Satire V Argument
On this Satire, which is the longest and the best of all, Persius may be said to rest his claims to be considered a Philosopher and a Poet. It may be compared with advantage with the Third Satire of the second book of Horace. As the object in that is to defend what is called the Stoical paradox, “that none but the Philosopher is of sound mind,”
“Quem mala stultitia et quemcunque inscitia veri
Cæecum agit, insanum Chrysippi porticus et grex
Autumat:” i., 43-45,
so here, Persius maintains that other dogma of the Stoics, “that none but the Philosopher is truly a free man.” Horace argues (in the person of a Stoic) that there can be but one path that leads in the right direction; all others must lead the traveler only farther astray. “Unus utrique error sed variis illudit partibus” (ἐσθλοὶ μὲν γάρ ἁπλῶς, παντοδαπῶς δὲ κακοί. Arist., Eth., II., vi., 4). So Persius argues, whatever are the varied pursuits of different minds, he that is under the influence of some overwhelming passion, can offer no claim to be accounted a free agent. “Mille hominum species, et rerum discolor usus.” (52.) In fact, if we substitute “freedom” for “wisdom,” the whole argument of the last part of the Satire may be expressed in the two lines of Horace:
“Quisquis
Ambitione malâ aut argenti pallet amore
Quisquis Luxuria tristive Superstitione
Aut alio mentis morbo calet:”
that man can neither be pronounced free or of sound mind.
The Satire consists of two parts; the first serving as a Proëm to the other. It is, in fact, the earnest expression of unbounded affection for his tutor and early friend Annæus Cornutus, from whom he had imbibed those principles of philosophy, which it is the object of the latter part of the Satire to elucidate. After a few lines of ridicule at the hackneyed prologues of the day, he puts into the mouth of Cornutus that just criticism of poetical composition which there is very little doubt Persius had in reality derived from his master; and in answer to this, he takes occasion to profess his sincere and deep-seated love and gratitude toward the preceptor, whose kind care had rescued him from the vicious courses to which a young and ardent temperament was leading him; and whose sound judgment and dexterous management had weaned him from the temptations that assail the young, by making him his own companion in those studies which expanded his intellect while they rectified the obliquity (to use the Stoics’ phrase) of his moral character. Such mutual affection, he urges, could only exist between two persons whom something more than mere adventitious circumstances drew together; and he therefore concludes that the same natal star must have presided over the horoscope of both.
He then proceeds to the main subject of the Satire, viz., that all men should aim at attaining that freedom which can only result from that perfect “soundness of mind” which we have shown to be the summum bonum of the Stoics. This real freedom no mere external or adventitious circumstances can bestow. Dama, though freed at his master’s behest, if he be the slave of passion, is as much a slave as if he had never felt the prætor’s rod. Until he have really cast off, like the snake, the slough of his former vices, and become changed in heart and principles as he is in political standing, he is so far from being really free from bondage that he can not rightly perform even the most trivial act of daily life. True freedom consists in virtue alone; but “Virtus est vitium fugere:” and he who eradicates all other passions, but cherishes still one darling vice, has but changed his master. The dictates of the passions that sway his breast are more imperious than those of the severest task-master. Whether it be avarice, or luxury, or love, or ambition, or superstition, that is the dominant principle, so long as he can not shake himself free from the control of these, he is as much, as real a slave as the drudge that bears his master’s strigil to the bath, or the dog that fancies he has burst his bonds while the long fragment of his broken chain still dangles from his neck. The last few lines contain a dignified rebuke of the sneers which such pure sentiments as these would provoke in the coarse minds of some into whose hands these lines might fall; perhaps, too, they may be meant as a gentle reproof of the sly irony in which the Epicurean Horace indulged, while professing to enunciate the Stoic doctrine, that none but the true Philosopher can be said to be of sound mind.
It is the custom of poets to pray for a hundred voices,1409 and to wish for a hundred mouths and a hundred tongues for their verses;1410 whether the subject proposed be one to be mouthed1411 by a grim-visaged1412 Tragœdian, or the wounds1413 of a Parthian drawing his weapon from his groin.1414
Cornutus.1415 What is the object of this? or what masses1416 of robust song are you heaping up, so as to require the support of a hundred throats? Let those who are about to speak on grand subjects collect mists on Helicon;1417 all those for whom the pot of Procne1418 or Thyestes shall boil, to be often supped on by the insipid Glycon.1419 You neither press forth the air from the panting bellows, while the mass is smelting in the furnace; nor, hoarse with pent-up murmur, foolishly croak out something ponderous, nor strive to burst your swollen cheeks with puffing.1420 You adopt the language of the Toga,1421 skillful at judicious combination, with moderate style, well rounded,1422 clever at lashing depraved morals,1423 and with well-bred sportiveness to affix the mark of censure. Draw from this source what you have to say; and leave at Mycenæ the tables, with the head1424 and feet, and study plebeian dinners.
Persius. For my part, I do not aim at this, that my page may be inflated with air-blown trifles, fit only to give weight1425 to smoke. We are talking apart from the crowd. I am now, at the instigation of the Muse, giving you my heart to sift;1426 and delight in showing you, beloved friend, how large a portion of my soul is yours, Cornutus! Knock then, since thou knowest well how to detect what rings sound,1427 and the glozings of a varnished1428 tongue. For this I would dare to pray for a hundred voices, that with guileless voice I may unfold how deeply I have fixed thee in my inmost breast; and that my words may unseal for thee all that lies buried, too deep for words, in my secret heart.
When first the guardian purple left me, its timid charge,1429 and my boss1430 was hung up, an offering to the short-girt1431
Lares; when my companions were kind, and the white centre-fold1432 gave my eyes license to rove with impunity over the whole Suburra; at the time when the path is doubtful, and error, ignorant of the purpose of life, makes anxious minds hesitate between the branching cross-ways, I placed myself under you. You, Cornutus, cherished my tender years in your Socratic bosom. Then your rule, dexterous in insinuating itself,1433 being applied to me, straightened my perverse morals; my mind was convinced by your reasoning, and strove to yield subjection; and formed features skillfully moulded by your plastic thumb. For I remember that many long nights I spent with you; and with you robbed our feasts of the first hours of night. Our work was one. We both alike arranged our hours of rest, and relaxed our serious studies with a frugal meal.
Doubt not, at least, this fact; that both our days harmonize by some definite compact,1434 and are derived from the selfsame planet. Either the Fate, tenacious of truth,1435 suspended our natal hour in the equally poised balance, or else the Hour that presides over the faithful divides between the twins the harmonious destiny1436 of us two; and we alike correct the influence of malignant Saturn1437 by Jupiter, auspicious to both. At all events, there is some star, I know not what, that blends my destiny with thine.
There are a thousand species of men; and equally diversified is the pursuit of objects. Each has his own desire; nor do men live with one single wish. One barters beneath an orient sun,1438 wares of Italy for a wrinkled pepper1439 and grains of pale cumin.1440 Another prefers, well-gorged, to heave in dewy1441 sleep. Another indulges in the Campus Martius. Another is beggared by gambling. Another riots in sensual1442 pleasures. But when the stony1443 gout has crippled his joints, like the branches of an ancient beech—then too late they mourn that their days have passed in gross licentiousness, their light has been the fitful marsh-fog; and look back upon the life they have abandoned.1444 But your delight is to grow pale over the midnight papers; for, as a trainer of youths, you plant in their well-purged ears1445 the corn of Cleanthes.1446 From this source seek, ye young and old, a definite object for your mind, and a provision against miserable gray hairs.
“It shall be done to-morrow.”1447 “To-morrow, the case will be just the same!” What, do you grant me one day as so great a matter? “But when that other day has dawned, we have already spent yesterday’s to-morrow. For see, another to-morrow wears away our years, and will be always a little beyond you. For though it is so near you, and under the selfsame perch, you will in vain endeavor to overtake the felloe1448 that revolves before you, since you are the hinder wheel, and on the second axle.”
It is liberty, of which we stand in need! not such as that which, when every Publius Velina1449 has earned, he claims as his due the mouldy corn, on the production of his tally. Ah! minds barren of all truth! for whom a single twirl makes a Roman.1450 Here is Dama,1451 a groom,1452 not worth three farthings!1453 good for nothing and blear-eyed; one that would lie for a feed of beans. Let his master give him but a twirl, and in the spinning of a top, out he comes Marcus Dama! Ye gods! when Marcus is security, do you hesitate to trust your money? When Marcus is judge, do you grow pale? Marcus said it: it must be so. Marcus, put your name to this deed? This is literal liberty. This it is the cap of liberty1454 bestows on us.
“Is any one else, then, a freeman, but he that may live as he pleases? I may live as I please; am not I then a freer man than Brutus?”1455 On this the Stoic (his ear well purged1456 with biting vinegar) says, “Your inference is faulty; the rest I admit, but cancel ‘I may,’ and ‘as I please.’”
“Since I left the prætor’s presence, made my own master by his rod,1457 why may I not do whatever my inclination dictates, save only what the rubric of Masurius1458 interdicts?”
Learn then! But let anger subside from your nose, and the wrinkling sneer; while I pluck out those old wives’ fables from your breast. It was not in the prætor’s power to commit to fools the delicate duties of life, or transmit that experience that will guide them through the rapid course of life. Sooner would you make the dulcimer1459 suit a tall porter.1460
Reason stands opposed to you, and whispers in your secret ear, not to allow any one to do that which he will spoil in the doing. The public law of men—nay, Nature herself contains this principle—that feeble ignorance should hold all acts as forbidden. Dost thou dilute hellebore, that knowest not how to confine the balance-tongue1461 to a definite point? The very essence of medicine1462 forbids this. If a high-shoed1463 plowman, that knows not even the morning star, should ask for a ship, Melicerta1464 would cry out that all modesty had vanished from the earth.1465
Has Philosophy granted to you to walk uprightly? and do you know how to discern the semblance of truth; lest it give a counterfeit tinkle, though merely gold laid over brass? And those things which ought to be pursued, or in turn avoided, have you first marked the one with chalk, and then the other with charcoal? Are you moderate in your desires? frugal in your household? kind to your friends? Can you at one time strictly close, at another unlock your granaries? And can you pass by the coin fixed in the mud,1466 nor swallow down with your gullet the Mercurial saliva?
When you can say with truth, “These are my principles, this I hold;” then be free and wise too, under the auspices of the prætor and of Jove himself. But if, since you were but lately one of our batch, you preserve your old skin, and though polished on the surface,1467 retain the cunning fox1468 beneath your vapid breast; then I recall all that I just now granted, and draw back the rope.1469
Philosophy has given you nothing; nay, put forth your finger1470—and what act is there so trivial?—and you do wrong. But there is no incense by which you can gain from the gods this boon,1471 that one short half-ounce of Right can be inherent in fools. To mix these things together is an impossibility; nor can you, since you are in all these things else a mere ditcher, move but three measures of the satyr Bathyllus.1472
“I am free.” Whence do you take this as granted, you that are in subjection to so many things?1473 Do you recognize no master, save him from whom the prætor’s rod sets you free? If he has thundered out, “Go, boy, and carry my strigils to the baths of Crispinus!1474 Do you loiter, lazy scoundrel?” This bitter slavery affects not thee; nor does any thing from without enter which can set thy strings in motion.1475 But if within, and in thy morbid breast, there spring up masters, how dost thou come forth with less impunity than those whom the lash1476 and the terror of their master drives to the strigils?
Do you snore lazily in the morning? “Rise!” says Avarice. “Come! rise!” Do you refuse? She is urgent. “Arise!” she says. “I can not.” “Rise!” “And what am I to do?” “Do you ask? Import fish1477 from Pontus, Castoreum,1478 tow, ebony,1479 frankincense, purgative Coan wines.1480
“Be the first to unload from the thirsty camel1481 his fresh pepper—turn a penny, swear!”
“But Jupiter will hear!” “Oh fool! If you aim at living on good terms with Jove, you must go on contented to bore your oft-tasted salt-cellar with your finger!”
Now, with girded loins, you fit the skin and wine flagon to your slaves.1482—“Quick, to the ship!” Nothing prevents your sweeping over the Ægæan in your big ship, unless cunning luxury should first draw you aside, and hint, “Whither, madman, are you rushing? Whither! what do you want? The manly bile has fermented in your hot breast, which not even a pitcher1483 of hemlock could quench. Would you bound over the sea? Would you have your dinner on a thwart, seated on a coil of hemp?1484 while the broad-bottomed jug1485 exhales the red Veientane1486 spoiled by the damaged pitch!1487 Why do you covet that the money you had here put out to interest at a modest five per cent., should go on to sweat a greedy eleven per cent.? Indulge your Genius!1488 Let us crop the sweets of life! That you really live is my boon! You will become ashes, a ghost, a gossip’s tale! Live, remembering you must die.—The hour flies! This very word I speak is subtracted from it!”
What course, now, do you take? You are torn in different directions by a two-fold hook. Do you follow this master or that? You must needs by turns, with doubtful obedience, submit to one, by turns wander forth free. Nor, even though you may have once resisted, or once refused to obey the stern behest, can you say with truth, “I have burst my bonds!” For the dog too by his struggles breaks through his leash, yet even as he flies a long portion of the chain hangs dragging from his neck.
“Davus!1489 I intend at once—and I order you to believe me too!—to put an end to my past griefs. (So says Chærestratus, biting his nails to the quick.) Shall I continue to be a disgrace to my sober relations? Shall I make shipwreck1490 of my patrimony, and lose my good name, before these shameless1491 doors, while drunk, and with my torch extinguished, I sing1492 before the reeking doors of Chrysis?”
“Well done, my boy, be wise! sacrifice a lamb to the gods who ward off1493 evil!” “But do you think, Davus, she will weep at being forsaken?” Nonsense! boy, you will be beaten with her red slipper,1494 for fear you should be inclined to plunge, and gnaw through your close-confining toils,1495 now fierce and violent. But if she should call you, you would say at once, “What then shall I do?1496 Shall I not now, when I am invited, and when of her own act she entreats me, go to her?” Had you come away from her heart-whole, you would not, even now. This, this is the man of whom we are in search. It rests not on the wand1497 which the foolish Lictor brandishes.
Is that flatterer1498 his own master, whom white-robed Ambition1499 leads gaping with open mouth? “Be on the watch, and heap vetches1500 bountifully upon the squabbling mob, that old men,1501 as they sun themselves, may remember our Floralia.—What could be more splendid?”
But when Herod’s1502 day is come, and the lamps arranged on the greasy window-sill have disgorged their unctuous smoke, bearing violets, and the thunny’s tail floats, hugging the red dish,1503 and the white pitcher foams with wine: then in silent prayer you move your lips, and grow pale at the sabbaths of the circumcised. Then are the black goblins!1504 and the perils arising from breaking an egg.1505 Then the huge Galli,1506 and the one-eyed priestess with her sistrum,1507 threaten you with the gods inflating your body, unless, you have eaten the prescribed head of garlic1508 three times of a morning.
Were you to say all this among the brawny centurions, huge Pulfenius1509 would immediately raise his coarse laugh, and hold a hundred Greek philosophers dear at a clipped centussis.1510
Footnotes
1409 Centum voces. Homer is content with ten. Il., ii., 484, Οὐδ εἴ μοι δέκα μὲν γλῶσσαι δέκα δέ στόματ’ εἶεν. Virgil squares the number. Georg., ii., 43, “Non mihi si linguæ centum sint, oraque centum, Ferrea vox.” Æn., vi., 625. Sil., iv., 527, “Non mihi Mæoniæ redeat si gloria linguæ, Centenasque pater det Phœbus fundere voces, Tot cædes proferre queam.” Ov., Met., viii., 532, “Non mihi si centum Deus ora sonantia linguis.” Fast., ii., 119.
1410 In carmina. “That their style and language may be amplified and extended adequately to the greatness and variety of their subjects.”
1411 Hianda. Juv., vi., 636, “Grande Sophocleo carmen bacchamur hiatu;” alluding to the wide mouths of the tragic masks (οἱ ὑποκριταὶ μέγα κεχηνότες, Luc., Nigrin., i., p. 28, Ben.), or to the “ampullæ et sesquipedalia verba” of the tragedy itself. Hor., A. P., 96.
1412 Mæsto. Hor., A. P., 105, “Tristia mæstum vultum verba decent.”
1413 Vulnera, i. e., “Or whether it be an epic poem on the Parthian war,” which was carried on under Nero. The genitive Parthi may be either subjective or objective, probably the former, in spite of Hor., ii., Sat. i., 15, “Aut labentis equo describat vulnera Parthi.”
1414 Ab inguine. This may either mean, “drawing out the weapon from the wound he has received from the Roman,” or may describe the manner in which the Parthian (“versis animosus equis,” Hor., i., Od. xix., 11) draws his bow in his retrograde course. (“Miles sagittas et celerem fugam Parthi timet,” ii., Od. iii., 17.) Casaubon describes, from Eustathius, three other ways of drawing the bow, παρὰ μαζον, παρ’ ὦμον, and παρὰ τὸ δεξιὸν ὠτίον, “from the ear,” like our English archers. So Propertius, lib. iv., says of the Gauls, “Virgatis jaculantis ab inguine braccis.” El., x., 43.
1415 Cornutus. Annæus Cornutus (of the same gens as Mela, Lucan, and Seneca) was distinguished as a tragic poet as well as a Stoic philosopher. He was a native of Leptis, in Africa, and came to Rome in the reign of Nero, where he applied himself with success to the education of young men. He wrote on Philosophy, Rhetoric, and a treatise entitled ἡ ἑλληνικὴ θεολογία. Persius, at the age of sixteen (A.D. 50), placed himself under his charge, and was introduced by him to Lucan; and at his death left him one hundred sestertia and his library. Cornutus kept the books, to the number of seven hundred, but gave back the money to Persius’ sisters. Nero, intending to write an epic poem on Roman History, consulted Cornutus among others; but when the rest advised Nero to extend it to four hundred books, Cornutus said, “No one would read them.” For this speech Nero was going to put him to death; but contented himself with banishing him. This took place, according to Lubinus, four years after Persius’ death; more probably in A.D. 65, when so many of the Annæan gens suffered. (Cf. Clinton in Ann.) Vid. Suid., p. 2161. Dio., lxii., 29. Eus., Chron., A. 2080. Suet. in Vit. Pers.
1416 Offas. “Huge goblets of robustious song.” Gifford.
1417 Helicone. Cf. Prol., 1. 4. Hor., A. P., 230, “Nubes et inania captet.”
1418 Procnes olla. The “pot of Procne, or Thyestes,” is said to boil for them who compose tragedies on the subjects of the unnatural banquets prepared by Procne for Tereus, and by Atreus for Thyestes. Cf., Ov., Met., vi., 424-676. Senec., Thyest. Hor., A. P., 91.—Cænanda implies that these atrocities were to be actually represented on the stage, which the good taste even of Augustus’ days would have rejected with horror. Hor., A. P., 182-188.
1419 Glycon was a tragic actor, of whom one Virgilius was part owner. Nero admired him so much that he gave Virgilius three hundred thousand sesterces for his share of him, and set him free.
1420 Stloppo. “The noise made by inflating the cheeks, and then forcibly expelling the wind by a sudden blow with the hands.” It not improbably comes from λόπος in the sense of an inflated skin; as stlis for lis, stlocus for locus; stlataria from latus. Cf. ad Juv., vii., 134.
1421 Verba togæ. Having pointed out the ordinary defects of poets of the day as to choice of subjects, style, and language, Cornutus proceeds to compliment Persius for the exactly contrary merits. First, for the use of words not removed from ordinary use, but such as were in use in the most elegant and polished society of Rome, as distinguished from the rude archaisms then in vogue, or the too familiar vulgarisms of the tunicatus popellus in the provinces, where none assumed the toga till he was carried out to burial. (Juv., Sat. iii, 172.) But then, according to Horace’s precept (“Dixeris egregiè si notum callida verbum reddiderit junctura novum,” A. P., 47), grace and dignity was added to these by the novelty of effect produced by judicious combination. Cf. Cic., de Orat., iii., 43. There is an allusion to the same metaphor as in Sat. i., 65, “Per leve severos effundat junctura ungues.”
1422 Ore teres modico. The second merit, “a natural and easy mode of reciting, suited to compositions in a familiar style.” Cicero uses teres in the same sense. De Orat., iii., c. 52, “Plena quædam, sed tamen teres, et tenuis, non sine nervis ac viribus.” Horace, A. P., 323, “Graiis dedit ore rotundo Musa loqui.”
1423 Pallentes radere mores. The next merit is in the choice of a subject. Not the unnatural horrors selected to gratify the most depraved taste, but the gentlemanly, and at the same time searching, exposure of the profligate morals of the time.
1424 Cum capite. Cf. Senec., Thyest., Act iv., 1. 763, “Denudat artus dirus atque ossa amputat: tantum ora servat et datas fidei manus.”
1425 Pondus. So Horace, i., Epist. xix., 42, “Nugis addere pondus.”
1426 Excutienda. Seneca, Ep. lxxii., 1, “Explicandus est animus, et quæcunque apud illum deposita sunt, subinde excuti debent.”
1427 Solidum crepet. Cf. iii., 21, “Sonet vitium percussa.”
1428 Sinuoso. Cf. Hamlet, “Give me that man that is not passion’s slave, and I will wear him in my heart’s core; ay, in my heart of heart, as I do thee, Horatio!” Act iii., sc. 2.
1429 Custos. The Prætexta was intended, as the robes of the priests, to serve as a protection to the youths that wore it. The purple with which the toga was bordered was to remind them of the modesty which was becoming to their early years. It was laid aside by boys at the age of seventeen, and by girls when they were married. The assumption of the toga virilis took place with great solemnities before the images of the Lares, sometimes in the Capitol. It not unfrequently happened that the changing of the toga at the same time formed a bond of union between young men, which lasted unbroken for many years. Hor., i., Od. xxxvi., 9, “Memor Actæ non alio rege puertiæ Mutatæque simul togæ. “The Liberalia, on the 16th before the Kalends of April (i. e., March 17th), were the usual festival for this ceremony. Vid. Cic. ad Att., VI., i., 12. Ovid explains the reasons for the selection. Fast., iii., 771, seq.
1430 Bulla. Vid. Juv., v., 164.
1431 Succinctis. So Horace, A. P., 50, “Fingere cinctutis non exaudita Cethegis.” The Lares, being the original household deities, were regarded with singular affection, and were probably usually represented in the homely dress of the early ages of the republic. Perhaps, too, some superstitious feeling might tend to prevent any innovation in their costume. This method of wearing the toga, which consisted in twisting it over the left shoulder, so as to leave the right arm bare and free, was called the “Cinctus Gabinus” (cf. Ov., Fast., v., 101, 129), from the fact of its having been adopted at the sudden attack at Gabii, when they had not time to put on the sagum, but were forced to fight in the toga. Hence, in proclaiming war, the consul always appeared in this costume (Virg., Æn., vii., 612, “Ipse Quirinali trabeâ cinctuque Gabino Insignis reserat stridentia limina Consul”), and it was that in which Decius devoted himself. Liv., viii., 9; v., 46.
1432 Umbo was the centre where all the folds of the toga met on the left shoulder; from this boss the lappet fell down and was tucked into the girdle, so as to form the sinus or fold which served as a pocket.
1433 Fallere solers. “You showed so much skill and address in your endeavors to restore me to the right path, that I was, as it were, gradually and insensibly cheated into a reformation of my life.”
1434 Fœdere certo. Hor., ii., Ep. ii., 187, “Scit Genius, natale comes qui temperat astrum.” ii., Od. xvii., 16, “Placitumque Parcis, Seu Libra seu me Scorpius adspicit formidolosus, pars violentior Natalis horæ seu tyrannus Hesperiæ Capricornus undæ Utrumque nostrum incredibili modo consentit astrum.” Manil., iv., 549, “Felix æquato genitus sub pondere Libræ.”
1435 Tenax veri. “Because the decrees pronounced by Destiny at each man’s birth have their inevitable issue.” So Horace, “Parca non mendax,” ii., Od. xvi., 39.
1436 Concordia. This συναστρία, as the Greeks called the being born under one Horoscopus (vi., 18), was considered to be one of the causes of the most familiar and intimate friendship.
1437 Saturnum. Hor., ii., Od. xvii., 22, “Te Jovis impio tutela Saturno refulgens Eripuit.” Both gravis and impius are probably meant to express the Κρόνος βλαβερὸς of Manetho, i., 110. Propert., iv., El. i., 105, “Felicesque Jovis stellæ Martisque rapacis, Et grave Saturni sidus in omne caput.” Juv., vi., 570, “Quid sidus triste minetur Saturni.” Virg., Georg., i., 336, “Frigida Saturni stella.”
1438 Sole recenti. “In the extreme east;” from Hor., i., Sat. iv., 29, “Hic mutat merces surgente à Sole ad eum quo Vespertina tepet regio.”
1439 Rugosum piper. Plin., H. N., xii., 7.
1440 Pallentis cumini. The cumin was used as a cheap substitute for pepper, which was very expensive at Rome. It produced great paleness in those who ate much of it; and consequently many who wished to have a pallid look, as though from deep study, used to take it in large quantities. Pliny (xx., 14, “Omne cuminum pallorem bibentibus gignit”) says that the imitators of Porcius Latro used to take it in order to resemble him even in his natural peculiarities. Horace alludes to this, i., Epist. xix., 17, “Quod si pallerem casu biberent exsangue cuminum.” (Latro died A.U.C. 752.) Cf. Plin., xix., 6, 32.
1441 Irriguo. Virg., Æn., i., 691,” Placidam per membra quietem irrigat.” iii., 511, “Fessos sopor irrigat artus.”—Turgescere. Sulp., 56, “Somno moriuntur obeso.”
1442 Putris. Hor., i., Od. xxxvi., 17, “Omnes in Damalin putres deponunt oculos.”
1443 Lapidosa. “That fills his joints with chalk-stones.” Hor., ii., Sat. vii., 16, “Postquam illi justa cheragra Contudit articulos.” i., Ep. i., 81, “Nodosâ corpus nolis prohibere cheragrâ.”
1444 Vitam relictam. Cf. iii., 38, “Virtutem videant intabescantque relictâ.”
1445 Purgatas aures. Cf. l. 86, “Stoicus hic aurem mordaci lotus aceto.” One of the remedies of deafness was holding the ear over the vapor of heated vinegar. The metaphor was very applicable to the Stoics, who were famous for their acuteness in detecting fallacies, and their keenness in debating. Cf. Plaut., Mil. Gl., III., i., 176, “Ambo perpurgatis tibi operam damus auribus.” Hor., i., Epist. i., 7, “Est mihi purgatam crebrò qui personet aurem.”
1446 Cleantheâ. Vid. Juv., ii., 7. Cleanthes was a native of Assos, and began life as a pugilist. He came to Athens with only four drachmæ, and became a pupil of Zeno. He used to work at night at drawing water in the gardens, in order to raise money to attend Zeno’s lectures by day; and hence acquired the nickname of φρεάντλης. He succeeded Zeno in his school, and according to some, Chrysippus became his pupil. Diog. Laërt., VII., v., 1, 2; vii., 1.
1447 Cras hoc fiet. Cf. Mart., v., Ep. lviii., 7, “Cras vives! hodie jam vivere Postume serum est, Ille sapit, quisquis, Postume, vixit heri.” Macbeth, Act v., sc. 5,
“To-morrow, and to-morrow, and to-morrow,
Creeps in this petty pace from day to day,
To the last syllable of recorded time:
And all our yesterdays have lighted fools
The way to dusty death.”
“Our yesterday’s to-morrow now is gone,
And still a new to-morrow does come on.
We by to-morrows draw out all our store,
Till the exhausted well can yield no more.” Cowley.
1448 Canthum. “The tire of the wheel.” Quintilian (i., 5) says, “The word is of Spanish or African origin. Though Persius employs it as a word in common use.” But Casaubon quotes Suidas, Eustathius, and the Etym. Mag., to prove it is a pure Greek word; κανθὸς, “the corner of the eye.” Hence put for the orb of the eye.
1449 Velinâ Publius. When a slave was made perfectly free he was enrolled in one of the tribes, in order that he might enjoy the full privileges of a Roman citizen: one of the chief of these was the frumentatio, i. e., the right of receiving a ticket which entitled him to his share at the distribution of the public corn, which took place on the nones of each month. This ticket or tally was of wood or lead, and was transferable. Sometimes a small sum was paid with it. Cf. Juv., vii., 174, “Summula ne pereat quâ vilis tessera venit frumenti.” The slave generally adopted the prænomen of the person who manumitted him, and the name of the tribe to which he was admitted was added. This prænomen was the distinguishing mark of a freeman, and they were proportionally proud of it. (Hor., ii., Sat. v., 32, “Quinte, puta, aut Publi—gaudent prænomine molles auriculæ.” Juv., v., 127, “Si quid tentaveris unquam hiscere tanquam habeas tria nomina.”) The tribe “Velina” was one of the country tribes, in the Sabine district, and called from the Lake Velinus. It was the last tribe added, with the Quirina, A.U.C. 512, to make up the thirty-five tribes, by the censors C. Aurelius Cotta and M. Fabius Buteo. Vid. Liv., Epit., xix. Cic., Att., iv., 15. The name of the tribe was always added in the ablative case, as Oppius Veientinâ, Anxius Tomentinâ.
1450 Quiritem. Cf. Sen., Nat., iii., “Hæc res efficit non è jure Quiritium liberum, sed è jure Naturæ.” There were three ways of making a slave free: 1, per Censum; 2, per Vindictam; 3, per Testamentum. The second is alluded to here. The master took the slave before the prætor or consul and said, “Hunc hominem liberum esse volo jure Quiritium.” Then the prætor, laying the rod (Vindicta) on the slave’s head, pronounced him free; whereupon his owner or the lictor turned him round, gave him a blow on the cheek (alapa), and let him go, with the words, “Liber esto atque ito quo voles.” (Plaut., Men., V., vii., 40.)
1451 Dama was a common name for slaves (Hor., ii., Sat. vii., 54, “Prodis ex judice Dama turpis;” and v., 18, “Utne tegam spurco Damæ latus”), principally for Syrians. It is said to be a corruption of Demetrius or Demodorus. So Manes, from Menodorus, was a common name of Phrygian slaves.
1452 Agaso. Properly, “a slave who looks after beasts of burden” (qui agit asinos, Schell.), then put as a mark of contempt for any drudge. Hor., ii., Sat. viii., 73, “Si patinam pede lapsus frangat agaso.”
1453 Tressis. Literally, “three asses.” So Sexis, Septussis, etc.
1454 Pilea. Cf. ad iii., 106, “Hesterni capite induto subiere Quirites.”
1455 Bruto. From the three Bruti, who were looked upon by the vulgar as the champions of liberty. Lucius Junius Brutus, who expelled the Tarquins; Marcus, who murdered Cæsar; and Decimus, who opposed Antony.
1456 Aurem lotus. Cf. ad l. 63.
1457 Vindicta. Cf. Ov., A. A., iii., 615, “Modo quam Vindicta redemit.”
1458 Masurius, or Massurius Sabinus, a famous lawyer in the reign of Tiberius, admitted by him when at an advanced age into the Equestrian order. He is frequently mentioned by Aulus Gellius (Noctes xiv.). He wrote three books on Civil Law, five on the Edictum Prætoris Urbani, besides Commentaries and other works, quoted in the Digests.
1459 Sambucam. “You might as well put a delicate instrument of music in the hands of a coarse clown, and expect him to make it ‘discourse eloquent music,’ as look for a nice discernment of the finer shades of moral duty in one wholly ignorant of the first principles of philosophy.” Sambuca is from the Chaldaic Sabbecà. It was a kind of triangular harp with four strings, and according to the Greeks, was called from one Sambuces, who first used it. Others say the Sibyl was the first performer on it. Ibycus of Regium was its reputed inventor, as Anacreon of the Barbiton: but from its mention in the book of Daniel (iii., 5), it was probably of earlier date. A female performer on it was called Sambucistria. An instrument of war, consisting of a platform or drawbridge supported by ropes, to let down from a tower on the walls of a besieged town, was called, from the similarity of shape, by the same name. Cf. Athen., iv., 175; xiv., 633, 7. (Suidas, in voce, seems to derive it from ἴαμβος, quasi ἰαμβύκη, because Iambic verses were sung to it.)
1460 Caloni. The slaves attached to the army were so called, from κᾶλα “logs,” either because they carried clubs, or because they were the hewers of wood and drawers of water for the soldiers. From their being always in the camp they acquired some military knowledge, and hence we find them occasionally used in great emergencies. They are sometimes confounded with Lixæ; but the latter were not slaves. The name is then applied to any coarse and common drudge. Cf. Hor., i., Ep. xiv., 41, “Invidet usum Lignorum tibi calo.” Cf. i., Sat. ii., 44; vi., 103. Tac., Hist., i., 49.—Alto refers to the old Greek proverb, ἄνοος ὁ μακρὸς, “Every tall man is a fool;” which Aristotle (in Physiogn.) confirms.
1461 Examen. See note on Sat. i., 6.
1462 Natura medendi. Horace has the same idea, ii., Ep. i., 114, “Navem agere ignarus navis timet; abrotonum ægro non audet nisi qui didicit dare; quod medicorum est promittunt medici.”
1463 Peronatus. Cf. Juv., xiv., 186.
1464 Melicerta was the son of Ino, who leaped with him into the sea, to save him from her husband Athamas. Neptune, at the request of Venus, changed them into sea-deities, giving to Ino the name of Leucothea, and to Palæmon that of Melicerta, or, according to others, Portunus (à portu, as Neptunus, à nando). Vid. Ov., Met., iv., 523, seq. Fast., vi., 545. Milton’s Lycidas,
“By Leucothea’s golden bands,
And her son that rules the sands.”
1465 Frontem. See note on Sat. i., 12. Hor., ii., Ep. i., 80, “Clament periisse pudorem cuncti.”
1466 In luto fixum. From Hor., i., Ep. xvi., 63, “Quî melior servo qui liberior sit avarus. In triviis fixum cum se demittat ob assem.” The boys at Rome used to fix an as tied to a piece of string in the mud, which they jerked away, with jeers and cries of “Etiam!” as soon as any sordid fellow attempted to pick it up. Mercury being the god of luck (see note on ii., 44; Hor., ii., Sat. iii., 25), Persius uses the term “Mercurial saliva” for the miser’s mouth watering at the sight of the prize (vi., 62).—Glutto expresses the gurgling sound made in the throat at the swallowing of liquids.
1467 Fronte politus. Hor., i., Ep. xvi., 45, “Introrsus turpem, speciosum pelle decorâ.”
1468 Vulpem. Hor., A. P., 437, “Nunquam te fallant animi sub vulpe latentes.” Lysander’s saying is well known, “Where the lion’s skin does not fit, we must don the fox’s.”
1469 Funemque reduco. Shakspeare, Romeo and Juliet, Act ii. sc. 1.
“I would have thee gone,
And yet no farther than a wanton’s bird,
Who lets it hop a little from her hand,
Like a poor prisoner in his twisted gyves,
And with a silk thread plucks it back again.”
1470 Digitum exsere. The Stoics held that none but a philosopher could perform even the most trivial act, such as putting out the finger, correctly; there being no middle point between absolute wisdom and absolute folly: consequently it was beyond even the power of the gods to bestow upon a fool the power of acting rightly.
1471 Litabis. See note on Sat. ii., 75.
1472 Bathylli, i. e., “Like the graceful Bathyllus, when acting the part of the satyr.” Juv., Sat. vi., 63. Gifford’s note.
1473 Tot subdite rebus. “None but the philosopher can be free, because all men else are the slaves of something; of avarice, luxury, love, ambition, or superstition.” Cf. Epict., Man., xiv., 2, ὅστις οὖν ἐλεύθερος εἶναι βούλεται, μήτε θελέτω τι, μήτε φευγέτω τι τῶν ἐπ’ ἄλλοις· εἰ δὲ μὴ, δουλεύειν ἀνάγκη. So taught the Stoics; and inspired wisdom reads the same lesson. “Know ye not, that to whom ye yield yourselves servants to obey, his servants ye are to whom ye obey?” Rom., vi., 16.
1474 Crispinus. This “Verna Canopi,” whom Juvenal mentions so often with bitter hatred and contempt, rose from the lowest position to eminence under Nero, who found him a ready instrument of his lusts and cruelties. His connection with Nero commended him to Domitian also. One of his phases may probably have been the keeping a bath. Juv., i., 27; iv., 1, 14, etc.
1475 Nervos agitat. “A slave is no better than a puppet in the hands of his master, who pulls the strings that set his limbs in motion.” The allusion is to the ἀγάλματα νευρόσπαστα, “images worked by strings.” Herod., ii., 48. Xen., Sympos., iv. Lucian., de Deâ Syriâ, xvi.
1476 Scutica. Vid. ad Juv., vi., 480.
1477 Saperdam. From the Greek σαπέρδης (Aristot., Fr. 546), a poor insipid kind of fish caught in the Black Sea, called κορακῖνος until it was salted. Archestratus in Athenæus (iii., p. 117) calls it a φαῦλον ἀκιδνὸν ἕδεσμα.
1478 Castoreum. Cf. Juv., xii., 34.
1479 Ebenum. Virg., Georg., ii., 115, “Sola India nigrum fert ebenum: solis est thurea virga Sabæis.”
1480 Lubrica Coa. The grape of Cos was very sweet and luscious: a large quantity of sea-water was added to the lighter kind, called Leuco-Coum, which gave it a very purgative quality; which, in fact, most of the lighter wines of the ancients possessed. Vid. Cels., i., 1. Plin., H. N., xiv., 10. Horace alludes to this property of the Coan wine, ii., Sat. iv., 27, “Si dura morabitur aloes, Mytilus et viles pellent obstanti aconchæ Et lapathi brevis herba, sed albo non sine Coo.” (May not “lubrica conchylia” in the next line be interpreted in the same way, instead of its recorded meaning, “slimy?”) Casaubon explains it by λεαντικός.
1481 Camelo. “Thirsty from its journey over the desert to Alexandria from India.” Vid. Plin., H. N., xii., 7, 14, 15. Jahn’s Biblical Antiquities, p. 31.
1482 Baro is no doubt the true reading, and not varo, which some derive from varum, “an unfashioned stake” (of which vallum is the diminutive), “a log;” and hence applied to a stupid person. Baro is, as the old Scholiast tells us rightly for once, the Gallic term for a soldier’s slave, his Calo; and, like Calo, became a term of reproach and contumely. It afterward was used, like homo (whence homagium, “homage”), to mean the king’s “man,” or vassal; and hence its use in mediæval days as an heraldic title. Compare the Norman-French terms Escuyer, Valvasseur.
1483 Œnophorum. Hor., i., Sat. vi., 109, “Pueri lasanum portantes œnophorumque.” Pellis is probably a substitute for a leathern portmanteau or valise.
1484 Cannabe.
“And while a broken plank supports your meat,
And a coil’d cable proves your softest seat,
Suck from squab jugs that pitchy scents exhale,
The seaman’s beverage, sour at once and stale.” Gifford.
1485 Sessilis obba. Sessilis is properly applied to the broad back of a stout horse, affording a good seat (“tergum sessile,” Ov., Met., xii., 401), then to any thing resting on a broad base. Obba is a word of Hebrew root, originally applied to a vase used for making libations to the dead. It is the ἄμβιξ of the Greeks (cf. Athen., iv., 152), a broad vessel tapering to the mouth, and answers to the “Caraffe” or “Barile” of the modern Italians.
1486 Veientanum. The wine-grown at Veii. The Campagna di Roma is as notorious as ever for the mean quality of its wines. Hor., ii., Sat. iii., 143, “Qui Veientanum festis potare diebus Campana solitus trullâ.” Mart., i., Ep. civ., 9, “Et Veientani bibitur fax crassa rubelli.” ii., Ep. 53. iii., Ep. 49.
1487 Pice. See Hase’s Ancient Greeks, chap. i., p. 16.
1488 Indulge genio. Cf. ii., 8, “Funde merum Genio.”
1489 Dave. This episode is taken from a scene in the Eunuchus of Menander, from which Terence copied his play, but altered the names. In Terence, Chærestratus becomes Phædria, Davus Parmeno, and Chrysis Thais. There is a scene of very similar character in le Dépit Amoureux of Molière. Horace has also copied it, but not with the graphic effect of Persius. ii., Sat. iii., 260, “Amator exclusus qui distat, agit ubi secum, eat an non, Quo rediturus erat non arcessitus et hæret Invisis foribus? ne nunc, cum me vocat ultro Accedam? an potius mediter finire dolores?” et seq. Lucr., iv., 1173, seq.
1490 Frangam. Literally, “make shipwreck of my reputation.”
1491 Udas is variously interpreted. “Dissipated and luxurious,” as opposed to siccis (Hor., i., Od. xviii., 3; iv., Od. v., 38), just before, in the sense of “sober.” So Mart., v., Ep. lxxxiv., 5, “Udus aleator.” (Juvenal uses madidus in the same sense. See note on Sat. xv., 47.) For the drunken scenes enacted at these houses, see the last scene of the Curculio of Plautus. Or it may mean, “wet with the lover’s tears.” Vid. Mart, x., Ep. lxxviii., 8. Or simply “reeking with the wine and unguents poured over them.” Cf. Lucr., iv., 1175, “Postesque superbos unguit amaracina.” Cf. Ov., Fast., v. 339.
1492 Cum face canto. The torch was extinguished to prevent the serenader being recognized by the passers-by. The song which lovers sang before their mistresses’ doors was called παρακλαυσίθυρον. [Examples may be seen, Aristoph., Eccl., 960, seq. Plaut., Curc., sc. ult. Theoc., iii., 23. Propert., i., El. xvi., 17, seq.] Cf. Hor., iii., Od. x., and i., Od. xxv. This serenading was technically called “occentare ostium.” Plaut., Curc., I., ii., 57. Pers., IV., iv., 20.
1493 Depellentibus. The ἀποτροπαῖος and ἀλεξίκακος of the Greeks. So ἀπόλλων· quasi ἀπέλλων the Averruncus of Varro, L. L., v., 5.
1494 Soleâ. Cf. ad Juv., vi., 612, “Et soleâ pulsare nates.” Ter., Eun., Act V., vii., 4.
1495 Casses. From Prop., ii., El. iii., 47.
1496 Quidnam igitur faciam. These are almost the words of Terence, “Quid igitur faciam non eam ne nunc quidem cum arcessor ultro?” etc. Eun. I., i.
1497 Festuca is properly “light stubble,” or straws such as birds build their nests with. Colum., viii., 15. It is here used contemptuously for the prætor’s Vindicta; as in Plautus, “Quid? ea ingenua an festuca facta è servâ libera est?” Mil., IV., i., 15; from whom it is probably taken.
1498 Palpo is either the nominative case, “a wheedler, flatterer,” πόλαξ τοῦ δήμου, or the ablative from palpum, “a bait, or lure.” Plautus uses the neuter substantive twice. Amph., I., iii., 28, “Timidam palpo percutit.” Pseud., IV., i., 35, “Mihi obtrudere non potes palpum,” in the sense of the English saying, “Old birds are not to be caught with chaff.”
1499 Cretata ambitio. Those who aspired to any office wore a toga whose whiteness was artificially increased by rubbing with chalk. Hence the word Candidatus. Ambitio refers here to its primitive meaning: the going round, ambire et prensare, to canvass the suffrages of the voters. This was a laborious process, and required early rising to get through it Hence vigila.
1500 Cicer. At the Floralia (cf. ad Juv., vi., 250), which were exhibited by the Ædiles, it was customary for the candidates for popularity to throw among the people tesserulæ or tallies, which entitled the bearer to a largess of corn, pulse, etc., for these there would be, of course, a great scramble.
1501 Aprici senes. Cf. ad Juv., xi., 203.
1502 Herodis dies. Persius now describes the tyranny of superstition; and of all forms of it, there was none which both Juvenal and Persius regarded with greater contempt and abhorrence than that of the Jews: and next to this they ranked the Egyptian. From the favor shown to the Herods by the Roman emperors, from Julius Cæsar downward, it is not wonderful that the partisans of Herod, or Herodians, should form a large body at Rome as well as in Judæa; and that consequently the birthday of Herod should be kept as “a convenient day” for displaying that regard (compare Acts, xii., 21 with Matt., xiv., 6, and Mark, vi., 21), and be celebrated with all the solemnities of a sabbath. It was the custom (as we have seen, Juv., xii., 92), on occasions of great rejoicing, to cover the door-posts and fronts of the houses with branches and flowers, among which violets were very conspicuous (Juv., u. s.), and to suspend lighted lamps even at a very early hour from the windows, and trees near the house. (So Tertull., Apol., “Lucernis diem infringere.” Lactant., vi., 2, “Accendunt lumina velut in tenebris agenti.”) The sordid poverty of the Jews is as much the satirist’s butt as their superstition. The lamps are greasy, the fish of the coarsest kind, and of that only the worst part, the tail, serves for their banquet, which is also served in the commonest earthenware.
1503 Fidelia. Cf. iii., 22, 73.
1504 Lemures. After his murder by Romulus, the shade of his brother Remus was said to have appeared to Faustulus and his wife Acca Larentia, and to have desired that a propitiatory festival to his Manes should be instituted. This was therefore done, and three days were kept in May (the 7th, 5th, and 3d before the Ides) under the name of Remuria or Lemuria. They were kept at night, during which time they went with bare feet, washed their hands thrice, and threw black beans nine times behind their backs, which ceremonies were supposed to deliver them from the terrors of the Lemures. During these days all the temples of the gods were kept strictly closed, and all marriages contracted in the month of May were held inauspicious. Ov., Fast., v., 421-92. Hor., ii, Ep. ii., 208, “Somnia, terrores magicos, miracula, sagas, nocturnos Lemures portentaque Thessala rides.” The Lemures seem from Apuleius to have been identical with the Larvæ, which is a cognate form to Lax. (For a good Roman ghost story, see Plin., vii., Epist. 27.)
1505 Ovo. Eggs were much used in lustral sacrifices, probably from being the purest of all food (cf. Ov., A. Am., ii., 329, “Et veniat quæ purget anus lectumque locumque Præferat et tremulâ sulphur et ova manu.” Juv., vi., 518, “Nisi se centum lustraverit ovis”); and hence in incantations and fortune-telling. Hor., Epod. v., 19. If the egg broke when placed on the fire, or was found to have been perforated, it was supposed to portend mischief to the person or property of the individual who tried the charm.
1506 Galli. Vid. Juv., viii., 176, and vi., 512, “Ingens semivir.”
1507 Sistro lusca sacerdos. For the sistrum, see Juv., xiii., 93. “Women who have no chance of being married,” as the old Scholiast says, “make a virtue of necessity, and consecrate themselves to a life of devotion.” Prate suggests this one-eyed lady probably turned her deformity to good account, as she would represent it as the act of the offended goddess, and argue that if her favored votaries were thus exposed to her vengeance, what had the impious herd of common mortals to expect. Cf. Ov., Pont., i., 51. The last lines may be compared with the passage in Juvenal, Sat. vi., 511-591.
1508 Alli. Garlic was worshiped as a deity in Egypt. Plin., xix., 6. Cf. Juv., xv., 9. A head of garlic eaten fasting was used as a charm against magical influence.
1509 Pulfenius. Another reading is Vulpennius. These centurions considered that bodily strength was the only necessary qualification for a soldier, and that consequently all cultivation, both of mind and body, was worse than superfluous. Cf. Juv., xiv., 193. Hor., i., Sat vi., 73. Pers., iii., 77, “Aliquis de gente hircosâ Centurionum.”
1510 Curio centusse. From the Greek οὐκ ἂν πριαίμην τετρημένου χαλκοῦ. Plut. adv. Col. So Synesius, πολλοῦ μέν τ’ ἂν εἶεν τρεῖς τοῦ ὀβολοῦ. “They would be dear at three for a halfpenny!”—Liceri is properly “to bid at an auction,” which was done by holding up the finger. Vid. Cic. in Ver., II., iii., 11. Hence “Licitator.” Cic., de Off., iii, 15.