Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679)

<This, the most elaborate of these ‘Brief Lives,’ occupies by itself MS. Aubr. 9. For the letters introductory to it, see supra, pp. 17-20.

The various papers of which the MS. is composed are bound up confusedly, and the separate notes are in some cases entered on a page, or a page and its opposite, in no order. Considerable re-arrangement has therefore been necessary; but the exact MS. references have been given throughout. Some few notes relating to Hobbes, found in other Aubrey MSS., have here been brought into their natural place.>

<Introduction.>

The writers 1207 of the lives of the ancient philosophers used to, in the first place, to speake of their lineage 1208; and they tell us that in processe of time severall great 1209 families accounted it their glory to be branched 1210 from such or such a Sapiens.

Why now should that method be omitted in this Historiola of our Malmesbury philosopher? Who though but 1211 of plebeian descent 1212, his renowne haz and will give brightnesse to his name and familie, which hereafter may arise glorious and flourish in riches and may justly take it an honour to be of kin to this worthy person, so famous, for his learning 1213, both at home and abroad.

<Pedigree.>

1214... Hobbes, m....
         |
       +——+——+
       | |
1. Francis Hobbes, 2. Thomas Hobbes, m.... Middleton, of Brokenborough
obiit sine prole. vicar of Westport. | (vide Camden 1215).
         |
       +——+——+——+
       | | |
1. Edmund Hobbes, m.... 2. Thomas Hobbes,..., a daughter, m....
         | philosophus, obiit
         | coelebs Dec. 4, 1679.
         |
     +——+——+——+
     | | |
1. Mary, m.... Tirell. 2. Eleanor, m.... Harding. Francis m....
         | | Hobbes, |
         |
         +——+——+—+—+——+
         | | | | |
        1. Thomas, a clothier, 2. <Edmund>. When a child
        about 23, 1679. his genius lyes to drawing.
         He can engrave and something
         resembles the philosopher.
         I have a lyon of his
         engraving.

This heraldique way of expressing a genealogie is most intelligible and makes the best impresse in the memory or fancy; but 1216 will it not be thought here to<o> pompous and affected by his enemies and the nation of critiques? Prescribe Trebate.

My brother 1217 W. A. will set all this right FF.

<His father.>

<His Father’s brother.>

[XC.] ‘Alderman’ is the title of the chiefe magistrate here. Alderman and
...; vide;
quaere Sir J<ames> Long.

[XCI.] Shall I expresse or conceale this (glover)? The philosopher would acknowledge it.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 29^v.

[XCII.] Malmesbury famous for good gloves.

In Hexham’s Dutch dictionary Gast signifies ‘a guest’; so that Gasten-ground will be ‘the ground for the guests’; probably to putt the horses of the guests (that came to lye at the abbey) to grasse. They speake broad in our countrey, and do pronounce guest, gast, etc. Monasterys had their guest-halls; and it should seeme they had likewise their guest-grounds for the strangers’ horses: as here.

<His Brother and sister.>

[XCIII.] Brokenbrig: vide Camden.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 30^v.

<His Nephews and nieces.>

This Edmund had only one son named Francis, and two daughters maried to countreymen (renters) in the neighborhood. This Francis pretty well resembled his uncle Thomas, especially about the eie; and probably had he had good education might have been ingeniose; but he drowned his witt 1238 in ale [XCIV.]. He was left by his father and uncle Thomas, 80 li. (quaere W. A.) or better per annum, but he was an ill husband. He dyed about two yeares after his father, and left five children.—His eldest son is Thomas, a clothier, now about 23, living at [XCV.]... (quaere W. A.1239). The second, <Edmund>, lives at...[XCVI.], and has some lines of Thomas the philosopher. When he was a child 1240, his genius inclined him to (1241quaere W. A.) draweing 1242 and engraving in copper. He is now about 21.

[XCIV.] This part much given to drunkennes.

[XCV.] He did live at Tedbury.

[XCVI.] Did live at Chippenham.

<Description of Malmsbury.>

<As may be seen from his intended preface (supra, p. 19) Aubrey thought of beginning the life of Hobbes with an account of Malmsbury.

For this purpose in MS. Aubr. 9 he has drawn three plans 1243:—
(a) plan of environs of Malmsbury (a slip at fol. 31^v).
(b) plan of Malmsbury (fol. 31^v).

(c) a drawing of the house in which Hobbes was born (fol. 31^v). These are reproduced in facsimile at the end of this edition.

He gives there (fol. 31^v) these dimensions of the town:—‘From St. John’s Bridge <south limit of the town> to the abbey <north> is about a quarter of a mile; and from the same bridge to Westport church <west limit> is neer about a mile. Height of the borough from the levill belowe is about 100 foot high.’

The references on the plan of Malmsbury (see the facsimile) are:—
‘α = the house of his birth.
ω = Westport church.
W = the West port (olim).
β = the smyth’s shop.
δ = the private house where Mr. Latimer taught him.
ξ = Three Tunnes (as I take it), opposite to the smyth’s shop.
= the religious <house> dedicated to Our Lady: the chapell is yet standing.
H = <Hobbes’s> house at the upper <end> faces the Horse fayre.
= quaere if not a chapell here?’

On fol. 31^v of MS. Aubr. 9, Aubrey has these remarks about these plans, etc.:—

‘If these notes are not now inserted, probably they will be lost: or should it not be a marginall commentary?’

‘I have drawne this rude sketch meerly for your clearer understanding, not that I think it worth while to grave it for ’tis at randome. I intended if it had pleased God that I had prospered in the world to have had taken an exact map 1244 of Malmesbury.’

‘Whitechurch, about a mile ferè off:—quaere ubi stat?’ ‘Vide Speed’s mappe in Wiltshire.’

‘Burnevall, quasi Bournevall.’>

<Description of Westport.>

<Place and Date of His birth.>

Thomas Hobbes, Malmesburiensis, Philosophus, was borne at his father’s house in Westport, being that extreme howse that pointes into, or 1249 faces, the Horse-fayre; the farthest howse on the left hand as you goe to Tedbury, leaving the church on your right. To prevent mistakes, and that hereafter may rise no doubt 1250 what house was famous for this famous man’s birth; I doe here testifie that in April, 1659, his brother Edmond went with me into this house, and into the chamber where he was borne. Now things begin to be antiquated, and I have heard some guesse it might be at the howse where his brother Edmund lived and dyed. But this is so, as I here 1251 deliver it. This house was given by Thomas, the vicar, to his daughter [XCVII.]... whose daughter or granddaughter possessed 1252 it, when I was there.1253It is a firme house, stone-built and tiled, of one roome (besides 1254 a buttery, or the like, within) below, and two chambers above. ’Twas in the innermost where he first drew breath.

[XCVII.] Quaere William Aubrey if... Potluck 1255.

The day of his birth was April the fifth, Anno Domini 1588, on a Fryday morning, which that yeare was Good Fryday. His mother fell in labour with him upon the fright of the invasion of the Spaniards—

[1256Fama 1257 ferebat enim, sparsitque per oppida nostra
Extremum genti classe venire diem;
Atque metum tantum concepit tunc mea mater
Ut pareret geminos meque metumque simul.]

—1258he told me himself between the houres of four and six: but by rectification his nativity is found to be at...[XCVIII.].

[XCVIII.] See my collection of genitures FM, where I have it more exact from his owne mouth, viz. 5 h. 2´ mane.

His horoscope FN is Taurus, having in it a satellitium of 5 of the 7 planets. It is a maxime in astrologie—vide Ptol. Centil.—that a native that hath a satellitium in his ascendent becomes 1259 more eminent in his life then ordinary 1260, e.g. divers which see in Origanus, etc., and Oliver Cromwell had so, etc.

<His School and College life.>

At four yeares old FO he went to schoole in Westport church, till eight; by that time 1261 he could read well, and number four figures. Afterwards he went to schoole to Malmesbury, to Mr. Evans, the minister of the towne; and afterwards to Mr. Robert Latimer, a young man of about nineteen or twenty, newly come from the University, who then kept a private schoole in Westport, where the broad place (quaere nomen) is, next dore north from the smyth’s shop, opposite to the Three Cuppes 1262 (as I take it). He was a batchelour and delighted in his scholar, T. H.’s company, and used to instruct him, and two or three ingeniose youths more, in the evening till nine a clock. Here T. H. so well profited in his learning, that at fourteen yeares of age, he went away a good schoole-scholar to Magdalen-hall, in Oxford. It is not to be forgotten, that before he went to the University, he had turned Euripidis Medea 1263 out of Greeke into Latin Iambiques, which he presented to his master. Mr. H. told me that he would faine have had them, to have seen how he did grow in.... Twenty odde 1264 yeares agoe I searcht all old Mr. Latimer’s papers, but could not find them; the 1265 good huswives had sacrificed them.

I have heard his brother Edmund and Mr. Wayte (his schoolefellowe) say that when he was a boy he was playsome enough, but withall he had even then a contemplative melancholinesse; he would gett him into a corner, and learne his lesson by heart presently. His haire was black, and his schoolfellows 1266 were wont to call him ‘Crowe.’

This Mr. Latimer was a good Graecian, and the first that came into our parts hereabout since the Reformation. He was afterwards minister of Malmesbury, and from thence preferred to a better living of 100 li. per annum, or +, at Leigh-de-la-mere within this hundred.

At Oxford Mr. T. H. used, in the summer time especially, to rise very early in the morning, and would tye the leaden-counters (which they used in those dayes at Christmas, at post and payre) with pacthreds 1267, which he did besmere with 1268 birdlime, and bayte them with parings of cheese, and the jack-dawes would spye them a vast distance up in the aire [XCIX.] and as far as Osney-abbey, and strike at the bayte, and so be harled in the string, which the wayte of the counter would make cling about ther wings. He did not much care for logick, yet he learnd it, and thought himselfe a good disputant. He tooke great delight there to goe to the 1269 booke-binders’ shops, and lye gaping on mappes, of which he takes notice in his life written by himselfe in verse:

[XCIX.] This story he happened to tell me, discoursing of the Optiques, to instance such sharpnes of sight in so little an eie.

Ergo ad amoena magis me verto, librosque revolvo,
  Quos prius edoctus, non bene doctus eram.1270
Pascebamque animum chartis imitantibus orbem,
  Telluris faciem, et sydera picta videns,
Gaudebam soli comes ire, et cernere cunctis
  Terricolis justos qua facit arte dies; etc.

[He 1272 came 1273 to Magdalen hall in the beginning of an. 1603, at what time, Dr. James Hussee, LL.D., was principall. This James Hussee was afterwards knighted by king James and was made Chancellour of Sarum. This Dr. Hussee was a great encourager of towardly youths. But he resigning his principallity about 1605, Mr. John Wilkinson succeeded him: so that Mr. Hobs was under the government of two principalls.FP—Thomas Hobs was admitted to the reading of any book of logic (’ad 1274 lectionem cujuslibet libri logices’), that is, he was admitted to the degree of Bachelaur of Arts, 5 Feb., 1607 1275, and in the Lent that then began did determine 1276, that is, did his exercise for the completion of that degree. Vide Hist. <et Antiq. Univ.> Oxon., lib. 2, pag. 376 a.]

<Enters the Earl of Devonshire’s service.>

By this way of life he had almost forgott his Latin; vide Latin verses. He therefore 1280 bought him bookes of an Amsterdam print that he might carry in his pocket (particularly Caesar’s Commentarys), which he did read in the lobbey, or ante-chamber, whilest his lord was making his visits.

<Is Servant to Francis Bacon.>

The Lord Chancellour Bacon loved to converse [C.] with him. He assisted his lordship in translating severall of his Essayes into Latin, one, I well remember, is 1281 that Of the Greatnes of Cities: the rest I have forgott. His lordship was a very contemplative person, and was wont to contemplate in his delicious walkes at Gorambery FQ, and dictate to Mr. Thomas Bushell, or some other of his gentlemen, that attended him with inke and paper ready to sett downe presently his thoughts. His lordship would often say that he better liked Mr. Hobbes’s taking his thoughts 1282, then any of the other, because he understood what he wrote, which the others not understanding, my Lord 1283 would many times have a hard taske to make sense of what they writt.

[C.] This, I beleeve, was after his first lord’s death 1284.

It is to be remembred that about these times, Mr. T. H. was much addicted to musique, and practised on the base-violl.

<Visits His Native County, Wiltshire.>

1634: this summer—I remember ’twas in venison season 1285 (July or August)—Mr. T. H. came into his native country 1286 to visitt his friends, and amongst others he came then to see his old school-master, Mr. Robert Latimer [CI.], at Leigh-de-la-mer, where I was then at schoole [CII.] in the church 1287, newly entred into my grammar by him. Here was the first place and time that ever I had the honour to see this worthy, learned man, who was then pleased to take notice of me, and the next day visited 1288 my relations 1289. He was then a proper man, briske, and in very good habit 1290. His hayre was then quite black 1291. He stayed at Malmsbury and in the neighborhood a weeke or better. ’Twas the last time that ever he was in Wiltshire.

[CI.] Robert Latimer obiit November 2, 1634; sed hoc nihil ad rhombum.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 35^v.

[CII.] I had then a fine little horse and commonly rode—(but this is impertinent)—i.e. I was not a vulgar boy and carried not a satchell at my back.—Sed hoc inter nos.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 31.

<His Mathematical studies.>

[CIII.] He would now and then sweare, by way of emphasis 1296.

I have heard Sir Jonas Moore (and others FR) say that ’twas a great pity he had not began the study of the mathematics sooner, for such a working head 1297 would have made great advancement in it. So had he donne 1298, he would not have layn so open to his learned mathematicall antagonists 1299. But one may say of him, as one (quaere who) sayes of Jos. Scaliger, that where he erres, he erres so ingeniosely, that one had rather erre with him then hitt the mark 1300 with Clavius. I have heard Mr. Hobbes say 1301 that he was wont to draw lines 1302 on his thigh and on the sheetes, abed, and 1303 also multiply and divide. He would often complain that algebra [CIV.] (though of great use) was too much admired, and so followed after, that it made men not contemplate and consider so much the nature and power of lines, which was a great hinderance to the groweth of geometrie; for that though algebra did rarely well and quickly, and easily in right lines, yet ’twould not bite in solid (I thinke) geometrie. Quod N.B.

[CIV.] Vide de hoc in his De corpore, and also in his 5 Dialogue. Quaere Dr. Blackburne:—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 36.

<Champions the King’s Cause Against the parliament.>

1640: ‘when the parliament sate that began in April 1640 and was dissolved in May following, and in which many pointes of the regall power, which were necessary for the peace of the kingdome and safety of his majestye’s person, were disputed 1309 and denyed, Mr. Hobbes wrote a little treatise in English, wherin he did sett-forth and demonstrate, that the sayd power and rights were inseperably annexed to the soveraignty, which soveraignty they did not then deny to be in the king; but it seemes understood not, or would not understand, that inseperability. Of this treatise, though not printed, many gentlemen had copies, which occasioned much talke of the author; and had not his majestie dissolved the parliament, it had brought him in danger of his life.’

Horatius ad Asin. Pollionem, ode 1, lib. 2.

Memorandum the parliament was then sitting and runne violently against the king’s prerogative.

‘He wrote and published the Leviathan far from the intention either of disadvantage to his majestie, or to flatter Oliver (who was not made Protector till three or four yeares after) on purpose to facilitate his returne; for there is scarce a page in it that he does not upbraid him.’—Mr. Hobbes considered, p. 8.

‘His majestie was displeased with him’ (at Paris) ‘for a while, but not very long, by means of some’s complayning of and misconstruing his writing. But his majestie had a good opinion of him, and sayd openly that he thought Mr. Hobbes never meant him hurt.’—p. 28.

‘Before his booke De Homine came forth, nothing of the optiques writt intelligibly. As for the Optiques of Vitellio 1322, and several others, he accounts them rather geometry than optiques.’—p. 54. [Will not this p. 54 more aptly come in in another place?]

‘So also of all other arts; not every one that brings from beyond seas a new gin, or other janty devise, is therfore a philosopher. For if you reckon that way, not only apothecaries and gardiners, but many other sorts of workmen will put-in for, and get the prize—

‘Then,1323 when I see the gentlemen of Gresham Colledge apply themselves to the doctrine of motion (as Mr. Hobbes has done, and will be ready to helpe them in it, if they please, and so long as they use him civilly), I will looke to know some causes of naturall events from them, and their register, and not before; for nature does nothing but by motion.

‘The reason given by him, why the drop of glasse so much wondred at shivers into so many pieces by breaking only one small part of it, is approved for probable by the Royall Societie and registred in their colledge:[CV.] but he has no reason to take it for a favour, because hereafter the invention may be taken, by that means, not for his, but theirs.’—p. 55.

[CV.] This clause I leave to your judgment, if not fitt to be left out.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 38^v.

’As for his selfe-prayse [CVI.], they can have very little skill in morality, that cannot see the justice of commending a man’s selfe, as well as of any thing else, in his own defence.’—p. 57.

[CVI.] Should these excerpts of his moralls come in here, or rather be cast-after to another place?—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 38^v.

‘Then for his morosity and peevishnesse, with which some asperse him, all that know him familiarly, know the contrary. ’Tis true that when vain and ignorant young scholars, unknowne to him before, come to him on purpose to argue with him, and fall into undiscreet and uncivill expressions, and he then appeare not well contented, ’twas not his morosity, but their vanity, which should be blamed.’—<Mr. Hobbes considered> p. 59.

<Residence in Paris.>

<Return to England.>

[CVII.] Quaere de hoc: vide his life.—’Twas 1650 or 1651.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 38^v.

[CVIII.] Quaere etiam de hoc. I thinke true as I remember.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 38^v.

<Kindness to His nephew.>

[CIX.] Or brother: I have now forgott. But surely ’twas to his nephewe 1332.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 30^v.

[CX.] I doe not insert this to be published, but only my familiar way of writing to you and to give to you the greater testimonie.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 39^v.

<Residence in London.>

He was much in London till the restauration of his majesty, having here convenience not only of bookes, but of learned conversation, as Mr. John Selden, Dr. William Harvey, John Vaughan, etc., wherof anon in the catalogue of his acquaintance.

I have heard him say, that at his lord’s house in the countrey 1333 there was a good library, and bookes enough for him, and that his lordship stored the library with what bookes he thought fitt to be bought; but he sayd, the want of learned 1334 conversation [CXI.] was a very great inconvenience 1335, and that though he conceived 1336 he could order his thinking as well perhaps as another man, yet he found a great defect 1337.

[CXI.] Methinkes in the country, in long time, for want of good conservation, one’s understanding (witt, invention) growes mouldy.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 39^v.

<Acquaintance and studies.>

Amongst other of his acquaintance I must not forget our common friend, Mr. Samuel Cowper, the prince of limners of this last age, who drew his picture [CXII.] as like as art could afford, and one of the best pieces that ever he did: which his majesty, at his returne, bought of him, and conserves as one of his great rarities in his closet at Whitehall.

[CXII.] This picture I intend 1338 to be borrowed of his majesty, for Mr. <David> Loggan to engrave an accurate piece by, which will sell well both at home and abroad. Mr. Loggan is well acquainted.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 39^v.

His place of meditation was then in the portico in the garden.

His manner 1340 of thinking:—he sayd that he sometimes would sett his thoughts upon researching 1341 and contemplating, always with this rule 1342 that he very much and deeply considered one thing at a time (scilicet, a weeke or sometimes a fortnight).

There was a report [CXIII.] (and surely true) that in parliament, not long after the king was setled, some of the bishops made a motion to have the good old gentleman burn’t for a heretique. Which he hearing, feared that his papers might be search’t by their order, and he told me he had burn’t part of them.—I have received word 1343 from his amanuensis and executor that he ‘remembers there were such verses 1344 for he wrote them out, but knowes not what became of them, unlesse he presented them to Judge Vaughan 1345, or burned them as I did seeme to intimate.’ ☞ But I understand since by W. Crooke, that he can retrive a good 1346 many of them.

[CXIII.] Quaere 1347 the bishop of Sarum de hoc, i.e. pro tempore.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 41^v.

<Secures the Protection of Charles II.>

It happened, about two or three dayes after his majestie’s happy returne, that, as he was passing in his coach through the Strand, Mr. Hobbes was standing at Little Salisbury-house gate (where his lord then lived). The king espied him, putt of his hatt very kindly to him, and asked him how he did. About a weeke after he had 1355 orall conference with his majesty at 1356 Mr. S. Cowper’s, where, as he sate for his picture, he was diverted 1357 by Mr. Hobbes’s pleasant discourse 1358. Here his majestie’s favours were redintegrated to him, and order was given that he should have free accesse to his majesty, who was always much delighted in his witt and smart repartees.

The witts at Court were wont to bayte him. But he feared none of them 1359, and would make his part good. The king would call him the beare[CXIV.]: ‘Here comes the beare to be bayted!’

[CXIV.] This is too low witt to be published.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 40^v.

Repartees. He was marvellous happy and ready in his replies, and that without rancor (except provoked)—but now 1360 I speake of his readinesse in replies as to witt and drollery. He would say that he did not care to give, neither was he adroit 1361 at, a present answer to a serious quaere: he had as lieve they should have expected an 1362 extemporary solution to an arithmeticall probleme, for he turned and winded and compounded in philosophy, politiques, etc., as if he had been at analyticall 1363 worke. He alwayes avoided, as much as he could, to conclude hastily (Humane Nature, p. 2). Vide 1364 p. 15 b.

<Re-enters the Household of the Earl of Devonshire.>

[CXV.] Quaere when. Quaere W. Crooke de hoc. [You 1368 say somewhere 1369 that he went into Derbyshire, 1675. Here, while he was at London, he was much sought after and courted: taught and directed those that sought after him.]—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 41^v.

<His Treatise de Legibus.>

1664. In 1370 1664 I sayd to him ‘Me thinkes ’tis pitty that you that have such a cleare reason and working 1371 head did never take into consideration the learning of the lawes’; and I endeavoured to perswade him to it. But he answered that 1372 he was not like to have life enough left to goe through with such a long and difficult taske. I then presented him the lord chancellor Bacon’s Elements of the Lawe (a thin quarto), in order therunto and to drawe him on; which he was pleased to accept, and perused; and the next time I came to him he shewed me therin two cleare paralogismes in the 2nd page (one, I well remember, was in page 2), which I am heartily sory are now out of my remembrance.1373 I desponded, for his reasons, that he should make any tentamen1374 towards this designe; but afterwards, it seemes, in the countrey he writt his treatise De LegibusFU (unprinted) of which Sir John Vaughan, Lord Chiefe Justice of the Common Pleas, had a transcript, and I doe affirme that he much admired it.

’Tis thus, viz., in a letter to me 1376, dated Aug. 18, 1679, among severall other things, he writes 1377:—

‘I have been told that my booke of the Civill Warr is come abroad and am heartily sorry for it, especially because I could not get his majestie to license it, not because it is ill printed or hath a foolish title set to it, for I beleeve that any ingeniose man may understand the wickednes of that time, notwithstanding the errors of the presse [CXVI.].

[CXVI.] Quaere is it best to let the letter stand whole 1378 or to let that part, of the Civill Warr, be referred to the catalogue of bookes?

‘The treatise De Legibus (at the end of it) is imperfect. I desire Mr. Horne 1379 to pardon me that I cannot consent to his motion; nor shall Mr. Crooke himselfe get my consent to print it.

‘I pray you present my humble thankes to Mr. Sam. Butler.

‘The privilege of stationers is, in my opinion, a very great hinderance to the advancement of all humane learning 1380.

‘I am, sir, your very humble servant,
‘Th. Hobbes.’

<Proposed Foundation at Malmsbury.>

[CXVII.] The burghesses give a schoolmaster X li. per annum out of their....

[CXVIII.] Aubrey queries—‘Will not this give offence?’—Anthony Wood replies—‘Perhaps no.’—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 42^v.

<Controversy With Dr. John Fell.>

[1674 1390. Anno 1391 Domini 1674 Mr. Anthony à Wood sett forth an elaborate worke of eleven 1392 yeares study, intituled the History and Antiquities of the University of Oxford, wherin, in every respective Colledge and Hall, he mentions the writers there educated and what bookes they wrote. The deane of Christ Church having plenipotentiary 1393 power of the presse there], perused every sheet before ’twas to be sent to the presse 1394; and maugre the author and to his 1395 sore displeasure did expunge and inserted what he pleased. Among other authors [CXIX.], he made divers alterations in Mr. Wood’s copie in the account he gives of Mr. T. Hobbes of Malmesbury’s life, in pag. 444, 445 1396, Lib. II—

[CXIX.] Memorandum—bishop John Fell did not only expunge and insert what he pleased in Mr. Hobbes’ life; but also in the lives of other very learned men, to their disparagement, particularly of Dr. John Prideaux, afterwards bishop of Worcester, and in the life of Dr. <William> Twiss.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 48^v.

‘Vir sane de quo (inter tot prosperae et adversae famae qui de eo sparguntur hominum sermones) hoc verissime pronuntiare fas est, animum ipsi obtigisse, uti omnis scientiae capacissimum et infertum, ita divitiarum, saeculi, et invidiae negligentissimum; erga cognatos et alios pium et beneficum; inter eos quibuscum vixit, hilarem et apertum, et sermone libero; apud exteros in summa semper veneratione habitum,’ &c.; this and much more was quite dashed out of the author’s copie by the sayd deane.

[CXX.] Me thinkes 1400 page 15 might be something extracted and abridged; but doe you consider of it.

1674. Hereupon 1401, the author acquaints 1402J. A., Mr. Hobbes’s correspondent, with all that had passed; J. A. acquaints Mr. Hobbes. Mr. Hobbes takeing it ill, was resolved to vindicate himselfe in an Epistle to the Author. Accordingly an epistle, dated Apr. 20, 1674, was sent to the author in MS., with an intention to publish it when the History of Oxford was to be published. Upon the reciept of Mr. Hobbes’s Epistle by Anthony à Wood, he forthwith repaired, very honestly and without any guile, to the dean of Christ Church to communicate it to him 1403. The deane read it over carelesly, and not without scorne, and when he had donne, bid Mr. Wood tell Mr. Hobbes, ‘that he was an old man, had one foote in the grave, that he should mind his latter end, and not trouble the world any more with his papers,’ etc., or to that effect.

In the meane time Mr. Hobbes meetes with the king in the Pall-mall, in St. James’s parke; tells him how he had been served by the deane of Christ Church, in a booke then in the presse (scilicet the ‘History’ aforesayd), intituled the History and Antiquities of the Universitie of Oxon, and withall desires his majestie to be pleased to give him leave to vindicate himselfe. The king seeming to be troubled at the dealing of the deane, gave Mr. Hobbes leave, conditionally that he touch no-body but him who had abused him, neither that he should reflect upon the Universitie.

Mr. Hobbes understanding that this History would be published at the common Act at Oxon, about 11 July, the said yeare 1674, prints his Epistle 1404 at London, and sends downe divers copies to Oxon, which being dispersed at coffee-houses and stationers’ shops, a copie forthwith came to the deane’s hands, who upon the reading of it fretted and fumed 1405, sent 1406 for the author of the History and chid him, telling withall that he had corresponded with his enemie (Hobbes). The author replied that surely he had forgot what he had donne, for he had communicated to him before what Mr. Hobbes had sayd and written; wherupon the deane recollecting himselfe, told him that Hobbes should suddenly heare more of him 1407; so that the last sheete 1408 of paper being then in the presse and one leafe thereof being left vacant, the deane supplied it with this answer. Both the epistle and answer I here exhibite.

To this angry 1412 answer the old gentleman never 1413 made any reply, but slighted 1414 the Dr’s passion and forgave it. But ’tis supposed it might be the cause why Mr. Hobbes was not afterwards so indulgent, or spared the lesse to speake his opinion, concerning the Universities and how much their doctrine and method had contributed to the late troubles [e.g. in his History of the Civill Warre].

<Withdraws to Derbyshire.>

1675, mense..., he left London cum animo nunquam revertendi, and spent the remaynder of his dayes in Derbyshire with the earl of Devonshire at Chatsworth and Hardwyck, in contemplation and study. He wrote there 1415... (vide vitam).

<His Death and burial.>

(His sicknesse) ‘Worthy sir—he fell sick about the middle of October last,’ etc.1420—

<Personal characteristics.>

His [CXXI.] lord, who was a waster, sent him up and downe to borrow money, and to gett gentlemen to be bound for him, being ashamed to speake him selfe: he tooke colds, being wett in his feet (then were no hackney coaches to stand in the streetes), and trod both his shoes aside the same way. Notwithstanding he was well-beloved: they lov’d his company for his pleasant facetiousnes and good-nature 1427.

[CXXI.] This only inter nos.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 45^v.

From forty, or better, he grew healthier, and then he had a fresh, ruddy, complexion. He was sanguineo-melancholicus; which the physiologers say is the most ingeniose complexion. He would say that ‘there might be good witts of all complexions; but good-natured, impossible.’

Head. In his old age he was very bald 1428 (which claymed a veneration); yet within dore, he used to study, and sitt, bare-headed, and sayd he never tooke cold in his head, but that the greatest trouble was to keepe-off the flies from pitching on the baldnes. His head was... inches in compasse (I have the measure), and of a mallet-forme (approved by the physiologers).

Crassa cutis, crassum cerebrum, crassum ingenium.

Face not very great; ample forehead; whiskers yellowish-redish, which naturally turned up—which is a signe of a brisque witt, e.g. James Howell, Henry Jacob of Merton College.

<Beard.> Belowe he was shaved close, except a little tip under his lip. Not but that nature 1430 could have afforded a venerable beard (Sapientem pascere barbam—Horat. Satyr. lib. 2), but being naturally of a cheerfull and pleasant humour 1431, he affected not at all austerity and gravity and to looke severe. [Vide 1432 page 47 of Mr. Hobbes considered—‘Gravity and heavinesse of countenance are not so good marks of assurance of God’s favour, as a chearfull, charitable, and upright behaviour, which are better signes of religion than the zealous maintaining of controverted doctrines.’] He desired not 1433 the reputation of his wisdome to be taken 1434 from the cutt of his beard, but from his reason—

Barba non facit philosophum. ‘Il consiste tout en la pointe de sa barbe et en ses deux moustaches; et, par consequence, pour le diffaire il ne faut que trois coups de ciseau.’—Balzac, Lettres, tom. 2, p. 242.

Sight; witt. His sight and witt continued to the last. He had a curious sharp sight, as he had a sharpe witt, which was also so sure and steady (and contrary to that men call bro<a>dwittednes) that I have heard him oftentimes say that in 1439multiplying and dividing he 1440 never mistooke a figure: and so in other things.

<Habits of Body and mind.>

He thought much and with excellent method and stedinesse, which made him seldome make a false step.

His bookes, vide page [1441] 22. 1442☞ He had very few bookes. I never sawe (nor Sir William Petty) above halfe a dozen about him in his chamber. Homer and Virgil were commonly on his table; sometimes Xenophon, or some probable historie, and Greek Testament, or so.

Memorandum—Mr. Hobbes was very sick and like to dye at Bristoll-house in Queen Street, about 1668.

He was wont to say that he had rather have the advice, or take physique from an experienced old woman, that had been at many sick people’s bed-sides, then from the learnedst but unexperienced physitian.

Homo sum, humani nihil a me alienum puto.

I have heard him say that he did beleeve he had been in excesse 1451 in his life, a hundred times; which, considering his great 1452 age, did not amount to above once a yeare. When he did drinke, he would drinke to excesse to have the benefitt of vomiting, which he did easily; by which benefit neither his witt was disturbt longer then he was spuing nor his stomach oppressed; but he never was, nor could not endure to be, habitually a good fellow, i.e. to drinke every day wine with company, which, though not to drunkennesse, spoiles the braine.

For his last 30+ yeares, his dyet, etc., was very moderate and regular. After sixty he dranke no wine, his stomach grew weak, and he did eate most fish, especially whitings, for he sayd he digested fish better then flesh. He rose about seaven, had 1453 his breakefast of bread and butter; and tooke his walke, meditating till ten; then he did putt downe the minutes of his thoughts, which he penned in the afternoon.

After dinner he tooke a pipe of tobacco, and then threw himselfe immediately on his bed, with his band off, and slept (tooke a nap of about halfe an howre).

In the afternoon he penned his morning thoughts.

Exercises. Besides his dayly walking, he did twice or thrice a yeare play at tennis [CXXII.] (at about 75 he did it); then went to bed there and was well rubbed [CXXIII.]. This he did believe would make him live two or three yeares the longer.

[CXXII.] Quaere James Wheldon de hoc—how often, and to what age?—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 46^v.

[CXXIII.] Memorandum there was no bagnio in his time. That in Newgate Street was built about the time of his death.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 46^v.

Habit. In cold weather he commonly wore a black velvet coate, lined with furre; if not, some other coate so lined. But all the yeare he wore a kind of bootes 1458 of Spanish leather, laced or tyed along the sides with black ribons.

Singing. He had alwayes bookes of prick-song lyeing on his table:—e.g. of H. Lawes’ etc. Songs—which at night, when he was abed, and the dores made fast, and was sure nobody heard him, he sang aloud (not that he had a very good voice) but 1459 for his health’s sake: he did beleeve it did his lunges good, and conduced much to prolong his life.

<His Readiness to Help With Advice and money.>

<Slanders Concerning him.>

Aspersions and envy. His work was attended with envy, which threw severall aspersions and false reports on him. For instance, one (common) was that he was afrayd to lye alone at night in his chamber, [I have often heard him say that he was not afrayd of of sprights, but afrayd of being knockt on the head 1468 for five or ten pounds, which rogues might thinke he had 1469 in his chamber]; and severall other tales, as untrue.

I have heard some positively affirme that he had a yearly pension from the king of France,—possibly for having asserted such a monarchie as the king of France exercises, but for what other grounds I know not, unles it be for that the present 1470 king of France is reputed an encourager of choice and able men in all faculties who can contribute to his greatnes. I never heard him speake of any such thing; and, since his death, I have inquired of his most intimate friends in Derbyshire, who write to me they never heard of any such thing. Had it been so, he, nor they, ought to have been ashamed of it, and it had been becoming the munificence of so great a prince to have donne it.

Atheisme 1471. Testimonie 1472. For his being branded with atheisme, his writings and vertuous life testifie 1473 against it. No man hath written better of..., perhaps not so well. To prevent such false and malicious reports, I thought fit to insert and affirme as abovesayd.1474And that he was a Christian ’tis cleare, for he recieved the sacrament of Dr. <John> Pierson, and in his confession to Dr. John Cosins, at..., on his (as he thought) death-bed, declared that he liked the religion of the church of England best of all other.

He would have the worship of God performed with musique (ad me1475).

<Addenda.>

<Portraits of Hobbes.>

<i.>1480Desire Sir Christopher Wren or Mr. Thomas Henshawe to speake to the king for his picture 1481 of Mr. Hobbes for Mr. <David> Loggan to engrave it.

<ii.>1482He did, anno 16.. (vide the date 1483, which is on the backside) doe me the honour to sitt for his picture to Jo. Baptist Caspars, an excellent painter, and ’tis a good piece, which I presented to the <Royall> Societie 12 yeares since (but will it not be improper for me to mention my owne guift?).

1484Hanc
Thomae Hobbes
Malmesburiensis effigiem
ad vivum depictam (1663)
Regiae Societati
Londinensi
D.D.D.
Johannes Aubrey
de Easton-Piers
ejusdem Soc.
S.
1670.

Gett a brasse wyer to hang it 1485 by.

<iii.>1486Mr. Hobbes’s motto upon his owne picture at Sir Charles Scarborough’s:—

Si quaeris de me Mores inquire: sed Ille
Qui quaerit de me, forsitan alter erit.

(Sir Charles Scarborough confessed to me that he made this distich.)

<iv.>1487Memorandum—there was a good painter at the earl of Devonshire’s in Derbyshire not long before Mr. Hobbes dyed, who drew him with the great decayes of old age. Mr. William Ball hath a good copie of it.

<v.>1488His motto about his picture:—

En quam modicè habitat philosophia.

<His seal.>1489

This—

..., a bend engrailed between 6 martletts..., was the seale FV he commonly sealed his letters with, but ’twas not his coate.

Quare whose coate it may be—if Hobbes?

Quaere James Wheldon the executor if this be his coate of armes—for ’tis some seale—and what the colours are.—Respondet that the heralds did offer him a coat of armes but he refused it.

<He Was ‘Plebeius homo.’>

Vide Alexander Broome’s poemes:—

He that weares a brave soule and dares honestly doe
Is a herault to himselfe and a godfather too.

<His sayings.>

Here insert the two printed papers of his sayings.

Ne judicate ne judicemini 1505.

He told me he had cut thorough him a barre’s length, for he durst not write so boldly.

I have heard him say that Aristotle was the worst teacher that ever was, the worst polititian and ethick—a countrey-fellow that could live in the world <would be> as good: but his rhetorique and discourse of animals was rare.

<From> Elizabeth, viscountesse Purbec. When Mr. T. Hobbes was sick in France, the divines came to him, and tormented him (both Roman Catholic, Church of England, and Geneva). Sayd he to them ‘Let me alone, or els I will detect all your cheates from Aaron to yourselves.’ I thinke I have heard him speake something to this purpose.

Mr. Edmund Waller sayd to me, when I desired him to write some verses in praise of him, that he was afrayd of the churchmen: he quoted Horace—

Incedo per ignes
Suppositos cineri doloso:

that, what was chiefly to be taken notice of in his elogie was that he, being but one, and a private person, pulled-downe all the churches, dispelled the mists of ignorance, and layd-open their priest-craft.

<His writings.>

<Aubrey several times notes his intention of drawing up a list of Hobbes’ writings. In MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 53^v, is a memorandum ‘An exact Catalogue of all the bookes he wrote,’ with a mark showing that it was to be brought in before the notice of Hobbes’s death, supra, p. 346. MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 22, is headed ‘Catalogus librorum ab autore scriptorum,’ and is left blank for their insertion.

In MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 18^v, is James Wheldon’s answer to the inquiry suggested (ut supra) on fol. 53^v:—viz.>

A Catalogue of His Bookes1511

His Latine poem of the wonders of the Peake.

His translation of Thucidides out of Greek into English.

His Humane nature, and De corpore politico in English.

His Leviathan in English.

{De corpore }
His philosophy in three parts {De homine } in Latine.
{De cive }

His dialogue of the Civill Warr, in English, printed lately against his will.

Of his disputations with Dr. Wallis and what he has written in philosophy and mathematicks Mr. <William> Crook can best give you the titles with the order and times of their edition, some Latine, some English; as also of His translation of the Odysses and Iliads of Homer.

There is also a small peece in English called A Breefe of Aristotle’s Rhetorick printed by Andrew Crooke, which was his, though his name be not to it.

There is a little booke called Mr. Hobbes considered, wherein there is some passages relating to his life.

The travells of Ulysses, being the translation of the 9, 10, and 11 bookes of Homer’s Odysses into English; London, printed 1674.

Epistola ad D. Ant. à Wood, Latin, 1675 1516.

A translation of the 24 bookes of Homer’s Iliads and the 24 bookes of his Odysses.

Also, his preface about the vertues of heroique poesie, in English, printed 1675, and 1677.

A letter to the duke of Newcastle about liberty and necessity, printed 1676, and 1677. [I have this somewhere among my bookes, printed about 30 yeares since. It was edited first by John Davys of Kidwelly; and there is a preface to it with S. W., i.e. Seth Ward, who then had a high esteeme of him.]

De Mirabilibus Pecci 1517—English and Latin, 1678—a New-year’s guift to his lord, who gave him 5 li., about 1627.

Decameron Physiologicum, or ten dialogues of naturall philosophy, to which is added the proportion of straight line to halfe the arc of quadrant, English, 1678 1518.

Considerations upon the reputation, loyalty, manners, and religion of Thomas Hobbes, written by himselfe, printed 1680, with part of severall of his letters to W. Crooke.—[This 1519 was first printed by Andrew Crooke 1662, ἀνονυμῶς.]

Vita Thomae Hobbes, 4to, printed 1680; in Latin verse; quarto.

Idem, in English, translated by...; 1680, folio.

An historicall narration concerning heresie and the punishment thereof, English, 1680.

[Where 1520 is the book against Dr. Wallis in 4to that came out in Jan. 1679/80?].

☞ It ought not to be forgotten that there is before Sir William Davenant’s heroique poem called Gondibert, a learned epistle of Mr. Hobbes’s concerning poetrie, in answer to Sir William’s.

And there is also a shorter letter of Mr. Hobbes’s, which the Honourable... Howard has printed before his heroique poem, 8vo, called I thinke Bonduca, about 1668 or 9.

Mr. Hobbes wrote a letter to... (a colonell, as I remember) concerning Dr. Scargill’s recantation sermon, preached at Cambridge, about 1670, which he putt into Sir John Birkenhead’s hands to be licensed, which he refused (to collogue and flatter the bishops), and would not returne it nor give a copie. Mr. Hobbes kept no copie, for which he was sorry. He told me he liked it well himselfe.—1522Dr.1523 Birket, my old acquaintance, hath the ordering of Sir John Birkenhead’s bookes and papers. He hath not found it yet but hath found a letter of Mr. Hobbes to him about it, and hath promised me if he finds it to let me have it. ☞ Memorandum—Sir Charles Scarborough told me that he haz a copie of it, but I could not obtaine it of him; but I will try again, if Dr. Birket cannot find it.

<Notes About His writings.>

His Latin Leviathan is altered in many particulars, e.g. the doctrine of the Trinity, etc., and enlarged with many considerable particulars.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 42^v.

The Leviathan is translated into Dutch.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 7^v.

Quaere Ph. Laurence what volume the Dutch Leviathan printed and what volumine.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 7.

Humane Nature, London, by Thomas Newcombe, 1650, 12mo.—Anno 1684/5 is printed by Mr. Crooke Humane Nature, and Libertie and Necessity, in 8vo, which they call his ‘Tripos.’—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 7^v.

Before Thucydides, he spent two yeares in reading romances and playes, which he haz often repented and sayd that these two yeares were lost of him—wherin perhaps he was mistaken too. For it might furnish him with copie of words.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 42^v.

Thucydides, London, imprinted for Richard Mynne in Little Brittain at the signe of St. Paul, MDCXXXIV.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 7^v.

Mr. Henry Birchit of the Middle Temple promised to gett for me Mr. Hobbes’ letter to... of Mr. Scargill’s recantation, which he left with Sir John Birkenhead.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 54^v.

T. Hobbes—quaere Mr. H. Birchet de letter of Scargill’s recantation which Sir John Birkenhead would not licence.—MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 8.

<In MS. Aubr. 9 at the end are some of the printed tracts issued by Hobbes in his controversy with Dr. John Wallis, viz.:—

(1) A folio sheet 1524, headed

‘To the right honorable and others the learned members of the Royal Society for the Advancement of the Sciences, presenteth to your consideration your most humble servant Thomas Hobbes (who hath spent much time upon the same subject) two propositions, whereof the one is lately published by Dr. Wallis, a member of your society....

Dr. Wallis: de motu, cap. 5. prop. 1. | Thomas Hobbes, Roset. prop. 5.’

(2) A quarto sheet 1525, headed:

‘To the right honourable and others the learned members of the Royal Society for the Advancement of the Sciences, presenteth to your consideration your most humble servant Thomas Hobbes a confutation of a theoreme which hath a long time passed for truth.’

(3) A quarto tract 1526 (the ‘Propositions’ occupy 3 pages, the ‘Considerations,’ 4 pages), entitled:—

‘Three papers presented to the Royal Society against Dr. Wallis, together with considerations on Dr. Wallis his answers to them, by Thomas Hobbes of Malmsbury; London, printed for the author and are to be had at the Green Dragon without Temple Bar: 1671.’>

With Mr. Hobbes’s small tracts inscribed to the Royal Society came a letter offering that some of the small pieces of his might be published in the Transactions; which was not donne, through Mr. Oldenburgh’s default.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 47^v.

<At the end of MS. Aubr. 9 is a quarto tract of 14 pages, entitled:—

‘Thomae Hobbesii Malmesburiensis vita, authore seipso 1527, Londini, typis, anno MDCLXXIX.’

The last two lines of it are:—

Octoginta annos complevi jam quatuorque
Et prope stans dictat Mors mihi, Ne metue.

On these Aubrey notes (MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 68^v)—

‘These two last verses Dr. Blackburne altered (because of qu[=a] in quatuor, long) in the copie printed with Mr. Hobbes’s life in Latine, and some other alterations he made, but me thinkes the sense is not so brisque.’>

What did he write since he left London? Quaere <his> executor.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 22^v.

His executor acquaints William Crooke (the author’s printer 1528) and me, in a lettre 1529 under his hand January 16, 1679, that neither Mr. Halleley (Mr. Hobbes’s intimate friend and confident) nor him selfe have any thing in either of their hands of Mr. Hobbes’s, the very little of that kind that he left behind him being disposed of ‘according to his own order’ before he removed from Chatsworth. Quaere what was that order?—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 22^v.

Mr. Thomas Hobbes <has left> in MSS.

——A dialogue concerning the common lawes.

——An epitome of the Civil Warres of England from 1640 to 1660.

——Answer to The Catching of the Leviathan by Dr. Bramhall.

——A historical narration concerning heresy and the punishment thereof.—MS. Aubr. 9, a slip at fol. 27^v.

Translation of 1, 9, 10, 11 and 1<2> bookes of Homer’s Odysses in English verse.

Ecclesiastica Historia in Latin verse, Amsterdam.—MS. Aubr. 9, a slip pasted on to fol. 27^v.

Quaere Dr. Blackbourn and Mr. Crooke to know where lies or what is become of Mr. Hobbes’ Historia Ecclesiastica Romana? Resp.—Dr. Blackbourne haz it; gett copie of it.—MS. Aubr. 7, a slip at fol. 8^v.

In May 1688, his Ecclesiastica Historia carmine elegiaco conscripta, in Latin verse, was printed at Augusta Trinobantum, scil. London. The preface was writt by Mr. Thomas Rymer, of Graie’s Inne, but ἀνονυμῶς.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 54^v.

Memorandum.—Mr. Hobbes told me he would write, in three columnes, his doctrine, the objections, and his answers, and deposit 1530 it in the earle of Devon’s library at... in Derbyshire. Dr. <Thomas> Bayly, principall of New-Innhall in Oxon, tells me he hath seen it there.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 2.

<MS. Aubr. 28 is a copy of the tract (63 pages).

‘Mr. Hobbes considered in his loyalty, religion, reputation, and manners, by way of letter to Dr. Wallis’; London, printed for Andrew Crooke, 1662.

On the title-page Aubrey has the note:—

‘This letter was writt (indeed) by Mr. Thomas Hobbes himselfe—Jo. Aubrey de Easton-Pierse’:

and at the end

‘The second impression 1531 of this booke was from this very booke of mine.—’Twas not to be bought.’>

<Verses by him.>

15331.

Tho’ I am now past ninety, and too old
T’ expect preferment in the court of Cupid,
And many winters made mee ev’n so cold
I am become almost all over stupid,

Yet I can love and have a mistresse too,
As fair as can be and as wise as fair;
And yet not, proud, nor anything will doe
To make me of her favour to despair.

To tell you who she is were very bold;
But if i’ th’ character your selfe you find
Thinke not the man a fool thô he be old
Who loves in body fair a fairer mind.

Mr. Benjamin Johnson, Poet-Laureat, was his loving and familiar friend and acquaintance.

<Sir Robert> Aiton, Scoto-Britannus, a good poet and critique and good scholar. He was neerly related to his lord’s lady (Bruce). And he desired Ben: Johnson, and this gentleman, to give their judgement on his style of his translation of Thucydides.1536He lyes buryd in Westminster Abbey, and hath there an elegant monument and inscription 1537, which I will insert here or so much as may be pertinent.

Memorandum next after... Ayton should in order be named Sydney Godolphin, esq., who left him, in his will, a legacy of an hundred poundes: and Mr. Hobbes hath left him an eternall 1538 monument in lib.... pag.... of his Leviathan.

Lucius Carey, lord Falkland was his great friend and admirer, and so was Sir William Petty; both which I have here enrolled amongst those friends I have heard him speake of, but Dr. Blackburne left ’em both out 1539 (to my admiration). I askt him why he had donne so? He answered because they were both ignote to foreigners.

Mr. Henry Gellibrand, Astronomy professor at Gresham Colledge.

Henry Stubbes1541.

Mr. Charles Cavendish1542, brother to the duke of Newcastle, a learned gentleman and great mathematician.

Mr. Laurence Rooke, Geometry and Astronomy professor.

Mr.... Hallely, his intimate friend, an old gent.

16..1547, Petrus Gassendus1548, S. Th. Doctor et Regius Professor Parisiis,—vide his titles—whom he never mentions but with great honour and respect [CXXIV.], ‘doctissimus, humanissimus’; and they loved each other entirely.

[CXXIV.] I have heard Mr. Edmund Waller say that (William) the lord marquisse of Newcastle was a great patron to Dr. Gassendi, and M. Des Cartes, as well as Mr. Hobbes, and that he hath dined with them all three at the marquiss’s table at Paris.—MS. Aubr. 9. fol. 50.

As also the like love and friendship was betwixt him and Marinus... Mersennus;

Monsr. Renatus Des Cartes1549; as also—

<Johan. Franc.> Niceron;

Samuel Sorbier, M. D.—vide his epistle and Gassendus’s before his De Cive.

... Verdusius, to whom he dedicates his ... Dialogi (1550vide my Dialogi for his Christian name—’tis dedicated to him).

Des Cartes and he were acquainted and mutually respected one another. He would say that had he kept himself to Geometry he had been the best geometer in the world but that his head did not lye for philosophy.

Edmund Waller1557, esq., poet.

Mr. S. Cowper aforesayd 1570, at whose house they often mett.—He drew his picture twice: the first the king haz, the other is yet in the custody of his widowe; but he gave it, indeed, to me (and I promised I would give it to the archives at Oxon,1571 with a short inscription on the back side, as a monument of his friendship to me and ours to Mr. Hobbes—sed haec omnia inter nos)1572but I, like a foole, did not take possession of it, for something of the garment was not quite finished, and he dyed, I being then in the countrey—sed hoc non ad rem.

(1651 or 52.) William Harvey, Dr. of Physique and Chirurgery, inventor of the circulation of the bloud, who left him in his will ten poundes, as his brother told me at his funerall. Obiit anno 1657, aetat. 80, sepult. at Hempsted in Essex, in their 1575 vault.

Mr. Edmund Waller of Beconsfield was his great friend, and acquainted at Paris—I believe before.

When his Leviathan came out, he sent by his stationer’s (Andrew Crooke) man a copie of it, well-bound, to Mr. John Selden in Aedibus Carmeliticis. Mr. Selden told the servant, he did not know Mr. Hobbes, but had heard much of his worth, and that he should be very glad to be acquainted with him. Wherupon Mr. Hobbes wayted on him. From which time there was a strict friendship between <them> to his dyeing day. He left by his will to Mr. Hobbes a legacy of ten poundes.

Sir John Vaughan, Lord Chiefe Justice of the Common Pleas, was his great acquaintance, to whom he made visitts three times or more in a weeke—out of terme in the morning; in terme-time, in the afternoon.

Sir Charles Scarborough, M.D. (physitian to his royal highnesse the duke of Yorke), who hath a very good and like picture (drawne about 1655)1576of him, under which is this distich (they say of Mr. Hobbes’s making [CXXV.]),

[CXXV.] This was made by Sir Charles Scarborough, M.D.

Si quaeris de me, Mores inquire, sed Ille
Qui quaerit de me, forsitan alter erit;

and much loved his conversation.

Sir Jonas Moore, mathematicus, surveyor of his majestie’s ordinance, who had a great veneration for Mr. Hobbes, and was wont much to lament [CXXVI.] he fell to the study of the mathematiques so late.

[CXXVI.] Does this lamenting come in aptest here, or pag.1577 7?—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 52^v.

Mr. Richard White, who writt Hemispherium Dissectum.1578 I have heard Mr. Thomas Hobbes commend Richard White for a solid mathematician and preferred him much before his brother Thomas de Albiis1579 for it.

Sir Charles Cavendish 1580.

Edward, lord Herbert of Cherbery and Castle Island.

Sir William Davenant, Poet Laureat after B. Johnson, and generall of the ordinance to the duke of Newcastle—at Paris 1581 (e.g. epistle); perhaps before.

William Chillingworth, D.D.—he would commend this doctor for a very great witt; ‘But by G——’ said he, ‘he is like some lusty fighters that will give a damnable back-blow now and then on their owne party.’

George Eglionby, D.D. and deane of Canterbury, was also his great acquaintance. He died at Oxford 1582, 1643, of the epidemique disease then rageing.

Mr. Francis Osburne, author of ‘Advice 1584 to a son’ and severall other treatises, was his great acquaintance.

John Pell, Dr. of Divinity, mathematicus, quondam professor...1585 at Breda, who quotes him in his... contra Longomontanum de Quadratura circuli, for one of his jury (of 12).

Sir George Ent, M.D.—In a letter to Mr. J<ohn> A<ubrey> from Mr. Thomas Hobbes:—

‘Worthy Sir,

I have receaved from Mr. Crooke the booke of Sir George Ent of the Use of Respiration. It is a very learned and ingeniose booke full of true and deepe philosophy. I pray you to present unto him my most humble service. Though I recieved it but three dayes since, yet, drawen-on by the easinesse of the style and elegancy of the language, I have read it all over, and I give you most humble thankes for sending it to me. I pray you present my service to Mr. Hooke 1586.

I am,
Sir, your most obliged and humble servant,
Tho: Hobbes.

Chatsworth,
March 25,
1679.’

Ralph Bathurst, S.T.D., now deane of Welles, who hath writt verses before his booke of Humane Nature 1587.

Mr. Henry Stubbes, physitian, whom he much esteemed for his great learning and parts, but at latter end Mr. Hobbs differ’d with him for that he wrote against the lord chancellor Bacon, and the Royall Societie. He wrote in Mr. Hobbes’ defence—vide librum 1588.

Walter Charleton, M.D., physitian to his majestie, and one of the Colledge of Physitians in London, a high admirer of him.

Mr. Samuel Butler, the author of Hudibras.

In his... Dialogi (vide librum) he haz a noble elogie of Sir Christopher Wren, then a young scholar in Oxon, which quote; but I thinke they were not acquainted.

Mr. <Robert> Hooke loved him, but was never but once in his company.

<Sidney Godolphin1589.>

[CXXVII.] Dr. Wallis (surely their Mercuries 1592 are in opposition), and Mr. Boyle. I might add Sir Paul Neile, who disobliges everybody.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 53^v.

Robert Stevens, serjeant at Lawe, was wont to say of him, and that truly, that ‘no man had so much, so deeply, seriously, and profoundly 1595 considered humane nature as he.’

<Opponents and critics.>

His chiefe antagonists were

—[Dr.1601 John] Bramhall, bishop of [Londonderry], afterwards [archbishop of Armagh and] primate of Ireland.

—Seth Ward, D.D., now bishop of Sarum, who wrote against him in his Vindiciae Academiarum1602 ἀνονυμῶς, and in.... With whom though formerly he had some contest, for which he was sorry, yet Mr. Hobbes had a great veneration for his 1603 worth, learning and goodnes.

—John Wallis, D.D., a great mathematician, and that hath deserved exceedingly of the commonwealth of learning for the great paines etc...., was his great antagonist in the Mathematiques. ’Twas pitty, as is said before, that Mr. Hobbs began so late, els he would <not> have layn so open.

‘Theophilus Pike’ (<i.e.> [William1604] Lucy, bishop of St. David’s) who wrote [‘Observations, censures, and confutations of notorious errours’ in his Leviathan, 1664; they are but weak ones.]

Mr. [Richard] Baxter, who wrote....

[Edward 1605 Hyde, earl of Clarendon, who wrot against the politicall part of his Leviathan: I have mentioned this in some letter, but you have forgot it.]

<Apologists and supporters.>

‘In Hobbesii libris eorum quae de cive et civitate agunt (nam reliqua nobis neutiquam curatio est) scopus generalis est e primis principiis naturae rationalis ac vitae socialis res politicas eruere (quo quidem nomine prae caeteris laudandus est cum nemo politicorum ante illum id ausus fuerit), specialis est dirigere principia sua ad monarchiam (qui si genium gentis spectes in qua vixit non minori laude dignus est, licebitque aliis eadem principia ad statum aristocraticum et democraticum applicare, modo sciat istos potius quam monarchiam reipublicae suae congruere).

In aliis scriptis quae publicavit itidem eo nomine laudandus est quod e primis principiis moralibus, licet haud perinde vulgò notis, res suas eruere conetur: sed rursus etiam culpandus quod sacra ad conceptus suos trahat cum hos ad sacra pertrahere indeque perficere debuisset. Profani tamen qui videntur apud eum occurrere loquendi modi non possunt plenum atheismum inferre, nunquam enim qui rebus moralibus mediocriter incumbit atheus esse potest, tanto minus Hobbesius qui ad prima usque principia moralium progredi conatur. Quod vero maxime sapere videtur, id vel securitatem dixeris vel neutralismum quendam, ut Deum quidem colat sed modum colendi a sacro codice derivandum esse non necessarium agnoscat; esseque hunc animum ejus ex eo patet quod superius diximus, ipsum sacra ad conceptus suos morales trahere cum e contrario moralia quae habemus aut invenire etiam possumus e sacris peti debeant quippe quae clarius semper rem exprimunt quam sine eis exprimi potest. Acciditque hic 1610 ipsi quod chymicorum multis aliisque rerum naturalium scrutatoribus qui, dum in causis secundis indagandis nimii sunt, eis ita alligantur ut ulterius eoque ad Deum usque pergere non opus esse judicent, unde similiter in neutralismum incidunt. Brevius—Hobbesius principia vitae socialis vere explicat sed male applicat; unde omnis illa in doctrina ejus perversitas quam tamen Christiano vitandam esse merito cum piis probisque omnibus pronunciamus. Concludimus cum judicio autoris Gallici in Itiner. Angl.[CXXVIII.] pag. (edit. Germ.) 411, 412:—

[CXXVIII.] This is in High-dutch, which I desire Mr. Th. Haack to render into English.

James Harrington, esquire: Oceana, vide.

Quos heic velut in universum allegasse voluimus, in ipso autem opere quoties eorundem expressa fuit sententia ipsos numerare supersedimus, quia, praeter taedia crebrae citationis, rationes eorum potius quam autoritatem secuti sumus. Nam quando ab iisdem atque aliis veritatis studium dissentire nos subegit, nomina eorundem ideo dissimulavimus ne magnorum virorum naevos vellicando gloriolam captare velle videremur. Et stultum semper judicavimus, cum ipse te hominem noris ab erroribus haudquidquam immunem, aspera in alios censura reliquos ad paria tibi reponenda irritare.’

‘Sic et Thomas Hobbius in operibus suis ad civilem scientiam spectantibus plurima habet quantivis pretii et nemo cui rerum ejusmodi est intellectus negaverit tam profunde ipsum societatis humanae et civilis compagem rimatum fuisse ut pauci priorum cum ipso heic comparari queant. Et qua a vero aberrat, occasionem tamen ad talia meditanda suggerit quae fortasse aliàs nemini in mentem venissent. Sed quod et hic in religione peculiaria sibi et horrida dogmata finxerit, hoc ipso apud multos non citra rationem sui aversationem excitavit. Quanquam et illud non raro contingere videas ut ab illis maximo cum supercilio condemnetur abs quibus minime lectus fuit aut intellectus.’

<Conclusion.>1619

I would have, just before FINIS,

Pascitur in vivis Livor: post fata quiescit;
Tunc suus ex merito quemque tuetur honos.

Ovid. Eleg.1620

<Copies of Letters by, or About, Thomas Hobbes.>

I. Thomas Hobbes to Josias Pullen

Honour’d Sir,

I understand by a letter from Mr. Aubry that you desire to have the bookes I have published to put them into the library of Magdalen Hall. I have here sent them you, and very willingly, as being glad of the occasion, for I assure you that I owe so much honour and respect to that society that I would have sent them, and desired to have them accepted, long agoe, if I could have donne it as decently as now that you have assured me that your selfe and some others of your house have a good opinion of them so that though the house refuse them they are not lost. You know how much they have been decryed by Dr. Wallis and others of the greatest sway in the University, and therfore to offer them to any Colledge or Hall had been a greater signe of humility than I have yet attained to.

For your owne civility in approving them, I give you many thanks; and remain

Sir,
Your most humble servant,
Tho. Hobbes.

1672 1623, London,
Febr. 1^st.

Ii. Thomas Hobbes to John Aubrey

I am very glad to hear you are well and continue your favours towards me.

’Tis a long time since I have been able to write my selfe, and am now so weake that it is a paine to me to dictate.

But yet I cannot choose but thanke you for this letter of Jan. 25^th which I receaved not till the last of ffebruary. I was assured a good while since that Dr. Wallis his learning is no where esteemed but in the Universities by such as have engaged themselves in the defence of his geometry and are now ashamed to recant it. And I wonder not if Dr. Wallis, or any other, that have studyed mathematicks onely to gaine preferment, when his ignorance is discovered, convert his study to jugling and to the gaining of a reputation of conjuring, decyphering, and such arts [1625] as are in the booke 1626 you sent me.

As for the matter it selfe, I meane the teaching of a man borne deafe and dumbe to speake, I thinke it impossible. But I doe not count him deafe and indocible that can heare a word spoken as loud as is possible at the very entrance to his eare, for of this I am assured that a man borne absolutely deafe must of necessity be made to heare before he can be made to speake, much lesse to understand. And he that could make him heare (being a great and common good) would well deserve both to be honoured and to be enriched. He that could make him speake a few words onely deserved nothing. But he that brags of this and cannot doe it, deserves to be whipt.

Sir, I am most heartily
Your most faithfull and most humble servant,
Thomas Hobbes.
Hardwick,
March the 5^th, 1677 1627.

Iii. Thomas Hobbes to William Crooke, With an Enclosure to John Aubrey

<Hobbes’ letter to Crooke is found as fol. 11 of MS. Aubr. 9: the enclosure to Aubrey, as foll. 12, 13. Both are in James Wheldon’s handwriting.

It appears by the post-stamps on the backs of these letters that the charge for a letter was 3d., with 3d. for each enclosure. Thus the letters of Aug. 18, 1679, March 5, 1679/80, Sept. 7, 1680, are all marked as costing 3d. postage (MS. Aubr. 9, foll. 15^v, 10^v, 21^v); while this letter to Crooke, with its enclosure, cost 6d. (ibid., fol. 11^v); and the letter of Jan. 16, 1679/80, with its two enclosures, cost 9d. (ibid. fol. 17^v).>

1629Sir,

I have receaved Sir George Ent’s booke and Mr. Aubrey’s letter, to which I have written an answer, but I cannot tell how to send it to him without your helpe, and therefore I have sent it to you here inclosed, for I believe he comes now and then to your shop, and I pray you doe me the favour to deliver it to him.

I rest, your humble servant
Tho. Hobbes.

Chatsworth,
March the 25^th 1679.
1630For Mr. William Crooke,
Bookeseller,
At the Green Dragon without Temple barr
London.

I have receaved from Will: Crooke the booke of Sir George Ent of the use of respiration. It is a very learned and ingenious booke, full of true and deepe philosophy, and I pray you to present unto him my most humble service. Though I receaved it but three days since, yet drawn on by the easinesse of the style and elegance of the language I have read it all over. And I give you most hearty thankes for sending of it to me, and to Mr. Ent 1632 who was pleased to bestow it upon me, and I am very glad to hear that Sir George him selfe is alive and in good health, though I believe he is very near as old as I am.

I knew not how to addresse my letter to you, but at all adventure I sent it inclosed in a letter to Mr. Crooke at whose shop I suppose you sometimes looke in as you passe the street.

I pray you present my service to Mr. Hooke and thanke him for the honour of his salutation.

I am, Sir, your most obliged and humble servant,

Thomas Hobbes.
Chatsworth,
March the 25^th, 1679.
1633To my most honoured frend,
Mr. John Aubrey.

Iv. Thomas Hobbes to John Aubrey

I thanke you for your letter of Aug. 2^d, and I pray you present my humble thanks to Sir George Ent that he accepteth of my judgment upon his booke. I fear it is rather his good nature then my merit. I am sorry for the news you write of his son.

I have been told that my booke of the Civill Warr is come abroad, and am sorry for it, especially because I could not get his majestye to license it, not because it is ill printed or has a foolish title set to it, for I believe that any ingenious man may understand the wickednesse of that time, notwithstanding the errors of the presse.

The treatise De Legibus, at the end of it, is imperfect. I desire Mr. Horne to pardon me that I consent not to his motion, nor shall Mr. Crooke himselfe get my consent to print it.

I pray you present my humble service to Mr. Butler 1635.

The priviledge of stationers is (in my opinion) a very great hinderance to the advancement of all humane learning.

I am, Sir, your very humble servant,
Tho. Hobbes.
Chatsworth,
Aug. the 18^th, 1679.

v. James Wheldon to William Crooke, with enclosure to John Aubrey, and a copy of Hobbes’ will.

<Wheldon’s letter to Crooke is found as foll. 16 and 17 of MS. Aubr. 9; the enclosure to Aubrey, as foll. 18, 19.>

1637Hardwick, January the 16^th, 1679 1638.
Sir,

Three days since I receaved your letter of the 9^th instant together with one from Mr. Aubrey, and because they containe both the same particulars I thinke it unnecessary to repeat to you what I have written back to that gentleman.

All that I can add is onely this, that neither Mr. Halleley nor I have anything in either of our hands of Mr. Hobbes’s writing, the very little of that kind that he left behind him being disposed of according to his own order before he removed from Chatsworth.

According to Mr. Aubrey’s direction I have here inclosed my letter to him, which I pray you present to him with my humble service as soon as you shall see him.

I am, Sir, your most humble servant,
James Wheldon.

1639To my much respected frend
Mr. William Crooke
at the Green Dragon without Templebarr
In London 1640.

1641Hardwick, January the 16^th, 1679 1642.
Worthy Sir,

Having been abroad about businesse for some days, I receaved, at my coming home, your letter of the third of this month, which evidences the great esteeme you have for Mr. Hobbes, for which I returne you my humble thanks, and particularly for the paines you have been pleased to take in the large account of what you your selfe, Mr. Anthony a Wood, and Sir George Ent designe for Mr. Hobbes his honour.

I am glad Mr. Crooke has receaved his Life in Prose, which was the onely thing Mr. Halleley got possession of, and sent it to him 1643 by my hand. Mr. Halleley tells me now, that Mr. Hobbes (in the time of his sicknesse) told him he had promised it to Mr. Crooke, but said he was unwilling it should ever be published as written by himselfe; and I beleeve it was some such motive, which made him burne those Latine verses Mr. Crooke sent him about that time.

For those Latine verses you mention about Ecclesiasticall Power, I remember them, for I writ them out, but know not what became of them, unlesse he presented them to judge Vaughan, or burned them, as you seem to intimate.

He fell sick about the middle 1644 October last. His disease was the strangury, and the physitians judged it incurable by reason of his great age and naturall decay. About the 20^th of November, my Lord being to remove from Chatsworth to Hardwick, Mr. Hobbes would not be left behind; and therefore with a fether bed laid into the coach, upon which he lay warme clad, he was conveyed safely, and was in appearance as well after that little journey as before it. But seven or eight days after, his whole right side was taken with the dead palsy, and at the same time he was made speechlesse. He lived after this seven days, taking very little nourishment, slept well, and by intervalls endeavoured to speake, but could not. In the whole time of his sicknesse he was free from fever. He seemed therefore to dye rather for want of the fuell of life (which was spent in him) and meer weaknesse and decay, then by the power of his disease, which was thought to be onely an effect of his age and weaknesse. He was born the 5th of Aprill, in the year 1588, and died the 4th of December, 1679. He was put into a woollen shroud and coffin, which was covered with a white sheet, and upon that a black herse cloth, and so carryed upon men’s shoulders, a little mile to 1645 church. The company, consisting of the family and neighbours that came to his funerall, and attended him to his grave, were very handsomely entertained with wine, burned and raw, cake, biscuit, etc. He was buried in the parish church of Hault Hucknall, close adjoining to the raile of the monument of the grandmother of the present earle of Devonshire, with the service of the Church of England by the minister of the parish. It is intended to cover his grave with a stone of black marble as soon as it can be got ready, with a plain inscription of his name, the place of his birth, and the time of that and of his death.

As to his will, it is sent up to London to be proved there, and by the copy of it, which I here send you, I beleeve you will judge it fitt to make no mention of it in 1646what you designe to get written by way of Commentary on his life.

As for the palsey in his hands, it began in ffrance, before the year 1650, and has grown upon him by degrees ever since; but Mr. Halleley remembers not how long it has disabled him to write legibly.

Mr. Halleley never heard of a pension from the ffrench king and beleeves there was no such thing ever intended. He desires you to accept of his thanks for your favourable remembrance of him, and of the returne of his respects to you by me. And if hereafter you should want any thing which we know, that might contribute 1647 to the honour of Mr. Hobbes’s memory, upon the least notice, shall readily be imparted to you.

In the mean time, with much respect, I rest,

Sir, your much obliged and humble servant,
James Wheldon.

A True Copy of Mr. Hobbes’s Will1649

The 25th day of September in the 29th year of the raigne of our Soveraigne Lord, King Charles the Second, and in the yeare of our Lord God, 1677.

I, Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesbury, in the county of Wilts, gent. make this my last Will and Testament.

First, I bequeath to Mary Tirell, daughter of my deceased brother, Edmund Hobbes, forty pounds. Item, I bequeath to Elenor Harding, daughter also of my deceased brother, Edmund Hobbes, forty pounds. Item, I bequeath to Elizabeth Alaby, the daughter of Thomas Alaby, two hundred pounds, and because she is an orphan, and committed by me to the tuition of my executor, my will is, that she should be maintained decently by my executor, till she be 16 yeares of age, and that then the said two hundred pounds be delivered into her hands, being intended for her furtherance in marriage, but let her dispose of it as she please; and if it happen that the said Elizabeth Alaby die before she come to the age of 16 yeares, then my will is, that the said 200 li. be divided equally between the said Mary Tirell and Elenor Harding.

Item, whereas it hath pleased my good lord, the earle of Devonshire, to bid me oftentimes heretofore, and now at the making of this my last will, to dispose therein of one hundred pounds, to be paid by his lordship, for which I give him most humble thanks; I doe give and dispose of the same in this manner: There be five grand-children of my brother, Edmund Hobbes, to the eldest whereof, whose name is Thomas Hobbes, I have heretofore given a peece of land, which may and doth, I think, content him, and therefore to the other four that are younger, I dispose of the same 100 li. the gift of my lord of Devonshire, to be divided equally amongst them, as a furtherance to bind them apprentices.

And I make and ordaine James Wheldon, servant to the earle of Devonshire, my executor, to whom I give the residue of my money and goods whatsoever; and because I would have him in some sort contented for the great service he hath done me, I would pray his majestie to what I left him to add the arreare of my pension, or as much of it as it pleases his majestie.

(His name and seale.)
Sealed, signed and published
in the presence of

John Ashton,
Will^m. Barker.

Item I give unto Mary Dell the sum of ten pounds.

I pray 1650 you keep his will private to your selfe and Mr. Hobbes’s frends onely.

Vi. James Wheldon to John Aubrey

1651Chatsworth, Sept. the 7th, 1680.
Honoured Sir,

Although for these three weekes, since I receaved your letter, I have made all the enquiry I can, yet all that I hear of the death and buriall of Sir Charles Cavendish is that he was interred at Bolsover in the vault belonging to the family of the duke of Newcastle about the year 1652 or 1653. I will continue to make further inquiry, and if I can learne the day and the month of his death or buriall will give you notice of it.

I have sent you underwritten Mr. Hobbes’s epitaph written by himselfe, which is but lately come to my hand from a person that copyed it from the originall.

With much respect, I rest, Sir,
Your most humble and obliged servant,
James Wheldon.

My lord of Devonshire has paid the hundred pounds to Mr. Hobbes’s kinred, which he bid Mr. Hobbes dispose of in his will.

Condita hic sunt ossa
Thomae Hobbes
Qui per multos annos servivit
duobus comitibus Devoniae
(patri et filio).
Vir probus, et fama eruditionis.
Domi forisque bene cognitus
Obiit Anno Domini 1679, mensis Dec^is die 4º,
Aetatis suae 91.

To 1653 be left at Mr. William Crooke’s at the Green Dragon without Temple barr, London.

Vii. William Aubrey to John Aubrey

1654Kington, June 5th, 1680.

Deare brother,

I sopose I shall be here more then a week longer as... I know not whether Mr. John Stokes or Sir John Knight have the key of the study.

Jo. Tay... buried 16 of July 1580.

Nicholas Fauckener, vicar, buried 20 July 1612.

Richard Hine 1655....

I shall e<n>devour to set the family of the Powers to rights. It was honest parson P<ower’s> grandmoth<er I> think and Jonath. Deekes grandmother was Thomas Lyte’s sisters. Alderman Lyte’s grandm. was a P<ower> of Stanton..., which James Power, Mr. J. G. nephew might purchase againe with a wife, with 1500 li., but which formerly was worth 360 li. per annum, but he’s goeing to creep into one of Jon. Deeks’ woolpacks, viz. his daughter.

I was at Malmesbury but did see <neither> the church nor register but desired Mr. Binnion the parson to doe against I come againe; but Francis Hobbes’ widow’s good memory did give me much satisfaction. The register at Westport is not 80 yeares old (not more): the paving 1656 is all new 1657.

The old vicar Hobs was a good fellow and had been at cards all Saturday night, and at church in his sleep he cries out ‘Trafells is troumps 1658’ (viz. clubs). Then quoth the clark, ‘Then, master, he tha<t> have ace doe rub.’

He <was> a collirice 1659 man, and a parson (which I thinke succeeded him at Westport) provoked him (a purpose) at the church doore, soe Hobs stroke him and was forcd to fly for it and... in obscurity beyound London; died there, was about 80 yeares since.

Mr. William Hobs, a great clothier (old Graye’s predisessor in the same house). He had at Cleverton 60 li. or 80 li. per annum, and was first or 2 cousin to the philosipher. But his line is extinct. He was parson Stump’s godfather, and brake in his trade. He had 1000 li. left and was 1000 li. in debt; and at London challenged one to throw with him one throw on the dye for 1000 li., and wonn, payd his debt, and afterwards flourished in his trade, and if there be any inscriptions of H<obbes>, it must be for him, in the abbye.

To be left at Mr. Hooks lodgings
in Gresham Colledge
in Bishopsgate Street, London 1662.

<Pedigree of Hobbes.>

\——/
These are the only heires males of the Hobbes.

It is uncertaine whether Anne Gay have any brother or sister living, but it is pitty the poor woman should have somthing if it be but 5 shillings. If you know the executor speak for her.

I was saying to Francis Hobbes’s widow (who remembers her service to you) that her son should get one of Mr. Thomas Hobbes’s printed pictures.

In hast,
Your very affectionat brother,
William Aubrey.

Keep a copie of Rogers’ pedegree 1664.1665
These to my honoured freind,
Mr. John Awbrey
present.

Viii. Hon. Charles Hatton to William Crooke

<MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 26. The letter is written by a secretary, the signature C. Hatton being in a different hand. Crooke has endorsed it (fol. 27^v) ‘Mr. Hatton’s letter about Mr. Hobs’: to which Aubrey has added ‘scil. the lord Hatton’s son.’ On fol. 27 is a note, probably by Crooke, of the ‘tracts’ referred to, viz. ‘Life 1666, Rheto<ric>1667, Considerations 1668, Natural Philosophy 1669.’>

I thanke you for the perusall of Mr. Hobbs his tracts which wase a civility I did not expect or desire, for I wou’d not have you at any time deliver any booke to any person who comes in my name unless he then payes you for it. I did desire only to know exactly the particular price of each tract bound apart in marble’d leather, guilt on the backe and ribbed, which pray send me by the bearer by whom I returne you your booke.

I have cursorily looked over Mr. Hobbs his life in Latine which I beleeve will be a very vendible booke both here and beyond sea, for ther is noe lover of learning but will have the curiosity to be particularly informed of the life of soe eminent a person. And truly the reading of it wase very satisfactory to me, for in my apprehension it is very well writ, but I cou’d have wish’d the author had more dilated upon some particulars; and because you intimate a designe to publish it in English I shall hint to you that the author of the life in Latine hath either not taken notice of at all, or too slightingly, some things very remarkeable relating to the temper of Mr. Hobbs his mind or to the infirmity of his body, as his extraordinary timorousnes which he himself in his Latine poem doth very ingeniously confess and attributes it to the influence of his mother’s dread of the Spanish invasion in 88, she being then with child of him. And I have been informed, I think by your self, that Mr. Hobbs wase for severall yeares before he died soe paralyticall that he wase scarce able to write his name, and that in the absence of his amanuensis not being able to write anything he made scrawls on a piece of paper to remind him of the conceptions of his mind he design’d to have committed to writing. But the author 1671 of his life in Latine only sa<i>th that about 60 yeares of age he wase taken with a trembling in his hands, the forerunner of the palsy; which in my apprehension deserves to be enlarg’d upon, for it is very prodigious that neither the timorousness of his nature from his infancy, nor the decay of his vital heat in the extremity of old age, accompagnied with the palsy to that violence, shou’d not have chill’d the briske fervour and vigour of his mind, which did wonderfully continue to him to his last; which is a subject fit to be discours’d on by a genious equally philosophicall with Mr. Hobbs, wase that now to be hoped for. It is soe considerable to me that I cou’d not refrayne acquainting you that in my apprehension it wase convenient you tooke notice therof in his life you are setting forth in English.

I am, your assured freind,
C. Hatton.

1672Mr. Crooke, at the Green Dragon,
nere Temple-bar.

Notes

FF (P. 323.) On fol. 29^v of MS. Aubr. 9, Anthony Wood notes:—‘Send to Malmsburie to take out of the register the Christian name of Mr. Hobs’ father, when Mr. Hobbs was borne, or when his said father was buried.’ [On this Aubrey notes:—‘As I remember he dyed at Thistleworth; vide the register booke at Thistleworth, where Mr. Hobbes his father lived in obscurity a reader, and there dyed about 1630.’] Wood goes on:—‘I remember when I was there’ <in 1676, Clark’s Wood’s Life and Times, ii. 410, 411> ‘there were two inscriptions of the Hobs on brass plates; one dyed 1606, quaere. Take out the names of all the Hobs in the register.’ Obedient to this advice, Aubrey sent his brother William to Malmesbury: supra, p. 387.

FG (P. 323.) In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 26, Aubrey puts the substance of this paragraph in a neater form:—
‘Mr. Hobbes’ father was minister of Westport, to which Brokenborough and Charlton doe belong as chapells of ease, but all not worth above.... He was one of the clergie of Queen Elizabeth’s time—a little learning went a great way with him and many other Sir Johns in those days—he read homilies.’

FH (P. 323.) On fol. 30 of MS. Aubr. 9 is another draft of this paragraph:—‘He had an elder brother, Francis Hobbes, a wealthy man, and had been alderman of the borough’ (dupl. with ‘towne’); ‘by profession a glover, which is a great trade here and was heretofore greater. He was orbus. He contributed much, or altogether maintained his nephew Thomas at Magdalen Hall in Oxon; and when he dyed gave him an agellum (vocat. “the Gasten”), which lyes neer the horse faire: valet per annum 16 li. vel 18 li.’

FI (P. 324.) Anthony Wood notes:—‘Quaere in the register of Brakenborough when they were maried and their you’l find her Christian name.’—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 30^v.

FJ (P. 326.) In MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 31^v, Anthony Wood suggests the following paragraph for the transition from the account of Malmsbury to the life of Hobbes:—
‘As Malmsbury was famous in this respect that it gave death and buriall to that famous philosopher of his time Johannes Scotus alias Erigina who was stabd to death with penknives by his scholars, where there was a statue set up in memory of him (ut in Hist. et Antiq. Oxon. lib. 1, pag. 16 b), so much more famous in later times for the birth of that great philosopher T. H.’
In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 28, Aubrey begins his sketch of Hobbes’ life thus:—‘Westport juxta Malmesbury:—This place is for nothing so famous as for the birth of my honoured and learned friend and countryman, Mr. Thomas Hobbes, author of de Corpore, de Homine, de Cive, etc.
He was borne the 5th day of Aprill 1588 at his father’s howse, which is the farthest on the left hand as you goe in the way or street called..., leaving the church on the right hand.’

FK (P. 326.) The verses alluded to are in Hobbes’s metrical life of himself (MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 28—‘he writt his life last yeare, viz. 1673, in Latin verse’). Aubrey cites these lines, MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 31^v:—

‘T.H. Vita in verse

Oppidulum parvum est; habuit sed multa relatu
Digna, sed imprimis Coenobium celebre,
Et castrum (melius nisi sint dua castra vocanda)
Colle sita, et bino flumine cincta fere.

Vide mapp’ <perhaps Speed’s map of Wiltshire: but on a slip at fol. 31^v, Aubrey gives a ‘map’ of Malmesbury: see supra, pp. 325, 326>.

On this Anthony Wood comments: ‘See 1 vol. of Monast. Anglican. concerning the monastery.’

FL (P. 326.) The matter of this paragraph is put a little more clearly in MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 28: ‘Westport juxta Malmesbury:—The church was dedicated to St. Mary. Here were three aisles 1673 which tooke up the whole area. And <the church was> reported to be more ancient then the abbey. In the windowes (which were very good) were inscriptions which declared so much. Quaere, if Madulph the Scottsman taught here—unde origo monasterii? Vide Camdenum de hoc.
Before the late warres here was a prettie church, where were very good windowes and a faire steeple, higher than the other, which much adorned the towne of Malmesbury. In it were five tuneable bells, which Sir William Waller or his army melted into ordinance, or rather sold. The church was pulled downe that the enimie might not shelter themselves against the garrison of Malmesbury.’

FM (P. 328.) Aubrey’s Collection of Genitures is now MS. Aubr. 23. The place Aubrey here refers to is fol. 52^v in that MS., viz.:—
‘Mr. Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury borne at Westport juxta Malmesbury 1588, April 5, being Good Fryday, 5^h 2´ mane, horâ solis’ <i.e. at sunrise>. ‘I had the yeare, and day, and houre from his owne mouth.’
Aubrey in several places recurs to this point, e.g. in MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 28:—
‘Mr. Thomas Hobbes told me that he was borne Apr. 5^th 1588 on Good Fryday, in the morning between 4 and six.’

FN (P. 328.) Aubrey took great interest in this as an example in astrology, in which ‘art’ he thoroughly believed. He alludes to Hobbes’s horoscope in several places, e.g. note on fol. 32^v in MS. Aubr. 9:—
‘Dr. <Francis> Bernard, physitian, will write a discourse on his nativity. Mr. John Gadbury hath calculated this nativity from my time given, and will print it. Why should not I insert’ <dupl. with ‘print’> ‘the scheme and give a summary of his judgement? It would be gratefull to those that love that art.’ Whereon Anthony Wood notes—‘You should never ask these questions but do them out of hand forthwith—you have time enough, and if it be done by Easter terme ’tis well.’
MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 28:—‘<Send> to Mr. J. Gadbury and Dr. Bernard <T. H.’s> accidents.’
MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 8:—‘T. Hobbes—Quaere Dr. Bernard pro his nativity: vide my Collection of Genitures ubi from his owne mouth more correct then formerly, viz. 5^h 2´ mane.’
This horoscope is given in MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 82, and is reproduced in facsimile at the end of this edition.
Pasted on to fol. 1^v of MS. Aubr. 9 is the scheme with this note:—‘This scheme was erected according to the aestimate time by Mr. Henry Coley, astrologer.—Thomas Hobbes, Malmesburiensis, borne at Westport juxta Malmesbury, 1588, April 5, being Good Fryday, 5^h 2´ mane, hora solis 1674. I had the yeare and day and houre from his owne mouth.’

FO (P. 328.) In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 26, thus:—‘At fower yeer old Mr. Thomas Hobbes went to schoole in Westport church till 8—then[1675] the church was painted. At 8 he could read well and number a matter of four or five figures.
After, he went to Malmesbury to parson Evans.
After him, he had for his schoolemaster, Mr. Robert Latimer [CXXIX.], a good Graecian; by whom he so well profited that at 14 yeares old he went a good scholler to Magdalen Hall in Oxford.’

[CXXIX.] Who being a bachelor (not above 19) taught him and two or three more ingeniose laddes after supper till 9.

FP (P. 330.) As seen in the next paragraph, there was some doubt as to which ‘Principal of Magdalen Hall’ recommended Hobbes to the earl of Devonshire’s service. In MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 29, is the note:—
‘Take notice of Dr. Blackburne’s altering some times and dates,’ <in Hobbes’ prose Latin life of himself, prefixed to the Auctarium vitae Hobbianae> ‘differing from this originall, e.g. of Mr. Hobbes being admitted at Magdalen Hall when Sir James Hussey was principall, which he would doe against my consent because he sayd it “would make a better picture,” wheras by the matriculation-booke it appeares that Dr. Wilkinson was then the principall.’

FQ (P. 331.) On fol. 34^v of MS. Aubr. 9, Aubrey has the following account of Gorhambury:—
‘Memorandum in my Liber B 1675. I have sett downe an exact description of this delicious parquet 1676, now (1656) plowed up and spoil’d. The east part of it which extends towards Verulam-house (pulled downe, and the materialls sold by Sir H<arbottle> Grimston, about ten yeares since) consisted of severall parts, viz. some thickets of plumme-trees, with fine walkes between; some of rasberies. Here were planted most fruit-trees which would grow in our climate; and also severall choice forest-trees. The walkes both of boscages and fruit-trees; and in severall places where were the best prospects, were built elegant summerhouses 1677 of Roman architecture, then standing (1656) well 1678 wainscotted, but the paving gonne. One would have thought the most barbarous nation had made a conquest here. This place was, in his lordship’s time, a sanctuary for phesants, partridges, and those of severall kinds and nations, as Spanish, &c. speckled, white, etc. I have, in this lib. B., four leves in fol. close written of the two houses, gardens, woods, &c. and of his lordship’s manner of living and grandarie, which perhaps would doe well in a description of Hartfordshire, or, perhaps 1679, in his lordship’s life.’

FR (P. 332.) In MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 1^v, is this note:—‘Dr. <John> Pell says that for a man to begin to study mathematics at 40 yeares old, ’tis as if one should at that age learne to play on the lute—applicable to Mr. Thomas Hobbes. Vide vitam Jonae Moore.’

FS (P. 338.) In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 26, thus:—
‘Memorandum:—about the time of the King’s returne [CXXX.], he was makeing of a very good poëme in Latin hexameters. It was the history of the encroachment of the clergie (both Roman and Reformed) on the civill power. I sawe at least 300 verses (they were mark’t). At what time there was a report the bishops would have him burn’t for a heretique. So he then feared the search of his papers and burned the greatest part of these verses.’

[CXXX.] Quaere in what yeares his bookes were writ.

FT (P. 339.) The first draft of this passage stood as follows, MS. Aubr. 9, foll. 40, 41:—‘In April following was the dawning of the coming in of our gracious soveraigne, who being a great lover of curious painting I knew could not but sett for his picture to my ever honoured friend Mr. S. Cowper, who 1680 besides his art was an ingeniose person and of great humanity. In April I wrott a letter to Mr. Hobbes in Derbyshire, by all meanes desiring him to come-up and make use of the opportunity of renewing his majestie’s graces to him at our friend’s howse. He thanked me for’—etc.

FU (P. 341.) Aubrey, writing to Wood, on Feb. 3, 1672/3, enlarges on this treatise: Wood MS. F. 39, fol. 196^v:—
‘The old gent. (T. Hobbes) is strangely vigorous, for his understanding, still; and every morning walkes abroad to meditate.
‘He haz writt a treatise concerning lawe, which 8 or 9 yeares since I much importuned him to doe, and, in order to it, gave him the Lord Chancellor Bacon’s Maximes of the Lawe. Now every one will doe him the right to acknowledge he is rare for definitions, and the lawyers building on old-fashiond maximes (some right, some wrong) must need fall into severall paralogismes. Upon this consideration I was earnest with him to consider these things. To which he was unwilling, telling me he doubted he should not have dayes enough left to doe it.
‘He drives on, in this, the king’s prerogative high. Judge <Sir Matthew> Hales, who is no great courtier, has read it and much mislikes it, and is his enemy. Judge Vaughan has read it and much commends it.’

FV (P. 355.) Note, however, that on some of the letters from Hobbes in MS. Aubr. 9, viz., those of date March 25, 1679 (fol. 11^v, fol. 13^v), and that of date Aug. 18, 1679 (fol. 15^v), the seal shows a gate or portcullis, with an R turned backwards, i.e. Я, on the left side of it.
James Wheldon’s letter of Jan. 16, 1679/80 (fol. 17^v), has a seal bearing a man’s bust, with helmet and cuirass.

FW (P. 357.) In MS. Aubr. 21, p. 19, Aubrey, in his projected comedy, makes use of this verdict on the innate cruelty of some dispositions. He puts into the mouth of his country-justice this speech:—
“If ye talke of skinnes, the best judgment to be made of the fineness of skinnes is at the whipping-post by the stripes. Ah! ’tis the best lechery to see ’em suffer correction. Your London aldermen take great lechery to see the poor wretches whipt at the court at Bridewell.”
On which Aubrey goes on to comment: ‘Old Justice Hooke gave... per lash to wenches; as also my old friend George Pott, esq. Vide Animadversions Philosophicall on that ugly kind of pleasure and of crueltie—were it not for the law there were no living; some would take delight in killing of men.’

FX (P. 375.) The substance is:—
‘Hobbes brought to the investigation of facts an acute intellect and long experience, and carried on, into the next generation, the Baconian spirit.
‘He had been Bacon’s secretary, and owed much to his master, from whom, in particular, he borrowed his comparative, i.e. inductive, methods. But he had also fine natural gifts.
‘He excited the fears, and therefore the hostility, of the clerical party in England, and of the Oxford mathematicians and their supporters. For this reason, Charles II compared him to a bear, worried by mastiffs.
‘In his political system, he insisted on the necessity of wisdom in sovereigns. In not meddling with the Creeds of the Churches and in assailing the Presbyterians and the Bishops of England, he is not to be blamed.’

Note that, on fol. 42^v of MS. Aubr. 9, is a note ‘to the earl of Devon, then in Great Queen Street,’ with a mark referring it to the opposite page. The then opposite page is, in the present foliation, fol. 48, but has now nothing to which the note can be attached. There are traces, however, which show that a slip has been torn off it.

Thomas Hobbes’ Life, by Himself

<Aubrey’s preface.>

<Hobbes’ autobiography.>

Cum annum ageret vicesimum commendatus ab amicis, Oxonio relicto, recepit se in domum domini Gulielmi Cavendish, baronis de Hardwick et (paulo post) comitis Devoniae: ubi filio ejus primogenito, adolescenti sibi fere coaetaneo, servivit, placuitque tum filio tum patri, temperans, sedulus, hilaris.

Anno sequente cum domino suo in urbe perpetuo fere degens, quod didicerat linguae Graecae et Latinae magna ex parte amiserat.

Deinde per Italiam et Galliam peregrinantem dominum sequutus, gentium illarum linguas eousque didicit ut intelligere eas mediocriter potuerit. Interea Graecam et Latinam paulatim perire sibi sentiens, Philosophiam autem Logicamque (in quibus praeclare profecisse se arbitrabatur) viris prudentibus derisui esse videns, abjecta Logica et Philosophia illa vana, quantum temporis habebat vacui impendere decrevit linguis Graecae et Latinae.

Itaque cum in Angliam reversus esset, Historias et Poetas (adhibitis grammaticorum celebrium commentariis) versavit diligenter, non ut floride sed ut Latine posset scribere, et vim verborum cogitatis congruentem invenire, itaque verba disponere ut lectio perspicua et facilis esset. Inter Historias Graecas, Thucididem prae caeteris dilexit et vacuis horis in sermonem Anglicum paulatim conversum cum nonnullâ laude circa annum Christi 1628 in publicum edidit, eo fine ut ineptiae democraticorum Atheniensium concivibus suis patefierent.

Eo anno comes Devoniae, cui jam servierat viginti annos, diem obiit, patre ejus biennio ante defuncto.

Anno sequente, qui erat Christi 1629, cum attigisset annum quadragesimum, rogatus a nobilissimo viro domino Gervasio Clinton ut vellet filium adolescentem suum comitari in Galliam, accepit conditionem. In peregrinatione illa inspicere coepit in elementa Euclidis; et delectatus methodo illius non tam ob theoremata illa quam ob artem rationandi diligentissime perlegit.

Anno Christi 1631 revocatus est in familiam comitissae Devoniae ut filium suum comitem Devoniae, natum annos 13, in literis instrueret; quem etiam circiter triennium post comitatus est in Galliam et Italiam, studiorum ejus et itinerum rector.

Dum moraretur Parisiis, principia scientiae naturalis investigare coepit. Quae cum in natura et varietate motuum contineri sciret, quaesivit inprimis qualis motus is esse posset qui efficit sensionem, intellectum, phantasmata, aliasque proprietates animalium, cogitatis suis cum reverendo patre Marino Mersenno, ordinis Minimorum, in omni genere philosophiae versatissimo viroque optimo, quotidie communicatis.

Anno Christi 1637 cum patrono suo in Angliam rediit et apud illum mansit; unde de rebus naturalibus commercia cum Mersenno per literas continuavit.

Interea Scoti, depulsis episcopis, sumpserunt arma contra regem, faventibus etiam ministris Anglis illis qui vocari solent Presbyteriani. Itaque convocatum est in Anglia Parlamentum illud notissimum quod inceptum est Nov. 3, 1640. Ex iis quae in illo Parlamento tribus quatuorve diebus primis consulta viderat, Bellum Civile ingruere et tantum non adesse sentiens, retulit se rursus in Galliam, scientiarum studio Parisiis tutius vacaturus cum Mersenno, Gassendo, aliisque viris propter eruditionem et vim in rationando celeberrimis—non enim dico philosophis, quia nomen illud, a plurimis nebulonibus jamdiu gestatum, tritum, inquinatum, nunc infame est.

Cum jam Parisiis ageret, libellum scripsit De Cive, quem edidit anno 1646, quo tempore, praevalentibus Parlamentariis, multi eorum qui partes regis sequuti erant, et in illis princeps Walliae (qui nunc est rex Angliae), Parisiis confluxerunt. Statuerat circa idem tempus,1683hortatu amici cujusdam nobilis Languedociani, migrare in Languedociam, et praemiserat jam quae sibi necessaria erant, sed commendatus principi ut elementa Mathematicae illi praelegeret, substit<it> Parisiis.

Quod ab hoc munere temporis habuit vacui consumpsit in scribendo librum qui nunc non solum in Anglia sed in vicinis gentibus notissimus est, nomine Leviathan; quem etiam in Anglia edendum curavit, ipse manens adhuc Parisiis, anno 1651, annum agens 63^m. In eo opere jus regium tum spirituale tum temporale ita demonstravit tum rationibus tum authoritate scripturae sacrae, ut perspicuum fecerit pacem in orbe Christiano nusquam diuturnam esse posse nisi vel doctrina illa sua recepta fuerit vel satis magnus exercitus cives ad concordiam compulerit: opus ut ille sperabat concivibus suis, praesertim vero illis qui ab episcopis steterant, non ingratum. Quanquam enim unicuique, illo tempore, scribere et edere theologica quae vellet liberum erat, quia regimen ecclesiae (potestate declarandi quae doctrinae essent haereses, ipsius regis authoritate sublata, episcopis exutis, rege ipso trucidato) tum nullum erat, diligenter tamen cavit ne quid scriberet non modo contra sensum scripturae sacrae sed etiam contra doctrinam ecclesiae Anglicanae qualis ante bellum ortum authoritate regia constituta fuerat. Nam et ipse regimen ecclesiae per episcopos prae caeteris formis omnibus semper approbaverat, atque hoc duobus signis manifestum fecit. Primo, cum in oppido Sti. Germani prope Parisios morbo gravissimo lecto affixus esset, venit ad eum Mersennus, rogatus a quodam amico communi ne amicum suum extra ecclesiam Romanam mori pateretur. Is lecto assidens (post exordium consolatorium) de potestate ecclesiae Romanae peccata remittendi aliquantisper disseruit, cui ille ‘Mi pater,’ inquit. ‘haec omnia jamdudum mecum disputavi, eadem disputare nunc molestum erit: habes quod dicas amoeniora,—quando vidisti Gassendum?’ Quibus auditis, Mersennus sermonem ad alia transtulit. Paucis post diebus accessit ad illum Dr. Johannes Cosenus, episcopus (post) Dunelmensis, obtulitque se illi comprecatorem ad Deum. Cui ille cum gratias reddidisset, ‘Ita,’ inquit, ‘si precibus praeiveris juxta ritum ecclesiae nostrae.’ Magnum hoc erga disciplinam episcopalem signum erat reverentiae.

Anno 1651 exemplaria aliquot illius libri, Londini recens editi, in Galliam transmissa sunt, ubi theologi quidam Angli doctrinas quasdam in illo libro contentas, tum ut haereticas tum ut partibus regiis adversas, criminati sunt; et valuere quidem aliquamdiu calumniae illae in tantum ut domo regia prohibitus fuerit. Quo factum est ut, protectione regia destitutus, metuensque ne a clericis Romanis, quos praecipue laeserat, male tractaretur, in Angliam conatus sit refugere.

Rediens in Angliam concionantes quidem invenit in ecclesiis sed seditiosos; etiam preces extemporarias, et illas audaces et nonnunquam blasphemas; symbolum autem fidei nullum, decalogum nullum; adeo ut per tres primos menses non invenerit quibuscum in sacris communicare potuerit. Tandem ab amico ductus ad ecclesiam a suo hospitio 1684 plusquam mille passus distantem ubi pastor erat vir bonus et doctus, qui et coenam Domini ritu ecclesiastico administravit, cum illo in sacris communicavit. Alterum hoc signum erat non modo hominis partium episcopalium sed etiam Christiani sinceri; nam illo tempore ad ecclesiam quamcunque legibus aut metu cogebatur nemo. Quae igitur episcopo cuiquam cum illo causa irae esse potuit, nisi ei qui neminem a se dissentire pati per superbiam posset?

Interea doctrinam ejus academici et ecclesiastici condemnabant fere omnes; laudabant nobiles, et viri docti, ex laicis. Refellebat nemo: conati refellere, confirmabant. Scripsit enim non ex auditione et lectione ut scholaris, sed ex judicio proprio cognita et pensitata omnia, sermone puro et perspicuo, non rhetorico. Stantem inter amicos et inimicos quasi in aequilibrio, fecerunt illi ne ob doctrinam opprimeretur, hi, ne augeretur. Itaque fortuna tenui, fama doctrinae ingenti, in patroni sui, comitis Devoniae, hospitio per caeterum vitae tempus perpetuo delituit, studio vacans geometriae et philosophiae naturalis; ediditque jam senex librum quendam quem inscripsit De Corpore, continentem Logicae, Geometriae, Physicae (tum sublunaris, tum coelestis) fundamenta, deducens Logicam quidem a significatione nominum, Geometriam autem et Physicam ex figurarum et effectuum naturalium generationibus.

Hominis ergo neque genere neque opibus neque negotiis belli aut pacis assueti vitam scribo et in publicum emitto, sed in omni genere scientiae excellentis et fere singularis. Cujus ingenium ut cognoscerent, partim etiam ut sua ostentarent, convenerunt <ad> eum viri innumeri tum nostrates tum exteri, et inter illos nonnulli legati principum aliique viri nobilissimi; adeo ut conjectura inde facta de voluntate hominum eruditorum qui posthac erunt, non ingratum fore posteritati existimavi si quem vidisse voluerunt illius vitam literis posteritati tradiderim, praecipue quidem ut quae scientiis ille primus addidit, deinde etiam caetera vitae ejus quae a lectoribus desiderari posse videbuntur cognoscerent.

Quae scripsit de jure naturali, de constitutione civitatum, de jure eorum qui summam habent potestatem, et de officiis civium, in libris Leviathan et De Cive (quia domi forisque nota et maxime celebrata sunt) praetereunda censeo.

In Physicis causam sensuum, praecipue visus, una cum doctrina omni optica et natura lucis, refractionis reflectionisque causas naturales, ignotas ante, primus demonstravit, in libro De Homine. Item causas qualitatum sensibilium nimirum colorum, soni, caloris, et frigoris. Somnia autem et phantasmata quae antea pro spiritibus et mortuorum animis habebantur et rudi vulgo terriculamenta erant, omnia profligavit. Causam autem aestuum marinorum et descensionis gravium, a motu quodam telluris praecipue derivavit. Nam phaenomena illa omnia ad motum refert, non ad rerum ipsarum potentias intrinsecas neque ad qualitates occultas, ut ante illum omnes physici. De motu autem in libro De Corpore satis fuse scripsit et profundissime. In Ethicis ante illum nihil scriptum est praeter sententias vulgares. At ille mores hominum ab humana natura, virtutes et vitia a lege naturali, et bonitatem 1685 maliciamque actionum a legibus civitatum, derivavit. In Mathematicis principia geometriae nonnulla correxit; problemata aliquot difficillima, a summis geometris (ab ipsis geometriae incunabulis) summo studio frustra quaesita, invenit, nimirum haec—

1º. arcui circuli lineam rectam, areae circuli quadratum aequale, exhibere, idque variis methodis—in diversis libris.

2º. datum angulum dividere in data ratione;

3º. cubi ad sphaeram rationem invenire—in Problematibus Geometricis.

4º. inter duas rectas datas medias continue proportionales invenire quotcunque—in Problematibus Geometricis.

5º. polygonum regulare describere quotcunque laterum—in Roseto.

6º. centrum gravitatis invenire quadrantis circuli et bilinei quod continetur arcu quadrantis et subtenta ejus—in Roseto.

7º. centra gravitatis invenire paraboli-formium omnium, in libra De Corpore.

Haec omnia primus construxit et demonstravit, et praeterea alia multa quae (quia legentibus occurrent et minoris sunt) praetereo.

Facient opinor haec ut vita ejus non indigna videatur quae tum ad exteros tum ad posteros scientiarum studiosos transmittatur, praesertim hoc tempore, cum scribuntur vulgo vitae obscurorum hominum nulla virtute insignium, desiderante nemine.

Scripsit praeterea, circa annum aetatis suae octagesimum, historiam belli civilis Anglicani inter regem Carolum primum et parlamentum ejus, anno...; item ortum et incrementa potestatis pontificiae, carmine Latino, versuum duûm millium, sed non sinebant tempora ut publicarentur.

Silentibus tandem adversariis, annum agens octagesimum, <pri>mum, Homeri Odyssea edidit a se conversum in versus Anglicanos,...; deinde, proximo, etiam Iliada; denique Cyclometriam, annum agens <...>gessimum primum, integram nondum editam.

Quod ad formam attinet, vultu erat non specioso sed cum loqueretur non ingrato. Effigies ejus ad vivum a pictore excellente descripta, qualis erat anno aetatis suae septuagesimo, in conclavi regis Caroli secundi conservatur. Extant etiam ejusdem imagines ab aliis pictoribus diversis temporibus factae rogatu amicorum in Anglia non paucae et in Gallia aliquot.

Natura sua et primis annis ferebatur ad lectionem historiarum et poetarum; et ipse quoque carmen tentavit, nec (ut plurimi judicabant) infoeliciter. Postea autem cum in congressu quodam virorum doctorum, mentione facta de causa sensionis, quaerentem unum quasi per contemptum ‘quid esset sensus?’ nec quemquam audivisset respondentem, mirabatur quî fieri potuerit ut qui sapientiae titulo homines caeteros tanto fastu despicerent suos ipsorum sensus quid essent ignorarent. Ex eo tempore de causa sentiendi saepe cogitanti, forte fortunâ mentem subiit quod si res corporeae et earum partes omnes conquiescerent aut motu simili semper moverentur 1686sublatum iri omnium rerum discrimen et (per consequens) omnem sentionem, et propterea causam omnium rerum quaerendam esse in diversitate motuum: atque hoc principio usus est primo. Deinde, ut cognosceret varietates et rationes motuum, ad geometriam cogebatur, et a principiis suis ingenio suo theoremata illa quae supra commemoravi foeliciter demonstravit. Tantum interest inter illos qui proprio genio et illos qui in archivis veterum aut ad quaestum docentium scientiarum veritatem quaerunt.

In colloquiis familiaribus jucundus erat, praeterquam illorum qui ad illum venerant disputandi causa contra ea quae jam ediderat (nec revocari poterant) de jure summarum potestatum civili aut ecclesiastico; nam cum his vehementius aliquando disputabat quam erat necessarium.

Naturaliter apertus erat, et inter adversarios qui multi potentesque erant innocentia magis quam consilio tutus.

Justiciae erat cum scientissimus, tum tenacissimus. Nec mirum, cum esset pecuniae neglegentissimus, et pro tenuitate fortunarum suarum ultra modum beneficus. Sed beneficio patronorum suorum et regis optimi dulcissimique Caroli secundi satis copiose senex vixit.

Notes

1205The Life of Mr. Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesburie 1206.

1218Thomas Hobbes FG, then, whose life I write, was second son of Mr. Thomas Hobbes, vicar of Westport juxta Malmesbury, who maried... Middleton of Brokinborough (a yeomanly family).1219He was also vicar of Charlton (a mile hence): they are annexed, and are both worth 60 or 80li. per annum.—1220Memorandum, Brokenborough also is appendant to Charlton vicaridge—160li. per annum—from Philip Laurence, whose father-in-law was vicar. [1221The vicaridge of Malmesbury is but XX nobles per annum = 6li. 13s. 4d.; but Coston and Radbourne belongs to it, which addition is equal to 50 or 60li. per annum.]

1222Thomas, the father 1223, was one of the ignorant ‘Sir Johns 1224’ of queen Elizabeth’s time; could 1225 only read the prayers of the church and the homilies; and disesteemed 1226 learning (his son Edmund told me so), as not knowing the sweetnes of it.

1227As to his father’s ignorance and clownery, ’twas as good metall in the oare which wants excoriating and refineing. A witt requires much cultivation, much paines, and art and good conversation to perfect a man.

1228He 1229 had an elder brother FH whose name was Francis, a wealthy man, and had been alderman [XC.] of the borough; by profession a glover [XCI.], which is a great trade here [XCII.], and in times past much greater. Having no [1230]child, he contributed much to, or rather altogether maintained, his nephew Thomas at Magdalen hall in Oxon; and when he dyed gave him an agellum (a moweing-ground 1231) called the Gasten-ground, lyeing neer to the horse-faire, worth 16 or 18 poundes per annum; the rest of his landes he gave to his nephew Edmund.

1232At Sherston about 3 miles hence (vide map) are groundes likewise called the Gasten-grounds—perhaps ’tis Garston grounds. At Sherston was heretofore a castle, and perhaps (and quaere) if these grounds are not where the vallum or bulwarkes might be drawne. Gaer, Britannicè, signifies some such thing, vide Dr. Davys’ British Dictionary.

1233Thomas, the vicar of Westport, maried... Middleton FI of Brokenborough [XCIII.] (of a yeomanly family), by whom he had two sonnes and one daughter (quaere my brother William Aubrey)—Edmund, his eldest (was bred-up to 1234 his uncle’s profession of a glover); and Thomas (philosopher), second son, whose life I now write. Edmund was neer 1235 two yeares elder then his brother Thomas, and something resembled him in aspect 1236, not so tall, but fell much short of him in his intellect, though he was a good plain understanding countrey-man 1237. He had been bred at schoole with his brother; could have made theme, and verse, and understood a little Greek to his dyeing day. He dyed (quaere William Aubrey) about 13 yeares since, aetat. circiter 80.

1245Westport FJ is the parish without the west-gate (which is now demolished), which gate stood on the neck of land that joines Malmesbury (vide verses FK) to Westport. Here FL was, before the late warres, a very pretty church, consisting of 3 aisles, or rather a nave and two aisles (which tooke up the whole area 1246), dedicated to St. Mary; and a fair spire-steeple, with five tuneable bells, which, when the towne was taken (about 1644; quaere William Aubrey) by Sir W. Waller, were converted 1247 into ordinance, and the church pulled-downe to the ground, that the enemie might not shelter themselves against the garrison. The steeple was higher then that now standing in the borough, which much added to 1248 the prospect. The windowes were well painted, and in them were inscriptions that declared much antiquitie; now is here rebuilt a church like a stable.

1271Quaere A<nthony> W<ood> what moneth and day he was matriculated?

1277After he had taken his batchelor of Arts degree (quaere A. Wood de hoc), the than principall of Magdalen-hall (Sir James Hussey 1278) recommended him to his yong lord when he left Oxon, who had a conceit 1279 that he should profitt more in his learning if he had a scholar of his owne age to wayte on him then if he had the information of a grave doctor. He was his lordship’s page, and rode a hunting and hawking with him, and kept his privy-purse.

1292His conversation about those times was much about Ben: Jonson, Mr. Ayton, etc.

1293He was (vide his life) 40 yeares 1294 old before he looked on geometry; which happened accidentally. Being in a gentleman’s library in..., Euclid’s Elements lay open, and ’twas the 47 El.1295 libri I. He read the proposition. By [CIII.] G—,’ sayd he, ‘this is impossible!’ So he reads the demonstration of it, which referred him back to such a proposition; which proposition he read. That referred him back to another, which he also read. Et sic deinceps, that at last he was demonstratively convinced of that trueth. This made him in love with geometry.

1304Memorandum—After he began to reflect on 1305 the interest of the king of England as touching his affaires between him and the parliament, for ten yeares together his thoughts were much, or almost altogether, unhinged from the mathematiques; but chiefly intent on his De Cive, and after that on his Leviathan: which was a great putt-back to his mathematicall improvement 1306—quod N.B.—for in ten yeares’ (or better) discontinuance of that study (especially) one’s mathematiques will become very rusty 1307.

1308Vide Mr. Hobbes considered, p. 4: printed London 1662 (since reprinted, 1680, by William Crooke):—

1310Vide Mr. Hobbes considered, if more may not be inserted, scilicet as to the politiques. Sed cave—
Incedis per ignes
Suppositos cineri doloso.

1311Memorandum he told me that bp. Manwaring 1312 (of St. David’s) preach’d his doctrine; for which, among others, he was sent prisoner to the Tower. Then thought Mr. Hobbes, ’tis time now for me to shift for my selfe, and so withdrew 1313 into France, and resided 1314 at Paris. As I remember, there were others 1315 likewise did preach his doctrine. This little MS. treatise grew to be 1316 his book De Cive1317, and at last grew there to be the so formidable and... Leviathan; the manner of writing of which booke (he told me) was thus. He walked much and contemplated, and he had in the head of his staffe 1318 a pen and inke-horne, carried alwayes a note-booke in his pocket, and as soon as a thought 1319 darted, he presently entred it into his booke, or otherwise he might 1320 perhaps have lost it. He had drawne the designe of the booke into chapters, etc. so he knew whereabout it would come in. Thus that booke was made.

1321’’Twas written in the behalfe of the faithfull subjects of his majestie, that had taken his part in the war, or otherwise donne their utmost endeavour to defend his majestie’s right and person against the rebells: wherby, having no other meanes of protection, nor (for the most part) of subsistence, were forced to compound with your masters, and to promise obedience for the saving of their lives and fortunes, which, in his booke he hath affirmed, they might lawfully doe, and consequently not bear arms against the victors. They had done their utmost endeavour to performe their obligation to the king, had done all they could be obliged unto; and were consequently at liberty to seeke the safety of their lives and livelihood wheresoever, and without treachery.’—<ibid.> p. 20.

1324During his stay at Paris he went through a course of chymistry with Dr.... Davison; and he there also studied Vesalius’s Anatomie. This I am sure was before 1648; for that Sir William Petty (then Dr. Petty, physitian) studyed and dissected with him. Vide pag. 18b. A. W.1325

1326Anno 165-[CVII.], he returned into England, and lived most part [CVIII.] in London, in Fetter lane, where he writt, or finished, his booke De Corpore,...1327, in Latin and then in English; and writt his lessons against the two Savillian professors at Oxon 1328, etc.; vide the anno Domini when printed. (Puto 1655 or 56.)

13291655 or 1656: about this time he setled the piece of land (aforesayd), given to him by his uncle, upon his nephew Francis [CIX.] for life, the remaynder to his nephew’s eldest son, Thomas Hobbes. He also not long after 1330 dischardged a mortgage (to my knowledge [CX.], to Richard Thorne, an attorney) of two hundred pounds, besides the interest thereof, with which his nephew Francis (a careles 1331 husband) had incumbred his estate.

13391659. In 1659 his lord was—and some yeares before—at Little Salisbury-house (now turned to the Middle-Exchange), where he wrot, among other things, a poeme, in Latin hexameter and pentameter, of the encroachment of the clergie (both Roman and reformed) on the civil power FS. I remember I saw then 500 + verses, for he numbred every tenth as he wrote. I remember he did read Cluverius’s Historia Universalis, and made-up his poeme from thence. His amanuensis remembers this poeme, for he wrote them out, but knows <not what became of it>.

13481660. The 1349 winter-time of 1659 he spent in Derbyshire. In FTMarch following was the dawning of the coming in of our gracious soveraigne, and in April the Aurora.

1350I then sent a letter to him in the countrey to advertise him of the Advent 1351 of his master the king and desired him by all meanes to be in London before his arrivall; and knowing 1352 his majestie was a great lover of good painting I must needs presume he could not but suddenly see Mr. Cowper’s curious pieces, of whose fame he had so much heard abroad and seene some of his worke, and likewise that he would sitt to him for his picture, at which place and time he would have the best convenience 1353 of renewing his majestie’s graces to him.1354He returned me thankes for my friendly intimation and came to London in May following.

1365Memorandum—from 1660 till the time [CXV.] he 1366 last went into Derbyshire, he spent most of his time in London at his lord’s (viz. at Little Salisbury-howse; then, Queen Street; lastly, Newport-house), following his contemplation and study. ☞ He contemplated and invented (set downe a hint with a pencill or so) in the morning, but compiled 1367 in the afternoon.

1375Insert here part of his lettre to me about it.

13811665. This yeare he told me that he was willing to doe some good to the towne where he was borne; that his majestie loved him well, and if I could find out something in our countrey that was in his guift, he did beleeve he could beg it of his majestie, and seeing 1382 he was bred a scholar, he thought it most proper to endowe 1383 a free-schoole there; which is wanting now[CXVII.] (for, before the reformation, all monasteries had great schooles appendant to them; e.g. Magdalen schoole and New College schoole). After 1384 enquiry I found out a piece of land in Bradon-forest (of about 25 li. per annum value) that was in his majesties guift 1385, which he designed 1386 to have obtained of his majestie for a salary for a schoolmaster; but [CXVIII.] the queen’s priests 1387 smelling-out the designe and being 1388 his enemies, hindred 1389 this publique and charitable intention.

1397These [CXX.] additions and expunctions being made by the sayd deane of Christ Church, without 1398 the knowledge or advice of the authour and quite contrary to his mind, he told him it was fitt Mr. Hobbes should know it 1399, because that his name being set to the booke and all people knowing it to be his, he should be liable to an answer, and so consequently be in perpetuall controversie. To this the deane replied, ‘Yea, in God’s name; and great reason it was that he should know what he had done, and what he had donne he would answer for,’ etc.

1409Here insert the Epistle 1410 and Answer 1411.

1416Then 1417, <insert an account of> his sicknesse, death, buriall and place, and epitaph, which send for1418.

1419Extracted out of the executor’s lettre (January 16, 1679) to me:—
‘To his highly honoured friend, Jo. Aubrey, esq., these.’—

1421☞ ‘He dyed worth neer 1000 li., which (considering his charity) was more then I expected: vide his verses 1422 in the last page.—From W. Crooke, from Mr. Jackson who had 500 li. of his in his hands.—

1423Describe face, eyes, forehead, nose, mouth, eyebrows, figure of the face, complexion; stature of body; shape (slender, large, neat, or otherwise); figure of head and magnitude of head; shoulders (large, round, etc.); arms, legs, how?—

1424Mr. Hobbes’s person, etc.:—hazel, quick eie, which continued to his last. He was a tall man, higher then I am by about halfe a head (scil.... feet), i.e. I could putt my hand between my head and his hatt.—When young he loved musique and practised on the lute. In his old age he used to sing prick-song every night (when all were gonne and sure nobody could heare him) for his health, which he did beleeve would make him live two or three yeares longer.

1425In his youth unhealthy; of an ill yellowish complexion: wett in his feet, and trod both his shoes the same way.

1426His complexion. In his youth he was unhealthy, and of an ill complexion (yellowish).

1429Skin. His skin was soft and of that kind which my Lord Chancellor Bacon in his History of Life and Death calles a goose-skin, i.e. of a wide texture:—

1435Eie. He had a good eie, and that of a hazell colour, which was full of life and spirit, even to the last. When he was earnest in discourse, there shone (as it were) a bright live-coale within it.1436He had two kind of looks:—when he laugh’t, was witty, and in a merry humour, one could scarce see his eies; by and by, when he was serious and positive 1437, he open’d his eies round (i.e. his eie-lids). He had midling eies, not very big, nor very little (from Sir W<illiam> P<etty>).

1438Stature. He was six foote high, and something better (quaere James Wh<eldon>), and went indifferently erect, or rather, considering his great age, very erect.

1443Reading. He had read much, if one considers his long life; but 1444 his contemplation was much more then his reading. He was wont to say that if he had read as much as other men, he 1445 should have knowne no more then other men.

1446His physique. He seldome used any physique (quaere Sir W<illiam> P<etty>). What ’twas I have forgot, but will enquire of Mr. Shelbrooke his apothecary at the Black Spread-eagle in the Strand.

1447He had a sicknes, anno....

1448’Tis 1449 not consistent with an harmonicall soule to be a woman-hater, neither had he an abhorrescence to good wine but...—this only inter nos.

[1450]Temperance and diet. He was, even in his youth, (generally) temperate, both as to wine and women, (et tamen haec omnia mediocriter)—

1454He had an inch thick board about 16 inches square, whereon paper was pasted. On this board he drew his lines (schemes). When a line came into his head, he would, as he was walking, take a rude memorandum of it, to preserve it in his memory till he came to his chamber. ☞ He was never idle; his thoughts were always working.

1455His dinner was provided for him exactly by eleaven, for he could not now stay till his lord’s howre—scil. about two: that his stomach could not beare.

1456In the countrey, for want of a tennis-court, he would walke up-hill and downe-hill in the parke, till he was in a great sweat, and then give the servant some money to rubbe him.

1457Prudence. He gave to his amanuensis, James Wheldon (the earle of Devon’s baker; who writes a delicate hand), his pention at Leicester, yearly, to wayte on him, and take a care of him, which he did performe to him living and dying, with great respect and diligence: for which consideration he made him his executor.

1460Shaking palsey. He had the shaking palsey in his handes; which began in France before the yeare 1650, and haz growne upon him by degrees, ever since, so that he haz not been able to write very legibly since 1665 or 1666, as I find by some of his letters 1461 to me.

1462His goodnes of nature and willingnes to instruct any one that was willing to be informed and modestly desired it, which I am a witnesse of as to my owne part and also to others.

1463Charity. His brotherly love to his kinred hath already been spoken of. He was very charitable (pro suo modulo) to those that were true objects of his bounty 1464. One time, I remember, goeing in the Strand, a poor and infirme old man craved 1465 his almes. He, beholding him with eies of pitty and compassion, putt his hand in his pocket, and gave him 6d. Sayd 1466 a divine (scil. Dr. Jaspar Mayne) that stood by—‘Would you have donne this, if it had not been Christ’s command?’—‘Yea,’ sayd he.—‘Why?’ quoth the other.—‘Because,’ sayd he, ‘I was in paine to consider 1467 the miserable condition of the old man; and now my almes, giving him some reliefe, doth also ease me.’

1476Though he left his native countrey 1477 at 14, and lived so long, yet sometimes one might find a little touch of our pronunciation.—Old Sir Thomas Malette 1478, one of the judges of the King’s Bench, knew Sir Walter Ralegh, and sayd that, notwithstanding his great travells, conversation, learning, etc., yet he spake broade Devonshire to his dyeing day.

1479Memorandum—’twas he (as he him selfe haz told me) that <invented> the method of the oeconomie of the earle of Devon’s family and way of stating or keeping of the accounts.

1490Sir William Dugdale (Clarenceux), and Sir Edward Bisshe, the heralds, had an esteeme and respect for him, in so much that they would have graunted him a coate of armes; but he refused it—which methinkes he neede 1491 not have donne.

1492Vide Ben Jonson’s Underwoods—that ‘the most worthy men have been rock’t in meane cradles.’

1493’Tis of custome in the lives of wise men to putt downe their sayings. Now if trueth (uncommon) delivered clearly and wittily may goe 1494 for a saying, his common discourse was full of them, and which for the most part were sharpe and significant.

1495Quaere Mr. Ben. Tuke at the Ship in Paule’s Church-yard for the paper of his sayings, which Dr. Francis Bernard and his brother Charles, etc.—a club—made.

1496The sheet 1497 of old Mr. Hobbes sayings was not published by his executor, as is there printed. ’Twas (indeed) donne by Mr.... Blunt, Sir Henry Blunt’s sonne, and ’tis well donne.

1498I sayd, somewhere before, that (though he was ready and happy in repartying in drollery) he did not care 1499 to give a present answer to a question, unless he had thoroughly considered it before: for he was against ‘too hasty concluding,’ which he did endeavour as much as he could to avoid.—This is in p. 12 1500.

1501Thomas Hobbs <said> that if it were not for the gallowes, some men are of so cruell a nature as to take a delight 1502 in killing men FW more than I should to kill a bird.—Entred 1503 in idea.

1504When Spinoza’s Tractatus Theologico-Politicus first came out <1670>, Mr. Edmund Waller sent it to my lord of Devonshire and desired him to send him word what Mr. Hobbes said of it. Mr. H. told his lordship:—

1506I have heard him inveigh much against the crueltie of Moyses for putting so many thousands to the sword for bowing to 1507... vide text.

1508T. H.’s saying:—rather use an old woman 1509 that had many yeares been at sick people’s bedsides, then the learnedst young unpractised physitian.

1510☞ I remember he was wont to say that ’old men were drowned inwardly, by their owne moysture; e.g. first, the feet swell; then, the legges; then, the belly; etc.’—This saying may be brought in, perhaps, as to the paragraph of his sicknesse and death.

1512I have no time now (in this transcript) to write the catalogue of his bookes, and I thought to have sent your paper 1513 (which I keepe safe) but Dr. Blackburne desires the perusall of it.—This catalogue here I received last night from William Crooke.

1514A supplement to Mr. A.1515 Wood’s catalogue (in his ‘History’) of Mr. Hobbes his workes: viz.—

1521He haz omitted here Aristotel’s Rhetorique, printed long since by Andrew Crooke, but without his name; but Dr. Blackburne, W. Crooke, and I will lay our heads together and sett these things right.

1532Insert the love verses he made not long before his death:—

1534Catalogue 1535 of his learned familiar friends and acquaintances, besides those already mentioned, that I remember him to have spoken of.

1540James Harrington, esq., who wrote against him in his Oceana.

1543When he was at Florence (16..; vide vitam) he contracted a friendship with the famous Galileo Galileo,...1544, whom he extremely venerated and magnified; and not only as he was a prodigious witt, but for his sweetnes of nature and manners. They 1545 pretty well resembled one another as to their countenances, as by their pictures doeth 1546 appeare; were both cheerfull and melancholique-sanguine; and had both a consimilitie of fate, to be hated and persecuted by the ecclesiastiques.

1551T. H. would say that Gassendus was the sweetest-natured man in the world.

1552Mr. Hobbes was wont to say that had M^ieur Des Cartes (for whom he had a high respect) kept himselfe to geometrie, he had been the best geometer in the world; but he could not pardon him for his writing in defence of transubstantiation, which he knew was absolutely against his opinion 1553 and donne meerly to putt a compliment 1554 <on> the Jesuites.

1555I have heard Mr. Oates say that the Jesuites doe much glorie that he <Des Cartes> had his education under 1556 them. ’Tis not unlikely that the Jesuites putt him upon that treatise.

1558Sir Kenelm Digby, amicus T. H.

1559(1648 or 49 1560, at Paris.) Sir William Petty (of Ireland 1561), Regiae Societatis Socius, a person 1562 of a stupendous invention 1563 and of as great prudence and humanity, had an high 1564 esteeme of him. His acquaintance began at Paris, 1648 or 1649, at which time Mr. Hobbes studied Vesalius’ Anatomy, and Sir William with him. He then assisted Mr. Hobbes in draweing his schemes 1565for his booke of optiques, for he had a very fine hand in those dayes for draweing 1566, which draughts Mr. Hobbes did 1567 much commend. His facultie 1568 in this kind conciliated them the sooner to the familiarity 1569 of our common friend.

1573<Sir William Petty.> I have a very fine letter from Mr. Hobbes to me where he gives him thanks and for his booke of Duplicate Proportion I sent him, which letter I will insert (so much as concerns it). Sir William Petty would keepe the originall honoris ergo and gave me a copie of it, which I have not leisure to looke out.

1574(At Paris.) Mr. Abraham Cowley, the poet, who hath bestowed on him an immortal pindarique ode, which is in his poems.

1583Jasper Mayne, Doctor of Divinity (chaplain to William, marquesse of Newcastle), an old acquaintance of his.

1590To conclude, he had a high esteeme for the Royall Societie, having sayd (vide Behemoth pag. 242, part...) that ‘Naturall Philosophy was removed from the Universities to Gresham Colledge,’ meaning the Royall Societie that meetes there; and the Royall Societie (generally) had the like for him: and he would long since have been ascribed a member there, but for the sake of one [CXXVII.] or two persons, whom he tooke to be his enemies. In their meeting at Gresham Colledge is his picture, drawen by the life, 166-(quaere date 1591), by a good hand, which they much esteeme, and severall copies have been taken of it.

1593Memorandum:—Dr. Isaac Barrow hath mentioned Mr. T. Hobbes in his mathematicall lectures, printed and unprinted.

1594Edmund Waller, esq., of Beconsfield:—‘but what he was most to <be> commended for was that he being a private person threw downe the strongholds (ὀχυρώματα) of the Church, and lett in light.’

1596Mr. John Dreyden, Poet Laureat, is his great admirer, and oftentimes makes use of his doctrine in his playes—from Mr. Dreyden himselfe.

1597Memorandum he hath no countryman living hath knowne him so long (1633 1598) as myselfe, or <any> of his friends, &c. <who> doth know so much <about him.> When he had printed his translation of Thucydides <1676: edit. 2>, his life is writt by him selfe (at my request) in the third person, a copie wherof I have by me, [to 1599 publish after his death if it please God I survive him.]

1600Now as he had these ingeniose and learned friends, and many more (no question) that I know not or now escape my memory; so he had many enemies (though undeserved; for he would not provoke, but if provoked, he was sharp and bitter): and as a prophet is not esteemed in his owne countrey, so he was more esteemed by foreigners then by his countreymen.

1606Samuelis Siremesii; Praxiologia apodictica, seu Philosophia moralis demonstrativa, pythanologiae Hobbianae opposita: Francofurti, 1677, 4to.

1607(In 16mo)—Liberty and Necessity asserted by Thomas Hobbes and opposed by Philip Tandy, register-accomptant, formerly minister and now established so again, Lond. 1656.

1608Meditationes Politicae iisdem continuandis et illustrandis addita Politica parallela XXV dissertationibus Academicis antehac exposuit Johannes Christopherus Becmanus, LL.D., editio 3ª, Francofurti MDCLXXIX, vide pag. 417 ubi magnopere laudat T. Hobbium—which transcribe.

1609In 8vo:—Meditationes Politicae iisdemque continuandis et illustrandis addita Politica Parallela XXIV dissertationibus academicis antehac exposuit Johannes Christopherus Becmanus, D. et Hist. prof. publ. ord. in Acad. Francofurtanâ; additae sunt dissertationes de lege regia et de quarta monarchia: editio tertia: Francofurti ad Oderam, anno MDCLXXIX:—pag. 417, 418:—

1611Es FX werden sehr wenig gefunden welche die Sachen genauer durchsehen denn Er und die der Natürlichen Wissen-schafft eine so lange Erfahrung beygebracht hätten. Ja Er ist ein überbliebenes von dem Bacon, unter welchem Er in seiner Jugend geschrieben und an allem was ich von Ihm gehöret und was ich in seiner Art zu sc<h>reiben mercke sehe ich wol, dasz Er viel davon behalten. Er hat durch das Studieren seine Weise die Dinge zu wenden und greiffet gerne in die Gleichnüssen. Aber Er hat natürlich viele von seiner schönen und guten Eigenschafft ja auch von seiner feinen Leibes Gestalt. Er hat der Priester-schafft seines Landes, den Mathematisten zu Oxfurt und ihren Anhänge<r>n eine Furcht eingejaget, darumb Ihre Majestät mir Ihn einem Bähren 1612 ver<g>l<e>ichen, wider welche Er die doggen, umb sie zu üben anreitzet; sonder Zweiffel hat Er die gekrönte Häupter in den Gründen seiner Welt Klugheit höchlich verbunden, und wenn Er die Lehren der Religionen nicht berühret, oder sich begnüget hätte d<i>e Presbyterianer und genannte Bischöffe seines Landes anzugreiffen, find ich nichts darin zu tadeln.’

1613Casparis Zeigleri de juribus majestatis tractatus Academicus; Wittenbergae, 1681. Vide pag. 112 § IV ubi honoris gratiâ citat Hobbium de differentiis inter pactum et legem ex element. philosoph. de Cive, cap. 14.

1614(In 12mo)—Epistolica dissertatio de principiis justi et decori continens Apologiam pro tractatu clarissimi Hobbaei de Cive ἀνονυμῶς Amstelodami apud Ludovicum Elzevirium, MDCLI.

1615... Zeigler, a German jurisconsultus, quotes him with great respect, as also some other German civilians, of which enquire farther.

1616Samuelis Pufendorf: Elementa Jurisprudentiae Universalis 1617, 1672: in praefatione—
‘Nec parum debere nos profitemur Thomae Hobbes, cujus hypothesis in libro de Cive, etsi quid profani sapiat, pleraque tamen caetera satis arguta ac sana.

1618Samuel Pufendorfius, professor in jure naturae apud regem Sueciae: in praefatione sui libri De Jure Naturae et Gentium, Amstelodam, 1688:

1621Last of all insert the pindarique ode on Mr. Hobbes made by Mr. Abraham Cowley; and after that, in the next page, the verses made by Dr. Ralph Bathurst of Trinity College in Oxon, which are before Mr. Hobbes’s Humane Nature.

1622For my much honored friend Mr. Josias Pullen, Vice-principall of Magdalen Hall in Oxon.

1624Noble Sir,

1628To my most honored frend Mr. John Awbry, esqre, to be left for him at Mr. Crooke’s, a bookseller, at the Green Dragon without Temple barre, London.

1631Worthy Sir,

1634Honored Sir,

1636To my much honoured frend Mr. John Aubrey, at Mr. Hooke’s lodging in Gresham College, London.

1648To my highly honoured frend, John Aubrey, esq., this humbly present.

1652To my much honoured frend John Aubrey, esq.

1660Mr. William Gale of Chipnam was buried yesterday. I was at Dracot, Wensday last; Sir J. and his lady was writing to you. They are in mourning for the earl of Marleborow. He died to-morrow will be three week 1661. Sir J<ames> L<ong> is quartring his coat of arms.

1670Mr. Crooke,

1681This was the draught that Mr. Hobbs first did leave in my hands, which he sent for about two yeares before he died, and wrote that which is printed in his Life in Latin by Dr. Richard Blackburn which I lent to him and he was carelesse and not remaunded it from the printer and so ’twas made wast paper of.

1682Thomas Hobbes, natus Apr. 5, 1588, Malmesburiae agri Wiltoniensis, literis Latinis et Graecis initiatus, annum agens decimum quartum missus est Oxonium: ubi per quinquennium mansit, operam impendens studio Logicae et Physicae Aristotelicae.

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