College; and when I recovered, after Trinity weeke154, my father sent for me into the country again: where I conversed155 with none but servants and rustiques and soldiers quartred, to my great griefe (Odi prophanum vulgus et arceo), for in those dayes fathers were not acquainted with their children. It was a most sad life to me, then in the prime of my youth, not to have the benefitt of an ingeniose conversation and scarce any good bookes—almost a consumption. This sad life I did lead in the country till 1646, at which time I gott (with much adoe) leave of my father to lett me goe to the Middle Temple, April the 6th 1646; admitted....
24 June following, Oxon was surrendred, and then came to London many of the king’s party, with whom I156 grew acquainted (many of them I knew before). I loved not debauches157, but their martiall conversation was not so fitt for the muses.
Novemb. 6, I returned to Trinity College in Oxon again to my great joy; was much made of by the fellowes; had their learned conversation, lookt on bookes, musique. Here and at Middle Temple (off and on) I (for the most part) enjoyd the greatest felicity of my life (ingeniose youths, as158 rosebudds, imbibe the morning dew159) till Dec. 1648 (Christmas Eve’s eve) I was sent for from Oxon home again to my sick father, who never recovered. Where I was engaged to looke after his country businesse and solicite a lawe-suite.
Anno 165-, Octob...., my father dyed, leaving me debts 1800 li. and bro<thers’> portions 1000 li.
Quid digni feci, hîc process. viam? Truly nothing; only umbrages, sc. Osney abbey ruines, etc., antiquities. Cos, a wheatstone, exors ipse secandi, e.g. <my> universall character160 <: that> which was neglected and quite forgott and had sunk had not I engaged161 in the worke, to carry on the worke—name them162.
He began to enter into pocket memorandum bookes philosophicall and antiquarian remarques, Anno Domini 1654, at Llantrithid.
Anno 16—I began my lawe-suite on the entaile in BreconY, which lasted till..., and it cost me 1200 li.
Anno —— I was to have maried Mris K. Ryves, who died when to be maried, 2000 li. +163, besides counting care of her brother, 1000 li. per annum.
Anno —— I made my willZ and settled my estate on trustees, intending to have seen the antiquities of Rome and Italy for... <years>, and then to have returned and maried, but—
Diis aliter visum est superis,
my mother, to my inexpressible griefe and ruine, hindred this164 designe, which was165 my ruine.
Then debts and lawe-suites, opus et usus, borrowing of money and perpetuall riding. To my prayse, <I had> wonderfull credit in the countrey for money. Anno... sold manor of Bushelton in Herefordshire to Dr. T<homas> Willis. Anno... sold the manor of Stratford in the same county to Herbert <Croft> lord bishop of Hereford.
Then anno 1664, June 11, went into France. Oct.... returned. Then Joan Sumner.
Then
In monte Dei videbitur170.
I was in as much affliction as a mortall could bee, and never quiet till all was gone, <and I> wholly171 cast myselfe on God’s providence.
Monastery172.
I wished monastrys had not been putt downe, that the reformers would have been more moderate as to that point. Nay, the Turkes have monasteries. Why should our reformers be so severe? Convenience of religious houses—Sir Christopher Wren—fitt there should be receptacles and provision for contemplative men; if of 500, but one or two173. ’Tis compensated174. What a pleasure ’twould have been to have travelled from monastery to monastery. The reformers in the Lutheran countrys were more prudent then to destroy them (e.g. in Holsatia, etc.); <they> only altered the religion.
But notwithstanding all these embarasments I did pian piano (as they occur’d) take175 notes of antiquity; and having a quick draught, have drawne landskips on horseback symbolically, e.g. <on my> journey to Ireland in July, Anno Domini 166-.
<The> earl of Thanet176 <gave me> otium at Hethefield.
<I177 had> never quiett, nor anything of happinesse till178 divested of all, 1670, 1671AB: at what time providence raysed me (unexpectedly) good friends—the right honourable Nicholas, earl of Thanet, with whom I was delitescent at Hethfield in KentAC neer a yeare, and then was invited...; anno..., Sarney; Sir Christopher Wren; Mr. Ogilby; then Edmund Wyld, esq., R<egiae> S<ocietatis> S<ocius>, of Glasely-hall, Salop (sed in margine), tooke me into his armes, with whom I most commonly take my diet and sweet otium’s.
Anno 1671, having sold all and disappointed as aforesaid of moneys I received, I had so strong179 an impulse180 to (in good part) finish my181 Description of Wilts, two volumes in folio, that I could not be quiet till I had donne it, and that with danger enough, tanquam canis e Nilo, for feare of the crocodiles, i.e. catchpolls.——And indeed all that I have donne and that little that I have studied have been just after that fashion, so that had I not lived long my want of leisure would have afforded but a slender harvest of....
A man’s spirit rises and falls with his182 ⦻: makes me lethargique.
☞ A strange fate that I have laboured under never184 in my life to enjoy one entire monethe[VII.] or 6 weekes otium for contemplation.
[VII.] Once at Chalke in my absconding Oct. anno...; at Weston185 anno....
My studies (geometry) were on horse back[VIII.], and <in> the house of office: (my father discouraged me). My head was alwaies working; never idle, and even travelling (which from 1649 till 1670 was never off my horsback) did gleane som observations, of which I have a collection in folio of 2 quiers of paper + a dust basket, some wherof are to be valued.
[VIII.] So I got my Algebra, Oughtred in my pocket, with some186 information from Edward Davenant, D.D., of Gillingham, Dorset.
His187 chiefe vertue, gratitude.
Tacit. lib. IV § xx:—Cneus Lentulus188, outre l’ honneur du consulat et le triumphes de Getules, avoit la gloire d’avoir vescu sans reproche dans sa pauverté, et sans orgueil dans son opulence où il estoit parvenu de puis par de voyes legitimes.
<I was> never riotous or prodigall; but (as Sir E. Leech said) sloath and carelesnesse189 <are> equivalent to all other vices.
My fancy lay most to geometrie. If ever I had been good for anything, ’twould have been a painter, I could fancy a thing so strongly and had so cleare an idaea of it.
When a boy, he did ever love to converse with old men, as living histories. He cared not for play, but on play-dayes190 he gave himselfe to drawing and painting. At 9, a pourtraiter191; and soon was....
Reall character, <things192 that> lay dead, I caused to revive by engaging 6 or 7... fungor vice cotis, etc.
Wheras very sickly in youth; Deo gratias, healthy from 16.
Amici
A<nthony> Ettrick, Trin. Coll.
M. T.193—John Lydall.
Fr<ancis> Potter, of 666194, C lettres195.
Sir J<ohn> Hoskyns, baronet.
Ed<mund> Wyld, esq. of Glasley Hall, quem summae gratitudinis ergo nomino.
Mr. Robert Hooke, Gresham College.
Mr. <Thomas> Hobbes, 165-.
A<nthony> Wood, 1665.
☞ Sir William Petty, my singular friend.
Sir James Long, baronet, of Draycot, χρονογραφία etc.
Mr. Ch<arles> Seymour, father196 of the d<uke> of S<omerset>.
Sir Jo<hn> Stawell, M. T.197
Bishop of Sarum <Seth Ward>.
Dr. W<illiam> Holder.
Scripsit198
‘The199 Naturall History of Wiltshire.’
These ‘Lives’ (pro AW200, 1679/80).
‘Idea201 of education of the noblesse,’ in Mr. Ashmole’s hands.
item, ‘Remaynders of Gentilisme,’ being observations on Ovid’s Fastorum.
memorandum, ‘Villare Anglicanum interpreted.’
item, Faber Fortunae (for his own private use).
I. A. lived most at Broad-chalke in com. Wilts; sometimes at Easton Piers; at London every terme. Much of his time spent in journeying to South Wales (entaile202) and Hereff<ordshire>. I now indulge my genius with my friends and pray for the young angels. Rest at Mris More’s neer Gresham College (Mrs More’s in Hammond Alley in Bishopgate Street farthest house203☍ old Jairer (?) taverne).
<I> expect preferment <through> Sir Ll. Jenkins204.
About 50 annos <aetatis> <I had> impostume in capite.
William Penn, Lord Proprietor of Pennsylvania, did, ex mero motu et ex gratia speciali, give me, (16—) a graunt, under his seale, of six hundred acres in PennsylvaniaAG, without my seeking or dreaming of it. He adviseth me to plant it with French protestants for seaven yeares gratis and afterwards <they are> to pay such a rent. Also he tells me, for 200 acres ten pounds per annum rent for ever, after three yeares.
January 5th, 1693/4, an apoplectick fitt, circiter 4h. P.M.
Accidents of John Aubrey214Ai
Borne at Easton-Piers, March 12, 1625/6, about sun-rising: very weake and like to dye, and therfore Christned that morning before Prayer. I thinke I have heard my mother say I had an ague shortly after I was borne.
1629: about 3 or 4 yeares old, I had a grievous ague.
I can remember it. I gott not health till 11, or 12: but had sicknesse of vomiting for 12 howres every fortnight for... yeares; then, it came monethly for...; then, quarterly; and then, halfe-yearly; the last was in June 1642. This sicknesse nipt my strength in the bud.
1633: 8 yeares old, I had an issue (naturall) in the coronall suture of my head, which continued running till 21.
1634: October215: I had a violent fever that was like to have carried me off. ’Twas the most dangerous sicknesse that ever I had.
About 1639 (or 1640) I had the measills, but that was nothing: I was hardly sick.
1639: Monday after Easter weeke my uncle’s nag ranne away with me, and gave a very dangerous fall.
1642: May 3, entred at Trinity College, Oxon.
1643: April and May, the small-pox at Oxon; and shortly after, left that ingeniouse place; and for three yeares led a sad life in the countrey.
1646: April ——, admitted of the Middle Temple. But my father’s sicknesse, and businesse, never permitted me to make any settlement to my studie.
1651: about the 16 or 18 of April, I sawe that incomparable good conditioned gentlewoman, Mris M. Wiseman, with whom at first sight I was in love—haeret lateri216.
1652: October 21: my father died.
1655: (I thinke) June 14, I had a fall at Epsam, and brake one of my ribbes and was afrayd it might cause an apostumation.
1656: September 1655, or rather (I thinke) 1656, I began my chargeable and taedious lawe-suite about the entaile in Brecknockshire and Monmouthshire.
This yeare, and the last, was a strange year to me, and217 of contradictions;—scilicet love M. W.218 and lawe-suites.
1656: December: Veneris morbus.
1658:...220
1659: March or Aprill, like to breake my neck in Ely minster, and the next day, riding a gallop there, my horse tumbled over and over, and yet (I thanke God) no hurt.
1660: July, August, I accompanied A. Ettrick into Ireland for a moneth; and returning were like to be ship-wrackt at Holy-head, but no hurt donne.
1661, 1662, 1663: about these yeares I sold my estate in Herefordshire.
...221: Janu., had the honour to be elected fellow of the Royal Society.
1664: June 11, landed at Calais. In August following, had a terrible fit of the spleen, and piles, at Orleans. I returned in October.
1664, or 1665: Munday after Christmas, was in danger to be spoiled by my horse, and the same day received laesio in testiculo which was like to have been fatall. Quaere R. Wiseman quando—I beleeve 1664.
1665: November 1; I made my first addresse (in an ill howre) to Joane Sumner.
1666: this yeare all my businesses and affaires ran kim kam. Nothing tooke effect, as if I had been under an ill tongue. Treacheries and enmities in abundance against me.
1667: December —: arrested in Chancery lane, at Mrs. Sumner’s suite.
<1667/8>: Febr. 24, A.M. about 8 or 9, triall with her at Sarum. Victory and 600 li. dammage, though divelish opposition against me.
1668: July 6, was arrested by Peter Gale’s malicious contrivance, the day before I was to goe to Winton for my second triall, but it did not retain me above two howres; but did not then goe to triall.
1669222: March 5, was my triall at Winton, from 8 to 9, the judge being exceedingly made against me, by my lady Hungerford. But 4 of the Venue (?) appearing, and with much adoe, gott the moëity of Sarum, verdict viz. 300 li.
1669 and 1670: I sold all my estate in Wilts.
From 1670, to this very day (I thanke God), I have enjoyed a happy delitescency.
1671: danger of arrests.
1677: later end of June, an imposthume brake in my head.
Laus Deo.
Quaere the yeare225 that I lay at Mris Neve’s; for that time I was in great danger of being killed by a drunkard in the street opposite Grayes-Inne gate—a gentleman whom I never sawe before, but (Deo gratias) one of his companions hindred his thrust. (Memorandum: horoscope....226)
Danger of being killed by William, earl of Pembroke, then lord Herbert, at the election of Sir William Salkeld for New Sarum.
I see Mars in...226226 threatnes danger to me from falls.
I have been twice in danger of drowning.
Notes
‘Atque inter sylvas Academi quaerere verum.
Dura sed emovere loco me tempora grato.’
Notes
144My uncle Anthony Browne’s bay nag threw me dangerously the Monday after Easter145, 1639. Just before it I had an impulse of the briar under which I rode, which tickled him, at the gap at the upper end of Berylane. Deo gratias!
1461642, May 2d, I wentW to Oxford.
166My estate (was of) value 100 li. fere + Brecon.
167Memorandum. J. Aubrey in the yeare 1666, wayting then upon Joane Sumner to her brother at Seen in Wilts, there made a discovery of a chalybiate waters and those more impregnated than any waters yet heard of in England. I sent some bottles to the Royal Society in June 1667, which were tryed with galles before a great assembly there. It turnes so black that you may write legibly with it, and did there, after so long a carriage, turne as deepe as a deepe claret. The physitians were wonderfully surprized at it, and spake to me to recommend it to the doctors of the Bath (from whence it is but about 10 miles) for that in some cases ’tis best to begin with such waters and end with the Bath, and in some vice versâ. I wrote severall times, but to no purpose, for at last I found that, though they were satisfied of the excellency of the waters and what the London doctors sayd was true, they did not care to have company goe from the Bath. So I inserted it last yeare in Mr. Lilly’s almanac, and towards the later end of summer there came so much company that the village could not containe them, and they are now preparing for building of houses against the next summer. Jo<hn> Sumner sayth (whose well is the best) that it will be worth to him 200 li. per annum. Dr. <Nehemiah> Grew in his History of the Repository of the Royal Society mentions this discovery, as also of the iron oare there not taken notice of before——’tis in part iii, cap. 2, pag. 331.
168Then lawe-suite with her169. Then sold Easton-PeirseAA, and the farme at Broad Chalke. Lost 500 li. (Fr. H.) + 200 li. + goods + timber. Absconded as a banishd man.
183<My> stomach <was> so tender that I could not drinke claret without sugar, nor white wine, but would disgorge. <It was> not well ordered till 1670.
205It was I. A. that did putt Mr. Hobbes upon writing his treatise De Legibus, which is bound up with his Rhetorique that one cannot find it but by chance; no mention of it in the first title.
206I have writt ‘an Idea of the education of the Noblesse from the age of 10 (or 11) till 18’: left with Elias Ashmole, esquire.
2071673208, die Jovis209, 5to Martii, 9h 15´ + P.M. J. A. arrested <by>... Gardiner, serjeant, a lusty faire-haired solar fellow, prowd, insolent, et omnia id genus.
210March 25, 1675, my nose bled at the left nostrill about 4h. P.M. I doe not remember any eventAD.
211July 31, 1677, I sold my bokes to Mr. Littlebury, scilicet when my impostume in my heade did breake.
212Captain... Poyntz (for service that I did him to the earle of Pembroke and the earl of AbingdonAE) did very kindly make me a grant of a thousand acres of land in the island of Tobago, anno Domini 1685/6, Febr. 2d. He advised me to send over people to plantAF and to gett subscribers to come in for a share of these 1000 acres, for 200 acres he sayes would be enough for me. In this delicate island is lac lunae (the mother of silver).
213John AubreyAH, March 20, 1692/3, about 11 at night robbed and 15 wounds in my head.
2191657: Novemb. 27, obiit domina Katherina Ryves, with whom I was to marry; to my great losse.
223Memorandum:—St. John’s night, 1673, in danger of being run through with a sword by a young...224 at Mr. Burges’ chamber in the Middle Temple.
J This beginning of Aubrey’s autobiography is explained by Henry Coley’s judgment on his nativity, found in MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 104, on the scheme ‘J. A. natus 1625/6, March 11th, 17h 14´ 44˝ P.M., sub latitudine 51° 30´.’
‘The nativity,’ Coley says, ‘is a most remarkable opposition, and ’tis much pitty the starres were not more favourable to the native.’ Coley goes on to state that the stars ‘threaten ruin to land and estate; give superlative vexations in matters relating to marriag, and wondrous contests in law-suits—of all which vexations I suppose the native hath had a greater portion than ever was desired.’ Aubrey must have been only too glad to have authority for attributing his failure in life to the stars, and not to his own ill-conduct.
K In MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 3, in jottings at the side of his horoscope, Aubrey suggests that his failure in this respect was due to defects of his upbringing, not of natural ability.
Ἐὰν ᾖς φιλομαθής, ἔσῃ πολυμαθής. By pian piano I might have <attained to learning>; though <my> memory <was> not tenacious, <yet I had> zeale to learning, and...227 extraordinary,......228; <but I was> bred ignorant at Eston.’
L Henry Coley, in his ‘Observations upon the geniture’ of Aubrey, MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 105v, finds that the stars show that he ‘will be in great danger between the years of 40 and 50.’—On this Aubrey remarks:—
‘Much about that time the native was several times in danger of expiration, as,
first, by the e<arl> of P<embroke>;
2, a bruise of the left side;
3, a narrow escape of falling downe stayres; and,
lastly, as dangerous a fall from a horse;
besides the accident of sowneing, cum multis aliis.
1668: the native was in no small trouble, at least received disparagement, by an arrest, and other untoward transactions.’
M In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 62 sqq., is a notice of Aubrey’s family and of Kington St. Michael.
The pedigree is:—
William Aubrey, LL.D.
|
|
John Aubrey (3rd son)
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|
Richard Aubrey m. Deborah,
(only son) | daughter of
| Isaac Lyte
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+——+——+
| | |
| | |
John William Thomas
(our author)
See in ‘Wiltshire: the Topographical Collections of John Aubrey, corrected and enlarged by John Edward Jackson,’ Devizes, 1862.
In MS. Aubr. 23, on a slip at fol. 47, Aubrey notes his father’s christening:—‘Richard Aubrey, July 26, St. Anne’s day, christened A.D. 1603.’
MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 83, notices Aubrey’s brother William:—‘My brother William Aubrey’s scheme by Henry Coley.—Natus Mr. W. A. March 20, 1642/3, at 11h 30´ P.M.’
MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 119v, is the back of an envelope (seal, a pelican feeding her young) addressed to Aubrey’s third brother:—‘to his very loving freind Mr. Thomas Awbrey at Broad Chalke give these.’
N In MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 8, Aubrey notes:—
‘John Aubrey <was> borne in the chamber where are on the chimney painted the armes of Isaac Lyte and Israel Browne.’
MS. Aubr. 17 contains several of Aubrey’s drawings, in pencil and water-colours, of the house and grounds at Easton-Piers.
In MS. Aubr. 3 (his ‘Hypomnemata Antiquaria’), fol. 55 sqq., is Aubrey’s description of Easton-Piers. It is printed in J. E. Jackson’s Aubrey’s Wiltshire Collections (Devizes, 1862), pp. 235 sqq.
O In MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 8, Aubrey notes:—‘ex registro Kington St. Michael in com. Wilts: June 15, Richard Aubrey and Debora Lyght maried, 1625.’
P Aubrey in a marginal note seeks to bring his birth-day into connexion with the Roman Quinquatria (March 19). The note is: ‘Quinquatria: feast dedicated to Minerva’ <dupl. with ‘Pallas’>.
Q In MS. Aubr. 23 (his ‘Collectio geniturarum’), fol. 116, 117, are letters from Charles Snell about Aubrey’s nativity and accidents. Snell there enumerates Aubrey’s:—
‘Sicknesse att birth; ague and vomittings aboute 5 or 6 yeares old; issue in his head; small-pox; amours with madam Wiseman229; selling away the mannor of Stratford, etc.; haesitating in his speech.’
Snell gives this advice:—
‘If the haesitation in your speech doth hinder, gett a parsonage of 4 or 500 li. per annum, and give a curat 100 li. per annum to officiate for you.’
The letter is dated from ‘Fordingbridge; 12 August, 1676.’
Aubrey, in his letters to Anthony Wood, several times touches on the idea of his taking Orders. MS. Ballard 14, fol. 98:—‘I am like to be spirited away to Jamaica by my lord <John> Vaughan, who is newly made governor there, and mighty earnest to have me goe with him and will looke out some employment worthy a gentleman for me. Fough! the cassock stinkes: it would be ridiculous.’—April 9, 1674. MS. Ballard 14, fol. 119:—‘I am stormed by my chiefest friends afresh, viz. Baron Bertie230, Sir William Petty, Sir John Hoskyns, bishop of Sarum231, etc., to turne ecclesiastique; “but the king of France growes stronger and stronger, and what if the Roman religion should come-in againe?” “Why then!” say they, “cannot you turne too?” You, I say, know well that I am no puritan, nor an enimy to the old gentleman on the other side of the Alpes. Truly, if I had a good parsonage of 2 or 300 li. per annum, (as you told me) it would be a shrewd temptation.’—Aug. 29, 1676.
R Aubrey notes in the margin, (1) ‘T. H.’ (in a monogram), i.e. that this Latimer had been schoolmaster to Thomas Hobbes, and (2), ‘delicate little horse,’ to indicate that he did not walk the mile to Leigh-de-la-mere like a poor boy, but rode his pony there like a fine gentleman. John Britton has mis-read the note, and made it a description of Mr. Latimer’s appearance, ‘delicate little person.’
In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 109, Aubrey gives this inscription as on a stone ‘under the communion-table’ in the church of Leigh-de-la-mere:—
‘Here lieth Mr. Robert Latymer, sometime rector and pastor of this church, who deceased this life the second day of November, anno domini 1634.’
And then Aubrey notes:—
‘This Mr. Latimer was schoolmaster at Malmsbury232 to Mr. Thomas Hobbes. He afterwards taught children here233. He entred me into my accedence. Before Mr. Latimer, one Mr. Taverner was rector here, who was the parson that maried my grand-father and grandmother Lyte.’
S In a marginal note (MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 3), Aubrey excuses his father’s neglect of his education on the plea that he himself grew up illiterate. The note is:—
‘My grandfather A<ubrey> dyed, leaving my father, who was not educated to learning, but to hawking.’ See in the life of Alderman John Whitson.
T In the margin Aubrey notes:—
‘♄: strong impulse to ♄.’ This means I suppose that the position of Saturn at his nativity gave him a bias to the study of antiquities.
U This means, I suppose, that the copies he made sufficiently resembled the pictures on the parlour wall. A note in MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 6v, perhaps refers to his own skill in drawing, ‘As Mr. Walter Waller’s picture drawne after his death; è contra, I have done severall by the life.’ Walter Waller was vicar of Chalk, where Aubrey lived: see in the life of Edmund Waller.
V Possibly “The mysteries of nature and art, viz.... drawing, colouring...,” by J[ohn] B[ate], Lond. 1634, 4to.
W Here (fol. 3v) in the margin is written:—‘Vide Pond,’ referring perhaps to a pocket almanac, in which Aubrey had marked the date of his going up to Oxford. See Clark’s Wood’s Life and Times, i. 11, 12. In a letter from Aubrey to Anthony Wood, of date Feb. 21, 1679/80, in MS. Ballard 14, fol. 127, is this interesting note:—‘At Trinity College we writt our names in the Buttery-booke, when we were entred.’
Aubrey cites in the margin (MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 3v):—‘Horat. Epist. 2d.’ <i.e. Epist. ii. 2. 45>:—
X In MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 183, Aubrey, writing on Oct. 19, 1672, tells Anthony Wood, ‘you must not forgett that I have 3 other faces or prospects of Osney abbey, as good as that now in the Monasticon. They are in my trunke yet at Easton Piers.’ Ibid., fol. 190v, on Oct. 22, 1672, he says, ‘I will bring you about March my two other draughts of Osney ruines, one by Mr. Dobson himselfe, the other by his man, one Mr. Hesketh, but was a priest.’
Note that in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 200, is a drawing (from memory) by Aubrey of the stone-work which crowned the great earth-mound of Oxford Castle.
Y In a slip at the end of MS. Aubr. 26 (Aubrey’s Faber Fortunae, in which he entered schemes by which he hoped to ‘make his fortune’), is this note:—
‘I have the deed of entaile of the lands in South Wales, Brecon, and Monmouthshire, by my grandfather, William Aubrey LL.D., which lands now of right belong to me. Memorandum:—Mr. David Powell, who liveth at... (neer Llanverarbrin neer Llandvery, as I remember), can helpe me to the counterpart of this deed of entaile in Wales—quod N. B.’
Z In MS. Aubr. 21, at fol. 75 is part of a draft of a will by Aubrey, probably the one mentioned here (Ralph Bathurst became ‘Dr.’ in 1654):—
‘Item, my will is that my executors buy for Trinity Colledge in Oxon a colledge pott of the value of ten pounds, with my armes theron inscribed; and ten pounds which I shall desire my honoured friends Mr. Ralph Bathurst of Trinity College and Mr. John Lydall to lay out upon mathematicall and philosophicall books.
Item, I give to the library of Jesus Colledge in Oxon my Greeke Crysostomus, Bede’s 2 tomes, and all the rest of my bookes that are fitt for a library, as Mr. Anthony Ettrick234 or Mr. John Lydall shall think fitt, excepting those bookes that were my father’s which I bequeath to my heire.
Item, I bequeath to John Davenant of the Middle Temple, esq., a ring of the value of 50s., with a stone in it.
Item, to Mr. William Hawes235 of Trinity College aforsaid a ring of the like value.
Item, to Mr. John Lydall236 of the Colledge aforesaid a ring of the like value.
Item, to Mr. Ralf Bathurst237 of Trinity College aforesaid a ring of the like value.
Item, to Mris Mary Wiseman of Westminster, my best diamond ring.’
AA On a slip at fol. 101 of MS. Aubr. 23 is the jotting:—‘Eston-pierse: possession given, 25 March, 1671, P.M.’
AB In his retirement during this year at Chalk, Aubrey tried his hand at play-making. Writing to Anthony Wood on Oct. 26, 1671, MS. Wood, F. 39, fol. 141v, he says:—
‘I am writing a comedy for Thomas Shadwell, which I have now almost finished since I came here, et quorum pars magna fui. And I shall fit him with another, The Countrey Revell, both humours untoucht, but of this, mum! for ’tis very satyricall against some of my mischievous enemies which I in my tumbling up and downe have collected.’
Of the first of these comedies, the autobiographical one, I have found no trace: of the second, satirizing the men and manners of Wiltshire, a very rude draft is found in MS. Aubr. 21.
AC In MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 113 is a note (dated 1672/3) from Henry Coley, addressed:—
‘For his much honoured friend Mr. John Aubrey, at the right honourable the earle of Thanet’s house at Hethfield in Kent, these present.’
The letter states that the writer has forwarded letters to and from Aubrey; and concludes: ‘you are much wanted at London, and dayly expected, and therefore I hope you will not be long absent. Interest calls for your appearance.’
AD i.e. which followed after this bleeding. Bleeding at the nose was thought ominous: see Clark’s Wood’s Life and Times, iii. 289, note 1.
AE In MS. Aubr. 26, p. 17 is this note:—‘The earle of Abington to buy of Captain Poyntz the propriety of the island of Tobago, now regnante Gulielmo III.’
AF Aubrey before this time had planned to retrieve his ruined fortunes by colonial schemes: e.g., MS. Aubr. 26, p. 46:—‘1676: from Sir William Petty—<in> Jamaica 500 li. gives 100 per annum: take a chymist with me, for brandy, suger, etc., and goe halfe with him.’
AG In consequence of this grant, Aubrey seriously thought of emigrating. MS. Aubr. 26, p. 14:—
‘Mr. Robert Welsted, goldsmith and banquier, saies that Mr. John Evelyn’s bookes are the most proper for a plantation. Also Markham’s husbandry and huswifry, etc. This is in order for Mr. W. Penn and myselfe.—Also let him carry with him Mr. Haines booke of Cydar Royall, which method will likewise serve for other fruites—it is by distillation. Quaere of Mr. Tyndale’s at Bunhill, who makes severall sorts of English wines and cydars. Memorandum the great knack and criticism is to know when it comes to its sowrenesse; it must not be vinegar for then nothing will come—quod N. B.’
AH This is noticed on a slip (fragment of a letter, ’8 March, 1692/3’ from Edward Harley) at fol. 113 of MS. Aubr. 23:—‘J. A. vulneratus die 20 Martii inter 10 et 11 horas Londini. Deo gratias.’
AI This paper was acquired by Rawlinson in July... 1746 (ibid. fol. 31v). There is an inaccurate copy of it in MS. Ballard 14, foll. 158, 159, which has the note:—‘1754, June 11, transcribed from a MS. in Mr. Aubrey’s own writing in the possession of Dr. Richard Rawlinson.’