Agricola: Agriculture and Rustic Life in the Greco-Roman World

Appendix. — Some Byzantine Authorities

To follow up the history of agricultural labour under the so-called Byzantine empire, after the Roman empire had fallen in the West, is beyond my scope. Yet there are certain matters on which light is thrown by surviving documents that it is hardly possible wholly to ignore. That the position of the agricultural classes did not follow the same lines of development in East and West, is in itself a fact worth noting, though not surprising. It may be said to run parallel with the general fate of the two sections of the once Roman world. In the West1823 the growth of what we call Feudalism and the rise of new nation-states are the phenomena that in the course of centuries gradually produced our modern Europe. In the East the Empire long preserved its organization, declining in efficiency and power, but rallying again and again, serving as a bulwark of Christian Europe, and not extinguished finally till 1453. It might perhaps have been guessed that the conditions of rustic life would undergo some change, for the system of the later Roman colonate was already shewing signs of coming failure in the time of Arcadius and Honorius. The need of some system more favourable to individual energy and enterprise, more to be trusted for production of food, was surely not to be ignored. Food must have been a need of extreme urgency, with armies constantly engaged in northern or eastern wars, and the mouths of Constantinople ever hungry at home. After the Saracen conquest of Egypt in the seventh century, the food-resources on which the government could rely must have been seriously reduced, and the need greater than ever. Thus we are not to wonder if we find indications of great interest taken in agriculture, and direct evidence of reversion to a better land-system than that of the later Roman colonate.

A. Geoponica

The curious collection known as Geoponica1824 comes down to us in a text attributed to the tenth century, which is supposed to be a badly-edited version of an earlier work probably of the sixth or early seventh century. It is in a scrap-book form, consisting of precepts on a vast number of topics, the matter under each heading being professedly drawn from the doctrine of some author or authors whose names are prefixed. Some of these are Byzantine writers, others of much earlier date, including Democritus and Hippocrates, and the Roman Varro. Modern critics consider these citations of names untrustworthy, the collector or editor having dealt very carelessly with the work of his predecessors. I can only say that an examination of the chapters that are of special interest to me fully bears out this censure. I would add that a reference to the index shews that Cato Columella Pliny (elder) and Palladius are never cited, and express my suspicion that the omission of names is not always a proof that those authors were disregarded as sources. The general character of the work is unscientific and feeble, abounding in quackery and superstition. Technical and dogmatic, it has nevertheless an air of unreality, perhaps due in part to the later editor, but probably in part to the original compiler, whose name is given as Cassianus Bassus, a lawyer (σχολαστικός), apparently a Byzantine.

It has been remarked that the cultivation of corn fills but a small space in the Geoponica, being evidently quite a subordinate department of farm-life as there contemplated. Is this an indication that Constantinople was still drawing plenty of corn from Egypt, and may we infer that this feature is due to the original compiler, writing before the loss of that granary-province? I do not venture to answer the question.

The passages interesting from my point of view occur in the second book, where some reference, scanty and obscure though it be, is made to labour and labourers. A chapter (2) on the classes of labourers suited for various kinds of work is a good specimen of this unsatisfactory treatise. It is labelled Βάρωνος, but we may well hesitate to ascribe the substance to Varro. The rules given are for the most part quite commonplace, and I cannot trace them in Varro’s res rustica. On the other hand some of them correspond to precepts of Columella. Whether this is their real source, or whether they are traditional rules handed down carelessly by previous compilers, perhaps on even earlier authority, I see no sure means of determining. The doctrine that boys (παῖδες) should be employed in field-labour (ἐργασία), to watch and learn from their experienced elders, and the remark that their suppleness fits them better for stooping jobs (weeding etc.), is new to me. Varro1825 at least puts the minimum age for field-hands at 22. Perhaps this doctrine comes from some later authority, of a time when the old supply of adult field-hands was evidently failing.

Another chapter, labelled as drawn from Florentinus (? first half of third century), deals with the qualifications and duties of the ἐπίτροπος or οἰκονόμος, the Roman vilicus. This chapter (44) is also quite commonplace, and can be copiously illustrated out of many authors, from Xenophon and Cato to Columella and Pliny. The exact meaning of one passage (§ 3) is not clear to me, but its general drift is in agreement with the rest. The notable point about the chapter is that it discusses the steward and his staff as forming the ordinary establishment of a farm. Are we to infer that this system was normal at the time when the compiler put together the precepts under this head? Or is this a case of unintelligent compilation, a mere passing-on of doctrines practically obsolete by a town-bred writer in his study? I cannot tell. The consideration of further details may give some help towards a judgment.

The next chapter (45), with the same label, treats of the steward’s diary and the organization of the hands (ἐργάται). The main doctrine is that every day must have its task, and every plan be punctually carried out, since one delay upsets the whole course (τὴν τῆς ἐργασίας τάξιν) and is bad for both crops and land. This again is stale enough, and may be illustrated from Cato and Columella. The rules for organizing the hands in groups of suitable size, so as to get a maximum of efficiency with a minimum of overseers, agree closely with what we find in Columella. Thus there is a strong probability that the labour intended is that of slaves.

In chapter 46, with same label, the subject is one of scale (περὶ μέτρου ἐργασίας), the expression of several operations in terms of labour-units (ἐργασίαι, operae). This also is an old story, capable of much illustration from earlier writers. The work contemplated is that of a vineyard. The way in which the hands (ἐργάται) are referred to is more suited to a slave-staff than to wage-earners.

So too in chapter 47, with same label. It is περὶ τῆς τῶν γεωργῶν ὑγιείας, enjoining general care of the men’s health and prescribing remedies for various ailments. It seems taken for granted that the hands will submit to the treatment imposed. Remembering the traditional interest of the master in his slaves’ health, we can hardly doubt that slaves are meant here.

Chapter 48, labelled as drawn from Didymus (? fourth or fifth century), is a warning against ill-considered transplantation from better spots to less wholesome ones. The reverse order is the right one. This rule applies not only to plants (φυτά) but to farm-workers (γεωργόι) also. The principle can be traced back to earlier writers. It seems assumed that the men, like the plants, can be removed at the master’s will. Probably slaves are meant, and we may recall the objections of Varro and Columella to risking slave-property in malarious spots.

Chapter 49, labelled Βάρωνος, asserts the necessity of keeping such artisans as smiths carpenters and potters on the farm or near at hand. The tools have to be kept in good order, and visits to the town waste time. That this precept comes from Varro I 16 §§ 3, 4, seems more than doubtful: reference will shew that the passages differ considerably.

I would add that the argument prefixed to book III, a farmer’s calendar, at least in Beckh’s text, gives a list of the months from January to December, attaching to each Roman name the corresponding Egyptian one. The editor apparently accepts this double list as genuine. If it be so, has the fact any bearing on the relations between Constantinople and Egypt referred to above?

B. the Farmer’s Law

The so-called ‘Farmer’s Law,’ νόμος γεωργικός, is now assigned by the critics to the time of the Iconoclast emperors, say about 740 AD. It is an official document of limited scope, not a general regulative code governing agricultural conditions in all parts of the eastern empire. Its text origin arrangement and the bearing of its evidence have been much discussed, and it will suffice here to refer to the articles of Mr Ashburner1826 on the subject. What concerns me is the position of farmers under the Byzantine empire in the eighth century as compared with that of the fourth or fifth century coloni, and the different lines of development followed by country life in East and West. Therefore it is only necessary to consider some of the main features of the picture revealed to us by various details of the Farmer’s Law.

The first point that strikes a reader is that the serf1827 colonus has apparently disappeared. Land is held by free owners, who either themselves provide for its cultivation or let it to tenants who take over that duty. The normal organization is in districts (χωρία) each of which contains a number of landowners, who either farm their own land or, if short of means (ἄποροι), let it to other better-equipped farmers of the same district. Thus the transactions are locally limited, and the chief object of the law is to prevent misdeeds that might prejudicially affect the prosperity of the local farmers. These are in a sense partners or commoners (κοινωνοί), the ‘commonalty’ (κοινότης) of the district, which is a taxation-unit with its members jointly liable. The district seems to be regarded as originally common and then divided into members’ lots, with a part reserved perhaps as common pasture. Redivision is contemplated, and the lots seem to belong rather to the family than to the individual. To judge from the tone of the rules, it seems certain that the farmers and their families are a class working with their own hands. But there are also wage-earning labourers, and slaves owned or hired for farm work. Tenancy on shares, like the partiary system in Roman Law, appears as an established practice, and in one passage (clause 16) Mr Ashburner detects a farmer employed at a salary, in short a mercennarius.

Thus we find existing what are a kind of village communities, the landowning farmers in which are free to let land to each other and also to exchange farms if they see fit to do so. How far they are free to flit from one commune to another remains doubtful. And there is no indication that they are at liberty to dispose of their own land-rights to outsiders. There appears however side by side with these communal units another system of tenancies in which individual farmers hire land from great landlords. Naturally the position of such tenants is different from that of tenants under communal owners: the matter is treated at some length by Mr Ashburner. What proportion the corn crop generally bore to other produce in the agriculture of the Byzantine empire contemplated by these regulations, the document does not enable us to judge. Vineyards and figyards were clearly an important department, and also gardens for vegetables and fruit. Live stock, and damage done to them and by them, are the subject of many clauses, nor is woodland forgotten. But the olive does not appear. So far as one may guess, the farming was probably of a mixed character. The penalties assigned for offences are often barbarous, including not only death by hanging or burning but blinding and other mutilations of oriental use. At the same time the ecclesiastical spirit of the Eastern empire finds expression in the bestowal of a curse on one guilty of cheating, referring I suppose primarily to undiscovered fraud.

The state of things inferred from the provisions of the ‘Farmer’s Law’ is so remarkable in itself, and so different from the course of rustic development in the West, that we are driven to seek an explanation of some kind. Many influences may have contributed to produce so striking a differentiation. But one can hardly help suspecting that there was some one great influence at work in the eastern empire, to which the surprising change noted above was mainly due. In his History of the later Roman Empire1828 Professor Bury has offered a conjectural solution of the problem. It is to be sought in the changes brought about in the national character and the external history of the Empire. Since the middle of the sixth century north-west Asia Minor and the Balkan country had been filled with Slavonic settlers, and other parts with other new colonists. Now the new settlers, particularly the Slavs, were not used to the colonate system or the rigid bond of hereditary occupations, and emperors busied in imperial defence on the North and East knew better than to force upon them an unwelcome system. Invasions had reduced the populations of frontier provinces and shattered the old state of serfdom. Resettlement on a large scale had to be carried out within the empire, and under new conditions to suit the changed character of the population. Among the new elements that produced this change the most important was the coming of the Slavs.

For the Slavs had themselves no institution corresponding to the German laeti. Slaves indeed they had, but not free cultivators attached to the soil. Therefore they could not, like the Germans in the West, adapt themselves to the Roman colonate; accordingly their intrusion led to its abolition. In support of this view the well-known Slavonic peasant communities are cited as evidence. Nor can it be denied that this consideration has some weight. But, while we may provisionally accept the conclusion that Slavonic influences had something, perhaps much, to do with the new turn given to the conditions of rustic life in the East, we must not press it so far as to infer that the colonate-system was extinct there. In no case could the ‘Farmer’s Law’ fairly be used to prove the negative: and moreover it is apparently the case according to Mr Ashburner that the document is not a complete agricultural code for all agricultural classes within the empire. If it is ‘concerned exclusively with a village community, composed of farmers who cultivate their own lands,’ it cannot prove the non-existence of other rustic conditions different in kind. Colonate seems to have disappeared, while slavery has not. But that is the utmost we can say. The slave at least is still there. As to the important question, whether the farmers contemplated in the Law enjoy a real freedom of movement, as has been thought, it is best to refer a reader to the cautious reserve of Mr Ashburner.

The one general inference that I venture to draw from these two authorities is that, however much or little the conditions of agriculture may have changed in the surviving Eastern part of the Roman empire, the employment of slave labour still remained.

C. Extracts From Modern Books

(1) Hume, Essay XI, Of the populousness of antient nations.

We must now consider what disadvantages the antients lay under with regard to populousness, and what checks they received from their political maxims and institutions. There are commonly compensations in every human condition; and tho’ these compensations be not always perfectly equal, yet they serve, at least, to restrain the prevailing principle. To compare them and estimate their influence, is indeed very difficult, even where they take place in the same age, and in neighbouring countries: But where several ages have intervened, and only scattered lights are afforded us by antient authors; what can we do but amuse ourselves by talking, pro and con, on an interesting subject, and thereby correcting all hasty and violent determinations?

Modern Italian Conditions

(2) Bolton King and Thomas Okey, Italy today.

In Italy today, Messrs Bolton King and Thomas Okey furnish a most interesting collection of facts relative to Italian rural conditions. The extent to which the phenomena of antiquity reappear in the details of this careful treatise is most striking. Italy being the central land of my inquiry, and convinced as I am that the great variety of local conditions is even now not sufficiently recognized in Roman Histories, this excellent book is of peculiar value. In the course of (say) fifteen centuries Italy and her people have passed through strange vicissitudes, not merely political: a great change has taken place in the range of agricultural products: yet old phenomena of rural life meet the inquirer at every turn. Surely this cannot be dismissed lightly as a casual coincidence. I cannot find room to set out the resemblances in detail, so I append a short table of reference to passages in the book that have impressed me most. Supplementary to this, as a vivid illustration of conditions in a mountain district, the first three chapters of In the Abruzzi, by Anne Macdonell, are decidedly helpful. For instance, it appears that the old migratory pasturage still existed in full force down to quite recent times, but the late conversion of much Apulian lowland from pasture to tillage has seriously affected the position of the highland shepherds by reducing the area available for winter grazing. The chapter on brigandage has also some instructive passages.

References to Italy today.

Peasant contrasted with wage-earner, pp 64-6, 72, 74, 126, 166-8, 171-2, 175-6, 200, 312, and Index under mezzaiuoli and peasants. Agricultural classes, pp 164-6. Partiaries, pp 168, 173. Emphyteusis, p 173. Improvements, p 173. Farming through steward, pp 174-5. Tenancies, pp 168-74, and Index under peasants. Rents in kind, p 171. Debt of various classes, pp 182-4, 366, 376. Taxes, p 140. Gangs of labourers, pp 166, 376. Wages, pp 126, 128, 168, 174, 366, 369-71. Food in wage, p 370. Emigration, pp 371, 396. Self-help in rural districts, pp 184-6, 376. Charities, pp 220 foll, 379 foll. Socialists and Peasantry, pp 64-6, 170, 172, cf 71-2.

(3) R E Prothero, The pleasant land of France. London 1908.

Chapters (essays) II and III, French farming and Tenant-right and agrarian outrage in France, contain much of interest.

pp 91-2 Social advantages of the system of peasant proprietors. A training1829 to the rural population. Element of stability. The answer to agitators ‘Cela est bien, mais il faut cultiver notre jardin.’ Difficulties which beset its artificial creation. Métayage (under present conditions) has proved the best shelter for tenant-farmers against the agricultural storm. Need of implicit confidence between landlord and working partner.

pp 98-9 Tenant-right in Santerre (Picardy). Tenant considers himself a co-proprietor of the land. Former payment of rent in kind taken to be a sign of joint ownership. Now in money, but calculated upon market price of corn. Landlord’s loss of control. High money value of droit de marché.

p 104 Traces of Roman occupation. Roman soldier followed by farmer. ‘Under the empire the colonus was not a slave, but the owner of slaves: he held his land in perpetuity; he could not leave it. He paid a fixed rent in kind, which could not be raised. Tenant-right therefore is explained as the recognition by the Frankish conquerors of this hereditary claim to the perpetual occupation of the soil.’ [One of the various explanations offered.]

p 119 Severe legislation failed to get rid of tenant-right, but since 1791 it has been recognized, and so its importance decreased. Under the ancien régime leases were short—9 years—and precarious. They were governed by the Roman law maxim emptori fundi necesse non est stare colonum. That is, if property changed hands during the continuance of the lease, the new owner might evict the tenant. The Code Civil confirms law of 1791—dispossession only if provision has been made (in lease) for it.

In general, land-tenures vary very greatly in the various provinces.

(4) G G Coulton, Social life in Britain from the Conquest to the Reformation. Cambridge 1918.

In Section VI Manor and Cottage are a number of extracts throwing light on the rustic conditions of their times.

1. A model Manor pp 301-6, describing the organization of an estate, with the duties of the several officials and departmental servants. Watchful diligence and economy, strict accountability and honesty are insisted on, that the rights of the Lord may not be impaired.

2. The Manorial court, pp 306-8.
3. The peasant’s fare, p 308.
4. Incidents of the countryside, p 309.
7. Decay of yeomanry, pp 310-12. (Latimer.)
8. Decay of husbandry, pp 312-14. (Sir T More.)

All these passages are of great interest as shewing how a number of phenomena observable in the case of ancient estates are repeated under medieval conditions. The typical Manor with its elaborate hierarchy and rules, the struggles of the small yeoman, the encroachments of big landlords, the special difficulties of small-scale tillage caused by growth of large-scale pasturage, the increase of wastrels and sturdy beggars, are all notable points, worthy the attention of a student of ancient farm life and labour.

The Big Man and the Small Farmer

(5) Clifton Johnson, From the St Lawrence to Virginia. New York 1913, p 21. Chapter on the Adirondack winter.

(Conversation in an up-country store.)

‘I worked for Rockefeller most of that season. You know he has a big estate down below here a ways. There used to be farmhouses—yes and villages on it, but he bought the owners all out, or froze ’em out. One feller was determined not to sell, and as a sample of how things was made uncomfortable for him I heard tell that two men came to his house once and made him a present of some venison. They had hardly gone when the game warden dropped in and arrested him for havin’ venison in his house. All such tricks was worked on him, and he spent every cent he was worth fighting lawsuits. People wa’n’t allowed to fish on the property, and the women wa’n’t allowed to pick berries on it. A good deal of hard feeling was stirred up, and Rockefeller would scoot from the train to his house, and pull the curtains down, ’fraid they’d shoot him. Oh! he was awful scairt.’

Eastern Europe

(6) Marion L Newbigin DSc, Geographical aspects of Balkan problems. London 1915.

Turks—‘not all their virtues, not all their military strength, have saved them from the slow sapping of vitality due to their divorce alike from the actual tilling of the land and from trade and commerce.... He has been within the (Balkan) peninsula a parasite, chiefly upon the ploughing peasant, and the effect has been to implant in the mind of that peasant a passion for agriculture, for the undisturbed possession of a patch of freehold, which is probably as strong here as it has ever been in the world.’ p 137.

Thessaly—‘the landowners are almost always absentees, appearing only at the time of harvest’ (originally Turks, now mostly Greeks) ‘who have taken little personal interest in the land’ (no great improvement in condition of cultivator). (So in Bosnia—better in Serbia and Bulgaria) ‘lands mostly worked by the peasants on the half-shares system.’ p 175.

Albania—(poverty extreme—temporary emigration of the males, frequent in poor regions) ‘young Albˢ often leave their country during the winter, going to work in Greece or elsewhere as field labourers, and returning to their mountains in the spring.’ pp 183-4.

Generally—small holdings mostly in the Balkan states.

D. List of Some Books Used

This list does not pretend to be complete. Many other works are referred to here and there in the notes on the text. But I feel bound to mention the names of some, particularly those dealing with conditions that did or still do exist in the modern world. Miscellaneous reading of this kind has been to me a great help in the endeavour to understand the full bearing of ancient evidence, and (I hope) to judge it fairly. It is on the presentation and criticism of that evidence that I depend: for the great handbooks of Antiquities do not help me much. The practice of making a statement and giving in support of it a reference or references is on the face of it sound. But, when the witnesses cited are authors writing under widely various conditions of time and place and personal circumstances, it is necessary whenever possible to appraise each one separately. And when the aim is, not to write a technical treatise on ‘scientific’ lines, but to describe what is a highly important background of a great civilization, a separate treatment of witnesses needs no apology. I cannot cite in detail the references to conditions in a number of countries, for instance India and China, but I have given them by page or chapter so as to be consulted with ease.

(1) Agriculture and Rustic Life and Labour

M Weber, Die Römische Agrargeschichte, Stuttgart 1891.
C Daubeny, Lectures on Roman husbandry, Oxford 1857.
Ll Storr-Best, Varro on farming, translated with Introduction commentary and excursus, London 1912.
E de Laveleye, Primitive Property, English translation 1878.

H Blümner, article ‘Landwirtschaft’ in I Müller’s Handbuch VI ii 2, ed 3 pp 533 foll.

A E Zimmern, The Greek Commonwealth, Oxford 1911.
Büchsenschütz, Besitz und Erwerb, Halle 1869.
Columella of Husbandry, translation (anonymous), London 1745.

(2) Economic and Social Matters

Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations, passim.
H Nissen, Italische Landeskunde, Berlin 1883-1902.
K W Nitzsch, Geschichte der Römischen Republik, vol II, Leipzig 1885.
L Bloch, Soziale Kämpfe im alten Röm, ed III Berlin 1913.
David Hume, Essays, ed 1760 (Essay XI of the populousness of antient nations).
J Beloch, Die Bevölkerung der Griechisch-Römischen Welt, Leipzig 1886.
H Francotte, L’Industrie dans la Grèce ancienne, Bruxelles 1900-1.
O Seeck, Geschichte des Untergangs der antiken Welt, Berlin 1897-1913.
O Seeck, ‘Die Schatzungsordnung Diocletians,’ in Zeitschrift für Social-und Wirthschaftsgeschichte, Weimar 1896.
H Schiller, Geschichte der Römischen Kaiserzeit, Gotha 1883-7.
S Dill, Roman society in the last century of the Western Empire, London 1898.
G Gilbert, Handbuch der Griechischen Staatsalterthümer, vol II, Leipzig 1885.

(3) Law and the Later Colonate

Several of the books named under other heads deal with legal points, for instance Beauchet, Lipsius, Meier and Schömann, Calderini, M Clerc.

The Digest and Codex Justinianus have been used in the text of Mommsen and P Krüger.

The Codex Theodosianus in text of Mommsen and P M Meyer, Berlin 1905 and in Ritter’s edition of Godefroi, Leipzig 1736-45.

P Girard, Textes de droit Romain, ed 4 Paris 1913.
F Zulueta, ‘De Patrociniis vicorum,’ in Vinogradoff’s Oxford Studies, Oxford 1909.
M Rostowzew, Studien zur Geschichte des Römischen Colonates, Leipzig and Berlin 1910.
B Heisterbergk, Die Entstehung des Colonats, Leipzig 1876.
A Esmein, Mélanges d’histoire du Droit, Paris 1886.

Fustel de Coulanges, ‘Le Colonat Romain,’ in his Recherches sur quelques problèmes d’histoire, Paris 1885.

H F Pelham, Essays (No XIII), Oxford 1911.

I am sorry that inability to procure copies has prevented me from consulting the following works:

Beaudouin, Les grands domaines dans l’empire Romain, Paris 1899.

Bolkestein, de colonatu Romano eiusque origine, Amsterdam 1906.

(4) Manumission and Kindred Topics

A Calderini, La manomissione e la condizione dei liberti in Grecia, Milan 1908.
M Clerc, Les métèques Athéniens, Paris 1893.
L Beauchet, Droit privé de la République Athénienne, Paris 1897.
J H Lipsius, Das Attische Recht etc., Leipzig 1905.
Meier und Schömann, Der Attische Process, Berlin 1883-7.
Mommsen, Römisches Staatsrecht.
G Haenel, Corpus legum, Leipzig 1857.
C G Bruns, Fontes Iuris Romani antiqui.
Dareste, Haussoullier, Th Reinach, Recueil des inscriptions juridiques Grecques, Paris 1904. (Laws of Gortyn.)
Wescher et Foucart, Inscriptions de Delphes, Paris 1863.
Wilamowitz-Möllendorf, ‘Demotika der Metöken,’ in Hermes 1887.

(5) Slavery and Slave Trade

H Wallon, Histoire de l’esclavage dans l’antiquité, ed 2 Paris 1879.

J K Ingram, A history of slavery and serfdom, London 1895.

E H Minns, Scythians and Greeks, Cambridge 1913 (pages 438, 440, 461, 465, 471, 567).

V A Smith, The early history of India, Oxford 1914 (pages 100-1, 177-8, 441).
M S Evans, Black and White in the Southern States, London 1915.
” Black and White in South-east Africa, ed 2 London 1916.
J E Cairnes, The Slave Power, ed 2 London and Cambridge 1863.
W W Buckland, The Roman Law of Slavery, Cambridge 1908.

W E Hardenburg, The Putumayo, the Devil’s Paradise, with extracts from Sir R Casement’s report, London and Leipzig 1912.

H W Nevinson, A modern Slavery, London and New York 1906.
Sidney Low, Egypt in transition (see under Medieval and Modern conditions).
Mrs M A Handley, Roughing it in Southern India, London 1911 (pages 193-4).

(6) Medieval and Modern Conditions

Books illustrating matters of rustic life, peasant proprietorship, agricultural wage-labour, etc.

Bolton King and Thomas Okey, Italy today, new ed London 1909.
R E Prothero, The pleasant land of France, London 1908 (Essays II and III).
Anne Macdonell, In the Abruzzi, London 1908 (chapters 1-3).
G Renwick, Finland today, London 1911 (pages 59, 60).
Sir J D Rees, The real India, London 1908.
Marion L Newbigin, Geographical aspects of Balkan problems, London 1915.
Ralph Butler, The new eastern Europe, London 1919 (chapter VII).

John Spargo, Bolshevism, the enemy of political and industrial democracy, London 1919 (pages 69, 156, 275, 278).

W H Dawson, The evolution of modern Germany, London 1908 (chapters XIII, XIV).

P Vinogradoff, The growth of the Manor, ed 2 London 1911.

G G Coulton, Social life in Britain from the Conquest to the Reformation, Cambridge 1918 (Section VI).

Mary Bateson, Medieval England 1066-1350, London 1903.
Sidney Low, Egypt in transition, London 1914 (pages 60-2, 240-1).
Sidney Low, A vision of India, ed 2 London 1907 (chapter XXIII).

Sir A Fraser, Among Indian Rajahs and Ryots, ed 3 London 1912 (pages 185, 191-210).

J Macgowan, Men and Manners in modern China, London 1912 (pages 17 foll, 189-96, 275-7).

M Augé-Laribé, L’évolution de la France agricole, Paris 1912.

(7) Special American Section

H Baerlein, Mexico, the land of unrest, London 1914 (chapters VIII, XI).

F L Olmsted, A journey in the seaboard slave States (1853-4), ed 2 New York 1904 (pages 240, 282, vol II pages 155, 198, 237).

H R Helper, The impending crisis of the South (economic), New York 1857.

B B Munford, Virginia’s attitude towards Slavery and Secession, ed 2 London 1910 (pages 133-4 etc).

W Archer, Through Afro-America, an English reading of the Race-problem, London 1910.
A H Stone, Studies in the American Race-problem, London 1908 printed in New York.
F F Browne, The everyday life of Abraham Lincoln, London 1914 (pages 348-9).
G P Fisher, The colonial era in America, London 1892 (pages 254, 259).
J Rodway, Guiana, London 1912 (of Indians, pages 224-5).
J Creelman, Diaz, Master of Mexico, New York 1911 (pages 401-5).
E R Turner, The Negro in Pennsylvania 1639-1861, Washington 1911.

Social and economic forces in American history, New York and London 1913 (by several authors).

J F Rhodes, History of the United States from 1850, London 1893-1906.

C R Enock, The Republics of Central and South America, London and New York 1913.

Footnotes

1 A good specimen of such work at a late date may be found in Statius Silvae IV 3 on the via Domitiana lines 40-66.

2 For instance Diodorus V 38 § 1, Strabo XII 3 § 40 (p 562), Apuleius met IX 12.

3 Not artistic, of course.

4 See especially Ed Meyer Kleine Schriften pp 80-212.

5 To this question I return in the concluding chapter.

[6] A good instance is Xen anab IV 1 §§ 12-14.

7 Veget I 3.

8 Ἀθηναίων πολιτεία cap 16, with Sandys’ notes.

9 Catil 4 § 1 non fuit consilium... neque vero agrum colundo aut venando servilibus officiis intentum aetatem agere.

10 To this topic I return in the concluding chapter. See chapter on Aristotle.

11 See chapter on Cato.

12 For the existence of this system in Modern Italy see Bolton King and Okey Italy today pp 174-5.

13 Cic in Catil II § 18. See the chapter on Cicero.

14 Cf Valerius Maximus VII 5 § 2.

15 For modern Italy see Appendix.

16 Cf Caesar B C I 34, 56, discussed in the chapter on Varro.

17 Oratio XV (1 pp 266-7 Dind).

18 VI 315, XXIII 712, VII 221.

19 XII 433-5, XXI 445, 451, X 304.

20 XXI 444.

21 XVIII 550.

22 II 751.

23 XVIII 542, 554, XI 67, XX 495-7, V 500, XIII 590.

24 XXI 257-9.

25 XI 68.

26 XVIII 550-60.

27 XXI 281-3.

28 XXI 40-2, 78-80, 101-3, 453-4, XXII 45, XXIV 751-2.

29 XVI 835-6, VI 463.

30 VI 455, XVI 831, XX 193.

31 XII 421-4.

32 IV 245, XIV 3-4, 62-5, XVI 302-3, XVII 533. (Iliad V 413, VI 366.)

33 Selling XIV 297, XV 387, 428, 452-3, XX 382-3. Buying I 430, XIV 115, etc.

34 XIX 488-90, XXII 173-7, 189-93, 440-5, 462-4, 465-77. (Cf XVIII 82-7.)

35 IV 245 foll.

36 IX 205-7, XI 430-2, XVI 14 foll, XIX 489, XXIII 227-8, etc.

37 XIV 449-52.

38 VII 224-5, XIX 526.

39 IV 643-4, 652.

40 In XIX 56-7 a τέκτων, Icmalius, is even mentioned by name.

41 XVII 382-7, XIX 134-5.

42 XIV 56-8.

43 XVII 578.

44 XVII 18-9, 226-8.

45 XVIII 403.

46 VII 112 foll, VIII 557-63.

47 IX 109-11, 125 foll.

48 XV 319 foll.

49 XVIII 1-116.

50 IX 191.

51 II 22, IV 318, XIV 344, XVI 139-45.

52 XIV 222-3.

53 XIII 31-4.

54 XVIII 357-64.

55 XI 489-91.

56 IV 644.

57 IV 735-7.

58 XXIV 208-10.

59 XXIV 222-55.

60 XXIV 257.

61 XV 412-92.

62 XIV 271-2.

63 XXI 213-6.

64 XV 363-5.

65 XIV 62-5.

66 XVIII 366-75.

67 299-302, 394-5, 399-400, 403-4, 646-7.

68 289-90, 303-5, 308-13, 381-2, 410-3 (cf 498).

69 20-4.

70 37-41.

71 298-9, 397-8.

72 289-90.

73 303-5.

74 308-13.

75 410-3, 500-1, 554 foll, 576 foll.

76 391.

77 25-6.

78 493, 538, 544, 809.

79 686.

80 717-8.

81 394-400.

82 327-34.

83 341.

84 605.

85 602-3.

86 370.

87 459, 469-71, 502-3, 559-60, 573, 597-8, 607-8, 765-7.

88 406 is reasonably suspected.

89 405, 779, 800.

90 695-705.

91 32, 597, 606-7.

92 Solon the Athenian, by Ivan M. Linforth of the University of California (1919) discusses in full the conditions of Solon’s time and his actual policy, with an edition of his poetic remains.

93 The view of M Clerc Les métèques Athéniens pp 340-5.

94 ἄλλος γῆν τέμνων πολυδένδρεον εἰς ἐνιαυτὸν λατρεύει τοῖσιν καμπύλ’ ἄροτρα μέλει. Mr Linforth takes the last four words as defining ἄλλος, the plowman. I think they refer to the employers, spoken of as a class.

95 Aristotle Ἀθ πολ 11, 12, 16.

96 See the remarks of Dareste Haussoullier and Th Reinach in the Recueil des inscriptions juridiques Grecques (Paris 1904) on the Gortyn Laws.

97 See Livy X 4 § 9.

98 See his references to the Spartan use of ξείνοι = βάρβαροι IX 11, 53, 55.

99 VIII 68 γ.

100 VIII 26, 105-6.

101 II 164-7.

102 Isocrates Busiris §§ 15-20 pp 224-5 also allows for no special class of γεωργοὶ in Egypt.

103 Plato Timaeus p 24. Diodorus I 28, 73-4 (? from Hecataeus of Abdera, latter half of 3rd cent BC).

104 II 141, 168. See Index under Egypt.

105 The passage of Isocrates just cited seems to favour this view.

106 VIII 137.

107 VIII 26.

108 VIII 51.

109 VII 102.

110 VI 137.

111 IV 72.

112 VIII 142.

113 οἰκετέων here = members of the family, as often. Stein refers to VIII 4, 41, 44, 106. Compare the use of οἰκεὺς in the Iliad, and see Aesch Agam 733, Eur Suppl 870.

114 Pers 186-7, 255, 337, 391, 423, 434, 475, 798, 844.

115 Eum 186-90.

116 Prom 454-8, 708.

117 Fragm 194, 198, Dind.

118 Suppl 612-4, Eum 890-1.

119 Trach 52-3, 61-3, O T 763-4, Fragm 518, 677, Dind.

120 Antig 338-40. The use of horses for ploughing is strange. Jebb thinks that mules are meant.

121 O T 1029.

122 Trach 31-3.

123 Electra 37-8, 375-6, Phoenissae 405, fragm 143 and many more.

124 The loyalty of slaves to kind masters is referred to very often.

125 References in Euripides are too many to cite here.

126 Cf the oft-quoted line from Eur Auge ἡ φύσις ἐβούλεθ’, ᾗ νόμων oὐδὲν μέλει.

127 Cf Eur fragm 515, 828, Dind, etc.

128 Cf Eur fragm 263, 1035, Dind, and the use of τὸ δοῦλον ‘the slave-quality’ in Hecuba 332-3, Ion 983, etc.

129 See Cope’s note on Aristotle rhet 1 13 § 2.

130 Herc Fur 1341-6.

131 Alcestis 2, 6. Electra 203-4. Cyclops 76 foll, cf 23-4.

132 Electra 252.

133 Electra 35-9.

134 ibid 73-4.

135 ibid 75-6.

136 ibid 78-81.

137 The slaves in 360 and 394 are attendants of Orestes.

138 Suppl 420-2.

139 Orest 918-20. Cf fragm 188 Dind where the virtue of rustic life is sketched καὶ δόξεις φρονεῖν σκάπτων ἀρῶν γῆν ποιμνίοις ἐπιστατῶν.

140 Rhesus 74-5.

141 Rhesus 176.

142 Heracl 639, 788-9, 890, cf fragm 827 Dind.

143 Die pseudoxenophontische Ἀθηναίων πολιτεία... von Ernst Kalinka (Teubner 1913). A great work.

144 1 § 3.

145 1 § 5 etc.

146 This view reappears later in Isocrates.

147 In his book The Greek Commonwealth.

148 1 §§ 10-12.

149 Kalinka well points out that in 1 § 11 ἐλευθέρους ἀφιέναι is not technical = manumit.

150 In 1 § 17 it is notable that among those who gain by concentration of business at Athens is εἴ τῳ ζεῦγός ἐστιν ἢ ἀνδράποδον μισθοφοροῦν. Country carts would now be plentiful in Athens.

151 1 § 19.

152 2 § 14.

153 Equites 792-4, Pax 632-6, Eccl 243.

154 Eccl 197-8.

155 Eccl 591-2.

156 Plut 510-626.

157 Old Strepsiades still has his thoughts fixed on these, Nubes 202-3.

158 Plut 903.

159 Plut 223-4.

160 Ach 180, 211, Pax 570, 1185-6, Eq 316-7, Nub 43 foll.

161 The gradual conversion is seen in Ach 557 foll, 626 foll.

162 Ach 32-4.

163 Pax 551-70, 1127 foll; cf fragm 100, 107, 109, 294, 387, Kock.

164 Pax 509-11.

165 Pax 190.

166 Pax 551-70, 1318-24.

167 Lysistr 1173-4.

168 Ach 248-50, 259.

169 Ach 266.

170 Nub 43 foll, 138.

171 Vesp 442-52.

172 Pax 1140 foll.

173 Pax 1248-9.

174 Lys 1203-14.

175 Eccl 651.

176 Plut 26-7, 253.

177 Plut 517-20, 525-6.

178 Plut 510-626.

179 Aves 1152.

180 Aves 1431-2 (cf Vesp 959), fragm of Δαιταλεῖς 4 Dind, 221 Kock.

181 Vesp 712.

182 Ran 164-77.

183 Eccl 197-8, 591-2.

184 Nub 71-2. Cf φελλέα in Isaeus VIII § 42 p 73.

185 Pax 552, 1318.

186 Ach 1018-36.

187 Eccl 605, Av 712.

188 Thucydides and the history of his age chapters III-VII.

189 See Francotte L’industrie dans la Grèce ancienne livre II cc 5-7.

190 Thucydides mythistoricus chapter II.

191 II 14, 16. An earlier period is referred to in I 126 §§ 7, 8.

192 II 65 § 2.

193 I 141.

194 Die Bevölkerung der Griechisch-Röm. Welt p 150.

195 I 143.

196 Theopompus in Athenaeus 149 d.

197 I 139 § 2.

198 VI 91 § 7.

199 VII 27 § 5.

200 Trygaeus in Aristoph Pax is a farmer from this district.

201 III 73, VIII 40 § 2.

202 III 88 § 3.

203 II 62 § 3.

204 opus cit chapters IV, VII.

205 For instance, in Euboea and Aegina.

206 III 50. Herodes, whose murder was later the occasion of a speech of Antiphon, is thought to have been one of the cleruchs.

207 Arnold’s note explains the situation well, and Beloch p 83 agrees.

208 See the inscription relative to Brea, G F Hill Sources III 317.

209 See the hint in the speech of Pericles I 143 § 4.

210 That there was normally much insecurity in rustic life in some parts of Greece, may be inferred from the dance-scene of the farmer and the robber, acted by men from north central Greece in Anabasis VI 1 §§ 7, 8. Daubeny’s Lectures pp 17, 18.

211 Hellenica II 1 § 1.

212 Hellenica VI 2 § 37.

213 Ar Pol VII 6 § 8.

214 Anab III 2 § 26.

215 Anab VI 4 § 8.

216 Anab I 2 § 27, V 6 § 13, VII 3 § 48, 8 §§ 12-19.

217 Anab IV 1 §§ 12, 13.

218 Anab V 3 § 4.

219 Anab IV 8 § 4. It does not appear that the man rejoined his native tribe.

220 Anab VII 7 § 53.

221 See the protest of Callicratidas, Hellen I 6 § 14, with Breitenbach’s note.

222 Anab VII 1 § 36, 2 § 6, 3 § 3.

223 Memorab II 7.

224 Memor I 2 § 57, II 7 §§ 4-11, 8.

225 Memor III 13 § 4.

226 Memor I 1 § 16, IV 2 §§ 22-31.

227 Memor I 5 § 2.

228 Memor III 7 § 6, 9 §§ 11, 15.

229 Econ 20 §§ 22 foll.

230 Econ 12 § 3.

231 Econ 3 §§ 1-5, 5 §§ 15, 16, 12 § 19.

232 Econ 7-9, 12-14, 21.

233 Econ 13 § 9, cf 9 § 5.

234 Econ 12-15.

235 Econ 14 § 8.

236 Econ 14 § 9.

237 Econ 5 § 4, 14 § 2, 20 passim.

238 Econ 5 § 6.

239 Econ 1 § 4, 4 § 6.

240 cf Memor II 7 §§ 7-10.

241 Econ 11 §§ 9, 10.

242 Econ 20 passim.

243 Econ 21 § 10.

244 Econ 21 § 12.

245 Econ 21 § 9.

246 Memor II 8 especially § 3. For this suggestion that a free man should be steward of a rich man’s estate I can find no parallel. See the chapters on the Roman agricultural writers. The case of the shepherd in Juvenal I 107-8 is not parallel.

247 Memor II 5 § 2. See Vect 4 § 22 for suggested employment of free citizens or aliens.

248 Vectigalia ch 4 passim.

249 Cyrop VII 5 § 67, VIII 3 §§ 36-41.

250 Cyrop IV 4 §§ 5-12, VII 5 §§ 36, 73.

251 Cyrop VIII 1 §§ 43-4.

252 Cited from Kock’s edition 1880-8.

253 Menandrea, ed Körte 1910, Teubner.

254 Fragments 100-24. From other plays, 294, 387.

255 Cratinus 81, Pherecrates 212.

256 e.g. Antiphanes 265, Philemon 227, Menander 581, etc.

257 Philemon 95.

258 Philemon 213, Menander 68, 716, Hipparchus 2.

259 Menander 14, Posidippus 23 with Kock’s note.

260 Pherecrates 10, Crates 14.

261 Nicophon 13, 14.

262 Athenaeus VI pp 263, 267 e-270 a.

263 Menandrea pp 159-61 (fragments of Γεωργός).

264 Menandrea pp 157, 159.

265 opus cit and Menander 97 Kock. For ἄγροικος connoting simplicity cf 794 ἄγροικος εἶναι προσποιεῖ πονηρὸς ὤν.

266 Menandrea p 155, 96 Kock.

267 Menandrea p 15 (lines 26, 40).

268 Menandrea p 13 (line 12, cf 111).

269 Menandrea p 5.

270 Menandrea p 25.

271 Kock III p 473 (adespota 347).

272 Lucian, Timon 7, 8. Kock adesp 1434, note.

273 Menander 795.

274 Menander 642.

275 Menander 408.

276 Menander 63, τὰ κακῶς τρέφοντα χωρί’ ἀνδρείους ποιεῖ.

277 Stobaeus flor LVI 16 preserves an utterance of Socrates on labour, especially agricultural labour, as the basis of wellbeing, in which he remarks that ἐν τῇ γεωργίᾳ πάντα ἔνεστιν ὦν χρείαν ἔχομεν.

278 ἰδιωτῶν Aristotle Pol II 7 § 1.

279 Arist Pol II 6 § 13, 12 § 10.

280 Arist Pol II 7 § 6 and Newman’s note.

281 Arist Pol II 7, 8.

282 In Thucydides and the history of his age chapters III-VII.

283 Politics III 13 § 2.

284 See Newman on Ar Pol II 7 § 7.

285 Ar Pol II 6 § 13.

286 Ar Pol II 12 § 10.

287 Ar Pol II 7 §§ 3-7.

288 Pol II 7 passim.

289 Pol II 7 §§ 14, 15.

290 μυρίανδρον Pol II 8 §§ 2, 3, with notes in Newman.

291 ‘Artisan’ is not quite = τεχνίτης. All professional work is included.

292 Pol II 7 §§ 8, 9. The probable influence of Spartan precedents is pointed out in Mr Newman’s note.

293 See the valuable discussion in Grundy op cit chapter VIII.

294 Cf Isocr de pace § 69 p 173, §§ 129-131 p 185.

295 Plato was evidently uneasy at the growing influence of metics, to judge from the jealous rule of Laws p 850. This is in striking contrast with the view of Xenophon.

296 Laws 630 b, cf 697 e.

297 See Republic 565 a on the indifference of the handworking δῆμος. Cf Isocr de pace § 52 p 170.

298 Cf Xenophon hell VII 5 § 27 on the ἀκρισία καὶ ταραχὴ intensified after Mantinea, 362 BC.

299 Even Isocrates, who hated Sparta, says of it τὴν μάλιστα τὰ παλαιὰ διασώζουσαν, Helen § 63 ρ 218, and attributes the merits of the Spartan government to imitation of Egypt, Busiris § 17 p 225. He notes the moral change in Sparta, de pace §§ 95 foll pp 178-180.

300 Republic p 421 e, Laws 936 c, 744 e.

301 Laws 736 c, cf Rep 565 a, b.

302 Republic 421 d.

303 Republ 416 d, e, 417, 464 c, 543 b.

304 Republ 540 e-541 a.

305 Republ 469-471.

306 Republ 495 d, 590 c, 522 b. Laws 741.

307 Republ 374 c, d.

308 Republ 433-4.

309 Republ 468 a.

310 That the speculations of Greek political writers were influenced by the traditions of a primitive communism is the view of Emil de Laveleye Primitive property ch 10.

311 Republ 463 b.

312 Republ 369 b-373 c.

313 Cf Isocrates Panath § 180 p 271.

314 Republ 547 b foll.

315 Republ 550-2.

316 Laws 756. See Rep 565 a with Adam’s note.

317 Laws 754.

318 See Politicus 293-7, Grote’s Plato III pp 309-10.

319 Laws 737 foll, 922 a-924 a, called γεωμόροι 919 d.

320 Laws 744 d, e.

321 Laws 745 c-e.

322 Laws 842 c-e.

323 Laws 742.

324 Laws 705.

325 Rustic slaves, Laws 760 e, 763 a.

326 Laws 832 d. The artisans are not citizens, 846 d-847 b.

327 Laws 806 d.

328 Laws 777 c.

329 Laws 777 d-778 a, cf 793 e.

330 Laws 838 d.

331 Laws 865 c, d, cf 936 c-e.

332 Laws 720. See Rep 406 on medical treatment of δημιουργοί.

333 Case of domestics, Republ 578-9.

334 Laws 776-7.

335 Laws 690 b.

336 Politicus 262 d.

337 Politicus 289-90, Republ 371, Laws 742 a.

338 Republ 467 a, Laws 720 a, b.

339 Laws 762 e.

340 Laws 823.

341 Republ 344 b.

342 Republ 435 e-436 a, Laws 747 c.

343 Rep 423 b, 452 c, 544 d, Laws 840 e.

344 Laws 886 a, 887 e.

345 It is not easy to reach a firm opinion on this matter. The inscribed records are nearly all of a much later age. But even a more informal method of manumission would surely, if common, have left more clearly marked traces in literature. See Index, Manumission.

346 The problem of the worn-out plantation slave was much discussed in the United States in slavery days. An interesting account of the difficulties arising from emancipation in British Guiana is given in J Rodway’s Guiana (1912) pp 114 foll.

347 Laws 914-5, and an allusion in Republ 495 e.

348 Laws 914 a, 932 d.

349 See Lysias XXII, speech against the corn-dealers.

350 See for instance Andocides de reditu §§ 20-1 p 22 (Cyprus), Isocrates Trapeziticus § 57 p 370 (Bosporus).

351 Isocr de bigis § 13 p 349.

352 Isocr Panegyricus § 28 p 46, cf Plato Menex 237 e.

353 Andoc de myster §§ 92-3 p 12, Böckh-Fränkel Staatsh I 372-7. For private letting of farm-lands see Lysias VII § 4-10 pp 108-9 (one tenant was a freedman), Isaeus XI § 42.

354 Isaeus VI §§ 19-22, VIII § 35, XI §§ 41-4.

355 Isocr Areopagiticus § 52 p 150.

356 Lysias I §§ 11, 13, p 92.

357 Antiphon fragm 50 Blass.

358 Isocr Panath § 179 p 270.

359 Isocr Philippus §§ 48-9 pp 91-2.

360 Isocr de pace §§ 117-8 p 183.

361 Isocr Paneg §§ 34-7 pp 47-8, de pace § 24 p 164, Panathen §§ 13, 14, p 235, §§ 43-4 p 241, etc.

362 Isocr Paneg § 132 pp 67-8.

363 Isocr Areopag § 44 p 148.

364 Isocr de pace § 90 p 177, Areopag §§ 54-5 pp 150-1, § 83 p 156.

365 Isaeus VIII § 42 p 73, cf Aristophanes Nub 71-2.

366 Andocides de pace § 15 p 25, § 36 p 28.

367 Isocr de pace § 92 p 177.

368 Lysias VII especially §§ 4-11 pp 108-9.

369 Lysias VII § 16 p 109.

370 See especially the Archidamus §§ 8, 28, 87, 88, 96, 97.

371 Isaeus fragm 3 Scheibe.

372 Isaeus VI § 33 σὺν τῷ αἰπόλῳ.

373 See Isocrates Plataicus § 48 p 306 (of Plataeans), and Isaeus V § 39 with Wyse’s note.

374 I should mention that for simplicity sake I refer to the Politics by the books in the old order. Also that I do not raise the question of the authorship of the first book of the so-called Economics, as the point does not affect the argument. In common with all students of the Politics I am greatly indebted to the edition of Mr W L Newman.

375 This χορηγία includes a population limited in number and of appropriate qualities. Politics VII 4, and 8 §§ 7-9.

376 Pol VII 4 § 6.

377 See the story of Peisistratus and the peasant in Ἀθην πολ c 16.

378 Economics I 5 § 1, 6 § 5, Pol I 7 § 5, and see the chapter on Xenophon.

379 Pol VI 4 §§ 8-10.

380 We have a modern analogue in the recent legislative measures in New Zealand and Australia, not to speak of movements nearer home.

381 See note on Plato, p 75.

382 Ἀθην πολ cc 11, 12.

383 A most interesting treatment of this topic is to be found in Bryce’s South America (1912) pp 330-1, 533, where we get it from the modern point of view, under representative systems.

384 See the general remarks Pol IV 6 § 2, VI 4 §§ 1, 2, 13, 14. For historical points Ἀθην πολ cc 16, 24.

385 Pol III 15 § 13.

386 Pol IV 4 §§ 15, 18, cf VII 9.

387 Pol VI 4 §§ 1, 2, 13.

388 Pol VI 4 § 11.

389 Whether the πεπονημένη ἕξις (favourable to eugenic paternity) of Pol VII 16 §§ 12, 13, may include this class, is not clear. In Roman opinion it certainly would.

390 Pol VII 6 § 8. Xenophon (see p 53) records cases of seamen ashore and in straits working for hire on farms.

391 See Sandys on Ἀθην πολ c 4.

392 Pol II 7 § 12.

393 Pol II 7 § 7.

394 Severely criticized in Pol II 6 § 15, though adopted by himself. See below.

395 See Pol VI 5 §§ 8-10, on the measures that may be taken to secure lasting εὐπορία.

396 Cf IV 15 § 6, etc.

397 E Barker The political thought of Plato and Aristotle.

398 Ethics II 1 § 4.

399 Pol VII 16.

400 Pol VII 8, 9, etc.

401 Pol VII 10.

402 This adoption of the split land-lots (see above p 91) is perhaps explained by the fact that the landowners are not αὐτουργοί, so the difficulty of dual residence does not arise.

403 Pol IV 8 § 5, 9 § 4, etc.

404 Pol II 6 § 17, 9 §§ 21-2, IV 9 §§ 7-9. The same view is found in Isocrates.

405 Pol VII 9 § 5.

406 Pol V 6 §§ 12, 13.

407 Pol VII 14, 15, VIII 4, cf II 9 § 34.

408 Economics I 5 § 3 δούλῳ δὲ μισθὸς τροφή. Cf the saying about the ass, Ethics X 5 § 8.

409 Deinarchus refers (in Dem § 69 p 99) to Demosthenes’ ownership of a house in Peiraeus, and goes on to denounce him as heaping up money and not holding real property, thus escaping taxation. Yet the laws enjoin that a man who is a political leader ought γῆν ἐντὸς ορων κεκτῆσθαι. This wild abuse at least is a sign of existent feelings.

410 We may at least add slaves.

411 Pol VII 4 § 6.

412 Aristotle, like most of the philosophers at Athens, was a metic. See Bernays’ Phokion note 8, in which the notable passage Pol VII 2 §§ 3-7 is discussed.

413 The author of Revenues (πόροι).

414 Pol II 3 § 4, 5 § 8.

415 Pol I 7.

416 Pol VII 10 § 14, Econ I 5 § 5.

417 But perhaps to some extent by the author of Econ I 6 § 9.

418 See Econ I 5 §§ 1, 2, 6 § 5.

419 Pol II 3 § 4, 5 § 4.

420 He only once (III 5 § 2) in the Politics mentions ἀπελεύθεροι and once in the Rhetoric (III 8 § 1).

421 Too often asserted to need references. But Pol III 5 §§ 4-6 is notable as pointing out that τεχνῖται were generally well-to-do, but θῆτες poor.

422 Pol VII 6 §§ 3-8.

423 Pol I 8 §§ 3 foll.

424 Pol I 9.

425 Pol I 10, 11.

426 Pol I 11 § 1, and Mr Newman’s note.

427 Pol I 11 §§ 3-5.

428 Rhetoric I 9 § 27 πρὸς ἄλλον ζῆν, and Cope’s note.

429 Pol VI 8 § 3, VII 6 §§ 1-5.

430 Pol I 2 § 5, 5 §§ 8, 9, cf Ethics VIII 11 § 6.

431 Pol I 13 § 13, cf II 5 § 28.

432 Pol I 5, 6.

433 Pol VII 6 §§ 7, 8.

434 Pol VII 15 §§ 1-6, VIII 4 §§ 1-5, and a number of passages in the Ethics.

435 Indeed in Pol VII 15 §§ 2-3 he practically says so.

436 Pol VIII 3 § 7.

437 Pol VIII 4.

438 Pol II 5 § 19.

439 Pol II 10 § 16.

440 Pol VI 2 § 3, cf 4 § 20, and Ethics X 10 § 13.

441 Pol VII 12 §§ 3-6.

442 Pol VII 8 § 7.

443 II 6 § 6 ἀργοί (in his criticism of Plato’s Laws).

444 Rhet I 12 § 25, cf Plato Rep 565 α αὐτουργοί τε καὶ ἀπράγμονες.

445 Rhet II 4 § 9, cf Euripides Orestes 918-20.

446 de mundo 6 §§ 4, 7, 13.

447 Even after the ruin of Phocis and the peace of 346 BC the old man wrote in the same strain. But it was to Philip, in whom he recognised the real master of Greece, that he now appealed.

448 References are too numerous to be given here. A locus classicus is Dem Lept §§ 30-3 pp 466-7, on the case of Leucon the ruler of Bosporus. We hear also of corn imported from Sicily and Egypt, and even (Lycurg § 26 p 151) from Epirus to Corinth.

449 Demosthenes Olynth I § 27 p 17.

450 (Dem) c Polycl §§ 5, 6 pp 1207-8.

451 A good case of such investment by guardians is Dem Nausim § 7 p 986.

452 Dem F Leg § 314 p 442, εἶτα γεωργεῖς ἐκ τούτων καὶ σεμνὸς γέγονας.

453 See cases in Aeschines Timarch § 97 p 13, Dem pro Phorm §§ 4, 5 p 945. The inheritance of Demosthenes himself included no landed property, c Aphob I §§ 9-11 p 816.

454 Dem F Leg § 146 p 386, cf § 114 p 376, § 265 p 426, de cor § 41 p 239.

455 [Dem] c Phaenipp §§ 5-7 pp 1040-1.

456 Aeschines mentions two ἐσχατιαὶ in the estate of Timarchus.

457 The lack of ξύλα in Attica made timber, like wheat, a leading article of commerce, and dealing in it was a sign of a wealthy capitalist. Cf Dem F Leg § 114 p 376, Mid § 167 p 568.

458 I suspect this is an exaggeration.

459 [Dem] Lacrit §§ 31-3 p 933.

460 Dem Androt § 65 p 613, repeated in Timocr § 172 p 753.

461 Dem Aristocr § 146 p 668.

462 Dem c Callicl passim.

463 ἀστικοῦ, Dem Callicl § 11 p 1274.

464 [Dem] Nicostr passim.

465 [Dem] Nicostr § 21 p 1253.

466 Dem Pantaen § 45 p 979.

467 Dem Eubulid § 65 p 1319.

468 Aeschin Timarch § 99 p 14.

469 [Dem] Euerg Mnes §§ 52-3 p 1155.

470 Twice, §§ 53, 76.

471 Hyperid in Demosth fragm col 26.

472 [Dem] c Timoth § 11 p 1187.

473 Dem de Cor §§ 51-2 p 242.

474 [Dem] c Timoth § 51 p 1199.

475 Ibid § 52.

476 Of course οἰκέτης is often loosely used as merely ‘slave.’ But here the antithesis seems to gain point from strict use.

477 I have not found this question distinctly stated anywhere. Beauchet Droit privé IV 222 treats the μισθωτοὶ of this passage as freemen. But in II 443 he says that slaves hired from their owners were generally designated μισθωτοί. Nor do I find the point touched in Meier-Schömann-Lipsius (edition 1883-7, pp 889 foll), or any evidence that the πρόκλησις could be addressed to others than parties in a case. Wallon I 322 foll also gives no help.

478 Dem Eubulid § 63 p 1318.

479 Hyperides pro Euxen, fragm §§ 16, 17, col 12, 13.

480 Dem Olynth I § 27 p 17.

481 [Dem] c Phaenipp §§ 5-7 pp 1040-1, §§ 19-21 pp 1044-5.

482 ὀπωρώνης, Dem de Cor § 262 p 314.

483 Dem Eubulid § 45 p 1313, speaking of an old woman.

484 Aeschin Timarch § 27 p 4.

485 We have already seen the case of olive-pickers in Aristoph Vesp 712.

486 See Dem Mid § 48 p 530, etc.

487 Aeschin F Leg § 156 p 59. The passage of Dem F L to which he refers is not in our text, for §§ 194-5 pp 401-2 is different.

488 See Plut Aratus 14, 25, 27, 36, 39, 40, Philopoemen 7, 15.

489 Isocr paneg § 50 p 50.

490 V 64-5, cf XVII 9, 10.

491 XVI.

492 XVII.

493 XXII, XXV.

494 XXV.

495 XXV 1, 51.

496 XXV 27, cf XXIV 137.

497 XXV 86-152.

498 XXV 47-8.

499 VII 15-6.

500 III 35, cf XV 80.

501 X 9, cf 1, XXI 3.

502 XXIV 136-7.

503 XX 3, 4.

504 XVI 34-5.

505 XXV 56-9.

506 XIV 58-9, cf 13, 56, where στρατιώτας is a professional soldier.

507 Char IV (XIV Jebb).

508 See Plutarch de garrulitate 18.

509 Plut Aratus 24, Philopoemen 8.

510 Polyb IV 63.

511 IV 66.

512 IV 75, V 1, 3, 19.

513 X 42, etc.

514 XVIII 20.

515 XVI 24, XXI 6, etc.

516 XXI 34, 36, 43, 45.

517 V 89.

518 XXVIII 2.

519 V 89, cf XXV 4, XXI 6.

520 This topic is well treated by Mahaffy Greek Life and Thought chapter I.

521 The best treatment of this matter known to me is in Bernays’ Phokion pp 78-85. See Diodorus XVIII 18, Plutarch Phoc 28.

522 According to Plut Cleomenes 18, Sparta was very helpless before that king’s reforms. The Aetolians in a raid carried off 50000 slaves, and an old Spartan declared that this was a relief.

523 Freeman’s Federal Government chapter V.

524 II 62.

525 See Strabo VIII 8 § 1 p 388, and cf Plut Philopoemen 13.

526 Polyb IV 73. Theocritus had spoken of ἱππήλατος Ἆλις (XXII 156). Keeping horses was a mark of wealth.

527 Theocritus XXII 157 Ἀρκαδία τ’ εὔμαλος Ἀχαιῶν τε πτολίεθρα. Polyb IX 17, and IV 3 (Messenia).

528 Eubulus fragm 12, 34, 39, 53, 66, Kock. Also other references in Athenaeus X pp 417 foll.

529 Polyb XX 6. Otherwise Mahaffy in Gk Life and Thought chapter XIII.

530 FHG II pp 254-64, formerly attributed to Dicaearchus. Cited by E Meyer Kleine Schriften p 137.

531 II 62.

532 IV 38.

533 IV 73, 75.

534 XXIII 1 § 11.

535 In the famous case of the siege of Rhodes in 305-4 BC (Diodorus XX 84, 100) freedom seems to have been a reward, as has been pointed out by A Croiset.

536 IV 20, 21. Compare Vergil Buc X 32-3 soli cantare periti Arcades, VII 4-5.

537 In a fragment cited by Athenaeus p 272 a, cf 264 c. In Hultsch’s text Polyb XII 6.

538 Cited by Diodorus II 39, and by Arrian Indica 10 §§ 8, 9.

539 Calderini la manomissione etc chapter V.

540 See table in Collitz Dialectinschriften II pp 635-42.

541 παραμονά, παραμένειν.

542 In 432 acts of manumission given in Wescher and Foucart Inscriptions de Delphes 1863, I could not find one case of a rustic slave.

543 Ar Pol II 3 § 4, cf saying of Diogenes in Stob flor LXII 47. Menander fragm 760 K εἷς ἐστι δοῦλος οἰκίας ὁ δεσπότης.

544 See above, chapter XIII p 64.

545 So Jove Poenulus 944-5.

546 Casina 97 foll, Poenulus 170-1, Mostellaria 1-83.

547 Mercator 65 foll.

548 Mercator passim.

549 Trinummus 508-61.

550 Vidularia 31-2.

551 Vidularia 21-55, text is fragmentary.

552 But not excluding it, since slaves were hired.

553 Hautontimorumenos 62-74.

554 Hautont 93-117.

555 Hautont 142-4.

556 Phormio 362-5, cf Adelphoe 949.

557 Hecyra 224-6.

558 Adelphoe 45-6, cf 95, 401, 517-20, 845-9.

559 Adelphoe 541-2.

560 Collitz I No. 345, Dittenberger 238-9. Mommsen’s notes in Hermes XVII.

561 καὶ τὴν χώραν μᾶλλον ἐξεργασθήσεσθαι.

562 That this neglect was not a new thing seems shewn by the saying of Alexander that the Thessalians deserved no consideration, ὅτι τὴν ἀρίστην κεκτημένοι οὐ γεωργοῦσι. Plut apophth Alex 22.

563 Livy XXXIV 51 §§ 4-6.

564 Plutarch Aratus 5-8.

565 Plut Dion 27, 37, 48.

566 Plut Timoleon 23, 36.

567 Plut Aratus 9, 12, 14.

568 Plut Philopoemen 3, 4.

569 In fact became an αὐτουργός.

570 Bevölkerung der Griechisch-Römischen Welt pp 156-8.

571 Diodorus XVIII 70 § 1.

572 Livy XXXIV 50, Plut Flamininus 13.

573 Polyb XXXIX 8 §§ 1-5.

574 Only in Appian civ I 8 § 2. The provision is ascribed by Suet Jul 42 to Julius Caesar. The two writers were contemporary. Whence did Appian get his story?

575 Case of Persia.

576 Cases of Messana, Syracuse, etc.

577 Case of Carthage.

578 Livy II 23 etc.

579 Referred to in Iwan Müller’s Handbuch IV ii 2, ed 3 pp 533 foll, article by H Blümner.

580 That the household as a vigorous unit outlived the gens is I think clear. I guess that this was because production for the supply of life-needs was more closely correlated with the former. Labour was more easily divorced from the clan-system than property was.

581 Cic Cato mai § 56, Liv III 26, Dionys X 8, 17, Plin NH XVIII 20, Valer Max IV 7. The discrepancies in the versions do not concern us here.

582 Liv III 13 §§ 8-10, Dionys X 8.

583 Liv III 27 § 1.

584 Liv X 36 § 17, Dionys VI 3, etc.

585 Liv II 22 §§ 5-7.

586 Varro sat Men fr 59 and title of his satire Marcipor. Quintilian I 4 § 26, Festus p 306 L = 257 M Marcipor Oppii in title of Plaut Stichus. Sallust hist fr III 99 Maurenbrecher. Inscriptions CIL I 1076, 1034, 1386, Dessau 7822-3. For Pliny see below.

587 Argument as in Luke’s gospel 17 §§ 7-9.

588 Cic Cato mai §§ 55-6, etc.

589 Dionys XIX 15.

590 Preserved in a fragment of Dion Cassius, fr 40 § 27.

591 Columella I 4 § 2, Pliny NH XVIII §§ 27-8, cf Valer Max IV 4 § 4.

592 Livy epit XVIII.

593 Valer Max IV 4 § 6. The version given in Seneca ad Helv 12 § 5 is much the same, but ends characteristically fuitne tanti servum non habere, ut colonus eius populus Romanus esset? Here colonus = tenant farmer.

594 colendum locari.

595 Plin NH XVIII § 39.

596 Polyb I 31 § 4.

597 Cato 5 § 4 (of duties of vilicus) operarium mercennarium politorem diutius eundem ne habeat die.

598 How far we can infer this from references to slaves such as Livy XXIII 32 § 15 (215 BC), XXV 1 § 4 (213 BC), XXVI 35 § 5 (210 BC), is not quite certain. The Licinian law to check the grabbing of state domain land certainly does not prove it, for that land was probably for the most part pasture.

599 Liv XXVIII 11 § 9.

600 Weissenborn’s note on the passage.

601 Liv XXII 57 § 11, and index to Livy under volones.

602 Liv XXIII 49 §§ 1-4, XXIV 18 § 11, XXV 1 § 4, 3 § 8-4 § 11.

603 Liv XXI 63 §§ 3, 4, Cic II in Verr V § 45.

604 Liv XXVI 36.

605 Liv XXIX 16 §§ 1-3.

606 Liv XXXI 13.

607 See Rudorff gromatische Institutionen pp 287-8.

608 Liv XXXIII 42 § 3.

609 lex agraria, line 31, in Bruns’ fontes or Wordsworth’s Specimens.

610 Appian civ I 7 § 5. But the account given in this passage of the spread of latifundia and slave-gangs is too loose to be of much value. In particular, the assertion that slave-breeding was already common and lucrative is not to be believed. Appian was misled by the experience of his own day. See Sallust Iug 41 § 8 interea parentes aut parvi liberi militum, uti quisque potentiori confinis erat, sedibus pellebantur.

611 The urban artisans engaged in the sedentary trades do not concern us here. See Weissenborn on Liv VIII 20 § 4 opificum vulgus et sellularii.

612 Dionys III 31, IV 9, 13, etc.

613 Dionys VI 79, a passage much coloured by later notions.

614 Liv VII 4, 5. A slightly different and shorter version in Cic de off III § 112.

615 Cic pro Sex Roscio § 46 recognizes this familiarity.

616 Sallust Catil 4 § 1.

617 Cic pro Sex Roscio §§ 39-51.

618 Cic pro Sex Roscio §§ 50-1.

619 Livy VI 12 § 5, cf VII 25 § 8.

620 Dionys XVII [XVIII] 4. L Postumius Megellus was consul 305, 294, 291 BC. The story relates to his third consulship. His earlier career may be followed in Liv IX 44, X 26 § 15, 32 § 1, 37, 46 § 16.

621 Liv epit XI.

622 See the precept of Mago cited by Pliny NH XVIII § 35.

623 That is, on those possessed of a certain minimum of property, which was lowered in course of time. Originally reckoned on land only, thus reckoning only those settled on farms (adsidui). See Mommsen Staatsrecht index. The rise in the census numbers between 131 and 125 BC is explained by Greenidge History p 150 as due to the increase of adsidui through effect of Gracchan legislation.

624 See Greenidge History pp 60-1, 424-5.

625 See Cato’s opinion cited by Cic de off II § 89, Columella VI praef §§ 3-5, Plin NH XVIII §§ 29, 30.

626 Cic in Catil II § 18.

627 Cic in Catil II § 20, cf de lege agr II § 78 fundos quorum subsidio familiarum magnitudines sustentare possint.

628 familiis magnis.

629 Livy VI 12 § 5, cf VII 25 § 8.

630 Cairnes The Slave Power ch III. [1862, second edn. 1863.]

631 Cic de republ III § 16.

632 But see the oratorical picture of the bad steward, Cic II in Verrem III § 119. That remarkable passage still leaves my questions unanswered, for the comparison with Verres is superficial and only serves a temporary purpose.

633 Varro I 2 § 17, 17 §§ 5, 7.

634 Cato 2 § 7, cf Martial XI 70.

635 As Cato 5 § 2 says, dominus inpune ne Sinat esse.

636 Foreshadowed in Xenophon memor II 8.

637 Compare the case of the mercennarius and Regulus referred to above.

638 Columella I praef §§ 3, 12, 13, 20, XII praef §§ 8-10.

639 Pliny NH XVIII §§ 41-3 (of earlier times), XIV §§ 48-50 (speculations), XVIII §§ 273-4.

640 M Weber Römische Agrargeschichte pp 242 foll.

641 Sueton Aug 32, Tib 8, cf Seneca the elder contr X 4 § 18. Later, Spart Hadr 18. In law, Digest XXXIX 4 § 12².

642 Even a valetudinarium is provided. See Columella XI 1 § 18, XII 1 § 6, 3 §§ 7, 8.

643 Columella I 7.

644 Weber op cit pp 244-5. See the chapter on Columella for this interpretation. It can hardly be considered certain, but it is not vital to the argument.

645 Varro I 17 § 2, cf Colum I 3 § 12.

646 Varro I 17 §§ 3-6.

647 Plato Laws 777 d, Arist Pol VII 10 § 13, [Ar] Oec I 5 § 6.

648 Livy XXXIII 36 § 1.

649 Livy XXXIX 29 §§ 8, 9, cf 41 § 6.

650 Diodorus book XXXIV, and other authorities enumerated in my Roman Republic § 683.

651 Strabo XIV 1 § 38 [p 646], Diodorus XXXIV 2 § 26.

652 Diodorus XXXVI.

653 According to Appian civ I 116 § 2 he was at first joined by some free rustics. The same seems to have been the case in Sicily and Asia.

654 Sallust Catil 44 §§ 5, 6, 56 § 5.

655 Tacitus ann IV 27.

656 Tacitus ann III 53-5.

657 Text edited by Keil 1895.

658 Plutarch Cato maior 27.

659 Jordan’s edition of his remains, p 77, Plut Cat mai 23.

660 Pliny NH XVIII §§ 29, 30, and Cicero de off II § 89, Columella VI praef §§ 3-5.

661 Jordan op cit p 43. Plutarch Cat mai 4.

662 Plut Cat mai 3-5, 20-1.

663 Cato agr 3 § 1, Pliny NH XVIII § 32.

664 Cato agr 4.

665 Cato agr 56-7.

666 Cato agr 16, 136-7, 146.

667 In 147 the emptor of a season’s lambs seems to be bound to provide a pastor, who is held as a pledge to secure the final settlement.

668 Cato agr praef.

669 Cato agr 10 § 1, 11 § 1.

670 2 § 7 patrem familias vendacem non emacem esse oportet.

671 Cato agr 1.

672 Mommsen in Hermes XV p 408.

673 praef § 2, 1 § 4. According to a speaker in Seneca controv VII 6 § 17 Cato’s later wife was coloni sui filiam... ingenuam. Plut Cat mai 24 makes her πελάτιν, that is daughter of a client. There seems to be no real contradiction. The cliens might be his patron’s tenant.

674 2 § 7 boves vetulos... servum senem, servum morbosum... vendat. Cf Plut Cat mai 5, Martial XI 70, Juvenal X 268-70. In Terence Hautont 142-4 the Old Man, on taking to farming, sells off all his household slaves save such as are able to pay for their keep opere rustico faciundo. His motive for giving up domestic comfort and taking to hard manual labour on the land is to punish himself. So ibid 65-74 he appears as neglecting to keep his farm-hands at work.

675 Plut Cat mai 21.

676 Pliny NH XVIII § 35.

677 Polyb XXXII 13 §§ 10, 11.

678 Plut Cat mai 21, 25, 4.

679 Jordan op cit p 43.

680 Cf Plin epist III 19 § 5.

681 Plut Cat mai 21, 4.

682 Plut Cat mai 20.

683 Pliny even refers to his precepts as oracula.

684 Cato agr 1 § 3 operariorum copia siet.

685 Cato agr 4 operas facilius locabis, operarios facilius conduces.

686 Cato agr 5, 83, 143.

687 Cato agr 2 § 1.

688 Cato agr 13 § 1 duo custodes liberi... tertius servus... etc.

689 Ibid 66 ubi factores vectibus prement.

690 Ibid 64 § 1.

691 Ibid 144.

692 Ibid 144-5.

693 Ibid 146.

694 Ibid 149 § 2.

695 Ibid 150.

696 Ibid 66-7.

697 Ibid 56.

698 Ibid 10 § 1, 11 § 1.

699 It is to be noted that bubulci are to be indulgently treated, in order to encourage them to tend the valued oxen with care. 5 § 6.

700 Ibid 56 compeditis... ubi vineam fodere coeperint. Cf Columella I 9 § 4.

701 Ibid 14.

702 Ibid 16, 38.

703 Ibid 136. In 5 § 4 the politor appears as a hired wage-earner, apparently paid by the job. In Varro III 2 § 5 we find fundo... polito cultura. See Nonius p 66 M for politiones = agrorum cultus diligentes. Greenidge hist p 79 regards the politores as métayer tenants, why, I do not know.

704 Ibid 7 § 2, 21 § 5.

705 Ibid 5, especially § 4 operarium, mercennarium, politorem diutius eundem ne habeat die. This is taken by Wallon II pp 100, 345, to mean that these hired men are to be paid off at the end of their stipulated term. Keil thinks they are to be dischargeable at a day’s notice. eundem seems to imply that it was convenient to change your hired men often.

706 Ibid 2 § 2, and § 4 viam publicam muniri.

707 The account given in Greenidge’s History of Rome deserves special reference here. On pp 266-7 he well points out that it was not the Gracchan aim to revive the free labourer but the peasant proprietor.

708 This is known from the lex agraria of which a large part is preserved. See text in Bruns’ Fontes or Wordsworth’s Specimens. Translated and explained in Dr E G Hardy’s Six Roman Laws.

709 Perhaps some inference may be drawn from Sallust Iug 73 § 6 plebes sic accensa uti opifices agrestesque omnes, quorum res fidesque in manibus sitae erant, relictis operibus frequentarent Marium... etc, though this refers directly to political support, not to the recruiting of troops.

710 See the important paper by Dr E G Hardy Journ Phil 1913.

711 Monum Ancyr III 22 [cap XVI].

712 Varro RR I 2 §§ 3, 6. I find since writing this that Heisterbergk Entstehung des Colonats p 57 treats this utterance, rightly, as rhetorical.

713 See Mr Storr-Best’s translation, Introduction pp xxvii-xxx.

714 RR I 4 § 5. Surely in 49 Varro was in Spain.

715 As in RR II praef § 6.

716 The wild hill-pastures are referred to by Varro RR II 1 § 16 as still leased to publicani to whom the scriptura or registration fees had to be paid. I have given further references in my Roman Republic § 1351. See M Weber Römische Agrargeschichte pp 135 foll.

717 RR I 18.

718 RR I 17.

719 RR I 6-16.

720 [genus] vocale, semivocale, mutum.

721 These are specimens only. Others would be hired freemen, asses, and (near a river) barges.

722 ipsi suggests peasant owners.

723 pauperculi cum sua progenie.

724 mercennariis... conducticiis liberorum operis.

725 obaerarios or obaeratos, who work off a debt by labour for a creditor.

726 de quibus universis. This seems to refer to all human workers.

727 gravia loca. Cf I 12 § 2.

728 operarios parandos esse, not conducendos, for these are clearly slaves. Cf I 16 § 4.

729 The text here is damaged. I give the apparent meaning.

730 qui praesint, a very general expression.

731 That is, obedience.

732 offensiones domesticas. Varro may have in mind the Syrians in the Sicilian slave-wars and the Thracians and Gauls under Spartacus.

733 peculium.

734 Here also the text is doubtful.

735 RR II 3 § 7 in lege locationis fundi excipi solet ne colonus capra natum in fundo pascat.

736 RR I 2 § 17 leges colonicas... etc.

737 Caesar BC I 34, 56.

738 servis libertis colonis suis.

739 colonis pastoribusque.

740 As a creditor on a debtor.

741 RR I 16 § 4 itaque in hoc genus coloni potius anniversarios habent vicinos, quibus imperent, medicos fullones fabros, quam in villa suos habeant.

742 RR II praef § 5, cf I 2 § 13 foll, and Columella VI praef §§ 1, 2.

743 They evidently own slaves, though not special craftsmen, and are distinct from the pauperculi of I 17 § 2.

744 RR II praef §§ 3, 4.

745 RR III 16 §§ 10, 11.

746 RR II 10 §§ 4, 5.

747 RR I 22 § 1. Basket work is often referred to in scenes of country life. Cf Verg buc II 71-2, georg I 266.

748 RR III 3 § 4, 17 § 6.

749 Cf Cato 56, Columella I 9 § 4.

750 RR I 18 §§ 2, 6.

751 valetudini tempestati inertiae indiligentiae.

752 In RR III 2 § 5 cum villa non sit sine fundo magno et eo polito cultura the reference is quite general.

753 This is well illustrated by the words of Cicero de republ V § 5.

754 As in his opinion the younger Cato did.

755 See pro Murena § 62, where disputandi causa is opposed to ita vivendi.

756 See Brutus § 257, de orat I §§ 83, 263, II § 40, de finibus V § 52, Tusc disp I § 34, III § 77, V § 104. The messores whose rustic brogue is referred to in de orat III § 46 surely are free Italians.

757 From lack of the ingenuae artes and liberales doctrinae etc.

758 de offic I § 150 inliberales autem et sordidi quaestus mercennariorum omnium quorum operae non quorum artes emuntur: est enim in illis ipsa merces auctoramentum servitutis.

759 The operae often referred to.

760 The familiae publicanorum. The publicani complained loudly when their slave-staff was in danger from the violence of others. Cf de imperio Pompei § 16.

761 Cf the famous case of Clodius and Milo.

762 Cf pro Rosc com §§ 32, 49, 54, pro Tullio § 21.

763 For a discussion of these see Greenidge in the Appendix to The legal procedure of Cicero’s time.

764 pro Tullio §§ 7-12.

765 pro Tullio §§ 14-22.

766 § 17 mittit ad procuratorem litteras et ad vilicum.

767 To conduct of this kind Cicero makes a general reference in Paradoxa VI § 46 expulsiones vicinorum... latrocinia in agris.

768 pro Caecina §§ 10-19.

769 pro Caecina § 1 in agro locisque desertis.

770 pro Vareno fragm 5, pro Cluentio § 161, cf pro Tullio § 8.

771 in toga candida fragm 11 alter pecore omni vendito et saltibus prope addictis pastores retinet, ex quibus ait se cum velit subito fugitivorum bellum excitaturum. For the fugitivi in Sicily cf II in Verrem II § 27, III § 66, IV § 112, V passim, and the famous inscription of Popilius, Wilmanns 797 and Wordsworth specimens pp 221, 475, CIL I 551, referring to first Sicilian slave-war.

772 Brutus § 85.

773 pro Roscio Amer §§ 39-51.

774 pro Caecina §§ 58, 63.

775 Thus in pro Cluentio § 163 a disreputable tool is mercennarius Oppianici.

776 de officiis I § 151 quorum ordini conveniunt.

777 de officiis I § 41.

778 II in Verrem I § 147, IV § 77.

779 Thus of orators, Brutus § 297, de orat I §§ 83, 263, cf II § 40. Also opifex in Tusc disp V § 34.

780 de orat I § 249 si mandandum aliquid procuratori de agri cultura aut imperandum vilico est.

781 pro Tullio § 17 mittit ad procuratorem litteras et ad vilicum.

782 Cicero’s own estate at Arpinum seems to have been let in praediola to tenants. See ad Att XIII 9 § 2.

783 pro Caecina §§ 17, 57, 94.

784 pro Caecina § 57, cf 63. So in § 58 the word familia is shewn not to be limited to slaves personally owned by the litigant referred to.

785 II in Verrem III §§ 53-5, and passim. These arationes paid decumae.

786 pro Cluentio §§ 175, 182.

787 de orat II § 287.

788 de republ V § 5, where the perfect ruler is a sort of blend of dispensator and vilicus.

789 pro Plancio § 62.

790 II in Verrem III § 119.

791 pro Rabirio §§ 10-17.

792 hanc condicionem... quam servi, si libertatis spem propositam non haberent, ferre nullo modo possent.

793 Philippic VIII § 32.

794 Cic ad fam XVI 16 § 1 eum indignum illa fortuna nobis amicum quam servum esse maluisti.

795 pro Roscio Amer § 120 homines paene operarios.

796 II in Verrem III § 27.

797 quid, qui singulis iugis arant, qui ab opere ipsi non recedunt... etc.

798 The infamous henchman of Verres.

799 Diodorus fragm XXXIV 2 § 48, XXXVI 5 § 6.

800 de lege agr II §§ 80-3.

801 See Beloch Campanien pp 304-6.

802 de lege agr II § 84 agros desertos a plebe atque a cultura hominum liberorum esse non oportere.

803 genus... optimorum et aratorum et militum... illi miseri, nati in illis agris et educati, glaebis subigendis exercitati... etc.

804 de lege agr II §§ 88-9 locus comportandis condendisque fructibus, ut aratores cultu agrorum defessi urbis domiciliis uterentur... receptaculum aratorum, nundinas rusticorum, cellam atque horreum Campani agri... etc.

805 de lege agr II § 82 deinde ad paucos opibus et copiis adfluentis totum agrum Campanum perferri videbitis.

806 See above, chap XXV p 183.

807 Sallust Cat 4 § 1.

808 Sallust Cat 37 § 7 iuventus, quae in agris manuum mercede inopiam toleraverat... etc.

809 Sallust Iug 73 § 6 opifices agrestesque omnes, quorum res fidesque in manibus sitae erant... etc.

810 Two notorious instances are Pompey and M Brutus.

811 Horace Odes II 15, III 6, etc.

812 Horace Odes IV 5, 15, etc.

813 A picture forestalled by Lucretius III 1053-75.

814 Already illustrated in the case of Cato noted above.

815 See Cic de legibus III § 30. Cf Horace epodes IV.

816 See Rostowzew, Röm Colonat, for detailed inquiry into Eastern phenomena, Egyptian in particular. For the case of China see reference to Macgowan [Appendix D 6]. A very interesting account of the system in Hindustan in the 17th century, with criticism of its grave abuses, may be found in the Travels in the Mogul empire by François Bernier, ed 2 by V A Smith, Oxford 1914, pages 226-38. I believe the legal phrase is ‘Eminent Domain.’

817 In Greenidge, History pp 292-3, there are some good remarks on the process.

818 Frontinus grom I p 35, Columella III 3 § 11, and Heisterbergk’s remarks cited below. See Index, Italian land and taxation.

819 Tacitus ann II 59 seposuit Aegyptum hist I 11 domi retinere. This need not be taken to mean that he treated it strictly as part of his private estate, as Mommsen thought. See on the controversy a note of E Meyer Kl Schr p 479.

820 See M Weber Agrargeschichte pp 243 foll.

821 The estates of Atticus in Epirus are a leading case of this. Horace epist I 12 refers to those of Agrippa in Sicily. Such cases have nothing to do with emigration of working farmers, in which I do not believe. Surely Greenidge History p 270 is right in saying that the Gracchan scheme of colonization was commercial rather than agricultural. Also the municipalities, beside their estates in Italy, held lands in the Provinces. See Tyrrell and Purser on Cic ad fam XIII 7 and 11. In general, Seneca epist 87 § 7, 89 § 20, Florus II 7 § 3.

822 We may perhaps carry this back into the time of the Republic. See the references to the royal domains of Macedon, Livy XLV 18 § 3, and with others Cic de lege agr II § 50.

823 See the chapter on the African inscriptions.

824 For the cases of India and China see references to Sir A Fraser and Macgowan [Appendix D 6].

825 Tacitus ann XIV 27 records the failure of Nero’s colonization of veterans singly in Italy, who mostly returned to the scenes of their service. He strangely regrets the abandonment of the old plan of settling them in whole legions. It is to be remembered that in the later Empire the army was more and more recruited from the barbarians.

826 The γῆ κληρουχική, assigned in κλῆροι to soldiers.

827 See Herodotus II 165-7, cf 141, Strabo XV 1 § 40 (p 704), § 34 (p 701), § 54 (p 710), cf Diodorus II 40-1, Arrian Indica 10 §§ 8, 9. The references to slave-traffic in the Periplus maris Erythraei do not really imply existence of a slave-system in India. See Rapson Ancient India p 97. Much of interest in Sir J D Rees, The real India, on the Land-system etc. In The early history of India by V A Smith the existence of slavery in India is maintained.

828 See Dionysius II 28, cf 8, 9.

829 The operae referred to in the African inscriptions.

830 It is possible to see a beginning of this system in the tenancy-on-shares (the colonia partiaria) which we find not only in Italy but in Africa as a recognized plan.

831 This is the view of Rostowzew Röm Colonat p 397.

832 Hor Sat II 7 23, Epist II 1 139-40.

833 Hor Odes I 12.

834 Odes II 15, 18, Sat II 6 6-15.

835 Odes III 6.

836 Odes III 5. See above pp 139-40.

837 Odes III 1 redemptor cum famulis.

838 Odes II 3, Epist II 2 177-8.

839 Odes I 1, II 16, III 16.

840 Odes I 1 patrios... agros, Epode II 3 paterna rura bobus exercet suis.

841 Epode IV 13 arat Falerni mille fundi iugera, etc.

842 Odes III 16 quicquid arat impiger Apulus.

843 Epode II 39 foll.

844 A fact recognized by Horace himself in lines 14-16 of Odes III 4, and Sat I 5 lines 77 foll.

845 Odes I 35 pauper... ruris colonus, II 14 inopes coloni. Sat II 2 115, where the fact of expulsion in favour of a military pensioner is judiciously ignored. See below.

846 These coloni of course owned their farms; that is, were domini. Odes III 4 lines 37-8, Sat II 6 55-6.

847 Odes I 1 mercator... indocilis pauperiem pati, cf III 2.

848 So Cicero’s estate at Arpinum is spoken of ad Att XIII 9 § 2 as praediola and was perhaps let in the same way.

849 Cf Seneca epist 47 § 14, 86 § 14.

850 The ownership of the slaves is another matter, for in letting farms the dominus often supplied the slaves. See Index, instrumentum.

851 I find that Mr Warde Fowler, The death of Turnus p 105, also takes this view. But he understands pater to imply that the man brought up a family, which I do not. I agree that it gives the idea of headship of a household.

852 Italische Landeskunde II p 615.

853 The description of such an agellus in Plin epist I 24 illustrates the wants of a literary landowner excellently.

854 Tibullus II 1 51 agricola adsiduo... satiatus aratro.

855 Tibullus II 6 25-6.

856 Ovid fasti I 207, III 779-82, IV 693-4.

857 Ovid metam I 135-6, Manilius I 73-4.

858 Vitruvius II 1.

859 I cannot accept Prof. Richmond’s view (Inaugural lecture 1919 p 25) of the Georgics as ‘concerned with every side of husbandry.’

860 Whether Vergil suffered two expulsions, and what is the chronological order of eclogues I and IX, are questions that do not affect my inquiry.

861 Pliny epist III 10 § 7.

862 Aen VII 641-817, IX 603-13.

863 e.g. Aen VI 613.

864 Ellis on Catullus XXIII 1.

865 See page 217.

866 Sueton Vespas I.

867 Keightley includes Mago, whether rightly or not I am not sure. Conington’s Introduction treats this matter fully.

868 The futility of addressing rustic readers in polished literary language (diserte) is commented on by Palladius [4th cent AD] in his opening sentences. He has been thought to have in view Columella, who by the by is Vergil’s great admirer. I cannot accept the views of Daubeny in his Lectures pp 3-5. It is possible that the use of fire in improving land may be a bit of Vergil’s own advice, but I doubt it. See Daubeny pp 91-4, georg I 84 foll.

869 E Meyer Kl Schr p 488 describing the hopeless task of Augustus in attempting the moral and physical regeneration of Italy makes the general remark ‘Nur an die höheren Stände, nur an die Elite, konnte Augustus sich wenden.’ This is a true picture of the situation as a whole. To have to begin building at the top was fatal.

870 Most clearly stated in Columella I 7.

871 For coloni of Cicero’s time see II in Verr III § 55, pro Caecina § 94, pro Cluent §§ 175, 182. The references in Horace are given below. That letting to tenants was practised about 100 BC or earlier, appears certain from the reference to Saserna’s opinion on this policy in Columella I 7 § 4.

872 Velleius II 88, and many passages in Seneca and other authors.

873 Dion Cass LII 27-8.

874 Compare Suet Aug 41 for the Emperor’s actual policy. It seems that the influx of specie captured at Alexandria sent the rate of interest down and the price of land up.

875 This is admirably dealt with in Sellar’s Virgil, and need not be reproduced here.

876 Mr T R Glover, Virgil p 14, reminds us that the poet’s father is said to have done some business in timber at one time.

877 When Cicero de orat III § 46 credits messores with a rustic brogue he can hardly be thinking of foreign slaves.

878 As in Lucan VII 402 vincto fossore.

879 Varro RR II 10.

880 See Varro RR II 2 § 20, 5 § 18, 7 § 16, even for treatment of homines 10 § 10. Written books of prescriptions were provided.

881 Georg III 515-30.

882 tristis suggests the owner. A slave was not likely to care.

883 In Sellar’s Virgil chapter VI § 5 there is an excellent treatment of this episode, with a discussion of V’s relation to Lucretius and a most apposite quotation from G Sand.

884 Varro II 5 § 4, Columella VI praef § 7, Plin NH VIII § 180.

885 The molle atque facetum attributed to V by Horace is I think rightly explained by Quintilian VI 3 § 20, and amounts to easy and fastidious taste, of course the result of careful revision, his practice of which is attested in the Suetonian biography.

886 So Tibullus II 1 41-2.

887 Cf Cic de off I §§ 41, 150, passages in which the growth of the technical sense is seen.

888 See the interesting story of the bee-farm in Varro RR III 16 §§ 10, 11.

889 Pliny NH XIX §§ 50-1.

890 II 412-3 laudato ingentia rura, exiguum colito. Not found in surviving text of Cato.

891 II 532.

892 I 125-8, II 336-42.

893 II 136-76.

894 Dionys Hal I 36-7, Strabo VI 4 § 1, p 286, Varro RR I 2 §§ 1-7.

895 Horace Odes IV 5, 15, published about 14 BC. So Martial V 4 declares that Domitian has made Rome pudica.

896 Sueton Aug 32 (cf Tib 8), and the elder Seneca contr X 4 § 18. Even in the second century AD, Spart Hadr 18 § 9 ergastula servorum et liberorum tulit. Perhaps the ergastula in Columella I 3 § 12 refer to the same practice.

897 H Blümner in Müller’s Handbuch IV 2 2 p 543 says that Varro does not refer to the Kolonat als Pacht. But that sense seems clearly implied in I 2 § 17, II 3 § 4 in lege locationis fundi. In I 16 § 4 it surely includes tenants, even if the application is more general. In II praef § 5 colonus is simply = arator, opposed to pastor.

898 Columella I 7.

899 Pliny epist III 19, IX 37.

900 This reminds us of Varro’s words, speaking (I 17 § 2) of free workers... cum ipsi colunt, ut plerique pauperculi cum sua progenie.

901 Cf Tibullus II 1 23 turbaque vernarum saturi bona signa coloni.

902 See above, p 216.

903 Hor epist I 14 39, cf II 2 184-6.

904 Hor Sat I 3 99 foll, where animalia seems to mean little more than homines.

905 Hor Sat II 6 55-6, Odes III 4 37-40.

906 The one reference to the assignations [G II 198] only speaks of the misfortune of Mantua, not of his own.

907 Hor Epist I 16 69-72.

908 Hor Sat I 1 28, 32.

909 For the story of the φιάλη (freedman’s offering) sent yearly by Maecenas to Augustus as a recognition of his restoration of Roman freedom, see Gardthausen Augustus VII 7 and notes.

910 Monum Ancyr ed Mommsen, I 16-9, III 22-8.

911 Tacitus ann XIV 53.

912 Gardthausen Augustus VII 7, pp 768-9. He quotes Schol ad Juvenal V 3 (Maecenas) ad quem sectio bonorum Favoni pertinuerat.

913 Varro RR I 17, a notable chapter.

[914] Livy VI 12, VII 25.

915 Plin NH XXXVII §§ 201-3.

916 Augustus VI 3, p 547.

917 Macrob Sat I 11 § 22.

918 Dion Cass XLVIII 6 § 3.

919 The words of Donatus (after Suetonius) in his life of Vergil. Reifferscheid’s Suetonius p 59.

920 Keightley (1846) says the same.

921 With much respect and regret, I cannot accept the views of Prof Conway in his inaugural lecture of 1903.

922 The absence of reference to Cicero has of course been noted. But this was general in the Augustan age.

923 Seneca epist 86 § 15.

924 Seneca controversiae II 1 § 26.

925 Seneca excerpt contr V 5

926 Compare the reference to unruly servorum agmina in Calabria, Tac ann XII 65, in the time of Claudius.

927 Seneca excerpt contr VI 2.

928 Seneca contr II 1 § 5.

929 Seneca contr VII 6 § 18.

930 Seneca contr X 4 § 18 solitudines suas isti beati ingenuorum ergastulis excolunt. See above p 233 and below on Columella p 263.

931 Seneca contr VII 6 § 17, cf Plut Cat mai 24.

932 Val Max IV 4 § 6.

933 Val Max IV 3 § 5, cf 4 § 7, 8 § 1.

934 Val Max VII 5 § 2.

935 Phaedr IV 5, II 8.

936 Such as Polybius the influential freedman of Claudius, to whom Seneca addressed a consolatio.

937 Epist 77 § 7 is a notable passage.

938 Cf de benef III 26.

939 As by the younger Pliny paneg 42 on Trajan.

940 de benef V 18 § 2, 19 § 1, VII 4 § 4.

941 de clement I 18, nat quaest I 16 § 1.

942 de benef III 22 § 1, cf Athenaeus 276 b.

943 de benef V 19 § 9, epist 12 § 3.

944 de constant (ad Serenum) 5 § 1.

945 epist 47 § 14.

946 epist 90 § 27, artificem vides vitae etc.

947 epist 65 § 6.

948 epist 88 § 21. The contrast of liberalis and sordidus often occurs.

949 epist 90 § 15.

950 epist 44 § 3 aquam traxit et rigando horto locavit manus.

951 epist 114 § 26 quot millia colonorum arent fodiant... etc.

952 epist 123 § 2 non habet panem meus pistor: sed habet vilicus, sed habet atriensis, sed habet colonus. atriensis = head of domestics, porter or butler.

953 de benef VI 4 § 4 colonum suum non tenet, quamvis tabellis manentibus, qui segetem eius proculcavit, qui succidit arbusta, non quia recepit quod pepigerat sed quia ne reciperet effecit. Sic debitori suo creditor saepe damnatur, ubi plus ex alia causa abstulit quam ex crediti petit.

954 The pactum implied in pepigerat.

955 de benef VII 5 §§ 2, 3, conduxi domum a te; in hac aliquid tuum est, aliquid meum; res tua est, usus rei tuae meus est. itaque nec fructus tanges colono tuo prohibente, quamvis in tua possessione nascantur... nec conductum meum, quamquam sis dominus, intrabis, nec servum tuum, mercennarium meum, abduces... etc. See the chapter on the Jurists of the Digest.

956 epist 90 § 39 licet itaque nunc conetur reparare quod perdidit, licet agros agris adiciat vicinum vel pretio pellens vel iniuria, licet in provinciarum spatium rura dilatet et possessionem vocet per sua longam peregrinationem... etc. For iniuria cf Columella I 3 §§ 6, 7. The violent expulsion of poor farmers by the rich is an old topic. Cf Sallust Iug 41 § 8, Appian civ I 7 § 5 and see index.

957 epist 87 § 7 quia in omnibus provinciis arat... quia tantum suburbani agri possidet quantum invidiose in desertis Apuliae possideret.

958 de ira III 29 § 1.

959 Lucan VII 387-439.

960 vincto fossore coluntur Hesperiae vegetes.

961 I 158-82.

962 longa sub ignotis extendere rura colonis. Cf Seneca de vita beata 17 § 2 cur trans mare possides? cur plura quam nosti? and Petron 37.

963 VI 152 o famuli turpes, servum pecus.

964 Calpurn ecl IV 118.

965 Petron § 37 fundos habet qua milvi volant. A proverbial phrase, cf Persius IV 26 dives arat... quantum non milvus oberret, Juvenal IX 55.

966 Petron § 53.

967 edicta aedilium.

968 saltuariorum testamenta. They were evidently slaves and could only make wills by leave of their owner. See Dig XXXIII 7 § 12⁴.

969 Many times referred to in the book.

970 I 3 §§ 8-13.

971 Cf Plin epist III 19 § 2 pulchritudo iungendi, and Mayor’s note. Petron § 77.

972 I 3 §§ 6, 7, where he even refers to a very disobliging neighbour of his own estate.

973 I 1 § 20 longinqua ne dicam transmarina rura... etc.

974 I praef §§ 13-15, XII praef §§ 8-10.

975 I praef § 12.

976 I 7 passim.

977 If we are to hold that opus here refers only to work on the particular farm hired by the tenant, I presume it includes improvements, as in Digest XIX 2 § 24³.

978 remissionem petere non audet.

979 felicissimum fundum esse qui colonos indigenas haberet et tamquam in paterna possessione natos iam inde a cunabulis longa familiaritate retineret.

980 urbanum colonum, qui per familiam mavult agrum quam per se colere.

981 rusticos et eosdem adsiduos colonos.

982 in his regionibus quae gravitate caeli solique sterilitate vastantur. Cf I 5 § 5, gravibus, and Varro I 17 § 2.

983 By H. Blümner in Müller’s Handbuch. So also Gummerus in Klio 1906 pp 85-6.

984 domini praesentia cariturum.

985 Dig XXXIII 7 § 25¹, XIX 2 § 24, § 25³.

986 M Weber Röm Agrargeschichte p 244. Of course opus is a general term, not technical as operae (= labour units) often is. See Vinogradoff Growth of the Manor note 94 on p 110. From Horace epist I 1 21 opus debentibus I can get no help.

987 See below, in the chapter on the African inscriptions.

988 Caesar civ I 34, 56.

989 Wallon, Esclavage II 99, 100, refers to the long leasing of municipal estates, held in virtual perpetuity so long as the rent was paid. He cites Gaius III 145. So too estates of temples, and later of the fiscus.

990 Wallon II 120, cf Digest XXXIII 7 § 19, an opinion of Paulus. It seems to be a sort of métayer system. See index.

991 But such as the imbecilli cultores of Plin epist III 19 § 6.

992 See case referred to by Paulus in Digest XXXI § 86¹.

993 I praef § 12 ex mercennariis aliquem. In II 2 § 12 operarum vilitas, and IV 6 § 3 operarum paenuria, III 21 § 10 plures operas quantocumque pretio conducere, the hands hired may be slaves.

994 Of course not necessarily agricultural, in fact generally not. See my article in Journal of Roman Studies 1918, and Index under Emigration.

995 Very different from the small farmers of old time, who were owners.

996 See for instance Digest XXXIII 7 § 18⁴, and § 20¹, opinions of Scaevola.

997 I 8 and XI 1.

998 I 8 §§ 1-3, XI 1 §§ 3, 4, 7.

999 I 8 §§ 3, 4, where he says that a man who learns how to do things ab subiecto is not fitted opus exigere. XI 1 §§ 9-13 is not inconsistent with this, but lays more stress on the necessity of training the vilicus.

1000 I 8 § 5 contubernalis mulier. She is to be vilica, cf XII 1 §§ 1, 2. Apuleius met VIII 22.

1001 eidemque actori = him in his capacity of actor. Cf XI 1 §§ 13, 19. See Index, actor.

1002 I 8 §§ 6, 7, XI 1 §§ 22-3.

1003 nisi ut addiscat aliquam culturam. He is in a sense colonus, and hence his sphere of duty is called colonia in XI 1 § 23. In I 4 §§ 4, 5 the value of experiments is recognized.

1004 I 8 § 8, XI 1 §§ 20-1.

1005 I 8 § 9, XI 1 § 21.

1006 I 8 § 10 animi, quantum servile patitur ingenium, virtutibus instructus.

1007 I 8 § 10, XI 1 § 25.

1008 I 8 § 11 operis exactio, ut iusta reddantur, ut vilicus semper se repraesentet, XI 1 §§ 25-6.

1009 magistri singulorum officiorum, XI 1 § 27.

1010 I 8 § 12, XI 1 § 23.

1011 I 8 § 13, XI 1 § 24.

1012 I 8 §§ 13-4, XI 1 §§ 27-30.

1013 In XI 1 §§ 4 foll this notion is, with citation of Xenophon, repudiated, and the need of training a steward emphasized.

1014 In XI 1 § 4 he cites a saying of Cato, male agitur cum domino quem vilicus docet.

1015 I 8 § 15.

1016 I 8 § 16 ut ergastuli mancipia recognoscant... etc. In XI 1 § 22 this appears as part of the steward’s daily duty.

1017 I 8 §§ 17-8 quanto et pluribus subiecti, ut vilicis ut operum magistris ut ergastulariis, magis obnoxii perpetiendis iniuriis, et rursus saevitia atque avaritia laesi magis timendi sunt.

1018 an ex sua constitutione iusta percipiant. sua = the scale allowed by himself as dominus.

1019 I 8 § 19.

1020 multum confert augendo patrimonio.

1021 I 9 §§ 1-6. Cf XI 1 §§ 8, 9.

1022 mediastinus.

1023 Cf Dig XXXIII 7 § 8 pr.

1024 vineta plurimum per alligatos excoluntur.

1025 ne confundantur opera familiae, sic ut omnes omnia exequantur.

1026 I 9 §§ 7, 8.

1027 VI 2 § 15 pecoris operarii (the very word also used = labourer), 3 § 3 iumentis iusta operum reddentibus.

1028 XI 1 § 18 more optimi pastoris... idem quod ille diligens opilio.

1029 valetudinarium XI 1 § 18, XII 1 § 6, 3 §§ 7, 8.

1030 IV 3 § 1 quosdam emacitas in armentis, quosdam exercet in comparandis mancipiis; de tuendis nulla cura tangit. Cf I 4 § 7.

1031 XII 3 especially §§ 1, 8, cf praef § 9. He refers to Xenophon.

1032 VIII 11 § 2 tamquam servitio liberatae, also 12 and 15 § 7 parere cunctantur in servitute.

1033 I 6 § 3 vinctis quam saluberrimum subterraneum ergastulum, plurimis idque angustis illustratum fenestris atque a terra sic editis ne manu contingi possint. Cf XI 1 §§ 22.

1034 I 6 § 19 rusticis balneis.

1035 I 3 § 12 [our land-grabbers scorn moderation and buy up fines gentium so vast that they cannot even ride round them] sed proculcandos pecudibus et vastandos feris derelinquunt, aut occupatos nexu civium et ergastulis tenent. Schneider explains nexu etc as = civibus ob aes alienum nexis. Surely at this date it cannot be used in the strictly technical sense. See p 269.

1036 Like the obaerarii or obaerati of Varro I 17 § 2. See on that passage p 180.

1037 suppressio. See Index.

1038 VIII 2 § 7 anus sedula may serve as custos vagantium.

1039 VI praef § 4.

1040 I 8 § 5, 7 § 7, but in XII 3 § 6 for instance actores are not = vilici. Schneider.

1041 See Cic de oratore I § 249, pro Tullio § 17.

1042 I 6 § 23.

1043 I 6 § 7 procuratori supra ianuam ob easdem causas: et is tamen vilicum observet ex vicino. Cf Plin epist III 19 § 2.

1044 In Columella’s time. At a later date this could hardly be said, as the position of coloni became worse.

1045 III 13 §§ 12, 13. Cf Dig XLIII 24 § 15¹.

1046 A good instance in Pliny NH XIV 49, 50.

1047 III 21 § 10 (of hurry resulting from want of forethought) cogitque plures operas quantocumque pretio conducere.

1048 III 3 § 8.

1049 I praef §§ 1, 2, II 1. Cf III 3 § 4 with Varro I 44 § 1.

1050 I 3 § 9 nec dubium quin mimis reddat laxus ager non recte cultus quam angustus eximie, IV 3 § 6.

1051 For milk-delivery see Calpurnius ecl IV 25-6 et lac venale per urbem non tacitus porta. For cheese Verg G III 402.

1052 VI praef §§ 3-5.

1053 Also bee-keeping.

1054 VIII 10 §§ 3, 4.

1055 quia nec parvo conducuntur qui mandant... etc.

1056 II 9 §§ 14, 16.

1057 siligo, II 6 § 2, 9 § 13.

1058 I 6 §§ 9-17.

1059 II 20 § 6 frumenta, si in annos reconduntur,... sin protinus usui destinantur... etc.

1060 I 2 § 3.

1061 As Plutarch C Gracc 7 says εὐθεῖαι γὰρ ἤγοντο διὰ τῶν χωρίων ἀτρεμεῖs.

1062 I 5 §§ 6, 7.

1063 I 3 §§ 3, 4.

1064 II 13 § 7 consummatio operarum.

1065 II 21 § 10.

1066 I praef § 12, XI 1 § 12.

1067 I praef § 17 (of the non-urban population in old times) qui rura colerent administrarentve opera colonorum. The last three words are not in some MSS.

1068 I 4 § 4, Verg G I 51-3.

1069 So the Greeks often refer to Homer as The Poet.

1070 verissimo vati velut oraculo.

1071 Verg G IV 116 foll.

1072 Quintil X 1 §§ 46-131, especially §§ 85-6.

1073 See Tacitus Germ 41 on the exceptionally favourable treatment of the Hermunduri, with Schweitzer-Sidler’s notes.

1074 Seneca ad Helviam 7 § 7 refers to the colonies sent out to the provinces in earlier times, and is rhetorically exaggerated.

1075 Cf Nissen Italische Landeskunde vol II pp 128-30.

1076 A notable utterance on this topic is Seneca ad Helviam 6 §§ 2, 3. See Mayor’s notes on Juvenal III 58 foll.

1077 See Tacitus Germ 29 for interesting matter bearing on these points.

1078 The numerous references need not be given here. They can be found in H. Schiller’s Geschichte der Römischen Kaiserzeit.

1079 Schiller I 515, 534. See Hyginus gromat I p 133, Frontinus ibid pp 53-4, and the rescript of Domitian in Girard, textes part I ch 4 § 5. Suetonius Dom 9.

1080 Domitian also made ordinances forbidding new vineyards in Italy and enjoining the destruction of those in the Provinces. But these were not carried out. Schiller I 533. Suet Dom 7, 14, Stat silv IV 3 11-12.

1081 Schiller I 540.

1082 Plin paneg 26-8.

1083 Schiller I 566, 623, 630, 656.

1084 Schiller I 566.

1085 Capitolinus M Aurel II § 7. The text is in some doubt.

1086 Schiller I 651.

1087 Schiller I 566. Plin epist VI 19 depicts the situation fully. The aim was to make them feel Italy their patria. See the jealousy of rich Provincials shewn by senators, Tac Ann XI 23.

1088 Schiller I 656.

1089 The remarkable community of Lamasba is referred to below in a note after chapter XXXVII.

1090 The locus classicus on emigrant Romans is Cic pro Fonteio §§ 11-13, which belongs to 69 BC. Cf Sallust Iug 21, 26, 47.

1091 That is, allottees of land distributed viritim.

1092 Inscription, Dessau 1334, CIL VIII 15454.

1093 Dessau 6790.

1094 [Victor] de viris illustribus 73 § 1, cf § 5.

1095 Cf Appian civ I 29 § 2.

1096 Bellum Afr 32, 35, 56, Dion Cass XLIII 4 § 2.

1097 For details of his life see Mayor on Pliny epp III 11. Cf Ritter and Preller hist Philos, Champagny Les Césars IV 1 § 1.

1098 Preserved by Stobaeus flor LVI 18. It is in Greek, the classic language of Philosophy, as the Meditations of Marcus Aurelius, etc.

1099 πόρος, a means of livelihood.

1100 ἢ δημοσίαν ἢ ἰδιωτικήν.

1101 αὐτουργικοὶ καὶ φιλόπονοι ὄντες.

1102 εἴ γε μὴν ἅμα φιλοσοφεῖ τις καὶ γεωργεῖ.

1103 τοῦ καθῆσθαι ἐν πόλει τὸ ζῆν ἐν χωρίῳ.

1104 σύν γε τῷ καλοκαγαθίας μὴ ὀλιγωρεῖν.

1105 These are stock instances of happiness in rustic life. For references see notes in Frazer’s Pausanias VIII 24 § 13, X 24 § 1.

1106 σοφιστάς.

1107 χαλεπώτατον.

1108 He was in command of the fleet at Misenum in 79 AD when the great eruption of Vesuvius took place. He persisted in approaching it, and met his death. The family belonged to the colony of Novum Comum in Transpadane Gaul, now part of Italy.

1109 NH XVIII 1-5.

1110 NH XVIII 7, 18, 20.

1111 NH XVIII 19, 21, 36.

1112 NH XVIII 35.

1113 NH XVIII 27-8.

1114 NH XVIII 32.

1115 NH XVIII 35.

1116 NH VIII 180. In Aelian var hist this is recorded (V 14) as an old rule in Attica.

1117 NH XVIII 36.

1118 NH XIX 60 octo iugerum operis palari iustum est is a good instance. This verb palare = to dig should be added to dictionaries.

1119 NH XVIII 37-8.

1120 agros... coemendo colendoque in gloriam.

1121 So Tiberius in Tac ann III 54.

1122 Tac hist III 8 Aegyptus, claustra annonae.

1123 NH XVIII 15 foll.

1124 ibid 17 nec e latifundiis singulorum contingebat arcentium vicinos.

1125 NH XVIII 24.

1126 NH XIX 50-1.

1127 NH XVIII 12.

1128 NH XVIII 11, 26.

1129 NH XIV 49, 50.

1130 NH XIV 48.

1131 Such as the agricola strenuus depicted in the letter of Marcus to Fronto (p 29 Naber), who has omnia ad usum magis quam ad voluptatem.

1132 NH XVIII 273-4. Aristotle Politics I 11.

1133 NH XVIII 174.

1134 NH XVIII 178... transverso monte.

1135 certe sine hoc animali montanae gentes sarculis arant.

1136 NH XXXIII 26-7.

1137 aliter apud antiquos singuli Marcipores Luciporesve dominorum gentiles omnem victum in promiscuo habebant.

1138 NH XVIII 36 coli rura ab ergastulis pessimum est, et quicquid agitur a desperantibus.

1139 NH XXXVII 201-3.

1140 principatum naturae optinet... viris feminis ducibus militibus servitiis... etc.

1141 servorum exercitio.

1142 NH XVIII 11.

1143 NH VIII 180 tamquam colono suo interempto.

1144 NH XVIII 167 coloni vice fungens.

1145 NH XVIII 38 praeterquam subole suo colono aut pascendis alioqui colente domino aliquas messis colligere non expedit, si computetur impendium operae.

1146 In NH XVIII 120 he cites Vergil as giving a piece of advice based on the usage of the Po country. Pliny as a Transpadane may have been prejudiced in Vergil’s favour and possibly jealous of the Spanish Columella.

1147 In NH XVIII 170 he cites Verg G I 53, calling it oraculum illud, but with a textual slip.

1148 NH XVIII 70.

1149 The passing mention in Annals XVI 13 of the great mortality among the servitia and ingenua plebes in the plague of 65 AD is a good specimen. The two classes are often thus spoken of together. Cf Sueton Claud 22, Nero 22.

1150 Annals III 54.

1151 This policy bore fruit in the possibility of forming reserves in the next period. See Spart Severus 8 § 5, 23 § 2.

1152 Annals IV 27.

1153 Annals IV 6 infecunditati terrarum.

1154 Annals VI 16, 17. Caesar’s law is described as de modo credendi possidendique intra Italiam. Nipperdey holds that it cannot be the law of BC 49, but must be an unknown law, not of temporary effect. See his note.

1155 Nipperdey’s restoration of this sentence with the help of Suet Tib 48 seems to me quite certain.

1156 si debitor populo in duplum praediis cavisset. The precedent of Augustus is mentioned in Sueton Aug 41.

1157 See Cicero in Catil II § 18.

1158 See the case of Sittius in Cic pro Sulla §§ 56-9. Such financial opportunities were evidently few in the later Empire.

1159 trepidique patres (neque enim quisquam tali culpa vacuus)... etc.

1160 Germ 26.

1161 See Schweitzer-Sidler’s notes, and cf the remarks of Caesar BG IV 1, VI 22.

1162 See Pliny NH XVIII 259 and Conington’s notes on Verg G I 71-83. Varro I 44 § 3.

1163 Germ 24.

1164 servos condicionis huius per commercia tradunt, ut se quoque pudore victoriae exsolvant.

1165 Germ 25 frumenti modum dominus aut pecoris aut vestis ut colono iniungit, et servus hactenus paret. The colonus here is clearly a tenant, his German analogue a serf.

1166 Agricola 28.

1167 per commercia venumdatos et in nostram usque ripam mutatione ementium adductos.

1168 CIL VIII 18587, Ephem epigr VII 788, where it is annotated by Mommsen and others.

1169 Mentioned in two routes of the Itinerarium Antoninum.

1170 Cf Gaius II 7, 21, and below, note on p 351.

1171 Cf Digest VIII 6 § 7, XLIII 20 §§ 2, 5.

1172 See Marquardt Stvw 1, index under Lamasba.

1173 Were they perhaps veterani? That there were a number of these settled in Africa is attested by Cod Th XI 1 § 28 (400), cf XII 1 § 45 (358).

1174 Written 97 AD, under Nerva.

1175 de aquis 75. Formerly this offence was punished by confiscating the land so watered, ibid 97.

1176 de aquis 6.

1177 de aquis 9.

1178 de aquis 107-10. But according to Digest XLIII 20 § 1³⁹⁻⁴³ (Ulpian) the grant was sometimes not personis but praediis, and so perpetual.

1179 de aquis 105, 116-8.

1180 de aquis 120, 124-8.

1181 impotentia possessorum.

1182 holitores as in Horace epist I 18 36. Later called hortulani as in Apuleius metam IX 31-2, 39-42. Girard, textes part III ch 4 § 1 e, gives an interesting case of a colonus hortorum olitoriorum between Rome and Ostia, belonging to a collegium. The man is probably a freedman.

1183 de aquis 112-5.

1184 de aquis 11, cf also 92.

1185 Wilmanns exempla 2844-8.

1186 Hermes XIX pp 393-416.

1187 Plin epist VII 18.

1188 Mommsen op cit p 410. See index under instrumentum.

1189 Whether we have in Columella a direct reference to this method is a question I have discussed in the chapter on that author. However answered, it does not affect the present passage. See the chapter on the African inscriptions.

1190 See the case cited in the chapter on Pliny the younger.

1191 By H Blümner in Müller’s Handbuch ed 3, IV ii 2 p 544.

1192 Mommsen op cit p 416. See the chapter on evidence from the Digest.

1193 Mommsen op cit p 412.

1194 Digest XXXIII 7 § 20¹ non fide dominica sed mercede. ibid § 12³ qui quasi colonus in agro erat.

1195 Dig XXXIII 7 § 20³ praedia ut instructa sunt cum dotibus et reliquis colonorum et vilicorum et mancipiis et pecore omni legavit et peculiis et cum actore. Cf also XL 7 § 40⁵.

1196 Dig XXXIII 7 § 20⁴.

1197 But that uxor was sometimes loosely used of a slave’s contubernalis is true. Wallon II 207, cf Paulus Sent III 6 §§ 38, 40, Dig XXXIII 7 § 12⁷^,³³.

1198 Mommsen op cit p 409.

1199 Columella I 9 § 4.

1200 Plut de defectu oraculorum 8.

1201 oratio VII, Euboicus seu venator.

1202 A contemporary of the younger Pliny, flourished about 100 AD.

1203 I think Nero is meant here.

1204 Mahaffy, Silver Age p 329, thinks Carystos is meant, though it might be Chalcis.

1205 ἀφορμῆς. This passage seems openly to recognize the ruinous competition of slave labour under capitalists, which the single artisan was unable to face. The admission is so far as I know very rare in ancient writers. That Dion’s mind was greatly exercised on the subject of slavery in general, is shewn by Orations X, XIV, XV, and many scattered references elsewhere.

1206 See the chapter on Musonius.

1207 As in Archbishop Trench’s charming Lectures on Plutarch pp 10, 77 foll.

1208 Matt 21 §§ 28-30. I cannot feel sure of this general inference.

1209 Matt 21 §§ 33-41, Mar 12 §§ 1-9, Luk 20 §§ 9-16.

1210 I Cor 9 §§ 7-10, I Tim 5 § 18, II Tim 2 § 6.

1211 Luk 12 §§ 16-9, etc.

1212 οἰκονόμος, Luk 12 §§ 42-8, 16 §§ 1-12, I Cor 4 § 2.

1213 [Aristotle] Econ 1 5 § 3 δούλῳ δὲ μισθὸς τροφή.

1214 James 5 § 4.

1215 Rom 4 § 4.

1216 Matt 20 §§ 1-16. Abp Trench, Notes on the Parables, has cleared away a mass of perverse interpretations.

1217 Matt 6 § 12, Luk 7 § 41, 16 § 5.

1218 Matt 25 §§ 14-30, Luk 19 §§ 12-26.

1219 Acts 1 § 18, 4 §§ 34-7.

1220 Often referred to. See Friedländer’s index under Nomentanus, and cf VIII 61, IX 18, 97.

1221 I 55, X 48.

1222 III 47 etc. Cf VII 31, XII 72.

1223 II 11 nihil colonus vilicusque decoxit. This may imply that the vilicus was a servus quasi colonus liable to a rent and in arrears. See notes pp 299, 311. But I do not venture to draw this inference.

1224 VII 31.

1225 X 87. Cf Juv IV 25-6, Digest XXXII § 99, XXXIII 7 § 12¹²^,¹³, etc.

1226 XII 59.

1227 IV 66.

1228 VI 73, X 92.

1229 IX 2 haud sua desertus rura sodalis arat.

1230 XII 57.

1231 V 35, X 14, etc.

1232 Plin NH XVIII § 35.

1233 IX 35.

1234 See Juv XIV 267-302 on the risks faced by speculators in sea-borne commerce.

1235 III 58.

1236 III 47.

1237 dona matrum ‘presents from their mothers.’ Eggs, I think. Cf VII 31 and Juv XI 70-1. The conjecture ova matrum (Paley) is good.

1238 The story of the Usipian deserters who found their way back into Roman hands by way of the slave-market is a curious episode of 83 AD. Tac Agr 28. See the chapter on Tacitus.

1239 VII 80.

1240 X 30, of a charming seaside villa at Formiae. o ianitores vilicique felices, dominis parantur ista, serviunt vobis. In Dig XXXIII 7 § 15² we hear of mulier villae custos perpetua.

1241 The note of Mommsen, Hermes XIX 412, deals with the case of servi quasi coloni farming parcels of land, recognized in the writings of jurists. It seems that they farmed either at their own risk or for owner’s account [fide dominica]. In the former case they could have a tenant’s agreement like the free coloni. In the latter they were only vilici and therefore part of the instrumentum. Here I think we may see beginnings of the unfree colonate. But Mommsen does not touch the point of manumission. It seems to me that an agreement with a slave must at first have been revocable at the pleasure of the dominus, and its growth into a binding lease was probably connected in many instances with manumission.

1242 I 55 hoc petit, esse sui nec magni ruris arator, sordidaque in parvis otia rebus amat. And often.

1243 VII 36, XI 34.

1244 I 85, X 85. Cf Pliny epist VIII 17.

1245 X 61, XI 48. The title de sepulchro violato, Dig XLVII 12, will illustrate this.

1246 The form HNS (heredem non sequitur) is common in sepulchral inscriptions.

1247 X 92.

1248 Juv XIV 161-71.

1249 XI 86-9.

1250 XIV 179-81.

1251 XIV 159-63.

1252 II 73-4.

1253 XIV 70-2.

1254 VIII 245 foll. For the error in this tradition see Madvig, kleine philologische Schriften No 10.

1255 III 223-9.

1256 VI 287-95, cf XI 77-131.

1257 XVI 32-4. See Hardy on Plin epist X 86 B, Shuckburgh on Sueton Aug 27, Tac hist III 24 vos, nisi vincitis, pagani. This use is common in the Digest.

1258 VI 1-18, XV 147-58.

1259 X 356-66.

1260 VII 188-9, IX 54-5, etc.

1261 IX 59-62.

1262 VII 188-9, case of Quintilian.

1263 XIV 86-95, 140 foll, 274-5. Cf X 225-6 etc.

1264 XIV 140-55, XVI 36-9. Cf Seneca epist 90 § 39.

1265 XI 151 foll.

1266 VI 149-52, IX 59-62.

1267 I 107-8.

1268 X 356.

1269 III 223-9, bidentis amans.

1270 Mart XIV 49 exercet melius vinea fossa viros.

1271 See his use of ingenuus = not fit for hard work, III 46, X 47, following Ovid, and cf the lines to a slave IX 92.

1272 Juv XI 77-81.

1273 See epist IV 10, VII 16, 32, VIII 16.

1274 Cf Martial I 101, VI 29.

1275 An important limitation, on which see Wallon III 55.

1276 VII 11, 14.

1277 VI 3.

1278 VI 19.

1279 si paenitet te Italicorum praediorum.

1280 III 19.

1281 sub eodem procuratore ac paene isdem actoribus habere. The actores seem to be = vilici, under the newer name. procurator a much more important person. See paneg 36 for the two as grades in the imperial private service. Cf chapter on Columella p 264.

1282 atriensium, topiariorum, fabrorum, atque etiam venatorii instrumenti.

1283 sed haec felicitas terrae inbecillis cultoribus fatigatur. No doubt lack of sufficient capital is meant.

1284 See Digest XX 2 §§ 4, 7, for pignora on farms.

1285 reliqua colonorum.

1286 sunt ergo instruendi eo pluris quod frugi mancipiis: nam nec ipse usquam vinctos habeo nec ibi quisquam. I take instruendi as referring to agri just above. The slaves are a normal part of instrumentum fundi.

1287 hac paenuria colonorum. Not the tenants’ poverty. Cf VII 30 § 3.

1288 sum quidem prope totus in praediis.

1289 Daubeny, Lectures p 147, regards this great variation as normal in modern experience, and vineyards as the least lucrative kind of husbandry.

1290 VIII 15, IX 28, IV 6, X 8 § 5.

1291 II 4 § 3.

1292 querellae rusticorum, V 14 § 8, VII 30 § 3, IX 36 § 6.

1293 remissiones, IX 37 § 2, X 8 § 5.

1294 As de Coulanges remarks pp 17-8, Pliny does not propose to get rid of them, but to keep them as partiary tenants. They would be in his debt. He uses the expression aeris alieni IX 37 § 2. He would have to find instrumentum for them.

1295 IX 20 § 2.

1296 IX 16.

1297 IX 20 § 2 obrepere urbanis qui nunc rusticis praesunt.

1298 IX 37.

1299 necessitas locandorum praediorum plures annos ordinatura.

1300 priore lustro. The lustrum or quinquennium was the common term of leases, and recognized in law books. Cf Digest XII 1 § 4¹, XIX 2 § 24, etc.

1301 ut qui iam putent se non sibi parcere.

1302 si non nummo sed partibus locem, ac deinde ex meis aliquos operis exactores custodes fructibus ponam. His new tenants would be coloni partiarii.

1303 VIII 2.

1304 V 6 § 12.

1305 VIII 17.

1306 VI 25.

1307 interceptusne sit a suis an cum suis dubium.

1308 Cf Juvenal X 19-22.

1309 Fronto, when appointed to govern Asia, one of the most peaceful Provinces, at once looked out for a military officer to deal with latrones. Fronto p 169 Naber.

1310 Paul Ephes 6 §§ 5 foll, Coloss 3 §§ 22 foll, I Pet 2 §§ 18 foll.

1311 X 29, 30, with Hardy’s notes.

1312 The first reference to a practice that was common later.

1313 cum haberent condicionis suae conscientiam.

1314 On the other hand we hear of free citizens trying to shirk army service earlier than this. Cf Sueton Aug 24, Tib 8.

1315 Capitolinus Marcus 21 §§ 6, 7.

1316 VII 18.

1317 actori publico mancipavi. See chapter on the alimenta of Trajan’s time. References to municipal benefactions are very numerous in the Digest.

1318 As we have seen above, the tenant coloni employed slave labour. Whether they worked with their own hands, or confined themselves to direction, probably varied in various cases.

1319 Sueton Julius 26, 28.

1320 Aug 21 sub lege... ne in vicina regione servirent neve intra tricesimum annum liberarentur. See Shuckburgh’s note.

1321 Aug 32, Tiber 8.

1322 Aug 16.

1323 Aug 24.

1324 Aug 42 quod earum [frumentationum] fiducia cultura agrorum cessaret.

1325 Aug 41 usum eius (pecuniae) gratuitum iis qui cavere in duplum possent.

1326 Claud 25.

1327 Nero 31.

1328 Vesp 1.

1329 mancipem operarum quae ex Umbria in Sabinos ad culturam agrorum quotannis commeare soleant.

1330 Vesp 4 ad mangonicos quaestus. Hence his nickname mulio, for which as a sign of indigence cf Gellius XV 4.

1331 Domit 7, 9. See p 272.

1332 Fronto p 144 Naber, cf Seneca epist 44 § 3.

1333 Sueton fragm p 24 Reifferscheid, Gellius III 3.

1334 Gellius V 3.

1335 Gellius II 18.

1336 Madaura was in the Numidian part of the Province, near the Gaetulian border. See the Apologia 24. Oea, referred to below, was in the eastern strip, on the coast.

1337 Juvenal VII 148-9 nutricula causidicorum Africa.

1338 F Norden Apuleius von Madaura und das Römische Privatrecht (Teubner 1912).

1339 Metamorphoses VIII 24. See Norden’s remarks pp 83-4.

1340 See for instance Metam IV 9, VI 31, VII 4, 9.

1341 Metam IX 39-42.

1342 It seems certain that the convenience of humble rustics was little regarded by the upper classes. Even Marcus Aurelius (in Fronto p 35 Naber) confesses to the reckless scattering of a flock of sheep and to having been taken for a mounted brigand.

1343 Metam IX 35-8. This is a case of periculum mortis ab hominis potentis crudelitate aut odio, referred to Digest XXXIX 6 § 3 [Paulus] as a risk like that of war or brigandage.

1344 cuncta facile faciens in civitate.

1345 Norden pp 161-3.

1346 cum alioquin pauperes etiam liberali legum praesidio de insolentia locupletium consueverint vindicari.

1347 Fierce dogs seem to have been a marked feature of country life. See VIII 17, IX 2.

1348 hortulanus, see IV 3, IX 31-2, 39-42.

1349 See V 17, VII 15, VIII 17, 29, 31. Cf Norden pp 88-9.

1350 IX 32. Cf the case of small farmers in Africa, Apol 17, 23.

1351 See IV 30, VIII 26. Cf Norden p 89, and pp 84-5 on metaphorical use of the legal term postliminium, which occurs also in Rutilius de reditu I 214.

1352 Norden pp 26-7.

1353 Apologia 17.

1354 an ipse mutuarias operas cum vicinis tuis cambies.

1355 Because of the strict rules of the laws passed to check manumission. Gaius I §§ 42-7. Norden p 86.

1356 Apol 23.

1357 triduo exarabas, to mark the smallness of the agellus.

1358 Apol 93.

1359 Apol 47 XV liberi homines populus est, totidem servi familia, totidem vincti ergastulum. See Norden p 87. ergastulum = the inmates of a lock-up, regarded as a body. See quotations from Columella p 263 and Pliny p 285, Mayor on Juvenal XIV 24, and cf Lucan II 95. So operae is used = ‘hands.’

1360 viliconum, Apol 87. Cf Metam VIII 22.

1361 Norden p 81.

1362 Metam IX 12.

1363 Herodian II 4 § 6.

1364 δεσπότης.

1365 Vopisc Aurel 48 § 2.

1366 Vopisc Probus 16 § 6.

1367 Trebell Claud 9 §§ 4, 5. Scythicis is an emendation. senibus MSS.

1368 familias captivas.

1369 Vopisc Aurel 39 § 7.

1370 Lamprid Alex 55 §§ 2, 3, cf Trebell Gallien 9 § 5.

1371 Vopisc Probus 18 §§ 1, 2. See Zosimus I 71 and No V of the Panegyrici cap 18 for other versions, in which the raiders are called Franks.

1372 Even the extreme license of the soldiery, in deposing and murdering their own nominee, occurs repeatedly, and was no doubt one of the chief evils that prompted the reforms of Diocletian.

1373 O Seeck, Untergang der antiken Welt book II ch 6.

1374 See index under the word.

1375 See chapter on evidence of the Digest.

1376 See chapter on the African inscriptions.

1377 This matter is ably treated at length by Seeck op cit vol I pp 578-83. That they were distinct from coloni and servi is clear from the later constitutions in Cod Theod V 17, 18 (9, 10), XII 19, and Cod Just XI 48 § 13.

1378 We shall find some reference to them later in the Codes.

1379 Herodian VII 4 §§ 3-6.

1380 τοὺς ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν οἰκέτας.

1381 πεισθέντες κελεύουσι τοῖς δεσπόταις.

1382 φύσει γὰρ πολυάνθρωπος οὖσα ἡ Λιβύη πολλοὺς εἶχε τοὺς τὴν γῆν γεωργοῦντας.

1383 ὑπερμαχόμενοι τῶν δεσποτῶν.

1384 Capitolinus Maximin 13 § 4, 14 § 1.

1385 per rusticanam plebem deinde et quosdam milites interemptus est.

1386 Frontin gromat p 53.

1387 non exiguum populum plebeium.

1388 legere tironem ex vico.

1389 This evidence has come to hand since Heisterbergk wrote (1876) Die Entstehung des Colonats.

1390 op cit pp 116-8.

1391 Dion Cass epit LXXVI 10. For this story Dion is a contemporary witness.

1392 The special treatises on these documents are fully mentioned in Girard’s Textes de droit Romain, ed 4, 1913. An essay on the Colons du saltus Burunitanus in Esmein’s Mélanges (1886) is still of great value.

1393 Text in Girard’s Textes de droit Romain part III chapter 6.

1394 We seem to have the names of two former owners, Varianus and Mancia. For the retention of names of former owners see Dittenberger in Orientis Graeci inscriptiones selectae No 669 note 18. Rostowzew Gesch des Röm colonates ch 4 rejects this view and makes the lex Manciana an imperial law.

1395 Pliny epist III 19 § 7. Digest XIX 2 § 19², XXXII § 91¹, XXXIII 7 passim.

1396 Dig XIX 2 § 3, and Monro’s note.

1397 So Cuq, Seeck, Schulten, rightly I think. But in practice I believe the chance seldom occurred.

1398 Text in Girard, part I chapter 4 § 10.

1399 This significant hint seems to have been almost normal in such petitions. A good instance is the petition of Scaptoparene (see index, Inscriptions).

1400 It is perhaps worth noting that under Commodus the transport of corn from Africa was specially provided for by the creation of a classis Africana for that purpose. See Lamprid Commodus 17 §§ 7, 8.

1401 De Coulanges pp 10 foll deals with this point at length, but I think he pushes his conclusions too far.

1402 Cf the Aragueni (see index, Inscriptions) παροίκων καὶ γεωργῶν τῶν ὑμετέρων.

1403 Dig I 19 § 3¹ is of a later date, but refers to a protective rescript of Antoninus Pius. Cf XLIX 14 § 47¹, L 6 § 6¹¹. See Schulten in Hermes XLI pp 11-16.

1404 CIL VIII 14428.

1405 [domum rev]ertamur ubi libere morari possimus.

1406 Seneca ad Helviam 7 § 7 ubicumque vicit Romanus habitat.

1407 Text in Girard, part III chapter 6.

1408 From comparing the remains of the next inscription (5) it appears that the emperor is Hadrian.

1409 Cf agrum rudem provincialem in Hyginus, Gromat I 203. In the later empire we find legislation to promote such cultivation. See cod Th V 11 § 8 (365 AD), § 12 (388-392), 14 § 30 (386).

1410 Dig XLI 3 § 33¹. Of course the dominus could possess per colonum. See Buckland, Elementary Principles § 38 p 77.

1411 quae venibunt a possessoribus.

1412 For aridi fructus cf Digest XLIX 14 § 50.

1413 in cuius conductione agrum occupaverit.

1414 rationi (bus fisci) gives the sense. But rationi simply may be correct, cf Digest II 14 § 42, etc.

1415 Girard cites Rostowzew’s opinion that the right to occupy abandoned land as well as old wastes was an extension of the lex Manciana by the lex Hadriana.

1416 See Dig XIX 2 §§ 15³, 24², 25³, 51ᵖʳ, 54¹.

1417 Later legislation to prevent this neglect of poorer land. Cod Th V 14 § 34 (394 AD), X 3 § 4 (383), XI 1 § 4 (337), etc.

1418 Prof Buckland writes to me that he believes these squatters were to be owners, not coloni, owners in the only sense possible in non-Italic soil, paying tributum. The words frui possidere used to describe their right are the technical words for provincial ownership. Cf Gaius II 7.

1419 In Hermes XXIX pp 215, 224.

1420 Girard, part III chapter 6.

1421 lege Manciana condicione saltus Neroniani vicini nobis.

1422 It is tempting to identify these with the six mentioned in Nos (2) and (4) above.

1423 For the vast extent of imperial estates, particularly in Africa, see Hirschfeld, der Grundbesitz der Römischen Kaiser, in his Kleine Schriften.

1424 De Coulanges seems hardly to recognize how small was the amount of operae, a few days in the year. But in his tenth chapter he shews how vastly the system was extended (so many days a week) in the early Middle Age.

1425 Mommsen in Hermes XV pp 391-6.

1426 Such as the lex coloniae Genetivae Iuliae of 44 BC, and the leges of Salpensa and Malaca of 81-4 AD. Girard, and Bruns’ Fontes.

1427 Esmein p 309 well refers to the passages in Lachmann’s Feldmesser, Frontinus p 53 and Siculus Flaccus p 164. Cf Hirschfeld l.c. p 558.

1428 Colum I 6 §§ 7, 8.

1429 Colum I 7.

1430 conductor and coloni are both bound by the statute for the fundus or saltus. In theory both are tenants of the emperor, in practice the conductor has the upper hand, as Cuq points out.

1431 Compare Dig XIX 2 § 15⁴ with § 25⁶.

1432 quasi societatis iure. Of course not a real socius. See Index, colonia partiaria, and Vinogradoff, Growth of the Manor note 91 on p 109.

1433 See Dig I 19 § 3¹, an opinion of Callistratus, a jurist of the time of Severus. That in some sense or other the coloni were tenants of the emperor seems certain. See CIL VIII 8425 (Pertinax), 8426 (Caracalla), also 8702, 8777. And Esmein pp 313-5.

1434 This becomes an important subject of legislation in the Theodosian code. See Cod Th V 11 § 8, 14 § 30.

1435 See de Coulanges pp 140-4, where this view is more strongly expressed.

1436 Die Entstehung des Colonats pp 70 foll, citing especially Frontinus Gromat I p 35 and Columella III 3 § 11.

1437 This is very nearly the view of Wallon III 264 ‘le Colonat à l’origine ne fut pas un droit mais un fait.’ Ib 266.

1438 I have made some reference to it below in the chapter on the Digest.

1439 This is fully treated by Seeck, bk III c 5.

1440 In the Ain el Djemala inscription we have them used indifferently. It is not clear that the usage in various provinces was identical. See Vinogradoff Growth of the Manor pp 69, 70.

1441 Given in a long note, vol I pp 578-83.

1442 Marcian in Dig XXX § 112ᵖʳ. Cf L 15 § 4⁸ (Title de censibus) si quis inquilinum vel colonum non fuerit professus etc, where the mention of colonum is suspected of interpolation by Seeck.

1443 Dig XXX § 112ᵖʳ si quis inquilinos sine praediis quibus adhaerent legaverit, inutile est legatum (Marcian). Esmein p 313 takes them to be really slaves, but I cannot follow him.

1444 This conclusion, I am pleased to find, had been forestalled by Esmein p 307.

1445 Le Colonat Romain pp 125, 132.

1446 In fact, as we say, edited.

1447 Of this Title there is a useful little edition by the late C H Monro.

1448 XIX 2 § 15², 25⁶, also § 15¹^,⁸.

1449 XIX 2 § 15²^,⁵.

1450 XIX 2 §§ 15³, 24², 25³, 51ᵖʳ, 54¹.

1451 XVII 2 § 46, XLIV 7 § 34², XLVII 2 § 68⁵.

1452 XIX 2 § 54ᵖʳ, XX 6 § 14, etc.

1453 XX 1 § 21ᵖʳ, XLIII 32, 33, XLVII 2 § 62³.

1454 XIX 2 §§ 9²^,³, 23, 51ᵖʳ, XLV 1 § 89.

1455 XIX 2 § 52, cf XLIX 14 § 50.

1456 XIX 2 § 25⁶ (Gaius?).

1457 IX 2 § 27¹⁴, XLVII 2 § 83¹, § 10 § 5⁴. Compare also XIX 2 § 60⁵, XLVII 2 § 52⁸. I cannot deal with the difficult legal questions involved here. See Buckland’s Elementary principles § 135.

1458 XIX 2 §§ 15⁸, 24⁴, 25¹, XXXIII 4 § 1¹⁵.

1459 VII 8 §§ 10⁴, 11. Having nothing to do with the fructus, the usuary cannot interfere with the colonus.

1460 XIX 2 § 54¹.

1461 XIX 2 §§ 13¹¹, 14. The normal term of a lease was 5 years (lustrum, quinquennium).

1462 XIX 2 § 24¹, XLI 2 § 30⁶, XLIII 16 § 20. So in law of 224 AD, cod Iust IV 65 § 6.

1463 XII 2 § 28⁶.

1464 XIX 2 § 25³, XL 7 § 40⁵. Compare the language of XXXIV 3 § 16 with § 18.

1465 XIX 2 §§ 3, 54².

1466 XIX 2 § 19², XXXII §§ 91¹, 93², 101¹, XXXIII 7 passim, esp § 4. For the vilicus, XXXIII 7 §§ 18⁴, 20¹. A woman caretaker, ibid § 15².

1467 XXXIII 7 § 24.

1468 XIX 2 §§ 19³, 25⁶.

1469 XXXIII 7 §§ 18⁴, 20¹, XLVII 2 § 26¹. I note that de Coulanges p 14 holds that the contract rested solely on the basis of a fixed money rent, citing (p 12) Gaius III 142, Dig XIX 2 § 2ᵖʳ (Gaius). But I am not satisfied that cases of rent in kind were not subject to legal remedy. See Monro on Dig XIX 2 § 19³, and Pliny epist IX 37 § 3. And Vinogradoff, Growth of the Manor note 91 on p 109.

1470 See XIX 2 § 15.

1471 XIII 7 § 25, XXXI § 86¹.

1472 VII 1 § 41, XXVII 9 § 13ᵖʳ.

1473 VII 1 § 13⁴.

1474 VII 4 §§ 8, 10.

1475 XXXII § 91¹, L 16 § 198. Cf Juvenal I 75, Suet Aug 72, Gaius 37, Palladius I 8, 11, 24, 33.

1476 VII 1 § 13, XII 2 § 28⁶, XIX 2 §§ 25⁵, 29, XLVII 2 §§ 26¹, 62⁸, 7 § 9.

1477 XIX 2 §§ 55¹, 61ᵖʳ.

1478 XLIII 24 § 13⁶.

1479 XXXIX 3 §§ 4²^,³, 5.

1480 Alternative, XX 1 § 32.

1481 A curious case is the putting in an imaginarius colonus [of course at a high nominal rent] in order to raise the selling price of a farm. XIX 1 § 49 (jurist of 4th cent), earlier in Fr Vat § 13.

1482 See XXXII § 41⁵, XXXIV 4 § 31ᵖʳ.

1483 XXXIII 7 §§ 18⁴, 20¹, XL 7 § 40⁵.

1484 XX 3 § 16, XXXIII 7 § 12³, 8 § 23³.

1485 servus actor, his rationes, XL 7 § 40ᵖʳ,⁴^,⁵.

1486 His reliqua, XXXII §§ 91ᵖʳ, 97.

1487 XXXIV 1 § 18³, 3 § 12, XL 7 § 40 passim.

1488 XXXII §§ 41², 91ᵖʳ, XXXIII 7 §§ 12³⁸, 20³^,⁴, 22¹. These refer to legata, in which particular intention could be expressed, cf XXXII § 91¹.

1489 IX 2 § 27⁹^,¹¹, XIX 2 § 30⁴.

1490 XXI 1 § 32, XXVIII 5 § 35³, XXXII §§ 60³, 68³, XXXIII 7 § 20.

1491 See above on Martial pp 307-10.

1492 XXXII § 99, XXXIII 7 passim, esp § 25¹. Buckland, Slavery p 6.

1493 Alfenus Varus in Dig XV 3 § 16.

1494 Hence the frequent references to peculia. See XXXIII 8 de peculio legato, where from §§ 6ᵖʳ, 8ᵖʳ, it appears that his peculium might include land and houses. Cf de Coulanges pp 55-6, 66-7, 135-6.

1495 XXXII § 97 etc.

1496 XXXIII 7 § 12³ etc.

1497 VII 7 § 3 in hominis usu fructu operae sunt et ob operas mercedes (Gaius), XII 6 § 55.

1498 VII 1 §§ 25, 26, XIX 2 § 60⁷ (Labeo, time of Augustus, cited by Javolenus).

1499 XL 7 § 14ᵖʳ mercedem referre pro operis suis (Alfenus), cf XLV 3 § 18³.

1500 XXXIII 7 §§ 18⁴, 20¹. mercede or pensionis certa quantitate as opposed to fide dominica.

1501 VIII 6 § 20, XLIII 16 § 1²⁰, 24 § 3ᵖʳ.

1502 XLIII 24 § 5¹¹.

1503 XLI 1 § 44.

1504 XLVII 14, cf XLVIII 19 § 16⁷, XLIX 16 § 5².

1505 In XIX 2 § 25⁴ (Gaius?) the tenant is held to blame for wilful damage done by a neighbour with whom he has a quarrel.

1506 XVIII 1 § 35⁸.

1507 XLVII 21 § 2.

1508 XLIII 16, de vi et de vi armata.

1509 XLI 3 § 33¹ etc.

1510 XLI 2 §§ 3⁸^,¹², 25¹, etc.

1511 VIII 3 de servitutibus praediorum rusticorum. Specimens of inscribed notices of servitudes, Girard textes part III ch 3 § 1.

1512 VII 1 § 27³, XIX 2 § 15² (Ulpian). The abuse of the quartering of troops was no new evil in the Provinces. We hear of it from Cicero. In the third century AD we have the notable petitions from Scaptoparene in Thrace (238) text in Mommsen ges Schr II 174-6, and from the Aragueni in Asia Minor (244-7), text in Dittenberger Or Graec inscr No 519. For Italy in 5th century see on Symmachus.

1513 XIX 2 §§ 9³, 15.

1514 XLI 1 § 7¹⁻⁶, etc.

1515 XI 4 § 1¹, cf Paulus sent I 6 a § 5.

1516 Dealt with later in the Codes as a frequent evil. For early medieval laws on the point see de Coulanges p 152.

1517 XLVII 9 §§ 3³, 16, Paulus sent V 3 § 4.

1518 XIII 4 § 3.

1519 Callistratus in L 11 § 2, quoting Plato rep 371 a-c.

1520 XLVII 11 § 9.

1521 XLVII 11 § 10, cf cod Th IX 32 § 1, cod Just IX 38.

1522 agri vectigales or (as the title calls them by a later name) emphyteuticarii. VI 3 §§ 1, 2, XIX 1 § 13⁶, XLIII 9 § 1, L 16 § 219. Large blocks were also hired by middlemen (mancipes) and sublet in parcels to coloni, XIX 2 § 53.

1523 VI 3 §§ 1, 3.

1524 L 8 § 2¹.

1525 subiectis aliorum nominibus.

1526 XXXIX 4 § 11¹, auctoritate principali.

1527 Gaius III 145 concludes that the contract in these leases is one of letting and hiring, not of purchase and sale. That is, it includes everything save the bare dominium, notably possessio, and, as Prof Buckland points out to me, covenants usual in such cases could be enforced by the actio ex locato.

1528 XXXIX 4 § 11⁵.

1529 XLIX 14 § 3⁶.

1530 principalibus rescriptis. From the text I infer that these are later than Hadrian.

1531 XXX § 39¹⁰, XIX 2 § 49.

1532 XLIX 14 § 47¹ (Paulus).

1533 XLIII 8 § 2⁴ (Ulpian), a very important passage.

1534 Papirius Justus in L 1 § 38¹, muneribus fungi sine damno fisci oportere.

1535 Callistratus in L 6 § 6¹¹, ut idoniores praediis fiscalibus habeantur.

1536 References are endless. Most significant is L 4 § 4 (Ulpian) honores qui indicuntur.

1537 Title XLIX 14 de iure fisci.

1538 II 14 § 42 (Papinian).

1539 XLIX 14 § 3¹⁰.

1540 XLVIII 22 § 1, cf XLIX 14 §§ 47, 50, (Paulus).

1541 That they did sometimes suffer may be inferred from the case of the Aragueni (p 374) who describe themselves as πάροικοι and γεωργοὶ (= inquilini and coloni) of the emperor.

1542 L 5 §§ 10, 11, etc.

1543 See Spartian Hadrian 7 § 5, Capitolinus Anton 12 § 3, Spartian Severus 14 § 2.

1544 De Coulanges makes it his main thesis that the later colonate was a creation of custom, at length recognized by law. My conclusions here were reached before reading his fine treatise.

1545 attributi or contributi. See Mommsen, Staatsrecht III, die attribuirten Orte.

1546 Cf Dig XXXIII 2 § 28 indictiones temporariae [Paulus], XIX 1 § 13⁶ [Ulpian].

1547 Pliny paneg 29 (of imperial subjects) nec novis indictionibus pressi ad vetera tributa deficiunt.

1548 Hence cod Theod has a title de superindictionibus.

1549 The rising of the Bagaudae in Gaul, at least partly due to agricultural distress, had been put down by Maximian in 285-6. See Schiller III pp 124-6.

1550 It is true that the colonus was guaranteed against disturbance, but I think de Coulanges pp 114-7, 123 makes too much of this.

1551 There were in the latter half of the third century some signs of the coming reconstruction. But they came to no effect.

1552 Cod Th V 17 (9) § 1 apud quemcumque colonus iuris alieni fuerit inventus, is non solum, eundem origini suae restituat verum super eodem capitationem temporis agnoscat... etc. Runaway coloni are to be chained like slaves, iuris alieni = the control of someone other than the person harbouring him. The colonus is legally dependent, though nominally free.

1553 See Weber, Agrargeschichte pp 256 foll.

1554 See Seeck II 320 foll, 330 foll.

1555 Cod Just XI 59 § 1, in which Constantine, finding the civitatum ordines unequal to this burden, extends the liability to other landlords also.

1556 See Seeck II 214 foll, 223, 249, IV 88.

1557 Seeck II 249, 284. See Cod Th XI 2 §§ 1-5 (dates 365-389), not in Cod Just.

1558 Heisterbergk p 59 with references. Seeck, Schatzungsordnung pp 302-5.

1559 The details of this system are fully discussed in Seeck’s great article, die Schatzungsordnung Diocletians, in the Ztschr für social und Wirthschaftsgeschichte 1896.

1560 Digest I 5 § 17, Dion Cass LXXVII 9 § 5. Schiller Geschichte I pp 750-1 thinks that military motives had much to do with it, as adding to the citizen troops. What is supposed to be a copy of the edict itself has been found in a papyrus, see Girard, textes part I ch 4 § 12. The text is in the Giessen papyri No 40. It seems certain that the lowest class of peregrini (the dediticii) were not included in the grant.

1561 See Seeck II 323. Cf Lactant mort pers 23 § 5, Victor Caes 39 § 31.

1562 Through the ius commercii.

1563 Seeck, Schatzungsordnung, cited above.

1564 A long title in cod Th is devoted to remissions, XI 28, consisting of temporary laws. And these deal chiefly with Italian and African Provinces, notably §§ 7, 12, with Campania. They date from 395 to 436.

1565 In the panegyric (No VIII cap 11) on Constantine we have mention of a reduction of 7000 capita for relief of a district in Gaul.

1566 Cod Th XI 1 § 14. Cf. Seeck, Schatzungsordnung pp 315-6.

1567 Compare the conduct of the magistrates of Antioch in the evidence of Libanius cited below.

1568 See for instance cod Th XIII 10 § 1.

1569 See below, in section on Salvian.

1570 See Ammianus XIX 11 § 3, Victor Caesares 13 §§ 5, 6. A long title cod Th VIII 5 is devoted to the cursus, containing 66 laws from 315 to 407, and other references abound.

1571 Cf cod Th XI 16 § 3 (324), § 4 (328).

1572 Cf Cic II in Verr III § 190, Tac Agr 19. Cf cod Th XI 1 § 22 (386), with Godefroi’s notes, also §§ 11 (365) and 21 (385), XIV 4 § 4 (367).

1573 See the title de naviculariis, cod Th XIII 5, including 38 laws.

1574 Cod Th XIV 18 de mendicantibus non invalidis.

1575 If I rightly interpret Dig L 5 § 1² (Ulpian) cases had occurred earlier of men liable to office even pretending to be mere coloni in order to evade liability (ad colonos praediorum se transtulerunt. See Dirksen under transferre).

1576 Very significant is the law cod Th XVI 5 § 48 (410) by which even heretics are held to curial duty.

1577 See Seeck, Schatzungsordnung pp 315-6, De Coulanges p 119.

1578 See Weber, Agrargeschichte pp 266-7.

1579 Cf cod Th XI 16 passim.

1580 A rule of 366, or later according to Mommsen, cod Th XI 1 § 14, cod Just XI 48 § 4.

1581 Cf cod Th XIII 10 § 3, retained in cod Just XI 48 § 2, plainly recognizing this.

1582 See the advantages of the colonate summed up in de Coulanges p 144, and cf ibid p 139.

1583 Lactantius de mort pers 7 § 3.

1584 enormitate indictionum.

1585 Cf Augustin de civ Dei X 1 coloni, qui condicionem debent genitali solo, propter agri culturam sub dominio possessorum.

1586 Cf cod Th V 17 (9) §§ 1, 2 (332), etc.

1587 Cod Th XI 3 § 2.

1588 The capitatio.

1589 Cod Just XI 48 § 7.

1590 Schatzungsordnung pp 313-4.

1591 Rostowzew Geschichte des Röm Colonates pp 381-97 traces the abandonment of the policy of favouring coloni, and adoption of reliance on great possessors, as a result of the pressing difficulties of the collection of revenue.

1592 Cod Just XI 50 § 1 (Constantine).

1593 Cod Just XI 50 § 2.

1594 Cod Th XI 1 § 12 (365).

1595 Wallon, Esclavage III 266, 282.

1596 For instance cod Th XI 11 (date somewhere 368-373), IV 13 §§ 2, 3 (321). Also XI 7-10, 16 § 10, etc.

1597 Seeck, Schatzungsordnung pp 285-308, with an account of local variations. For instance, in Africa and Egypt there was no capitatio.

1598 See cod Th VII 13 § 7, 8 (375, 380). Even the imperial estates made liable, ibid § 12 (397). Dill p 196. In 379 Theodosius had to raise recruits from γεωργοί, Libanius XXIV 16.

1599 Cod Th VII 18 § 10, cf VIII 2 § 3 (380). See Seeck II 490-1.

1600 Cod Th VIII 2 § 3. By long use the word had become quite official. Cf inopes ac vagi in Tac ann IV 4, etc.

1601 Cod Just XII 33 § 6.

1602 De Coulanges pp 168-9 points out that in the early Middle Age we find ingenui = coloni.

1603 temonaria functio. See Dirksen under temo. Cod Th XI 16 §§ 14, 15, 18, cf VII 13 § 7, VI 26 § 14.

1604 Wallon III 149, 476.

1605 Cod Th VII 13 § 7, where occur the words cum corpora postulantur opposed to aurum. For the money-commutation (adaeratio) often accepted from the landlords see Mommsen Ges Schr VI p 254 Das Röm Militärwesen seit Diocletian. Also Rostowzew in the Journal of Roman Studies vol VIII on Synteleia tironon, and Wagner on Ammianus XIX 11 § 7.

1606 Cf Vegetius rei milit I 7, of the disasters caused by slovenly recruiting, dum indicti possessoribus tirones per gratiam aut dissimulationem probantium tales sociantur armis quales domini habere fastidiunt.

1607 Cod Th IV 13 §§ 2, 3, kept with variants in cod Just IV 61 § 5.

1608 Cod Th XI 8.

1609 Cod Th XI 16 § 10, 17 §§ 2-4.

1610 For the special position of imperial senators see Dill pp 126, 166, 196, 218 foll.

1611 Cod Th XI 11, kept with some omissions in cod Just XI 55 § 2.

1612 Cod Th XI 16 § 4, cod Just XI 48 § 1.

1613 Seeck I, chapter on die Ausrottung der Besten.

1614 Pliny NH XVIII 296. Palladius VII 2.

1615 hoc compendio. Pall.

1616 Orat 50. I take the date given by Förster.

1617 For such properties see cod Th X 3.

1618 φιλανθρωπότατε βασιλεῦ.

1619 § 36 γράμμασι, which I take to be = indictiones.

1620 In cod Th the title XI 24 is de patrociniis vicorum, and the laws range from 360 to 415. Cod Just XI 54 shews that the evil was still in existence in 468.

1621 Orat 47 §§ 8-10. Zulueta (see below) points out that the protection given by the patrons was exerted quite as much by improper influence on judges as by use of force.

1622 § 6 τοῦτο καὶ λῃστὰς γεωργοὺς ἑποίησε.

1623 § 11 ἀλλὰ καὶ οἷς εἷς ὁ δεσπότης.

1624 §§ 19-21.

1625 § 24 ὦν εἰσιν (οἱ γεωργοί).

1626 §§ 17, 18.

1627 § 34.

1628 §§ 36-8 δὸς δὴ νεῦρα τῷ νόμῳ καὶ ποίησον αὐτὸν ὡς ἀληθῶς νόμον ἀντὶ ψιλῆς προσηγορίας... etc.

1629 Cod Th XI 24 § 2 (Valens).

1630 Note that the law Cod Th XII 1 § 128, sternly forbidding militares viri to interfere with curiales or to use any violence to leading men in the municipalities, is dated 392 July 31. Also that it is retained in Cod Just X 32 § 42. Zulueta de patrociniis vicorum pp 38-40 concludes that it is uncertain to what emperor Libanius is appealing, and places the date in 386-9 AD. He finds the reference in Cod Th V 17 § 2 (Theodosius), not in XI 24 § 2.

1631 The leading authority on Symmachus is O Seeck. In particular the dating of many of the letters in his great edition (MGH, Berlin 1883) is often helpful.

1632 See epist II 6, 7, 52, IV 5 (4), 18, 21, IX 14, 114 (124), X 2, 21, relat 3 §§ 15-18, 9 § 7, 18, 35, 37.

1633 epist III 55, 82, IV 54, 74, VII 38, 68, relat 18.

1634 epist II 6, III 55, 82, IX 42, VII 68, relat 9, 18, 37.

1635 epist VII 66, IX 10, relat 18.

1636 epist II 55, IV 68.

1637 epist VI 15 (14).

1638 epist VI 15 (14), VII 18, 68. Seeck, V 284, 555.

1639 epist I 5 ut rus quod solebat alere nunc alatur. Cf cod Th XI 1 § 4.

1640 epist VI 82 (81).

1641 nihilque iam colonis superest facultatum quod aut rationi opituletur aut cultui.

1642 epist VII 56 cum sit colonus agrorum meorum atque illi debita magis quam precaria cura praestetur.

1643 epist IX 6. Cf IX 11.

1644 epist IX 47 (50).

1645 epist IX 140 (X 18).

1646 epist VIII 2. Plin epist I 6, V 6 § 46.

1647 Amm Marc XXVIII 4 § 18 alienis laboribus venaturi.

1648 epist II 22.

1649 epist V 18.

1650 epist II 52. Cf the cases contemplated in Dig XIX 2 §§ 13⁷, 15².

1651 epist VII 38.

1652 epist IX 45 (48).

1653 epist VI 11.

1654 epist IX 27 (30).

1655 epist VII 66, IX 49 (52). In the law of 414 Cod Th XVI 5 § 54 we have these conductores privatorum opposed to conductores domus nostrae in Africa. See above, chapter on the African inscriptions.

1656 epist VI 12.

1657 In quality the Apulian wheat was thought excellent. Varro RR I 2 § 6.

1658 epist IX 29.

1659 epist VII 126 res... non tam reditu ampla quam censu.

1660 epist IX 11 sed maior opitulatio ex tui arbitrii favore proveniet, cum causae eius etiam iustitia non desit.

1661 epist IX 37 (40).

1662 ut perspiciatur in discretione iudicium.

1663 epist IX 47 (50).

1664 epist IX 10.

1665 epist VI 59 (58), 65 (64).

1666 epist IV 74.

1667 epist II 7.

1668 quanto nobis odio provinciarum constat illa securitas.

1669 relatio 40.

1670 quod nihil subsidii decreta dudum oppida conferebant. This seems to imply a previous grant to Tarracina, levied on other towns. Cf relat 37 decretae provinciae, referring to supply of Rome.

1671 Capuana legatio. Meaning Campanian, I take it.

1672 Neratius Cerealis, praef annonae 328, praef urbi 352-3, consul 358. Godefroi’s Prosopographia, Wilmanns inscr 1085, and cod Th XIV 24. The order is given thus, eum frumenti numerum, quem Cerealis ex multis urbibus Romano populo vindicarat, restitui omnibus.

1673 secretum.

1674 XVI 5 §§ 14, 15.

1675 Seeck, Schatzungsordnung p 306, keeps the MS reading capitulis here. See his remarks, and for the word capitulum cf cod Th XI 16 § 15 (382) capituli atque temonis necessitas, ibid § 14 capitulariae sive... temonariae functionis.

1676 The title cod Th XI 28 is de indulgentiis debitorum.

1677 norat enim hoc facto se aliquid locupletibus additurum, cum constet ubique pauperes inter ipsa indictorum exordia solvere universa sine laxamento conpelli. We shall return to this point in connexion with Salvian.

1678 XVII 3.

1679 quicquid in capitatione deesset ex conquisitis se supplere. conquisita are the sums produced by a superindictio raising the amount to be levied. Cf cod Th XI 1 § 36, and title XI 6 de superindicto.

1680 Cf XXX 5 § 6 provisorum, cod Th XII 1 § 169 tuae provisionis... incrementis.

1681 indictionale augmentum.

1682 sollemnia... nedum incrementa.

1683 XVIII 1.

1684 quorum patrimonia publicae clades augebant.

1685 XVIII 2 § 2 and references in Wagner’s edition. Schiller, Kaiserzeit II p 313.

1686 XXIX 5 §§ 10-13.

1687 messes et condita hostium virtutis nostrorum horrea esse.

1688 As when in Pannonia (373) they crossed the Danube and occupatam circa messem agrestem adortae sunt plebem, XXIX 6 § 6.

1689 XXIX 5 § 13 in modum urbis exstruxit.

1690 XXIX 5 § 25 muro circumdatum valido. In XXX 10 § 4 we find Murocincta as the name of a villa and Triturrita in Rutilius de reditu I 527, 615. Cf cases in Caesar’s time, Bell Afr 9, 40, 65.

1691 XXVIII 6 § 8.

1692 XXX 2 § 10 negotiis se ruralibus dedit.

1693 There was much jealousy on this score, and a powerful reaction, as after the death of Valentinian in 375, but even then the foreign element prevailed. Schiller II 389.

1694 XXXI 4 §§ 4, 5.

1695 ex ultimis terris tot tirocinia. Cf XIX 11 § 7.

1696 et pro militari supplemento, quod provinciatim annuum pendebatur, thesauris accederet auri cumulus magnus. I hope I am right in referring this to the temonaria functio or obligation of paying the temo = the price of a recruit. Cod Th XI 16 §§ 14, 15.

1697 XXXI 6 § 5.

1698 dudum a mercatoribus venundati, adiectis plurimis quos primo transgressu necati inedia vino exili vel panis frustris mutavere vilissimis.

1699 XXXI 10 § 17, inventute valida nostris tirociniis permiscenda.

1700 XXVIII 5 § 15 of Theodosius defeating Alamanni, pluribus caesis, quoscumque cepit ad Italiam iussu principis misit, ubi fertilibus pagis acceptis iam tributarii circumcolunt Padum. 370 AD. Cf XXXI 9 § 4, 377 AD, and XX 4 § 1, 360 AD.

1701 For instance, in Rufinum I 200-5, de bello Gildon 105-12, de IV cos Honor 412-8.

1702 in Rufin I 380-2.

1703 in Rufin I 189-92.

1704 metuenda colonis fertilitas.

1705 in Eutrop I 401-9.

1706 de bello Gildon 49-74.

1707 See Bury, Later Roman empire I 108-9, Seeck, Untergang V 379-80, Dill, Roman Society p 233, Wallon, Esclavage III 276-7. The affair is referred to in cod Th X 10 § 25 (Dec 408).

1708 de cos Stilichonis II 204-7.

1709 in Eutrop II 194-210.

1710 bene rura Gruthungus excolet et certo disponet sidere vites.

1711 quem detinet aequi gloria concessoque cupit vixisse colonus quam dominus rapto.

1712 in Eutrop I 406 Teutonicus vomer.

1713 de bell Goth 450-68.

1714 non iam dilectus miseri nec falce per agros deposita iaculum vibrans ignobile messor... sed vera inventus, verus ductor adest et vivida Martis imago.

1715 Cf Vegetius rei milit I 7, of disasters in recent times, dum longa pax militem incuriosius legit.

1716 in Eutrop II 370-5.

1717 de bell Goth 366-72.

1718 epitoma rei militaris I 3.

1719 rei milit I 5, senos pedes vel certe quinos et denas uncias [has not ad fallen out before senos?]. In a law of 367, cod Th VII 13 § 3 in quinque pedibus et septem unciis.

1720 tunc. When? From I 28 it might be inferred that he looks back to the first Punic war. But I do not think so.

1721 necdum enim civilis pars florentiorem abduxerat iuventutem. So I 7 civilia sectantur officia.

1722 The assertion that Martius calor has not subsided (I 28), accepted by Seeck I 413, seems to me rhetorical bravado. Much more likely is the view (ib 414) that the improved standard of recruits in the fifth century was due to prevalence of barbarians.

1723 Seeck II 88 foll. Hence army service was called militia armata.

1724 mulomed I 56 §§ 11-13.

1725 si saepius et cum moderatione animalia sedeantur. For sederi cf § 35 sub honesto sessore, Spart Hadr 22 § 6, cod Th IX 30 § 3.

1726 servorum impatientia.

1727 neque enim de damno domini cogitant, quod eidem contingere gratulantur.

1728 Julian orat VII p 232 a-b.

1729 Above, p 393.

1730 de mortibus persecutorum 22-3.

1731 For the census under the new system, first in 297 and then every fifth year, see Seeck II pp 263 foll. It was only concerned with the land and taxation units liable to the levy of annona. De Coulanges pp 75-85 urges that the system already described by Ulpian in Dig L 15 §§ 3, 4, is much the same, and points out that monastic records shew it still surviving in the early Middle Age. But practice, rather than principle, is here in question.

1732 hominum capita. In most provinces the taxable unit was fixed by taking account of the number of able-bodied on each estate as well as of the acreage. Seeck II 266 foll, also Schatzung pp 285-7.

1733 The urban taxation was conducted in each town by the local decemprimi, aldermen, and was quite distinct.

1734 adscribebantur quae non habebantur may mean ‘were put on the record as owning what they did not own.’

1735 pecuniae pro capitibus pendebantur. The capita here seem to have a double sense.

1736 De Coulanges pp 75-6 treats it severely on the score of Christian prejudice.

1737 Sulp Sev dial II 3.

1738 For instance cod Th VII 1 § 12, VIII 5, XI 10, 11.

1739 Cod Th VII 20 § 7.

1740 Sulp Sev vita S Martini 2 § 5, and cf cod Th VII 22, also 1 § 8. See the note of Seeck II 490.

1741 This view has been challenged by Dill, pp 118-9. But cf Sidonius epist V 19, IX 6.

1742 The earlier part of book V of the de gubernatione Dei, especially §§ 34-50. The rising of the Bagaudae (286) in Gaul is dealt with §§ 24 foll. See Schiller II pp 124-6.

1743 dediticios se divitum faciunt et quasi in ius eorum dicionemque trascendunt.

1744 addicunt, a technical law term.

1745 possesio... capitatio.

1746 pervasio = attack, encroachment. Cf cod Th II 4 §§ 5, 6.

1747 fundos maiorum expetunt et coloni divitum fiunt.

1748 iugo se inquilinae abiectionis addicunt. See cod Th V 18 (10) de inquilinis et colonis, cod Just XI 48 § 13.

1749 fiunt praeiudicio habitationis indigenae. That is, by prescription they acquire a new origo. See cod Th V 17 (9) §§ 1, 2, 18 (10), cod Just XI 64 § 2, 48 § 16.

1750 extraneos et alienos; that is, belonging to someone else.

1751 et miramur si nos barbari capiunt, cum fratres nostros faciamus esse captivos?

1752 I think de Coulanges is too severe on the rhetoric of Salvian (pp 141-3). After all, the Codes do not give one a favourable picture of the later colonate, and the Empire did fall in the West.

1753 This arrangement was especially frequent in the East. See on Libanius pp 400-1, and cod Th XI 24 de patrociniis vicorum, cf cod Just XI 54. But so far as individuals were concerned it was widespread.

1754 Seeck cites cod Th III 1 § 2 [337], XI 1 § 26 [399], 3 §§ 1-5 [319-391], and for the legal tricks used to defeat the rule XI 3 § 3.

1755 de gub Dei V § 18 quae enim sunt non modo urbes sed etiam municipia atque vici ubi non quot curiales fuerint tot tyranni sunt?

1756 From adscribere, to record the liability of the lord, his coloni came to be called adscripticii. Weber Agrargeschichte p 258.

1757 Cod Th XI 1 § 26 [399] refers especially to Gaul. He is servus terrae in fact, as Weber Agrargeschichte p 258 remarks.

1758 In Esmein’s Mélanges [1886] there is an excellent essay on some of the letters of Sidonius discussed here, forestalling a number of my conclusions.

1759 See Seeck II 175 foll.

1760 Sidon epist I 10.

1761 See Dill, Roman Society in the last century of the Western Empire, p 179.

1762 See epist II 2, 9, 14, IV 24, VIII 4.

1763 epist VII 12 § 3.

1764 quia sic habenas Galliarum moderarere ut possessor exhaustus tributario iugo relevaretur.

1765 Instances in epist III 1, VI 10.

1766 epist III 5.

1767 suffragio vestro.

1768 epist VI 10.

1769 domesticis fidei, already, it seems, a stereotyped phrase. See Ducange.

1770 debitum glaebae canonem.

1771 epist VI 12.

1772 See Dill, book IV ch 3.

1773 aggeres publici, cf epist II 9 § 2, IV 24 § 2. It is an official expression, used by jurists.

1774 No doubt some were castles, more or less defensible. The burgus of Leontius by the Garonne was such, cf carm XXII 121-5.

1775 epist I 6, VII 15, VIII 8.

1776 epist II 14.

1777 epist IV 9 § 1, VII 14 § 11. liberti mentioned VII 16. See Dill p 178.

1778 epist VIII 4 § 1.

1779 epist II 2. Cf Dill pp 168-72.

1780 In epist III 9 is a curious case of a farmer who owned slaves and in his slack simplicity let them be enticed away to Britain.

1781 Dill p 220, citing epist IV 24. See Esmein pp 377-83 for the legal points of the case.

1782 centesima, that is 1% per mensem, I suppose.

1783 epist IX 6. See Dill pp 174-5.

1784 epist V 19.

1785 sub condicione concedo, si stupratorem pro domino iam patronus originali solvas inquilinatu.

1786 mox cliens factus e tributario plebeiam potius incipiat habere personam quam colonariam.

1787 He calls his solution compositio seu satisfactio. Esmein pp 364 foll shews that compositio was now a regular expression for the practice of avoiding the strict Roman Law, under barbarian and ecclesiastical influences.

1788 See Index, inquilini, and de Coulanges pp 65, 74, 85.

1789 See de Coulanges pp 100-1.

1790 See this question fully discussed by Esmein pp 370-5. Also the doubts of de Coulanges pp 101, 104.

1791 For this point see Seeck, Schatzungsordnung pp 314-5.

1792 Cod Th V 18 [10] si quis colonus originalis vel inquilinus... etc. And below, originarius [419]. Cod Just XI 48 § 13 inquilinos colonosve, quorum quantum ad originem pertinet vindicandam indiscreta eademque paene videtur esse condicio, licet sit discrimen in nomine,... etc, and § 14 causam originis et proprietatis. The limiting word paene may refer to difference in mode of payment of taxes. These laws, retained in cod Just, date from 400.

1793 Seeck just cited. Weber, Agrargeschichte p 257.

1794 E Meyer Kl Schr p 185 takes the words of Aristotle Pol I 2 § 5 ὁ γὰρ βοῦς ἀντ’ οἰκέτου τοῖς πένησίν ἐστιν as proving that even in Ar’s time the small farmer had to do without a slave. I think they prove that if he could not afford a slave he must do with an ox only. For the additional protection of the ox see Index. Cf Maine, Early Law and Custom pp 249-51.

1795 E Meyer Kl Schriften p 179 will only use the word slaves of a part of these, but the distinction does not matter here.

1796 See Dig XXXII § 99 (Paulus), and XXXIII 7 passim, especially § 25¹.

1797 That religious scruple was opposed to keeping members of the same race-unit in slavery is most probable. This trans Tiberim rule is known from Gellius XX 1 § 47, referring to debt-slaves. Greeks however, even when abhorring the enslavement of Greek by Greek in principle, did not discontinue the practice. E Meyer Kl Schr p 202 compares the medieval scruple in reference to brother Christians. See also his remarks p 177. For Hebrew law and custom see Encyclopaedia Biblica (1903) vol IV and Hastings’ Dictionary of the Bible (1902) vol IV, articles Slavery.

1798 Different also from the position of a food-producer class in a great territorial state, being based on local conditions.

1799 Illustrated with great clearness in the provisions of the Gortyn laws.

1800 Varro RR I 17 § 2 on obaerarii or obaerati.

1801 The relative importance of land and the means of cultivation [especially oxen] in early times, the power thus gained by chiefs granting cattle to tenants, and the connexion of these phenomena with legends of debt-slavery, are instructively discussed in Maine’s Early history of Institutions, lecture VI.

1802 Mr G G Coulton kindly reminds me of an analogy observable in the history of Art. It is progressive on simple lines up to a certain point. Then it begins to ramify, and differences of taste become more acute. Hence an anarchy of taste, driving men to yearn (like Ruskin, Morris, etc.) for the old simplicity. So the peasant up to a point is useful and noble. But fresh currents of civilization alter his position. Then men yearn for the old simplicity, only defective through being essentially simple.

1803 Mr Zimmern, The Greek Commonwealth pp 265 foll, has some interesting remarks on craftsmen as wage-earners, and points out their preference for serving the state rather than private employers. The latter plan would have put them almost in the position of slaves.

1804 When food was provided, we must reckon it as part of his wage.

1805 A vast number of Greek records of manumission refer to such cases.

1806 See Francotte, L’Industrie dans la Grèce ancienne book II chap 5, La concurrence servile. I cannot follow E Meyer Kl Schr pp 198-201. And the oft-cited passage of Timaeus (Athen VI 264 d), where free Phocians object to slaves taking their employment, refers solely to domestic and personal attendance.

1807 Of this there is abundant American evidence from writers on Slavery. The hired slave sometimes got a higher wage than the hired freeman.

1808 See Whitaker’s Almanack, and the exposure of an impudent agency for the purpose in the Times 15 Sept 1914.

1809 Compare Wendell Phillips ‘Before this there had been among us scattered and single abolitionists, earnest and able men; sometimes, like Wythe of Virginia, in high places. The Quakers and Covenanters had never intermitted their testimony against slavery. But Garrison was the first man to begin a movement designed to annihilate slavery.’ Speech at G’s funeral 1879.

1810 Prof Bury, Idea of Progress p 275, points out that Guizot noted that Christianity did not in its early stages aim at any improvement of social conditions.

1811 The conclusions reached in this paragraph are in agreement with E Meyer Kl Schr pp 151-2, 155, 205, 209. But he seems to put the decline of the slave-gang system rather earlier than I venture to do.

1812 We must bear in mind that a tenant was naturally unwilling to work for a margin of profit not to be retained by himself. Hence the tendency to find means of constraining him to do so.

1813 coloni or quasi coloni, cf Dig XV 3 § 16, XXXIII 8 § 23³, or XXXIII 7 §§ 12³, 18⁴, 20¹, and numerous other references.

1814 The compulsory tenure of municipal offices is commonly cited as illustrating the pressure even on men of means. It began in the second century. See Dig L 1 § 38⁶, 2 § 1 [Ulpian], 4 § 14⁶ [Callistratus citing Hadrian], and many other passages. Notable is L 4 § 4¹ honores qui indicuntur [Ulpian].

1815 This topic is the subject of Churchill Babington’s Hulsean dissertation, Cambridge 1846. I learn that a pamphlet by Brecht, Sklaverei und Christentum, takes a less favourable view, but have not seen it. The survival of the colonate and its heavy burdens in the early Middle Age are treated by de Coulanges, particularly in connexion with the estates of the Church.

1816 The slow progress of emancipation is referred to by E Meyer Kl Schr p 178, of course from a very different point of view. He mentions that slavery was not completely forbidden in Prussia till 1857, and is against its abolition in German colonies. Seeley in his Life of Stein points out that the armies of Frederic the Great were mainly recruited from serfs.

1817 The Turk and his Rayahs furnishes a very striking illustration.

1818 E Meyer, Kl Schr p 188.

1819 Since writing this section I have found in Prof Bury’s Idea of Progress pp 269-70 a passage which seems to justify the objection here raised, though it occurs in a different connexion.

1820 It is perhaps hardly necessary to refer to the great economic disturbance caused by the Black Death in fourteenth century England.

1821 John Spargo, Bolshevism, the enemy of political and industrial Democracy. London, J Murray 1919. I think I may accept the author’s evidence on the points here referred to, confirmed as it is by other observers. See his remarks pp 69, 156, 275, 278, in particular. That the same sharp distinction between peasant and wage-earner is drawn by the Socialists in other countries also, and is to them a stumbling-block, is clearly to be seen in King and Okey’s Italy today. See appendix.

1822 A remarkable article in the Times of 10 May 1920 describes the influences tending in the opposite direction in the United States, particularly the workman’s prospect of proprietorship.

1823 For the survival of the colonate in the West see de Coulanges pp 145-86.

1824 See Krumbacher’s history of Byzantine Literature in Iwan Müller’s Handbuch, and Oder’s article in Pauly-Wissowa.

1825 Varro RR I 17 §§ 3, 4.

1826 In the Journal of Hellenic Studies 1910 and 1912. There the views of Zachariä are discussed.

1827 The truth seems to be that serfage had never become so widespread in the East as in the West, as Mr Bouchier, Syria as a Roman Province p 181, points out.

1828 Vol II pp 418-421.

1829 Sir W. Herringham, A Physician in France, pp 167-8 on Peasantry as a strength to the State.