Additional Notes
(Introduction, p. xv.)
Differences Between Irish and Scotch Gaelic
Dr. O’Donovan, in his Irish Grammar, gives a statement of these differences, which is somewhat meagre. He appears, however, to have had little knowledge of Scotch Gaelic, except what he gathered from Stewart’s Grammar; and this statement of the differences between the two dialects is taken almost verbatim from a prior statement of them by P. M’Eligott, in the Transactions of the Gaelic Society, published in 1808, p. 15.
Dr. O’Donovan, in his account of grammars previously published, gives Stewart very just praise for the excellence of his Grammar; but throughout his own work he never loses an opportunity of carping at him, and is especially indignant at him for daring to state that the Scotch Gaelic wants the present tense of the verb, and very disingenuously quotes Shaw’s Grammar as a superior authority. He likewise attacks Stewart for not producing ancient MSS. to prove it, and for not seeing that the present tense is used by Bishop Carsewell, in 1564. Stewart, however, was not undertaking a grammar of the ancient Scotch Gaelic, but of the dialect then spoken by the people; and most unquestionably, in the spoken dialect of Stewart’s time, the present tense was not used. Dr. O’Donovan denies this fact, and even charges Stewart with dishonesty. His theory is, “that Stewart was induced to reject this tense, in order to establish a striking point of resemblance between the Erse and the Hebrew, which the Irish, supposed to be the mother tongue, had not,”—a most unworthy insinuation, and most unphilosophical, for O’Donovan ought to have known that the changes which take place in the structure of spoken languages proceed from organic laws which cannot be influenced or directed by grammarians. The will of any single man is powerless to alter the minutest particle in the language; and the fact that the inflected present tense is not used in Scotch Gaelic, is evident to any one acquainted with the language, or who has come in contact with those who speak it.
Dr. O’Donovan also finds fault with Stewart for expressing an opinion that, “as the Erse dialect has not the inflections in the termination of its verbs, which characterize the Irish, it is therefore more original than the Irish.” This is, no doubt, an erroneous view; and O’Donovan correctly states “that the mode of inflection, by varying the termination, is more ancient than the use of particles;” but he might have recollected that the contrary opinion was very generally held when Stewart wrote; that the sounder principles of philology, in this respect, were not known or understood till after the publication of his Grammar; and that he could not, with any candour, impute it to him as a fault that he had not anticipated the conclusions of a science which had, so to speak, been created subsequently to his time. That the same peculiarities existed in the language in the last century, is proved by the fact that the Gaelic colonists in Canada, who have been separated from the mother country since that period, speak a form of Scotch Gaelic precisely similar to that now spoken in the Highlands, and possessing all those dialectic peculiarities which distinguish it from Irish. Although the present tense of the verb is usually expressed by the auxiliary, the Highlanders also use the future tense to express the present.
The leading differences between Irish and Scotch Gaelic may be stated generally as follows:—
Sounds of the Language
1. The initial consonants are not affected to the same extent as in Irish and Welsh; and in pure Scotch Gaelic the eclipsis is unknown, except in the case of the letter S.
The following table will show their relative position in this respect:—
TABLE SHOWING THE CHANGE IN THE INITIAL CONSONANT IN
WELSH, IRISH, AND SCOTCH GAELIC.
| Initial | Welsh. | Irish. | Scotch Gaelic. | ||||
| Consonants. | Eclipsis. | Aspiration. | Nasal. | Eclipsis. | Aspiration. | Eclipsis. | Aspiration. |
| P | B | Ph | Mh | B | Ph | Ph | |
| C | G | Ch | Ngh | G | Ch | W | Ch |
| T | D | Th | Nh | D | Th | a | Th |
| B | M | Bh or F | M | Bh | n | Bh | |
| G | NG | — | NG | Gh | t | Gh | |
| D | N | Dd or Dh | N | Dh | i | Dh | |
| Ll | L | L | n | L | |||
| M | Mh or F | Mh | g | Mh | |||
| Rh | R | R | . | R | |||
| F | Bh | Fh | Fh | ||||
| S | T | Sh | T | Sh | |||
2. In Irish, words beginning with A may take the digamma F, as aill, faill, a rock; ata, fata, a plain; iolair, fiolair, an eagle, etc. The digamma never appears in Scotch Gaelic.
3. The vowel sounds O and U in Irish, pass into A in Scotch Gaelic; as, oir, Ir., air, Sc. G.; og, Ir., ag, Sc. G.; ugadh, Ir., achadh, Sc. G.; chuaidh, Ir., chaidh, Sc. G.
4. The vowel at the end of nouns in Irish, is dropped in Scotch Gaelic; as, tigherna, Ir., tighearn, Sc. G.
5. In the consonants the older form is often retained in Scotch Gaelic; thus, the initial S in Irish, is often D in Scotch Gaelic, which is the older form, as suil, Ir., duil, Sc. G.,—hope. S is sometimes changed to P, as siuthar, Ir., piuthar, Sc. G.,—sister.
6. The accentuation in Scotch Gaelic in dissyllables is on the first syllable; in Irish, on the last.
Grammar.
1. Article.
The genitive plural before a labial is nam.
2. Noun.
The nominative plural frequently ends like Welsh and Manx in an; as, Slatan, rods; Maithean, chiefs.
3. Verbs.
The analytic form is alone used, there being no inflections for persons or numbers.
The Irish present is used as the future, and there is no present tense.279
The past-participle is invariably te hard, and is not varied as in Irish.
There are no consuetudinary tenses.
4. Adverb.
The negative is Cha, instead of Ni, in Irish.
Vocabulary.
There is a considerable difference in the vocabulary words being now used in Irish, which are unknown in Scotch Gaelic, and vice versa, and a comparison of the lists of idiomatic phrases in Irish or Scotch Gaelic shows a very great difference in the mode of expressing familiar phrases.280
(Introduction, p. lxxxiv.)
The Welsh poem alluded to is contained in the Welsh Archæology, vol. i. p. 168. The text is, however, very corrupt. It has been translated by Mr. Stephen in the Archæologia Cambrensis, new Series, vol. ii. p. 150, who did not, however, see its real character, and very strangely supposes it to refer to the actions of Cuichelm, one of the West Saxon kings, who died in 636, and whom he identifies with the Chocholyn of the poem, while of Corroi, son of Dairy, he can give no account.
The poem is in reality an Ossianic poem referring to the death of Curoi, son of Daire, by Cuchullin, the celebrated Fenian hero of Ulster.
Keating gives the following account of the death of Curoi:—“The heroes of the red branch united to plunder an island near Alban, called Manann, where there was a great quantity of gold, silver, jewels, and many other valuable articles, and a lovely marriageable young lady, who surpassed all the women of her time in exquisite figure and beauty, the daughter of the governor of the island, and her name was Blanaid. When Curigh was informed that the heroes were setting out on this expedition, he transformed himself by magic into a disguised shape, and joined the party; but when they were on the point of plundering the island, disguised like jugglers, they judged that there would be great difficulty in taking the fortress in the island, in which were secured Blanaid and the valuable treasures of the whole island, on account of its strength and the number of men who defended it. Then Curigh, who was attired in a coarse grey habit, engaged, if he were to get his choice of the treasures, that he would himself take possession of the fort. Cuchullin promises this, and immediately they attacked the castle with the man in the grey habit at their head, who stopped the motion of an enchanted wheel that was placed at the castle gate, and let in all the troops, by whom the fortress was sacked, and Blanaid and all the treasure borne away. They then set out for Ireland, and arrived at Evan; and on dividing the treasure, the man in the grey habit demands his choice of the jewels, as was promised to him. ’You shall have it,’ says Cuchullin. ’Well, then,’ says he, ’Blanaid is the jewel I choose,’ ’Take your choice of all the jewels except Blanaid alone,’ replies Cuchullin. ’I will not exchange her,’ says Curigh, and thereupon he seeks to carry her off by force; and having surprised her unperceived, took her away concealed under an enchanted mask. When Cuchullin perceived that the lady was missing, he suspected that it was Curigh that stole her off, and pursued them directly to Munster, and overtook them at Sulchoid. The champions engage, and a brave and well-fought contest ensues; but at length Cuchullin was overcome by Curigh, who tied him neck and heels, and left him shackled like a captive, after cutting off his hair with his sword, and then carried away Blanaid into the west of Munster. Then, however, came up Laogh mac Riain of Gabhra, and unbound Cuchullin, and they set out for the north of Ulster, where they resided near the peaks of Boirche for the space of a year, without appearing in the Council of Ulster, until Cuchullin’s hair grew again; and at the expiration of the year, happening to be on the peaks of Boirche, he saw a great flight of birds coming on the sea to the north, and on their landing upon the shore, he pursues them, and by a feat called Taveim, killed one of them with his sling in every district he passed through, until the last of them fell at Sruv Bron, in the west of Munster. On his return from the west, he found Blanaid in solitude near the Finglass, in Kerry, where Curigh had a palace at that time. A conversation ensued between them, in which she declared to him that there was not on the face of the earth a man she loved more, and entreated him to come near Allhallow tide with an armed band, and carry her off with him by force; and that he might the more easily accomplish his design, she would take care that Curigh should, at that time, have but few soldiers or attendants. Cuchullin promises to come to her at the appointed time, and then takes his leave, and sets out for Ulster, and relates the adventure to Choncubar.
In the meantime Blanaid told Curigh that he ought to erect a palace for himself that should exceed all the royal palaces in the kingdom, and that he might do so by sending the Clanna Deaguid to gather and collect all the large upright stones in the kingdom to form this palace. Blanaid’s reason for this was, that the Clanna Deaguid might be dispersed in distant parts of Ireland, far from Curigh, at the time that Cuchullin should come to carry her off. Cuchullin, being informed that the Clanna Deaguid were scattered over the kingdom, sets out privately, and soon arrived at a wood near the seat of Curigh, and sends secretly to inform Blanaid of his arrival with a large body of troops along with him. She sends him word that she would steal Curigh’s sword; and then, as a sign of attack, that she would spill a large vessel of new milk that was in the house into the rivulet which flowed from the castle through the wood where Cuchullin was concealed. Having heard this, in a short time he perceived the stream white with the milk, when, sallying out, they forced into the palace, and slew Curigh, who was alone and unarmed, and took Blanaid away with them to Ulster.”
WELSH POEM.
MARWNAD CORROI MAB DAIRY.
Dy ffynhawn lydan dyleinw aches
Dyddaw dyhepcyr dybris dybrys
Marwnad Corroy am Cyffroes.
Ordyviwr garw ei anwydeu
A oedd mwy ei ddrwg nis mawr gigleu
Mab Dairy dalei lyw ar for deheu
Dathl oedd ei glod cyn noi adneu.
Dy ffynhawn lydan deleinw nonneu
Dyddaw dyhepcyr dybrys dybreu
Marwnad Corroy genhyf inheu.
Dy ffynhawn lydan dyleinw dyllyr
Dy saeth dychyrch draetb diwg dybyr
Gwr a werescyn mawr ei faranrhes.
(Line wanting.)
A wedy mynaw myned trefydd
A ant wy ffres ffra wynyonydd
Tra fu vuddugre vore ddugrawr
Chwedleu amgwyddir o wir hyd law
Cyfranc Corroy a Chocholyn.
Lliaws eu terfysg am eu terfyn
Tarddei pen amwern gwerin goadd fwyn
Caer y su gulwydd ni gwydd ni gryn
Gwyn ai fyd yr enaid ui harobryn.
TRANSLATION.
THE DEATH-SONG OF CORROY, SON OF DAIRY.
I.
Thy large fountain fills the river,
Thy coming will make thy value of little worth,
The death-song of Corroy agitates me.
II.
If the warrior will come, rough his temper.
And his evil was greater than its renown was great,
To seize the son of Dairy, lord of the Southern Sea.
Celebrated was his praise before she was intrusted to him.
III.
Thy large fountain fills the stream.
Thy coming will cause saddling without haste.
The death-song of Corroi is with me now.
IV.
Thy large fountain fills the deep;
Thy arrows traverse the strand, not frowning or depressed.
The warrior conquers, great his rank of soldiers,
(Line wanting.)
And after penetrating, enters the towns,
And... the pure stream was promptly whitened.
Whilst the victorious one in the morning heaps carnage,
Tales will be known to me from the sky to earth,
Of the encounter of Corroi and Chocholyn.
Numerous their tumults about their borders,
Springs the chief o’er the surrounding mead of the somewhat gentle wood.
A city there was, love—diffusing, not paling, not trembling.
Happy is he whose soul is rewarded.
The allusions in this poem are to Cuchullin’s expedition to attack Curroi, to Blanaid’s giving the signal by filling the stream with milk from a large vessel, and to the encounter between Curroi and Cuchullin, in which the former fell.
It may not be out of place to insert here a few stanzas of an old Manx historical poem, written between 1504 and 1522, to show the relation of the Manx orthography to the Welsh and to that of the Dean of the same age.
I.
Dy neaishtagh shin aghrish my skeayll
As dy ving lhielu ayns my chant
Myr share dy voddyms lesh my veeal,
Yinnin diu geill da ’n Ellan Sheeant.
II.
Quoi yn chied er ec row rieau ee
Ny kys eisht myr haghyr da
Ny kys hug Parick ayns Creestiaght
Ny kys myr haink ee gys Stanlaa.
III.
Manannan beg va Mac y Leirr,
Shen yn chied er ec row rieau ee,
Agh myr share oddyms cur my ner,
Cea row eh hene agh an chreestee.
TRANSLATION.
If you would listen to my story,
I will pronounce my chant
As best I can. I will with my mouth
Give you notice of the Holy Island;
Who he was that had it first,
And then what happened to him;
And how Patrick brought in Christianity,
And how it came to Stanley.
Manannan beg was son of Leirr,
He was the first that ever had it;
But as I can best conceive,
He himself was not a Christian.
Poems, p. 3.
This poem has a strong resemblance in its character and sentiment to the oldest poems in the Cymmrian dialect.
The oldest known poem in this dialect which has been preserved in its original orthography is a short poem of three stanzas, written in the Irish character in a parchment MS. at Cambridge, containing a paraphrase of the Gospels by Iuvencus, a Latin poet. The writing of this MS. is anterior to the year 700.
The poem is as follows:—
I.
Ni guorcosam nemheunaur henoid,
Mi telu nit gurmaur.
Mi am franc dam an calaur.
II.
Ni canu ni guardam ni cusam henoid,
Cet iben med nouel
Mi am franc dam an patel.
III.
Na mereit im nepleguenit henoid
Is diszur mi coueidid
Donn am riceur im guetid.
It is the song of a warrior mourning his fate and his solitude, and may be thus translated:—
Neither repose nor sleep for me this night,
My house is no longer great.
For me and my servant no caldron more,
No songs, no smiles, no kisses this night,
As when I drank the fortifying mead.
For me and my servant no goblet more,
No longer joy for me this night.
My supporter is discouraged;
No one aids me in my distress.
The Irish character, in which this poem is written, is of the eighth century, and Villemarqué has remarked upon its resemblance in sentiment and character to a poem of Llywarch Hen, a Cumbrian bard of the sixth or seventh century, whose poems are universally admitted to be genuine, the orthography of which is much more modern. The poem is in triplets, the first line also ending with “heno,” and a single stanza or two will show the resemblance:—
Y stafel Kyndylan nis esmwyth-heno
Ar benn karec Hydwyth
Heb ner, Heb nifer, Heb ammwyth.
Istafel kyndylan ys tywyll—heno
Heb dan, Heb gerddau
Dygystudd deurudd dagrau.
The following are a few of the verses:—
The hall of Kyndylan is not joyous this night,
On the top of the rock of Hydwyth,
Without its lord, without company, without feasts.
The hall of Kyndylan is gloomy this night,
Without fire, without songs,
Tears afflict the cheeks.
The poem, attributed to Ossian in the Dean’s MS., is of the same character:—
Long are the clouds this night above me; The last was a long night to me. This day, although I find it long, Yesterday was longer still.
Long are the clouds this night above me. No rising up to noble feats; No mirthful sport as we would wish, No swimming heroes on our lakes. Long are the clouds this night above me, etc.
Poem, p. 4.
This is a well-known poem, termed Sliabh nam ban Fionn. A copy almost identic with this is published by the Ossianic Society of Dublin in their sixth volume, and a comparison of the first stanza with that of the Dean will show the relation the orthography of it bears to his:—
DEAN.
La zay deacha finn mo rayth
Di helg er sleyve ny ban finn
Tri meillith wathyon ny wayn
Ne zeaath skaow vass in ginn.
IRISH.
La da n-deachaidh Fionn na bhfiann
Do sheilg ar shliabh na m-ban fionn
Tri mhile do mhaithibh na bhfiann
Sul n-deachaidh grian os ar g-cionn.
It will be observed that the Irish eclipsis is only partially recognised by the Dean.
There is a copy of this poem in Kennedy’s Collection, p. 29.
The number of verses is the same, but some variation occurs in the reading of several of them.
Dr. Smith remarks, in the Highland Society’s Report, that an edition of this poem, under the title of La mor Seilg na Feinne, occurs in the oral recitations communicated by the Rev. Francis Stewart of Craignish, and another was written from memory by Archibald M’Callum.
Poem, p. 20.
The King of Sorcha is here opposed to the daughter of the King of the Tir fo thuinn, or land beneath the waves; and in this respect it resembles the Welsh poems, where the King of Annwn and his daughter play so great a part.
Sorcha is light, in opposition to Dorcha, dark; and there seems to be a poetic contrast between the kingdom of light and the kingdom under the waves.
Historically the land under the waves was the low-lying coast of Holland and Germany, extending from the Rhine to the Elbe.
Dr. Smith remarks that this poem differs little from Kennedy’s and other oral editions in the possession of the Society.
Poem, p. 26.
There is an edition of this poem in one of M’Vurich’s MSS. in the collection deposited in the Faculty Library. The language is more Irish than the Dean’s. The first verse may be given for the purpose of comparison:—
DEAN.
Sai la guss in dei
Oy nach vaga mai finn
Chanaka rem rai
Sai boo yar lym.
M’VURICH.
Se la gus an de
Nach faca me fionn
Ni fhaca re mo re
Se budh faide leam.
It will be observed that the Dean uses the Scotch negative Cha, while M’Vurich has the Irish Ni.
Poem, p. 30.
Dr. Smith states that this poem corresponds in a great measure with one taken down from oral recitation in Sutherland and another in Isla.
Poems, p. 35 and p. 48.
This poem is one of the editions of the Cath Gabhra, and, along with the poem by Feargus Filidh on the same subject, forms part of the long poem called Cath Gabhra, printed by the Ossianic Society of Dublin in their first volume.
In this poem it is said—
Eastward we sent ambassadors,
To Fatha of Conn’s great son,
Or more literally—
To Fatha, son of Maccon.
The expression east or eastward always refers to Alba or Scotland, in contradistinction to west, which was Sire, and the allusion here is to one of the mythic colonies from Ireland to Scotland.
In addition to the historic colony of Dalriada in the sixth century, the Irish historians record four colonies in prehistoric times.
These were—
1. Dalriads under Cairbre Riada, in the third century.
2. The Clanna Breogan, under the Fathads, sons of Lugad Mac Con, King of Ireland, in the third century, from whom the Campbells are said to be descended.
3. Eremonians, under Colla Uais, King of Ireland, in the fourth century, from whom the M’Donalds are said to be descended.
4. Eberians, under Cairbre Cruithnechan and Maine Leamhna, sons of Corc mac Lughadh, in the fourth century, from whom the Maormers of Marr and Lennox are said to be descended.
The second of these colonies, under Fatha Canann, is here connected with the legends of the Feinne.
Dr. Smith states that this poem agrees, with some variation in words and arrangement, with one transmitted by Mr. Maclagan from oral recital.
The poem on the battle of Gabhra, attributed to Fergus, is obviously the older piece, and some of the stanzas are the same with those in the Irish poems. It also refers to the Feinne of Britain and of Lochlan.
There is an edition of this poem in Kennedy’s Collection, p. 148; and another, taken down from recitation, was communicated to the Highland Society by Mr. Malcolm M’Donald.
The first stanza of this poem, with the corresponding stanza in the Irish poem, is given for the purpose of comparison:—
DEAN.
Innis donn a earris
Ille feynni errin
Kynis tarle zevin
In gath zawrych ni beymin.
IRISH.
Innis duinn a Oisin
Re h’anam Fhianna Eirionn
Cia agaibh ba threise
I g-cath Gabhra na m-beimionn.
It will be again observed that the eclipsis is only partially recognised. The Dean seems rarely to employ it in the genitive plural, where it is rigorously demanded by the rules of Irish grammar.
Poem, p. 50.
Dr. Smith remarks that this poem agrees very much with one got from Isla by recitation, and communicated to the Society by Robert Campbell, Esq., Advocate.
Poem, p. 54.
Dr. Smith states that this poem, on the death of Fraoch, differs very little from Mr. Jerome Stone’s edition, and still less from Mr. Gillies’ Collection, page 107.
Poem, p. 58.
Dr. Smith remarks that this poem nearly agrees with one in Kennedy’s Collection, p. 69. Some of the names are different, and the stanzas not all in the same order.
The same poem appears, with a few lines more or less, and a slight variation of words and arrangement, in one of the MSS. deposited in the Faculty Library; and two editions were communicated to the Highland Society taken down from oral recitation, one from an old man in Isla, the other from Donald M’Callum in Kilcalmonell, in Kintyre.
Poem, p. 72.
The idea which forms the subject of this poem is common to the Gael and the Welsh.
Poem by Gilchrist Taylor, p. 93.
This poem certainly refers to the taking of the murderers of James I., by Robert Reoch Duncanson of Strowan, and John Gorme Stewart of Garth. Robert Reoch bears on his seal two greyhounds, and on 15th August 1451 received a charter from James II. of the barony of Strowan “pro zelo, favore et amore quos gerimus erga dictum Robertum Duncanson pro captione iniquissimi proditoris quondam Roberti de Graham.”
John Gorme Stewart receives in the Exchequer Rolls a payment “pro arrestatione Roberti Grahame traditoris et suorum complicium.”
Poem by John of Knoydart, p. 99.
In the Annals of Ulster there is the following notice of the murder of Angus Og, son of John, Lord of the Isles:—
Aois Criost 1490, Mac mic Domnaill na h-Alpan,.i. Aengus,.i. nec da n-gairti an Tigerna Aacc do marbad a fill le ferted Erennac,.i. Diarmidt h-ua Cairpri, 7 a n Inhernis do marbad h-e. That is,—Year of Christ 1490, Angus, son of Macdonald of Scotland, who was called the young Lord, was murdered by his Irish harper, Dermed O’Cairbre, and at Inverness he was slain.
The Annals of Ulster are cotemporary authority for the event.
Poem by Finlay M’Nab, p. 125.
The Dougall, son of John, who is here reproached as a sluggard, and exhorted to write in the Book of Poems, was no doubt the Dean’s father, Dougall Johnson. It would appear from this that the taste for collecting Gaelic poetry was a family quality.
The genealogical poems relating to the M’Gregors, M’Dougalls, and M’Donalds, are curious, but it would be out of place to enter here upon the family history of these clans.
W. F. S.
Note
Note.—The numerals refer to the Introduction; the common figures to the English Translation; and the ancient figures to the corresponding Original Gaelic.
The numbers followed by an italicized “n” refer to footnotes on the specified page. Since all footnotes are collected at the end of the book, the link takes you to the appropriate footnote, rather than the specified page.
The original text uses “common” and “ancient” numerals to distinguish between references to the English or Gaelic versions. In this index, bold signifies the English text and normal indicates the Gaelic.
Note
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Footnotes
1 Obitus Katherine neyn Ayn Weyll Sponsse Johannis M’Ayn Rawych MacGewykar apud Aychly in Mense Decembris anno Domini Mvcxlij.—Chron. Fort.
2 Charter Robert Menzies of that ilk to Sir Duncan Campbell of Glenurchy, dated at the Isle of Loch Tay, 18th September 1511. Inter test. Dugallo Johneson Notario et domino Jacobo M’Gregour notario-publico.—Reg. Mag. Sig. xvii. 69.
3 Obitus Catherine neyn Donyll M’Clawe alias Grant uxoris Dougalli Johnson apud Tullychmollin xxij. die Julij anno domini MoVoxj.
4 Memorandum solium crucis in Inchadin compositum fuit per Dougallum Johnson. Anno domini MoVoxxvjo.
Crux lapidea fuit posita in Larkmonemerkyth in magno lapide qui alio nomine vocatur clachur... per Dougallum Johnson primo Octobris anno domini, etc., Vcxxix.—Chron. Fort.
5 Origines Parochiales, vol. ii. pt. i. p. 161.
6 Obitus honorabilis viri ac egregii Viri Domini Jacobi (M’Gregor) filii Dougalli Johnson ac decani Lesmorensis Vicarii de Fortyrgill et Firmarii dicte ecclesie... bone memorie in nocte Sancte Lucie virginis hora... post meridiem et sepultus in die Lucie videlicet... Anno Domini M Vcljo. in choro de Inchadin.—Chron. Fort.
7 Black Book of Taymouth, p. 196.
8 Precept of Legitimation in favour of Gregor and Dougal MacGregors, natural sons of Sir James MacGregor.—Privy Seal, xxix. 46.
9 Charter by Dougall Macgregor, Chancellor of Lismoir, with consent of Sir Colin Campbell of Glenurchy, of the lands of Auchnacroftie, dated at Balloch, 25th December 1574.
10 Duncan mcCowle voil vie Eoyne Reawych.—MS., p. 223.
11 Agis Duncha Deyr oclych mcDowle vec oyne Reywich di Skreyve so a loywrow Shenchych nyn reig agis ros zenyt Anno Domini 1512.—MS., p. 144.
Deyroclych is Daoroglach, and is the Gaelic rendering of Servitor.
12 This collection has been formed within the last few years mainly through the instrumentality of the writer. When he commenced, the Faculty of Advocates possessed four Gaelic MSS. The collection now consists of sixty-five.
The writer formed the plan of collecting the remains of the MS. Gaelic literature of Scotland, which was rapidly disappearing, into one place, where they could be preserved, by inducing the possessors of Gaelic MSS. to deposit them in some public library for preservation; and as the Faculty of Advocates were already in the possession of some MSS., their library was evidently the most appropriate depository for this purpose. The valuable MSS. belonging to the Highland Society of Scotland formed the basis of the collection; the directors, and their secretary, John Hall Maxwell, Esq., C.B., having at once responded to the call, and the fortunate discovery of the Kilbride collection, which its possessor likewise agreed to deposit, added a large number. The remainder consists of MSS. deposited by individual possessors, and the collection now embraces nearly all the MSS. known or believed still to exist.
It is hoped that, if any Gaelic MSS. still remain in the hands of individual possessors, they will add to the value of this collection by making them known, and depositing them in the Advocates’ Library for preservation.
The MSS. are preserved in a locked cabinet, and a general catalogue of the whole has been prepared by the writer.
13 Vol. ii. pt. i. p. 35.
14 It is hardly possible to convey to the reader an adequate conception of the labour of the task undertaken by Mr. M’Lauchlan, or of the courage, perseverance, and ability with which it has been overcome. Mr. M’Lauchlan had first to read the Dean’s transcript—no ordinary task, when, to a strange orthography, affording no clue to the original word, was added a careless handwriting of the beginning of the sixteenth century, faded ink, and decayed paper. He had then to convert it into the corresponding Gaelic in its modern shape and orthography, and then to translate it into English, in which he had to combine the literal rendering of an idiomatic language with an intelligible exhibition of its meaning in English.
It may be as well to take this opportunity of stating, that Mr. M’Lauchlan is solely responsible for the selection made from the Dean’s MS., the rendering in modern Gaelic, the English translation, and the notes at the foot of the page. The writer of this is responsible only for the Introduction and the additional notes, to which his name is attached.
15 I use the word dialect throughout, in the restricted sense of the German word mundart, for want of a better English word to express it.
16 This term is unknown to the Highlanders, who call themselves Albanaich; and was a term of reproach applied to them by the Lowlanders, from their language being the same as the Irish. It is curious that the same reproach was applied by the English to the Scotch in the twelfth century. Lambarde records that, at the battle of the Standard, when the Scots shouted Albany, Albany! the English soldiers retorted with Yry, Yry! “a term of great reproach at that time.”
17 I reject from this list the grammar and dictionary by the Rev. Wm. Shaw, published in 1778 and 1780, because, so far as they purport to be a grammar and dictionary of the Scotch Gaelic dialect, they are a deception, and not trustworthy.
Shaw was a native of Arran, where a corrupt and Irishised Gaelic is spoken; and it is well known that he failed in his attempt to compile his dictionary from the spoken language in the Highlands, where he made a tour for the purpose, and resorted to Ireland, where he manufactured his works from Irish sources and authorities, adapting the Irish grammar to a very imperfect knowledge of the language.
The subscribers complained of the deception, and refused to take the work, till compelled by a process at law. The evidence taken in this process is very instructive as to the position of Shaw’s grammar and dictionary, so far as their Irish element is concerned, towards the Scotch Gaelic dialect at that period.
18 A more detailed statement of the differences between Scotch and Irish Gaelic will be found in the additional Notes.
19 Professor Max Müller has the following excellent remarks in his recent lectures on the Science of Language, p. 49. “The real and natural life of language is in its dialects; and in spite of the tyranny exercised by the classical or literary idioms, the day is still very far off which is to see the dialects entirely eradicated....
“It is a mistake to imagine that dialects are everywhere corruptions of the literary language.... Dialects have always been the feeders rather than the channels of a literary language; anyhow, they are parallel streams which existed long before one of them was raised to that temporary eminence which is the result of literary cultivation.” The whole of the lecture in which this passage occurs is well worthy of perusal, in regard to the proper view and position of the spoken dialects in the study of language.
Schleicher takes the same view in his masterly work, “Die Deutsche Sprache.” He says, in relation to the German language, what is equally true of the Gaelic:
“Die mundarten sind die natürlichen nach den Gesetzen der Sprachgeschichtlichen Veränderungen gewordenen Formen im Gegensatze zu der mehr oder minder gemachten and schulmeisterisch geregelten and zugestutzten Sprache der Schrift. Schon hieraus folgt der hohe Werth derselben für die wissenschaftliche Erforschung unserer Sprache; hier ist eine reiche Füllevon Worten und Formen, die, an sich gut und echt, von der Schriftsprache verschmäht wurden; hier finden wir manches, was wir zur Erklärung der älteren Sprachdenkmale, ja zur Erkenntniss der jetzigen Schriftsprache verwerthen können, abgesehen von dem Sprachgeschichtlichen, dem lautphysiologischen Interesse, welches die überaus reiche Mannigfaltigkeit unserer Mundarten bietet.
“Wer einer Mundart kundig ist, der hat beim Studium des altdeutschen einen grossen Vorsprung vor demjenigen voraus der nur in der Schriftsprache heimisch ist.
“Nichts ist thörichter, nichts verräth mehr den Mangel wahrer Bildung als das Verrachten unserer Mundarten.”—P. 110.
20 In the Island of Colonsay there is a cairn called Carn cul ri Erin. In Bleau’s Atlas, the map of the Island of Mull marks, on the high mountain which separates the north from the south of the island, two cairns, called Carn cul ri Erin and Carn cul ri Allabyn. These seem to mark some ancient boundary; but as they are exactly in a line with Iona,—which seems to have lain so nearly on the boundary as to be claimed by both races, and also with the line which separates the ancient parishes of Killintach and Killcholumkill in Morvern, and Killintach is said, in an old document, to be in Garwmorvaren, a district which extended as far north as Loch Hourn, while Killcholumkill is said to be in Kinelbadon, which belonged to the ancient kingdom of Lorn,—there seems much reason to conclude that this may have been the line of the boundary between the Dalriad Scots from Erin and the Cruithne of Alban.
21 There were thirty kings of the Cruithne over Eri and Alba, viz., of the Cruithne of Alba and of the Cruithne of Eri, i.e., of Dalaraidhe. They were from Ollamhan to Fiachna mac Baedain, who fettered the hostages of Eri and Alba.
Book of Lecan, as quoted in Irish Nennius, lxxii.
A.D. 608. Bass Fiachrach chraich mic Baedan la Cruithnechu.—(Tigh. An.)
22 A.D. 717. Expulsio familiæ Ie trans dorsum Britanniæ a Nectano rege.
23 The two oirirs were the Oirir a tuath and the Oirir a deas, which make up the district known as Oirir Gaedheal, or Oirir Alban, and in Latin, Argathelia.
24 Highland Society’s Report, App. p. 6.
25 Prose originally written in a vernacular dialect readily adapts itself to the changes in the language, or passes into a new and cultivated form of it; but not so ballad poetry. The poems of Burns, for instance, could not be written in English without sacrificing, to a great extent, the rhyme and cadence of the verses, and almost entirely their nerve and power.
26 Mr. Donald Macintosh, the Keeper of the Highland Society’s MSS., in his list of MSS. then existing in Scotland in 1806, mentions that “Mr. Matheson of Fernaig has a paper MS., written in the Roman character, and in an orthography like that of the Dean of Lismore, containing songs and hymns, some by Bishop Carsewell.” This MS. has not been recovered; but if we had it, we might find that, while the Bishop resorted to Ireland for his prose translation of Knox’s Liturgy, his original poetry was in a different dialect and orthography.
27 In the older life of St. Kentigern, written prior to 1164, it is said that Servanus, at Culross, when he heard of Kentigern’s birth, exclaimed, “A dia cur fir sin, quod sonat Latine O utinam sic esset.” In modern Scotch Gaelic the phrase would be, A dhia gur fior sin.
28 In 1778 and 1780 a collection of Ossianic poems, in the original Gaelic, was made by Duncan Kennedy, schoolmaster. His MS. collection was purchased by the Highland Society, and is now in the collection of MSS. in the Advocates’ Library. There is appended to it a list of the persons from whose recitations the poems were taken down.
In 1780, Dr. Smith, of Campbellton, published a quarto volume, entitled Gaelic Antiquities, containing versions in English of poems attributed to Ossian, Ullin, etc.; and in 1787 the originals were published under the title of Sean Dana.
Unhappily, Dr. Smith, instead of publishing the poems as he got them, with a literal English version, was ambitious of shining, like Macpherson, as an editor of Ossian, and of sharing in his notoriety; but the poems of the latter had already lost their lustre, and Smith did not possess the wonderful tact and originality Macpherson really showed in producing his English version, and which alone made them bearable; his version was diffuse, heavy, and turgid, and his book fell dead from the press.
The Sean Dana showed that he had largely made use of Kennedy’s collection.
Kennedy, with the strange desire that all of these collectors of Ossianic poems showed to be supposed capable of composing them, and thus to acquire literary credit at the expense of their honesty, laid claim to the authorship of part of them, and furnished the Highland Society with a statement of those parts of the poems he had really taken down from recitation, and those he claimed to have composed.
It is strange that the passages he claimed as his own composition are just those which have been most clearly established to be genuine.
Thus, lines which Kennedy marked as his own composition, are found verbatim in the Dean’s MS.
I believe that there was little or no truth in Kennedy’s assertion, which was dictated by vanity, and that his collection is, on the whole, genuine.
29 A comparison of the poems in the Fragments, with those in the first quarto, containing the epic of Fingal, shows indications of the mode in which Macpherson dealt with his materials.
There are sixteen poems in the Fragments, all short; and some bearing the usual mark of a complete poem, by the first line being repeated at the end.
Thus, the second fragment begins with the sentence, “I sit by the mossy fountain; on the top of the hill of winds.” And the same expression is introduced at the end—“By the mossy fountain I will sit; on the top of the hill of winds;” marking a complete poem.
The first and fourth fragments we find in the quarto volume, containing Fingal, forming part of a longer poem termed Carrickthura, and here they are joined together by intermediate passages of some length, evidently interpolated by Macpherson.
The sixth and twelfth fragments contain dialogues between the poet and the son of Alpine. This was no doubt, in the original, the usual dialogue between Ossian and Patrick, always called in Scotch Gaelic poems Macalpine. The sixth fragment appears also in the quarto, in the so-called Epic of Fingal; but the dialogue is omitted, and the translation greatly altered.
To the fourteenth fragment there is appended the following note:—“This is the opening of the epic poem mentioned in the preface. The two following fragments are parts of some episodes of the same work,” and they accordingly appear in the quarto, in the epic poem of Fingal.
The fourteenth fragment, however, relates to Cuchullin alone; and in those tales and poems which we know to be genuine, Cuchullin and Fingal are never brought together.
Macpherson seems, at this stage of his collection, to have conceived the idea of weaving the short poems into one epic; but his unskilful junction of Cuchullin and Fingal in the same transactions, betrays its artificial construction.
30 Some years ago I happened to pass a couple of months in the immediate neighbourhood of Strathmashie, and I recollect having been informed at that time, but by whom I cannot now tell, that, after Lachlan Macpherson’s death, a paper was found in his repositories containing the Gaelic of the seventh book of Temora, in his handwriting, with numerous corrections and alterations, with this title,—“First rude draft of the seventh book of Temora.”
Mr. Gallie sent to the Highland Society a part of the Gaelic of Fingal, which afterwards appeared in the Gaelic version subsequently published. He said he had taken it from a MS. he had recovered, written by a friend “who was at that time with Mr. Macpherson and me, a gentleman well known for an uncommon acquaintance with the Gaelic, and a happy facility for writing it in Roman characters.”
On being pressed to say who this friend was, he says, “his name was Lachlane Macpherson of Strathmashy. He died in 1767.”
This Gaelic version seems, therefore, to have been put together before 1767; and if before 1762, it will account for the original of the seventh book of Temora having been published in that year, and also for an advertisement which appeared soon after the publication of the second quarto, that the originals were lying at the publisher’s, and would be published if a sufficient number of subscribers came forward; but as few subscribers appeared, and fewer came to look at them, they were withdrawn.
The so-called originals were, no doubt, this Gaelic version, which there is every reason to believe had preceded the English version in its preparation.
31 In vol. iv. p. 230 of these Transactions, it is admitted that some of the poems transcribed in 1749 were the composition of the writer, Michael Comyn.
32 Those poems published by the Ossianic Society which are of any length, and especially the poem termed the Battle of Gabhra, show evident indications of the same process of patching and dovetailing together of shorter poems which characterize Macpherson’s Ossian.
33 The following passage is quoted by Petrie (Round Towers, p. 96) from an ancient tract termed the Senchas na Relec, preserved in the leabhar na h’uidhre, a MS. of the year 1100:—
“Cormac Mac Art was the third person who had believed in Erin before the arrival of St. Patrick; Conchobar Mac Nessa, to whom Œtno had told concerning the crucifixion of Christ, was the first; Moran, the son of Cairpre Cinncait, was the second; and Cormac was the third.”
Cairpre Cinncait was the leader of the Attachtuatha in the insurrection above referred to; and it is remarkable that the reign of Conchobar, in which Cuchullin and Curoi are said to have flourished, the era of the occupation of the country by the Attachtuatha, the descendants of the ante-Milesian population, and the reign of Cormac Mac Art, in which Finn Mac Cumhal and Goll Mac Morn are said to have lived and fought, should be connected by the link of a conversion to Christianity. It seems to synchronize these three periods in tradition with each other, and with the first introduction of Christianity into Ireland.
The same tract states, that the mythic King Cormac Mac Art “was slain by Siabhras, id est, the Tuatha De Danann, for they were called Siabhras.”
34 A passage in one of the oldest of the MSS., deposited in the Library of the Faculty of Advocates, shows that the term Lochlan was anciently applied to the districts east of the Rhine. “Cæsar came with some entire legions of the ruthless youth of Italy into the rough land of Gallia, and the wide and long country of Lochlain. For these are one and the same country; but for the interposition of the clear current of the Rhine, which divides and sunders the two lands.”
35 It is unnecessary here to repeat these references. They will be found in the Report of the Highland Society, page 21.
The quotation from Barbour shows that the name of Fingal was known long before the time of Macpherson; and as most Gaelic proper names had a corresponding name in English which resembled it in sound, and was held to represent it, as Hector for Eachin, or Hugh for Aodh, it is not unlikely that Fingal may have been known as the recognised representative in English of Finn.
In fact, Finn and Fingal are both real names, and closely related to each other.
Gal is a syllable of unknown origin and meaning, which enters largely into the composition of Gaelic proper names. Thus we have Aedgal, Aelgal, Angal, Ardgal, Artgal, Bodgal, Comgal, Congal, Donngal, Dubhgal, Dungal, Feargal, Fingal, Gormgal, Leargal, Maengal, Riagal, Saergal, Smiorgal. Some also take the form of galach; as Congalach, Dungalach, Fiangalach, Irgalach.
Those in which the first syllable expresses a colour appear both alone and with the affix gal, as Dubh and Dubhgal, Finn and Finngal, and are really the same name. The annals of the Four Masters mention several persons of the name of Finn, and, in 741, Finghal of Lismore.
36 It is remarkable that the ancient legends of Cuchullin and the sons of Uisneach connect them with those remarkable structures termed vitrified forts. Dun Scathaig, Dun mhic Uisneachan, and Dundheardhuil, are all vitrified forts, and the latter is a common name for them. There is probably a mythic meaning under this.
37 This poem, with a translation, is given in the Additional Notes, pp. 143, 144.
38 The scene of this poem is in Scotland, the sea of Tallann being said to be in the east, and it must have been written in Scotland, as the accent is placed on the first syllable of the name Oisin.
The Highlanders call a whale muic mhara, and, from the description, this creature appears to have been a whale.
On communicating this curious poem to Professor O’Curry, he informs me that there is a copy of it in the Book of Leinster, an MS. of the thirteenth century. The text is the same, but the glosses a little different.
I may take this opportunity of calling attention to Professor O’Curry’s admirable Lectures on the MS. literature of Ireland, just published. They are most interesting and instructive, and for the masterly and complete survey taken of the subject, as well as for accurate and minute detail, they are almost unexampled in the annals of literature. They will well repay perusal.
39 The oldest copy of this tale, which was the foundation of Macpherson’s Darthula, is in the Glenmasan MS., in the collection in the Advocates’ Library, which bears the date of 1238, and this translation is made from it.
The scenery is all in Argyllshire. Inis Draighen is Inistrynich in Loch-awe; Dun Suibhne, Castle Sween; Glenlaidhe is now called Glenlochy, where is Benlaoidhe; Glenmasan still bears the name; Gleneitche, in another copy called Loch Eitche, is Glenetive and Loch Etive; Glenurchain is Glenurchay; and Glendaruadh is now called Glendaruail.
40 The name of this poet has given rise to some controversy between the Scotch and Irish Gael. By the latter it is pronounced Oisìn, the accent falling on the last syllable; by the former it is pronounced Ossian, the accent falling on the first. Dean M’Gregor spells the word sometimes Ossan, but usually Ossin. It is manifest from the use of the ss that he intends the accent to fall upon the first syllable, according to the Scottish mode. The Scottish pronunciation would appear to have been the same in his days as now. This form of the word we have retained in our translation. We do not mean to institute any comparison between the Irish and Scottish mode. The difference clearly arises from the peculiarity of each dialect, the Irish almost uniformly, in words of two syllables, laying the accent on the last, and the Scottish upon the first syllable.
41 The Dean’s Finn is the Fingal of some writers. “Fionn,” pronounced “Fiŭghn,” genitive, “Fhinn,” pronounced “Ighn,” is the present Scottish and Irish form of the word, and we have preserved this in M’Gregor’s own orthography. Scottish writers have, however, been unjustly accused of manufacturing the term “Fingal.” It is not, as some Irish scholars have maintained, a modern corruption of Fin mac Cùil, but a word known and in use for centuries. John Barbour, who wrote his metrical life of King Robert Bruce in 1375, uses it as a familiar term:—
“He said, Methinks Martheoke’s son
Right as Gow-mac-Morn was won,
To have from Fingal his menzie.”
It would appear, from the analogies of the Gaelic language, to be the complete form of the word. “Fionn” means fair, being in reality an adjective noun; “Gal” is a common termination of Celtic proper names. Hence, “Fionn Ghal,” or “Fingal,” means the “fair-haired one.“ In like manner, we have “Dubh,“black, “Ghal,” “Dubhghal,” or “Dugald;” “Donn,” brown, “Ghal,” “Donnghal,” Dungal, Donald, the brown-haired one. Hence, Fionn is a contraction of the name. It is remarkable as an instance of the changes which take place in the use of words, that in modern times “Fionnghal” is the name of a woman, and is usually translated “Flora.“
42 In the original the word translated here, “household,“ is “tylych,“ or “teaghlach,“ a family. The literal translation would be, “the family of Art.” But this would not convey the idea in the original, the Celtic family in such a case as this implying the military followers of the head or chief. It seems probable that these ancient Celtic chiefs, like chiefs in more recent times, had their armed followers in constant attendance on them.
43 Art was King of Ireland, according to Irish authorities, in the beginning of the third century. Tradition says that he was the father of Grainne, the wife of Finn, whose defection and escape with Diarmad led to the event so famous in ancient Celtic poetry, the death of Diarmad. A poem relating the event will be found in this collection.
44 “Mac an Loinn,” or “Luno’s son,“ was the famous sword of Fingal, manufactured by Loinn mac Liobhaidh, the celebrated smith, or “Vulcan,“ of the Celts. The sword was so effective that in no case was it ever required to give a second stroke. The Gaelic words are, “Cha d’ fhàg e fuigheall beuma,”—It left no remnant for its stroke. We have heard of a remarkable instance of the effective use of this phrase in the pulpit by a distinguished Highland minister, Mr. Lachlan M’Kenzie of Lochcarron. In illustrating the completeness of the one sacrifice of our Lord, he said, and to a Highland audience it was electrifying, “Chuala sibh mu ’n chlaidheamh bh’ aig Fionn, nach d’ fhàg riamh fuigheall beuma,”—You have heard of Fingal’s sword, which never needed to give a second blow. “Loinn mac Liobhaidh,” the “Vulcan” of the Celts, is in reality Brightness, the son of polishing, a fact which would go far to prove the mythical character of this famous artisan.
45 This piece is extracted and printed in the report on the Poems of Ossian, published by the Highland Society. Dr. Smith, however, who made the extract, appears not to have read it with much care or accuracy, and the concluding portion, from the twentieth line downwards, is suppressed altogether. This seems to have arisen from a desire to suppress all the references in those poems to St. Patrick, and thus to establish by all possible means their Scottish origin. If any of the Poems are the genuine compositions of Ossian, there is sufficient evidence that the references to the Saint are of more recent introduction, in the fact, that if Ossian saw Art, who lived in the opening of the third century, as he tells us in the preceding fragment, he could hardly hold a dialogue with St. Patrick, who flourished in the fifth. In the present publication the poems of every kind are given just as they stand, without any reference to the effect on existing systems and theories, Scotch or Irish.
46 The bells used in Christian worship. “Patrick of the bells,” is a common appellation of St. Patrick in these compositions.
47 “Sliabh nam ban fionn,” or the “hill of the fair-haired women,” is said to be one of the mountains of Tipperary, in the neighbourhood of Clonmel. It is now called “Sliabh nam ban,” and has several traditions of the Feine associated with it. The writer is not aware of any mountain of the name in Scotland; besides, although the word “Sliabh” is well known and in common use among the Scottish Highlanders, it is seldom found in the topography of the country, in which the almost uniform term for a mountain is “Beinn,” the English “Ben.” This is one of the marked differences between Irish and Scottish topography. The term under consideration has sometimes been called in Scotland “Sliabh nam beann fionn,” “the hill of the fair hills,” a manifest mistake, which the meaningless tautology should be enough to prove. Topographical phrases in the Gaelic language are usually not only grammatically accurate, but of remarkable elegance in their structure. The interpretations often put upon them are a monstrous outrage upon this sound and invariable principle.
48 It is obvious that parts of these compositions are dialogues, for the most part between Ossian and St. Patrick. The dialogue portion in these editions of Dean M’Gregor’s is generally either prefixed or added to the body of the poem. This is quite consistent with the genuineness of the work, and can be explained upon the supposition, that these portions were either prefixed or adjoined at an after period by some other hand to serve a purpose. This cannot be said of those poems which are in the form of dialogues throughout.
49 Bran was the famous hound of Finn. The word means “a raven,” but used as an adjective it signifies “black,” which is apparently the origin of the name. Another of his dogs was called “Luath,” or “Swift,” also an adjective. These are common names for staghounds in the Highlands at this day. Reference is made a few lines before this to a white dog, “achoin ghil,” translated “snow-white,” “geal,” implying the most intense whiteness.
50 The Irish call this word “Arpluinn,” in Latin, “Calphurnius.” In the Highlands the name is uniformly “Alpin,”—“Padruig mac Alpain.”
51 This composition the Irish call the battle of “Ventry Harbour,” a place in the county of Kerry in Ireland. There are, however, Fintrays in Scotland, which are apparently the same name, and Mr. Skene has called the attention of the writer to the fact, that there is a Sgùir Dhaire dhuinn, “the hill of Daire donn,” in Duror in Argyleshire. Irish Antiquaries say the battle was fought in the third century between the Féine of Ireland and Daire donn, or Daire the brown, King of the world. It will be seen in this copy that Daire is introduced as King of Lochlin or Scandinavia, although afterwards called King of the world. It is very probable that both to the Scotch and Irish Celt Scandinavia was at this period synonymous with the world. This poem is here attributed to Ossian, although it is very doubtful whether it is so in the MS. The writing is so indistinct, that it is impossible to read the title correctly. It is hardly necessary to remind the reader that the poem is in the form of a dialogue between the bard, whoever he may be, and St. Patrick. The name of the saint seems to have been a favourite one with the bards, and was used no doubt to give consequence and currency to their compositions.
52 The crozier of St. Patrick. Several ancient Celtic croziers are still in existence. Two are well known in Scotland. One of them is the Quigrich, or crozier of St. Fillan, now in possession of a family of the name of Dewar in Canada, to whose progenitor it was intrusted by Robert Bruce at the battle of Bannockburn. An interesting notice of this relic has recently been published by Dr. D. Wilson of Toronto. Another is the crozier of St. Munn, now in the Museum of the Society of Antiquaries in Scotland, and long in possession of a family called the Barons of Bachul (a crozier, from the Latin Baculus), in the island of Lismore. A notice of this relic will be found in the transactions of the Scottish Antiquaries, from the able pen of Mr. Cosmo Innes. The word “breac,” or spotted, applied to the crozier, must refer to its ornamentation. The term will be found elsewhere applied to spears or swords.
53 This is a curious piece of Bardic exaggeration. But there may be some history hidden within its folds. There is sufficient evidence to prove that the Féine, whoever they were, were not confined to Ireland. We have numerous ancient Celtic compositions in which reference is made to the Féine of Scotland, and the Féine of Britain, meaning either Wales, or England and Wales together. The truth with regard to Finn and his Féine seems even yet to be a long way off.
54 This is said to be “Almhuin,” or Allen, the residence of Finn, according to Irish accounts, in the county of Kildare. The word has a strong resemblance to “Alba,” the Gaelic name for Scotland; and in reading ancient Gaelic MSS., care must be taken to distinguish the two. We give the name in the Dean’s orthography, whatever the place may be.
55 Finn was Cumhal’s son. The word is pronounced “Finn mac Cúil,”—very much as M’Dougal is pronounced in the speaking of Gaelic. The writer has been led to think that traces of “Cual” (Cumhal) might be found in the King Coil of Ayrshire. The whole region about the scene of Coil’s territory and sepulchre has been purely Celtic, and the grave itself bears marks of being constructed in the early Celtic method.
56 As already observed, Daire donn, or “Daire the brown,” is called here the King of Lochlin.
57 Ireland was divided into two great sections: the northern, called Leth Chuinn, or Conn’s half, from Conn of the hundred battles, King of Ulster; the southern, called Leth Mhogha, or Mogh’s half, called from Mogha Nuadhat, King of Munster, both in the second century.
58 The Celts always count by twenties up to 400. When a Highlander speaks of 340 or 360 of anything, he uniformly says seventeen score or eighteen score. The numbers given here are an instance of the poetic license.
59 This daughter of the King of Greece is well known in Celtic tradition. In Mr. J. F. Campbell’s Tales of the West Highlands, vol. ii. p. 470, it will be seen that traces of her existence are found still in the island of Barra. Greece was not unknown to the ancients. Cæsar tells us that the Gauls, although not committing their religious mysteries to paper, in common writing which was familiar to them, used the Greek letters. This is a remarkable statement, and one of which too little use has been made in discussing the social condition of the early Gael. At the same time, we learn from the history of the Gallic war that the literature of Gaul was drawn from Britain, at least her priests studied there, which can have no other meaning.
60 The race of the Féine to which Finn belonged. The Irish say they occupied Leinster and the eastern part of Ulster.
61 The race to which the famous Gaul belonged. They are said to have occupied Connaught and the west of Ireland. These are the Irish accounts, and must be taken as contributions to a correct elucidation of the history of these events, if they have a real history.
62 A poem on this famous battle will be found in a subsequent part of this collection.
63 It will be seen in this and the previous pieces, that the first few lines are repeated at the close of every poem. This practice is uniformly followed in all ancient Celtic Poetry, and is a sure indication that we have reached the end of the piece.
64 A hill said to be in the county of Armagh, celebrated in the ancient poem of “Tain bo Chuailgne,” or “The cattle spoil of Cuilinn.” It is said to have been here that Cuchullin resided, whence probably his name, Cu Chuailgne, or Cuchullin, the Hound of Cuillinn. In Irish History Cuchullin is said to have lived a couple of centuries previous to the era of Fingal.
The reader may be reminded that there is a mountain in Skye called Cuilinn, one of the grandest of the Scottish mountains. The person from whom both this and the Irish hills of the name were called, is said to have been Cuilionn, a Druidical priest of great fame. The word means also the Holly tree, from whence the derivation is sufficiently probable.
65 “Fail” is an ancient name for Ireland. The word signifies fate; hence “Innisfail,” or the “Island of fate,” or, more probably, “the sacred island.”
66 Diarmad was the Adonis of the Feine. He is celebrated for his beauty, which led finally to his death, as will be seen in a future poem. He is said to have been the Ancestor of the clan Campbell, who are hence called “Clann Diarmaid,” or the “children of Diarmad.” The M’Diarmads, as well as some other subordinate clans, are also said to be of the same stock.
67 A grandson of Finn by his son Daire dearg. His mother’s name was Luigheach, whence he was called the son of Luigheach, pronounced Luy. He was a famous man among the Feine, according to Irish authorities.
68 There were several among the Feine of this name. The name is widely known in the topography of Scotland. There are two Rivers Garry, two lochs, and two large rivers. These are found in Inverness-shire and Perthshire.
69 Conan is usually called “Conan maol,” or “Conan the bald,” and was known among the Feine for his thoughtless impetuosity. He was, in consequence of this peculiar temperament, ever getting into difficulties, and exposing himself to the ridicule and reprehension of his companions. There are both a river and valley in Scotland called after him, the River Conan and Strathconan in Rosshire.
70 “Bran,” the name of Finn’s celebrated hound, is here obviously the name of a man. There is a “strath” or valley in Rosshire which still retains his name, Strathbran. The extent to which Fenian names are found in Scottish topography, goes far to show the close connexion of the Feine themselves with that country.
71 Caoilte was one of the most famous of the Feine. He was distinguished for his swiftness, and not without reason, as is shown in his chase of Loinn mac Liobhaidh, the Fenian blacksmith, whom he overtook, although he could cross a valley at a stride.
72 This Oscar must be distinguished from the famous Oscar, the Poet’s son. Of the latter he never speaks without applying to him some term of endearment, as “my son,” “my own son,” etc.
73 This line refers to the liberal rewards which the Bards usually received among the Celts. A eulogy was sometimes rewarded by the Chief with a silver cup. Even poetry had need to be purchased; and probably were it not for the hope of reward of some kind, many of the noblest Poems which have adorned human history would never have seen the light. At a meeting of Skye gentlemen on some public occasion some years ago, the question was put, “Where are the bards?” One of the company replied, “They are gone.” “No,” said Nicolson of Scorrybreck, “they are still with us; but the men who fostered them are gone.”
74 This piece is what is usually called “Urnuidh Oisiain,” or “Ossian’s prayer.” There are many such colloquies in the Gaelic, many of them bearing no marks of great antiquity. It will be found that in the Gaelic the poem is divided. This arose from a misplacing of different parts of it in the MS., which was not observed till the first part was printed off. In the English the whole is given consecutively.
75 This composition is known usually by the name of “Fainesoluis,” or the sunbeam, derived manifestly from the comparison of the sunbeam in the twenty-first line. In Ireland it is called “Laoidh an Mhoighre Bhoirb,” or “The song of Mayre Borb.” The “Mayre” of Ireland will be found to be “Daire” in Scotland.
76 The topography of these poems is a subject of very deep interest to the student of our national antiquities. In the valley of the Roy in Lochaber, so famous for its parallel roads, is a waterfall called “Eas ruaidh,” or “Essaroy,” the “fall of Roy.” Was this the scene of the story of Fainesoluis? It may be objected that from there the sea lies at a distance of fifteen miles. On the Earn, near Ballyshannon, in the county of Donegal, is “Assaroe,” or “Eas Aoidh Ruaidh,” “The waterfall of Hugh the red,” who was drowned there. This is nearer the sea; but at the period ascribed to Ossian, the name could not have been given to the spot, as the death of Aedh ruadh mac Badhairn, from whom the cascade was named, occurred, according to the Four Masters, in A.M. 4518.
77 Kings among the Celts were, at an early period, persons of much less consequence than the name would now seem to imply. In Ireland, there were four provincial sovereignties besides the national one. But even this does not give an accurate representation of the Celtic polity. The fact is, every ruler of a district and leader of an army was called a King. Of this we have ample evidence in Cæsar’s account of the state of Britain at the period of the Roman invasion. In Scotland, tradition points to several kingdoms. In the Western Highlands the Island of Mull is said to have formed a kingdom by itself, called “Rioghachd na Drealluin,” “the Kingdom of Drealinn,” from “dreall,” a “bar” or “sneck,” applied to the Sound of Mull, which shuts out all strangers from the Island. Islay was called “Rioghachd Modheadh,” or the “Southwest Kingdom,” from its position. Morvern was called “Iorruaidh,” to which frequent reference is made both in Scottish and Irish Celtic tradition. Ardnamurchan was called “Sorcha,” the kingdom of Daire Borb’s father, from its mountainous character, “Sorcha” meaning “high,” whence “sorchan,” “a tripod.” “Tir bàr fo thuinn,” or the land beneath the waves, was Tyree, from the lowness of the land appearing from a distance as if its surface were on a level with the sea. If there be any historical accuracy in these traditions, which have been gathered up from an intelligent old Highlander, skilled in the lore of his country, this story of Fainesoluis is one in which a daughter of the ruler of the Island of Tyree is pursued by a son of the ruler of Ardnamurchan. Poetry gives a consequence and magnitude to the event, which in all probability the naked reality did not possess.
78 “Mo chomraich ort,” “my protection be on thee,” was an appeal which the Celtic warrior could never reject when made by the weak and helpless. In Christian times, the word “Comraich” came to be applied to the “girths” or “sanctuaries” around places of worship and other sacred spots, where accused persons might flee for security. Hence the Gaelic name of the parish of Applecross in Rosshire, “A Chomraich,” or “the Sanctuary,” formed round the church dedicated to St. Malrube, an early Christian missionary.
79 As already observed, this name is in Irish editions of the poem “Mayre.” See Miss Brooks’ “Reliques of Irish Poetry.”
80 “Geasan,” “bonds.” The word here appears to mean a simple pledge, although in most cases it implies the exercise of some magical power. In those cases of metamorphosis so common in Celtic tales, the persons who have been made to undergo the change are said to be “fo gheasaibh,” “under spells.” The mythology of the Celts has much in common with that of Eastern nations.
81 The magical steed of Daire borb was capable of carrying its master over sea and land. In many ancient Celtic Tales we read of ships which could also traverse sea and land.
82 The word in the original here is “criss zerk,” the “red belt.” This is, however, in all probability, a mistake of the Dean’s for “craoiseach,” a “javelin.” It is not easy to see what could be meant by the “red belt” on Oscar’s left arm. It could hardly signify the straps of the shield. If it be “craoiseach,” the bard would seem to indicate that Oscar was left-handed, like the sons of Benjamin.
83 “Na tri caoil,” or the “three smalls,” were the neck, the ankles, and the wrists. Prisoners of war had this triple binding applied to them.
84 These supplementary lines would appear to be either additional lines or various readings. There are two given in the Gaelic, which are not translated, as being of little consequence, and which seem intended to come in between the ninety-eighth and ninety-ninth lines. The first eight lines of this additional fragment are probably intended to fall in between the hundred and twenty-eighth and the hundred and twenty-ninth lines, the last eight to close the poem. Dr. Smith, in the Report on Ossian’s Poems given in to the Highland Society, states, that the Edition given in this supplement is inconsistent with that in the body of the Poem, and must be held to contain various readings.
85 The following seems to have been Ossian’s eulogy on his father Finn. The editor has not met with any similar composition either among Scottish or Irish collections, except a few lines extracted by Miss Brooks from a composition which she calls “Buille Oisein,” and it is therefore rescued from oblivion by having been seized by the Dean while floating on the stream of oral tradition, and treasured in his miscellany. In the original, the poetry is worthy of the name of Ossian, more so, indeed, than any of the pieces in this collection. It is quite impossible to produce in English the effect of the rhythm and alliteration of the Gaelic; but the editor has endeavoured, while giving an exact rendering, to retain, in as far as possible, the peculiar measure of the original. The piece is a fine tribute of filial love and admiration, nor is there much room to doubt its genuineness.
86 Muirne Finn’s mother is said to have been a daughter of Teige, a famous Druid, or, as others say, of a princely family of Bregia, in Meath.
87 Some of the lines in this part of the original MS. are very much defaced from age and bad usage. The editor has been obliged in consequence to guess one line and a few additional words. The line is the forty-fifth, where he has introduced a phrase sufficiently general to prevent the charge of in any measure tampering with his author. The other words will be seen by referring to the Gaelic.
88 The word “naoimh,” here translated “saints,” is not necessarily associated with Christianity. The word “naomh,” holy, is one belonging originally to the Gaelic language, and not introduced, like many ecclesiastical terms, from the Latin and Greek. The phrase may be rendered “sacred Erin,” a character belonging to the island, in popular belief, even previous to the Christian period. It is a curious fact, that the feat of destroying all the vermin in Ireland was, in a later age, attributed to St. Patrick. It would appear that this was but a transference of a portion of the glory of Finn to the Christian Saint,—a remarkable instance among many of early Christianity borrowing, not very wisely, the laurels of heathenism.
89 Hospitality was one of the highest qualifications of a Celtic chief. Ossian never fails to sing the generous, open-handed hospitality of his father Finn. Till a late period the same feature of character distinguished the Scottish Highlander, although modern civilisation is fast uprooting it, and overlaying the character of the simple Highlander with the selfishness peculiar to itself. Even now, in most part of the Highlands, the door of a hut is never closed by day,—a practice said to originate in the universal sense of the ready reception due to the wayfarer and the stranger. Is the seven sides of Fingal’s house an orientalism?
90 This Poet is obviously a Scotchman; but judging from another of his compositions in this volume, he was, like the Scottish bards of his time, well acquainted with the bardic literature of Ireland. This arose from the frequent intercourse between the two countries during their early history, and the number of Scotchmen educated both in the Medical and Bardic Schools of Ireland. This is one of the circumstances which renders it so difficult now, in the absence of authentic historical documents, to extricate much of the social history of the two countries. Hence the rival Scottish and Irish claims to many of our Celtic literary remains. There is no doubt that the poets of both countries interwove with their compositions the traditions of the race, without much regard to whether these were Scotch or Irish. The Irish trace this common literature to the fact of the Irish colonization of Scotland, which they maintain was the origin of the Celtic population of the latter country; but it is by no means necessary to go so far back in order to find sufficient cause for the fact. Christianity seems to have formed the first solid basis of union between the two countries, and a common Christianity was without doubt the means of long maintaining it. This composition is usually called “Bàs Dhiarmaid,” The death of Diarmad.
91 A valley in the eastern part of Perthshire, where the grave of Diarmad is pointed out to this day. M’Rorie appears to have been an inhabitant of the neighbourhood, for he speaks of Glenshee as being close beside him. The name of Glenshee is derived from the word “Gleann,” a valley, and “sìth,” a hill of a peculiar form. This word is found in the names of several Scottish hills, as “Sìth challain,” Schihallion; “Beinn shìth,” Ben Hi; “An t-Sìth mhòr,” the great pointed hill. “Sìthan,” a hillock. The word has been often mistaken for “Sìth,” peace, whence the name “Sitheach, sithichean,” a fairy, fairies, has been absurdly rendered the peace folk, instead of the folk of the hills, referring to their reputed residence in earthen mounds.
92 “Ben Gulbin,” the mountain of the beak, lies at the head of Glenshee. There is a hill with a similar name in Ireland, whence Conall Gulbain, one of the kings of Ulster, took his designation. There is a “water of Gulbin,” and a “Torgulbin,” in the braes of Lochaber; but the reference to Glenshee fixes the scene of the death of Diarmad in Perthshire. There is, as is common in Highland topography, a stream called Gulbin, whence a valley of the same name, and then a mountain. The names in similar cases seem to have been primarily attached to the streams, whence they ascended through the valleys to the hills. We have an instance of this in the River Nevis, Glen Nevis, Ben Nevis, the “neamhais,” referring to its impetuosity, having been in all likelihood originally applied to the stream.
93 Mac O’Duine is the patronymic of Diarmad. Hence the Campbell clan, besides being called “Clann Diarmaid,” The race of Diarmad, are called also “Clann O’Dùine,” or The children of O’Duine.
94 The chase of the boar was a favourite employment among the ancient Celts. It is celebrated in many of their tales. Besides this, the sow enters largely into their ancient mythology. Even in this case the boar was possessed of magical properties, as will be seen in the subsequent portion of this poem. It is not unlikely that at an early period the Celts worshipped the sow like the Egyptians, whose worship of it might have been one reason why it was pronounced unclean. Whether the Celts worshipped it or not, it is manifest that it was held in high esteem, for its figure is engraved on most of the ancient sculptured stones of Scotland. Among the Welsh it is a national emblem, and hence one argument for the ancient Picts being British, as these stones are found confined to the ancient Pictish territory. The word “muc,” a sow, enters largely into Scottish topography. We have “Eilean nam muc,” the Isle of muck, or Sow island. The ancient name of St. Andrews was “Muc ros,” the Sow’s headland, and we know that the sow is associated with the memory of St. Regulus. There is a “Bridge of Turk,” or the Boar’s bridge, near the Trosachs. There is a “Slochd muice,” or the Sow’s hollow, near Inverness, on the Highland road, a name derived from a hillock shaped like a sow’s back, in the bottom of the chasm a little to the west of where the coach road crosses; and there is “Sròn muice,” The Sow’s snout, on the north side of Loch Ness, derived from the resemblance of a hill-face to that part of the animal. These two latter names are manifestly derived from natural resemblances, and have nothing to do with mythology.
95 The “schools,” referred to frequently in Ossianic tales, were probably military, although there can be no doubt that there was a learned class among the ancient Celts. Cæsar tells us, as already observed, that the Gauls used the Greek letters, and that their priests were educated in Britain. The “oghum” character, whose antiquity is pretty thoroughly established, is another evidence of ancient literary cultivation.
96 The Gaelic is “tan-lann,” the thin sword. Was this steel or merely bronze? The thinness would seem to indicate steel.
97 It is hardly necessary to point out the resemblance here between the sole of Diarmad and the heel of Achilles. Achilles could only be wounded in the heel, Diarmad only in the sole of the foot. The Adonis of the ancient Greeks was slain by a boar. There are remarkable analogies between classical and Celtic tradition.
98 Essaroy, vide supra, p. 18, n. This is manifestly the Essaroy of Scotland, which is in the heart of one of the finest hunting regions in the world. Nor is it at any great distance from either of the Gulbins.
99 Grainne, the wife of Finn, had formed an unlawful attachment to Diarmad. The latter had what is called a “Ball seirce,” or beauty spot, which no woman could resist. Hence Finn’s jealousy and desire to destroy Diarmad. The word rendered here “naire,” shame, is in the MS. “noor,” gold. If this be the accurate reading, Grainne’s dowery must have formed an element in the conflict.
100 Yellow was the favourite colour of the ancient Celt. “Falt buidh,” yellow hair, is an object of the highest admiration, and the longer and more waving the locks, the greater the admiration. The account the Celt gives of himself is somewhat different from that given by his neighbours, who would paint him a wiry, thin, black-haired, black-eyed man. Tacitus gave a different description; and any man who travels the Highlands of Perthshire, where, perhaps, we have the purest Celtic blood in Scotland, will have ample evidence of the accuracy of the Roman historian. With reference to the admiration of the yellow colour among the Celts, it is interesting to trace how it intermingles itself with the vocabulary of the language; thus, a fine day is a yellow day. The name given to Beltin day, the opening of summer, is, “la buidhe Beallteine,” yellow Beltin day; and anything propitious is called yellow, as, “is buidhe dhuit e,” it is yellow or propitious for you; and a man satisfied after a meal is called “buidheach,” yellow or satisfied.
101 This is the second composition of M’Rory’s given in the Dean’s MS. The present is as purely Irish in its incidents as the former was Scotch, the author having been in all likelihood, as already shown, a Scotchman, but perfectly familiar with the events of Irish history, and equally so with what is called the Irish dialect, although in the day of the Dean it was common to the literature of both countries, with a few variations. It will be seen, for instance, that in several of these pieces the Irish negative ni and the Scottish cha, are used indifferently. This composition has been published at much greater length than here, under the name of Ossian, but from MSS. apparently of no antiquity. This poem is usually called “Cath Ghabhra,” “the battle of Gaura,” or “Bàs Osgair,” “the death of Oscar.”
102 The “red-tree” knights were the knights of Emania, or Ulster. Cæsar mentions the order of equites, or knights, as one of the three great leading classes into which the Gauls were divided; so that the existence of such an order in Ireland, at an early period, is in no way inconsistent with what history relates of ancient Celtic policy. Cairbar was the son of Cormac, son of Art, son of Conn of the hundred battles, Irish kings of the Emanian race. Finn, according to O’ Flaherty, was married to a daughter of Cormac, so that this battle with Cairbar was in reality with his brother-in-law. It seems to have originated in the Feinn, who are said to have been a species of militia, or rather a standing army in Ireland, becoming disposed to stretch their prerogative farther than was agreeable to the monarch, and that the object of Cairbar in this battle was to put them down. It is said that the Feinn were supported by the provincial king of Munster. This is Irish history, and it is remarkable to find these events sung by a Scottish Poet.
103 Muckrey, or “The island of Swine,” is an ancient name for Ireland, derived obviously, not as it might be in modern times, from the abundance of the animal in the country, where it is the sum total of the family possessions in many instances, but from the place which the sow held, as referred to already, in the national mythology. It is obvious from the reference in this line to a difference with the Feinn, that that was no new event in the history of the Irish monarchs.
104 Another name for Ireland. O’Flaherty says there were five names for the island, and quotes a scholiast of the name of Fiach, who lived a thousand years before. The names are Ere, Fodla, Banba, Fail, and Elga. Might we not add to these the much-disputed name of Scotia, which our Irish neighbours claim, yet don’t possess. Surely it is time now to perceive that the only true and satisfactory solution of the question regarding it, is that the name was applied to both countries, latterly under the distinctive appellation of Scotia Major and Scotia Minor, as the countries of the Scots. Surely Scotland was as much a Scotia as Ireland, and Ireland as much as Scotland, in so far as they were both occupied by Scottish inhabitants. This identity of race, language, and at an early period religion, is not sufficiently allowed for in discussing questions involving the several claims of Scotland and Ireland to much of what was common to both. Scotland has suffered more than Ireland from the destruction of her early archives; but is not the life of Columba, so recently given to the world under the able editorship of Dr. Reeves, in reality a Scottish work?
105 “Banva” is another name for Ireland. This is the Gaelic name for a sucking-pig, so that it also is probably mythological. It is in all likelihood the same name with our Scottish Banff.
106 Another name for Caoilte.
107 It may be interesting to many readers to have here a specimen of this poem, as taken down from the oral recitation of a Christina Sutherland, an old woman in the county of Caithness, in the year 1856. It commences thus:
Is trom an nochd mo chumha fein,
Guilgeantach mo rian,
Smuaineachadh a chath chruaidh,
Chuir mise ’us Cairbar claon ruadh,
Am macsa Chormaic O Chuinn,
Is mairg sinn a thàradh fo ’laimh;
Laoch gun ghràin cha do chuir,
Annsa dh’ a laimh iuthaidh, etc.
Translation:—
My mourning is grievous this night,
Weeping is my condition,
As I think of the fierce fight,
Fought with red, squint-eyed Cairbre,
That son of Cormac O Chuinn;
Woe to them fell into his hands,
Hero who knew no coward fear,
Whose hand took delight in the arrow, etc.
The composition is very much the same with that of the Dean, but in many portions contains lines which the latter wants, and in others is comparatively defective. Although frequently superior in force, it is not, upon the whole, so smooth and regular as the Dean’s edition. It will be given at greater length in the Appendix to this volume.
108 Fergus the Bard was one of the sons of Finn, and consequently brother to Ossian. He was, from all we can learn, the chief Poet of the Feinn. Ossian was both warrior and poet; Fergus was chiefly poet. Fergus was probably somewhat like a modern Gaelic Bard, John Macdonell, commonly called Ian Lom, who, on being urged to fight at the battle between Montrose and Argyle at Inverlochy, replied with well-assumed indignation, “Cha-n e sin mo ghnothuch, cathaichibh sibhse ’us innsidh mise,” that is not my business,—fight you and I’ll relate. In one of the odes preserved in the Dean’s MS., Fergus is called “Filidh Feinn Eirinn,” Bard of the Feinn of Erin.
109 This composition is usually called, “Rosg Ghuill,” or the Ode to Gaul. Gaul was chief of one branch of the Feinn, the branch denominated “Clann Moirn,” or the children of Morn, as Finn was chief of the other branch, called “Clann Baoisgne,” or the children of Boisgne. The word “Gall” means a foreigner; “muirn” means a body of men, or beauty, elegance, in either sense giving a marked significance to the name. This poem represents a difference between Gaul and Finn, the cause of which will appear as the poem proceeds. Fergus, as was customary with the Bards, interposes as peacemaker, and represents to his father, whom he manifestly holds to be in the wrong, the danger of a difference with Gaul. The ode is a very remarkable one, having a striking resemblance to Ossian’s eulogy on Finn, as given already in this volume. Both bear decided marks of genuineness and antiquity. The language is peculiar, many of the words being obsolete. Indeed, the phonetic orthography of the Dean, the peculiar handwriting, and the discoloration and bad condition of the MS., with the obsoleteness of many of the words, made it a matter of no little labour to decipher the composition at all. There is an edition of it in Miss Brooks’ “Reliques of Irish Poetry,” from which, however, the present differs considerably in many of the lines, besides having several additional lines, and several deficient in some parts. The peculiar rhythm of the original, with the alliterations and vocalic concords, give it remarkable smoothness and force. The rhythm has, as far as possible, been retained in the translation. But besides the language, the sentiment of the piece is strong evidence of its antiquity. Those features of character are commended which have always been in favour in a rude age. Bodily strength, courage, manliness, and size, are dwelt on with all the warmth of an ardent admiration; while as much of literary cultivation is pointed out and commended, as would show the acquaintance of the hero with the traditions of his race. Gaul is said to have been “eagnaidh a stair,” learned in history. This and the ode to Finn have internal evidence of being compositions belonging to a very remote age.
110 It would appear from this latter part of the poem, that the difference between Finn and Gaul concerned the right to hunt. It would appear that such a cause of controversy is no modern affair, but that game and game-laws had their place among human interests and human contentions from the earliest period of our country’s history. Finn seems to have claimed the right of chase over the whole territory of the Feinn. Gaul resisted and claimed a share for the race of Morn. Hence the contest giving Gaul the appellation of “Fear cogaidh Fhinn,” or resister of Finn. Fergus’s intervention resulted in Gaul’s obtaining from Finn, with good will, one-third of the territory called here “fiodh,” or wooded territory, and one-third of the hounds. There is a curious reference to these hunting rights in one of the poems in praise of the M’Gregors, given in an after-part of this volume, in which it is said that Finn himself dare not hunt without leave.
111 This is another of the compositions of Fergus, the son of Finn, and brother of Ossian. It will be found to be an account of the death of Oscar at the battle of Gaura. One composition on this subject by Allan M’Rory has been given already. M’Rory’s appears to be the more modern of the two, besides being inferior in many respects to this. The account of Oscar’s death given here, is in the way of reply to an inquiry of Finn.
112 Here we have in this very ancient composition reference to the Feinn of Britain, Britain including then as now England, Scotland, and Wales. If the Feinn belonged to Britain as well as Ireland, they could not have been a mere Irish militia.
113 This is the composition of a Poet of whom we know nothing save what we find in this volume. From a poem of his in praise of the M’Gregors, he would appear to have been a Scotchman. The name signifies Malcom, the son of the chief bard or the physician. It is found still in the form of M’Inally. This poem is the Celtic edition of the Persian tale of Zohrab and Rustum. The incidents are so similar, that the two tales must have had a common origin. Whether the Persians received the tale from the Celts, or the Celts from the Persians, or both from some other and older source, it is hard to say. The composition is in Gaelic, usually called, “Bàs Chonlaoich,” or The death of Conlach.
114 Clann Rughraidh, a powerful race, who occupied the province of Ulster at an early period, after having expelled the Clann Deaghaidh, or the Dalcassians, afterwards of Munster.
115 Dunscaich, a stronghold in the Isle of Skye, on the coast of Sleat, of which the ruins still exist.
116 Cuchullin, or the hound of Cullin, was a famous Celtic warrior, whose fame is celebrated both in Scotland and Ireland. The name is a curious one, and is thought by some critics to indicate the existence of Anubis worship, or the worship of the dog, among the ancient Celts. There is a Cullin in Skye, and another in Ireland. From which of these the name was taken it is difficult to say. Certainly the Skye mountain is by far the more magnificent natural object, and Dunscaich is unquestionably in Skye.
117 Dundalgin is said to be the modern Dundalk.
118 Cuchullin’s wife is said to have been unwilling that he should engage Conlach.
119 Cù is a dog or hound. The “red branch” heroes were the knights of Ulster, the most famous of the Irish military orders. Cuchullin is often called “Cù nan con,” or The hound of hounds.
120 The Isle of Skye.
121 The touching incident in this story is the death of the son by the hand of his own father. It is said that Conlach’s mother, in revenge for Cuchullin’s forsaking her, had laid her plans for securing this object, and had sent her son into Ireland under vow never to disclose his name until overcome in battle.
122 The author of this composition is altogether unknown, nor is it easy to decipher even the name accurately. In the original it is distinctly “in keich o cloan.” According to the Dean’s usual orthography, this should be “An caoch O’Cluain,” which means the blind O’ Cloan, or the blind man from the green mound. Some of the readers of the MS. have made it out to be the name of a woman. We have given the form of the name most likely to be accurate. The composition itself is usually called “Bàs Fhraoich,” or the death of Fraoch.
123 “Caiseal chrò,” usually translated bier, is a curious term. “Caiseal” means a castle or stronghold, “crò,” a fold or pen; so that the word really means the stone pen, or fortified pen. Is not this in all likelihood the stone coffin, with which we are so familiar in ancient Celtic sepulture?
124 It is not easy identifying the topography of this poem. It is generally believed in Perthshire that the scene of Fraoch’s death was in Glen Cuaich, a valley lying between those of the Tay and the Almond. We have a Loch Fraoch there, but I have not been able to identify Carn Fraoich, or Carn Laimh. Cruachan is spoken of as lying to the east, which goes rather in favour of the opinion, that the scene of the poem was in Argyleshire, Ben Cruachan being to the east of the locality so designated in that part of the country. I cannot find any lake in Scotland now called Loch Mai, although Loch Fraoch may have been so called.
125 The introduction of the “sigh,” would seem to indicate that a sigh was expected at certain parts of the poem from the reciter.
126 It is needless to point out the analogy between this tale and that of Hercules and the garden of the Hesperides. It will strike any one acquainted with the classical story.
127 The story is simple and intelligible. Mai loved Fraoch, and became jealous of her own daughter, usually called Gealcheann, or Fairhead. She accordingly planned and accomplished Fraoch’s destruction as related.
128 This is the most ancient of all the Ossianic Poets. He was contemporary of Cuchullin, who flourished, according to Irish historians, in the first century. Cuchullin was his foster-son, and upon his being slain, Conall took vengeance upon his enemies by putting them all to death. In this poem he tells Evir, who was either the wife or the betrothed of Cuchullin, the names of those thus put to death, and whose heads he carried on a withe. The name M’Edarscoil is represented now by that of O’Driscol; “Cearnach” means victorious, so that the poet’s name is really, The Victorious Conall O’Driscoll.
129 Cuchullin, or The Hound of Cullin, is often spoken of simply as “An Cu,” or The Hound. In the Gaelic this is either “Cu” or “Con,” according as the word is in the nominative or genitive case. In the English version it is uniformly translated Cu, as it would be impossible to follow intelligibly the variations of the Gaelic grammar in the cases of a proper noun.
130 This poem is usually called “Laoidh nan ceann,” or The Lay of the Heads. It bears many marks of genuineness and antiquity. It is well known in the Highlands, but the Editor has never seen or heard any reference to its authorship, except in the MS. of the Dean.
131 This is a remarkable composition, descriptive of an attempt of Caoilt to deliver his friend and patron Finn from the hands of Cormac M’Art, King of Ireland, against whom the Feinn had been stirring up rebellion. Caoilt, after various strange doings, is told that he can only have Finn’s liberty on condition of bringing to Tara a pair of all the wild animals in Ireland. A portion of the poem has been translated in Ireland, and published in the Dublin University Magazine for March 1854, in connexion with an interesting paper upon the food of the ancient Irish, and the early zoology of their country, by Dr. Wilde. The translation is by that eminent Irish scholar, Mr. E. O’Curry. In that paper the poem is said to be at least a composition of the ninth century. It must be of extreme antiquity, as a reference to the language of it presents an amount of difficulty owing to obsolete words and phrases rarely met with. The Editor had the advantage of submitting his work to the review of Mr. O’Curry. For the topography of the poem, which is altogether Irish, the Editor has to refer the reader to the notes to the paper in the number of the Dublin University Magazine, referred to above, which are very full and very instructive.
132 Art, King of Ireland, was called “Aonfhir,” or The Solitary, from his love of solitude.
133 Cuireach was a famous Leinster prince.
134 Buadhamair, the ancient name of Cahir, in Tipperary.
135 In Gaelic, a farm is called “baile,” a town.
136 The red wind, a magical wind said to blow in Ireland, and to be very destructive.
137 The Fenian poetry to which the Dean has attached the names of the authors, is now all given. We proceed with those whose authors’ names are not attached to them. Many of these are manifestly of the same period with the others, and they may with equal accuracy be attributed to Ossian or others of the Fenian bards.
138 This is a curious episode in Fenian history. Maighineas was the wife of Finn according to Irish writers on Fenian history. The daughter of Deirg was the mother of Ossian, and consequently another of Finn’s wives.
139 Sasunn, “England,” after the Saxon invasion.
140 It is difficult to say what this is. “Crom” was a Celtic deity. Here the word seems to indicate a banner. The word “Crom nan cairge” will be found in the second volume of the publications of the Ossianic Society of Ireland, pp. 53, 58.
141 This is a curious piece. The dog without doubt entered largely into the mythology of the ancient Celts. Some have supposed that it was an object of worship with them. Mr. O’Curry informs the editor that the “Concheannaich or Dogheads were an ancient race who inhabited Magh O’Coin-chinn, now Moygonihy, in Kerry. They were said to be great enemies of Finn. This poem may really describe an attack upon them.” One of the Irish kings was called “Cairbar Cinn Chait,” or Cairbar of the Cat’s-head. The latter portion of the poem, referring to the banners of the Feine, has been preserved in tradition, although the editions of it are various.
142 This seems to have been an imaginary monarch, like many of those in the “Ursgeuls,” or prose tales of the Highlands. At least the Editor has not met with the name elsewhere.
143 Finn’s banner had inscribed upon it, according to this bard, “Dealbh Ghréine,” or The image of the Sun. This word has been corrupted by tradition to “Deo ghréine,” said to be the sunbeam, though upon no authority, “deo” in no case signifying “a beam.”
144 The Editor has not attempted to translate these and several others of the emblems of the Fenian leaders. He has given the words as he found them, except when the meaning was obvious and unquestionable.
145 This heraldic emblem of Caoilte M’Ronan has descended through a long course of ancestors to the modern M’Donalds. It is probably the oldest of the kind in the kingdom.
146 Hospitality was the most esteemed feature in the character of the Celtic chief. That of Finn is sung with untiring admiration by the poets. This virtue, with bravery, generosity, and liberal giving, no doubt to the poets themselves especially, seemed to make up what they looked upon as a perfect character for their leader. These feasts were apparently affairs of great moment, as the like are in our own day.
147 Scoilean was the second favourite hound of Finn.
148 Rath Cruachan, as Irish tradition says, was the chief seat of the Feinn of Connaught, usually called the Sons of Morn. The word “Rath” means a Fort, and Cruachan an elevation more than usually steep. It sometimes stands upon another hill, as in Argyleshire, where we have “Cruachan Beinne,” The hillock upon the mountain, usually called Ben Cruachan. The word “Rath” enters largely into Scottish topography, and assumes different forms in English, as Rath, Roth, Rothie, Rait, Raits, etc.
149 “Yellow” was the favourite colour of the Celts. It seems that St. Patrick adopted it as the clerical colour, very probably as a means of commending himself and his cause to the good-will of the people.
150 Fatha Canan appears in several of these pieces. He appears as Fatha son of Mac Con, and Faycanan. He was son of Lughaidh Mac Con, a King of Ireland, of the race of Ith, who flourished in the middle of the third century. Hence his name Fatha Mac Mhic Con, Fatha son of Mac Con’s son. The Irish say he settled in Scotland, and was progenitor of the Campbells.
151 Grainne was the wife of Finn, and the poet, whether it be Ossian or some other of the Fenian bards, addresses this description of the glory of Finn and his followers to her.
152 The following piece seems to be made up of fragments. Mr. O’Curry, who has obligingly taken the trouble to examine it, suggests that it contains fragments of four different pieces: The Irish bardic account of the name of “Srubh Brain,” or the “Raven’s snout,” at Loch Swilly; the legend of “Cuchullin’s sick-bed;” the death of Conlaoch; and a short but imperfect account of the battle of Cnucha, in which Cumhal was killed. The piece is given as in the MS., and if thus made up, is just as it was written in the beginning of the sixteenth century. The Editor has to state, however, that the leaves which contain it are so discoloured, and the writing so defaced, that he has had the greatest difficulty in deciphering it at all, and for many of the words he cannot be answerable except as guesses. Mr. M’Lachlan of Aberdeen, who transcribed the greater portion of the MS., did not transcribe this piece; and it is given now merely from the desire to withhold nothing in it that may be of value or interest.
153 Evir was the wife of Cuchullin.
154 It is here that Garry’s account of the battle of Cnucha commences. The account, as Mr. O’Curry says, may be imperfect; but the gathering together of such fragments, and comparing them with one another, cannot but be interesting to the student of early Celtic history. There is interest in the variety, irrespective of the question of comparative merit as between the different compositions. This may be a Scotch version of an Irish story.
155 The fragments of Ossianic or Fenian poetry in the miscellany of Dean Macgregor are now exhausted. They afford some idea of the amount of such poetry in the Highlands at the time he lived. We now proceed with those pieces which profess to be of a more recent date. These will be found to consist chiefly of compositions of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The first short composition here given is one by a poet hitherto unknown to modern fame. Duncan the big, from Lennox or Dumbartonshire, might be a man of some note in his day, but time has obliterated all knowledge of him. His composition is of a class well known in his day, and highly popular, being aphoristic. Several compositions, consisting of a series of aphorisms, will be found in the sequel.
156 There are several pieces by this poet in the Dean’s MS., but we know nothing of his history. He was probably an ecclesiastic.
157 The piece is extremely obscure, but the reference to Mac Robert and the Athole Stewarts would seem to indicate that the subjects of the poem were the murderers of King James the First. The infamous persons whom the poet denounces are said to have done evil to the race of kings.
158 This bard has been met with already as an imitator of Ossian. He was in all likelihood an ecclesiastic. Several of the early Lords of the Isles were liberal benefactors to the Church, and it is not unlikely that this liberality called forth the praises of our bard. The word “bochd,” poor, associated in one of the lines of this composition with “brontachd,” bestowing, is often by early Gaelic writers applied to monks and hermits, who lived upon the beneficence of the wealthy, and became finally enriched by their gifts.
159 Mr. O’Curry says regarding this Conull Mac Scanlan, “I don’t know any person in our history whose name would agree with his but Congal Claen, son of Scanlan, Prince of Ulster, who fought the battle of Magh Rath in A.D. 634, in which the Four Masters say he was killed. The old account says he was disabled, and disappeared no one knows where. It would be curious if your elegy could be traced up to this hero.”
160 Of the author of this fragment we have no tradition. All we learn here is that he was a Knoydart man, that mountainous region lying between Loch Hourn and Morar, on the west coast of Inverness-shire, till lately possessed by the Macdonells of Glengarry.
161 In a transcript of a MS. history of the Macdonalds, published in the Transactions of the Iona Club, it is said that Angus Og of Isla, or of the Isles, who fought against his father in the battle of the Bloody Bay, was assassinated by Art O’Carby, an Irish harper, instigated by M’Kenzie, whose daughter had captivated the impressible musician. In the Irish annals this harper is called Diarmad. This lay seems to commemorate the event by commemorating the punishment of the assassin, which was inflicted by drawing him between horses. The lines being composed shortly after the event, which took place about the year 1490, and being taken down by the Dean, are sufficient evidence of the historical accuracy of the statement.
162 Gormlay was the wife of Nial Glundubh, Nial of the Black Knee, who succeeded to the throne of Ireland in 916. He was of the northern O’Neills, hence called “Righ Tuaisgearta,” or King of the North.
163 The famous Cormac M’Cuilenan, the King-bishop of Munster and Cashel, to whom M’Geoghagan says Gormlay was first married.
164 Nial Glundubh was killed in battle by the Danes in 919, having reigned only three years.
165 Nial was son of Aidh Finliath, King of Ireland. O’Flaherty mentions an elegy of Gormlay on her husband, as preserved in the Annals of Donegal.
166 This is another elegy of Gormlay, Queen of Ireland, on her husband, Nial Glundubh. There is something extremely mournful in these compositions of the youthful queen. Mr. O’Curry has kindly furnished the Editor with Irish copies of these two elegiac pieces, which he is about to publish in a second volume of his admirable Lectures.
167 Referring, undoubtedly, to the mode of laying out the dead.
168 The allusion in this fragment is not very clear. Celtic poetry is full of reference to Greece, whence a portion of the race are said to have come; but what this battle with Greeks was, the Editor cannot say. These allusions belong, without doubt, to the period when both Scotland and Ireland were brought into contact with Greek literature.
169 We have here a curious specimen of aphoristic poetry, the idea borrowed probably from the Proverbs of Solomon. These aphorisms throw some light upon the habits and modes of thought of the age in which they were produced.
170 These lines are given as indicative of the state of public feeling at the time with respect to a great social question. The writer of these lines was manifestly no friend to monasteries, and no believer in their purity.
171 We have here another specimen of aphoristic poetry. In the original the lines are in rhyme. The author’s name is not given, though it is probably Phelim M’Dougall.
172 The following is the composition of Gerald Fitzgerald, the fourth Earl of Desmond. He is known in Ireland as Earl Gerald, the poet. There are several of his compositions scattered over the MS.; but as they are mostly of the same character—satires on the female sex—it has been thought that one specimen is sufficient. The Editor thought it desirable to give one of those, with a view to a fair representation of the contents of the MS., although there is not much in the composition itself to render it worthy of being rescued from oblivion.
173 Nothing is known of this poet. The modern M’Intyre, the bard of Glenurchy, has a place second to none among the composers of Gaelic poetry; but it would appear that there was an older poet of the name, and one not unknown to fame. Four hundred years may produce no little change in the place which not a few men of note in our day hold in the temple of fame, and greater stars than the bard M’Intyre may have their lustre dimmed by time. He is another writer of satires on women, a kind of composition wonderfully popular, judging from our MS. at the period. We only give a few specimens of these, but there are several in the miscellany, and some of a character which, in modern days, one wonders the Dean could have admitted to his collection.
174 The only loch of this name with which the Editor is acquainted is Loch Inch, on the Spey, in Badenoch.
175 These satirical lines on the family of Dunolly are given as a specimen of the strain indulged in at times by the bards, to gratify their animosity against hostile clans. It need hardly be added, that the Macdougalls of Lorn were a race as distinguished for the antiquity of their descent, as for the high character of many of the name.
176 This John M’Muirich, or M’Vurrich, was in all likelihood a member of the family who were so long bards to Clanranald, and who derived their name from their great ancestor in the thirteenth century, Muireach Albanach. A list of the names of these bards is given for eight generations by Lachlan, who lived in 1800, in his declaration, as given in the Report of the Highland Society on Ossian, but it does not embrace this John. The piece is chiefly interesting from the historical references at the close.
177 This writer was probably an ecclesiastic, but nothing is known of him.
178 This composition is one of the few of the more recent fragments in this MS. which appear elsewhere. We have a copy of it in the collection of Gaelic poems made by Ronald M’Donald, schoolmaster of Eigg, son of Alexander M’Donald, the famous Skye bard. M’Donald’s edition was most likely taken down from oral recitation, and it is remarkable how little it differs from this of the Dean’s, 250 years before.
179 Alexander was a family name of the Macgregors of Glenstrae. In the obituary contained in this MS. is the following entry:—1526. Obitus Gregorii filii Johannis M’Gregor, alias M’Evine M’Allester de Glenschray. This would indicate the period of Alexander as about the middle of the fifteenth century.
180 This Finlay is the author of several pieces in this miscellany. He is apparently the Finlay M’Nab to whom another composition is attributed, and is called in one place “Am bard maith,” The good poet. He seems to have been the family bard of M’Gregor, the praise of whose horse he here proclaims in most poetic strains.
181 Duseivlin was one of the famous steeds of the Feinn.
182 The beast of Lamacha, “Aidhre an Lamacha,” is entirely unknown to the Editor. The animal is called “Beisd,” a beast, in a subsequent part of the poem. It must have been some animal famous in the country for its ugliness.
183 The girdle of gold would seem to have been the prize conferred upon the victor in a race.
184 The schools of the bards. Many Highland bards at this period were trained in Ireland, of which these poems bear evident marks.
185 In his obituary the Dean enters at 1519, May 24-26, death of John dubh MacGregor of Glenstrae, at Stronmelochane. He was buried in Dysart (Glenurchy), north of the great altar, in a stone coffin, upon the 26th of May 1519, on which day there was a great mourning in Glenurchy. The Elizabeth afterwards mentioned was probably the wife of this chief.
186 “Bealach,” the modern “Taymouth,” was, with the territory around, in possession of the M’Gregors down to about 1490, when it passed by Royal charter into the possession of the Knights of Glenurchy.
187 This poet is generally supposed, by those who have seen the Dean’s MS., to have been Sir Duncan Campbell of Glenurchy, one of the most distinguished of the ancestors of the present noble family of Breadalbane. There are several pieces in the MS. attributed to him. These are remarkable for caustic humour, indulged in in several cases at the expense of the female sex. He almost uniformly receives the title of “An Ridir maith,” The good Knight. The present piece is a strange satirical elegy on a miser.
188 We know nothing of this poet. The name is a rare one, although still existing in the Highlands. He would appear to have been a family bard of the Macdougalls of Dunolly.
189 In the Dean’s chronicle of deaths, contained in this MS., is the following entry in Latin:—1512, Jul. 13. The death of Duncan M’Dougall, who was slain A.D. 1512, who was the son and heir of Alexander M’Dougall of Dunolly; and Duncan was buried in Ardchattan 13th July. “Carrach” means a scald head, from which he seems to have got his name in childhood. The poet refers to his head as now more smooth than his own.
190 In Innes’ Orig. Par. vol. ii. part 1, p. 115, it is said, on the authority of the Acts of Council, that, in 1478, Colin Earl of Ergile was sued by Alane Sorlesone M’Cowle for warrandice of the lands of Lereage and Wouchtrouch, etc. This is probably the Alan referred to by the bard.
191 “Ben Cruachan,” the highest mountain in Lorn, the ancient territory of the clan Dougall.
192 Connal Ferry, the remarkable narrow at the mouth of Loch Etive, where the stream at times becomes a salt-water cascade. The name “Connal,” “Conthuil,” means a roaring stream.
193 We have no written or traditional account of this poet. He was manifestly one of the bards of the clan Dougall. The difficulty of deciphering the Dean’s writing is in this case increased by the peculiar measure of the composition, which is one of those well known to Irish scholars, and where the accentuation is in accordance with the Irish mode. The Editor does not pretend to have deciphered every line with perfect accuracy, but he is pretty well assured of having caught the meaning of the poet throughout.
194 The clan Dougall, as well as the cognate clan Donald, were held by the bards to have descended from “Conn Ceud chatha,” Conn of the hundred battles, King of Ireland.
195 The Macdougalls of Dunolly buried at the old Priory of Ardchattan, on the banks of Loch Etive.
196 Connal Ferry, on Loch Etive.
197 There is considerable obscurity about these lines. It would serve to elucidate the meaning if we knew of any feud between this chief and the clan Neil, or any person of the name of Neil belonging to any other Highland clan. The Editor has not been able to find any information on this subject.
198 The original here is indistinct. The word “noid illeich,” made “an oide Ilich,” may be “nord Illeich,” or “an uird Ilich,” The Isla order, meaning some ecclesiastical order in Isla, by whom he was educated, or it may refer to the weapons of war for which Isla was famous.
199 Alexander was Laird of Dunolly in 1493; Greg. High. p. 83. His son Duncan Carrach was slain young; Dean’s Obit. Greg. Ed. In Innes’ Orig. Par. vol. ii. pt. i. p. 114, we find that, in 1451, Stewart Lord of Lorn granted to John M’Alan of Lorn, called M’Cowle, and to John Keir (“ciar,” dark), his eldest son and heir, etc., twenty-nine marklands of the island of Caruvray, etc. These are probably the two Johns and Alexander of our bard. This holding of the Stewarts may explain the bard’s reference to the rule of the stranger.
200 The word “duanaire,” here used in the original, means “a miscellany of poetical compositions.” The Dean’s MS. is a “duanaire,” but not a “duanaire nan strangair,” for the Dean seems to have been a most industrious compiler. This piece of M’Nab’s is a satire on lazy composers or compilers. It is valuable as showing that the ancient bards wrote their compositions. The number of such books must have been large, although during the course of centuries they seem to have perished with few exceptions.
201 This poetess seems to have been the wife of the last M’Neil of Castle Sween. The name M’Corqudale is common in Kintyre.
202 The word “paidrein,” derived from “Paidir,” The Lord’s Prayer, really means a rosary.
203 Dunanoir was a castle on the island of Cape Clear, on the south-west coast of Ireland. See Miscell. of Celt. Soc. p. 143.
204 The river Boyne. From Dunanoir to the Boyne included all Ireland.
205 Sliabh Ghaidheael, a range of hills in Kintyre.
206 In Innes’ Orig. Par. vol. ii. pt. i. p. 41, we find that Hector M’Torquil Mac Neil was constable of Castle Sween in 1472. In 1481 the office and lands were conferred on Colin Earl of Argyle. Between these two periods M’Neil would appear to have died, leaving no heir in the direct line.
207 Castle Sween is an ancient stronghold at the mouth of Loch Sween in Knapdale, said to take its name from Sween of Argyle, who flourished in the thirteenth century; but the Irish annalists make mention of it at a much earlier period. It was probably a stronghold of the Dalriadic monarchs.
208 This poet was probably a M’Gregor.
209 In the Dean’s Obits, as already quoted, we find that, in 1519, died John Dow M’Patrick M’Gregor of Glenstray, at Stronmelochan. He was apparently the subject of this laudatory ode. He is called grandson of Malcolm. Accordingly, we find among the Dean’s Obits, that Malcolm M’Gregor, son and heir to John M’Gregor of Glenstray, died in 1498.
210 The original is “sliochd an row,” or “an rudha.” It is translated as if the word were “rìghe,” kings; but the Editor is in doubt if this be the word meant.
211 The M’Gregor’s glens were Glenurchay, Glendochart, and Glenlyon.
212 “Brainean,” the word here translated prince, is the ancient Gaelic form of the Welsh “Brenhin,” a king. The word is now obsolete in the Highlands.
213 “Cu ceaird,” The artificer’s dog, is an old name for Cuchullin. It is said in Ireland to have originated in Cuchullin having killed the watch-dog of Cullin, artificer to King Cormac; whereupon he undertook to watch himself, and hence obtained the name of Cullin’s dog, or Cuchullin, also “Cu ceaird.”
214 This is a curious fragment, and is of interest from the references in it to the Highland clans. The writer, who towards the close gives his name as Maoldomhnaich, Servus Domini, was apparently the illegitimate son of some man of note, and was in all likelihood a Maclean.
215 There is, between Tobermory and Aros in Mull, a place marked in the maps Arile. This was probably the residence of our bard.
216 The Editor has not been able to identify the author of this poetical complaint. During the existence of baronies, with their bailies or local judges, the number of barons or baron bailies in the Highlands must have been large. Of this class was most likely our poet.
217 An ancient Celtic hero, from whom the Isle of Man takes its name, as well as the district in Scotland called Slamannan.
218 The Editor has not been able to obtain any account of this person. There is a contraction over the second a in the MS., which makes the reading doubtful.
219 The three sons of Milidh of Spain, from whom the Milesian races are descended, according to Celtic story.
220 The Editor can give no account of these names. The traditions respecting them seem to have perished.
221 The Editor can give no account of these names. The traditions respecting them seem to have perished.
222 A famous Celtic hero, from whom Ben Lomond and Loch Lomond are said to derive their names.
223 There is a portion of the beginning of this ode wanting, and we have no means of knowing who the poet was. A reference to the history of the time, and the names introduced into the poem, however, suggest very emphatically the occasion of it. It is addressed to Archibald, Earl of Argyle, Chancellor of Scotland, who was killed at the battle of Flodden in 1513. The Saxons assailed so virulently by the poet are, in all likelihood, not the Lowland Scotch but the English, and the poem is probably a “Brosnachadh catha,” or incitement to the rising of the Scotch, and particularly the Argyle men, previous to the disastrous battle of Flodden. This invests the fragment with peculiar historical interest. There seems not to be much of the poem wanting, probably only a few lines.
224 Ireland.
225 There was an Innis Aingin, an island in the Shannon, famous as being the place to which St. Ciaran retired to spend the latter part of his life. It is here apparently taken to represent a portion of Ireland. See Mr. O’Curry’s Lect. p. 58.
226 An early race of pirates, said to have infested the Irish coasts. The word is said to be derived from “fo mhuir,” under the sea, and is supposed to indicate their coming from the low sea coasts of Holland or Denmark.
227 Archibald, Earl of Argyle, Chancellor of Scotland, who was killed at Flodden in 1513. He is called Iarla “Oirthir Ghaidheal,” The sea-coast of the Gael, which would seem to be the true etymology of “Argyle.”
228 Colin, second Earl of Argyle, and Chancellor of Scotland, who married Isabella, second daughter of Stewart, Lord of Lorn.
229 Sir Archibald, first Earl of Argyle, called “Gillespuig Ruadh,” Archibald the red.
230 Sir Duncan of Argyle, commonly called “Dunchadh an aigh,” or Duncan of good fortune.
231 Sir Colin of Argyle, called “Cailean iongantach,” wonderful Colin, and also “Cailean maith,” good Colin.
232 Sir Archibald of Argyle, called “Gilleaspuig mòr,” Archibald the great.
233 Sir Colin of Argyle, called “Cailean òg,” young Colin, son of Neil, son of Colin, called “Cailean mòr,” from whom the family take the patronymic of “Mac Chailein mhòir,” The son of great Colin. Cailean mòr was also called “Cailean na Sreang,” from a mountain between Loch Awe and Lorn, where he was killed in a feud with the Macdougalls. (MS. Gen. not. of fam. of Argyle, pen. Ed.)
234 This author is one of the writers of the MS., and a Macgregor. By referring to the genealogy at p. 161 of the MS., we find him designating himself as Dunchadh daoroglach, Mac Dhughaill, Mhic Eoin riabbaich—Duncan the apprentice, son of Dougall, son of John the grizzled.
235 John dow M’Patrick M’Gregor of Glenstrae, who died in 1526.
236 This is manifestly a mistake for Kenneth. The person meant is Kenneth M’Alpin, King of Scotland. In the genealogy given in p. 161 of the MS., this Kennan is said to have been high King of Scotland, to distinguish him from lesser chiefs, whom the Celts called kings.
237 Alpin, King of the Scots, who flourished in the beginning of the ninth century. Several of the links in the Macgregor genealogy must be wanting in this poem. Even the name of Gregor, from whom the clan is called, does not appear at all.
238 Both sides of Loch Tay, the ancient Macgregor territory, are still called “Tuaruith” and “Deasruith,” north and south sides.
239 First king of the Dalriadic Scots.
240 The schools of the bards, which abounded in Scotland and Ireland at this period, chiefly in Ireland, as may be discovered from this collection, for most of the composers were undoubtedly trained there. Poetry and genealogy were the chief branches studied.
241 Arthur, King of the Strathclyde Britons, from whom the Campbells also are said to be descended.
242 “Conn ceud catha,” Conn of the hundred battles, King of Ireland.
243 This name is very indistinct in the MS., and cannot be given with certainty.
244 In 1480, William Macleod of Dunvegan was killed at the battle of the Bloody Bay, and was succeeded by his son Alexander, usually called “Alastair Crotach,” or hump-backed (Greg. High. p. 74). The charters give no information as to John, if a son of this William Macleod. But William’s father was John, whose father was also in all likelihood a William; and this John, whose floreat was early in the fifteenth century, might be the person here meant.
245 The old name for Skye, and throws some doubt on the derivation of the name “Sgiathanach,” usually accepted.
246 We have no tradition respecting this poet. But he must have been a bard of the M’Gregors’. The allusion to the Feinn will be understood by referring to the war-song of Gaul.
247 Elsewhere translated Loch Tummell. “Tolve” is the word in the original. Loch Tullich lies at the head of Glenurchay.
248 This is usually the name of Gaul, but here it is Finn, whose mother’s name was Muirn.
249 Probably the chief bard of the MacGregors.
250 It has been suggested to the Editor that this poet might have been the chief of the Macnabs, the chief of this period being Finlay Macnab of Boquhan; and we know that the Macnabs counted themselves of the same lineage with the Macgregors. There is much in the composition given here, however, to indicate his being an ecclesiastic.
251 We learn from Greg. High. pp. 65, 66, that Allan MacRuari, great-grandson of Ranald, and chief of clan Ranald, was one of the principal supporters of Angus, the young Lord of the Isles, at the battle of the Bloody Bay; and that he also followed Alexander of Lochalsh in his invasion of Ross and Cromarty in 1491, receiving a large share of the booty taken on the occasion. The poet describes him as a sacrilegious marauder.
252 The ecclesiastical establishment at Iona. The Reformers had probably less to do with the destruction of the buildings in Iona than is generally thought.
253 The church of St. Oran in Iona.
254 The Hebrides were known as “Innsegall,” or the islands of the strangers, probably since the rise of the kingdom of the Norsemen there.
255 The church of Kilfinan, at the east end of Loch Lochy, where is still the burying-place of the M’Donells of Glengarry.
256 There is no author’s name given for this spirited eulogy. The author was probably a family bard of the Siol Torcuil, or M’Leods of Lewis.
257 Roderick M’Leod of Lewis was head of the Siol Torcuil, or sons of Torquil, in 1493. (Greg. High. p. 73.)
258 Torquil was second son of Roderick M’Leod of Lewis, the eldest having been killed in the battle of the Bloody Bay. Torquil was forfeited for harbouring Donald dubh, son of Angus Og of Islay. (Greg. High. p. 73.)
259 Probably the chief bard of the Siol Torcuil.
260 “Cairbhe” is a ship. This was probably the name of Torquil’s galley, although spelled “cairge” by the Dean.
261 “Aineach,” a castle of the O’Kanes, within a few miles of Derry. The King of Aineach was chief of the O’Kanes.
262 Catharine, daughter of Colin, 2d Earl of Argyle, who married Torquil Macleod of the Lewis.
263 It has been said in a previous note that nothing is known of this poet. But the present composition would indicate his being one of the celebrated Beatons, physicians and sennachies to the Lords of the Isles. There is a charter of lands in Islay, written in Gaelic by Fergus Beaton in 1411. There were several of the family whose name was Gilliecallum. “Mac an Olaimh” means son of the physician.
264 Margaret Livingstone, daughter of Sir Alexander Livingstone, married to Alexander Lord of the Isles.
265 Angus Og, son of John last Lord of the Isles, who fought the battle of the Bloody Bay against his father.
266 John, son of Alexander Lord of the Isles.
267 Both John and Angus, sons of the last Lord of the Isles, died before their father. He was forfeited, and died in a monastery in Paisley.
268 This word is spelled “Eithnis,” and “Einis,” and “Enis.” It is translated Angus and Innis. But it is difficult to decide which it means; probably “Inis” in Ulster, where the Lords of the Isles had extensive possessions.
269 See above, p. 50.
270 Who this blind poet was the Editor cannot say. He can find no notice of him anywhere, nor of the attack on Castle Sween, which he describes. He was an Irish bard, and composes in the Irish dialect, making use, like the later Irish poets, of language much more difficult to understand than the older composers. The Editor encountered more difficulty in reading this piece, than in reading any other in the Dean’s MS. “Broin” is an ancient word for a troop or band, and “cleath,” “comhlan,” “nòs,” are words for a warrior; but these words are entirely obsolete; so “glantair,” as the comparison of “glan,” is unknown in the modern language. There is a manifest attempt in the composition to use obsolete words; but the Editor trusts the meaning has been correctly rendered.
271 We can find no trace in our history of this attack by the Irish Mac Sweenys on Castle Sween. The event cannot be of a very ancient date, as the Mac Sweenys are not a very ancient tribe in Ulster.
272 One of the Mac Sweens or Mac Sweenys of Slieve Mis in Antrim.
273 This cannot be Kyle Akin in Skye, but is probably the ancient name of the entrance to Loch Sween.
274 Knapdale, on the west coast of Argyle, south of Crinan.
275 Not known to the Editor, but is probably on the Knapdale side of Loch Sween.
276 This lady is elsewhere called “Contissa Ergadien,” the Countess of Argyle. From the name given her here, she would appear to be a daughter of the Earl of Argyle, but she might as countess be styled Ni vic Cailein, or the daughter of Colin. We know that Sir Colin Campbell of Glenurchy, was uncle and tutor to Archibald, first Earl of Argyle, and that having himself married Margaret, eldest daughter of Stuart last Lord of Lorn, he arranged a marriage between his nephew and Isabella, the second daughter, who became Countess of Argyle. She was most likely the authoress of these lines, but we have no key to the piece of domestic history to which they refer.
277 There is a Duncan Og Albanach among the writers of religious poetry in the MS., who was most likely one of the Mac Vurrichs, and the author of these lines. It is hardly necessary to say that the poet refers in this composition to the seven mortal sins of the Roman Catholic Church.
278 Murdoch of Scotland was the first of the great race of Macvurrichs, bards to Macdonald of Clanranald. From all that can be gathered regarding him, he was an ecclesiastic, and, according to the measure of light he possessed, a man of earnest and sincere religion. It was not known, until this volume of Dean M’Gregor’s was searched, that any remains of his compositions existed; but here we find several, all very much of the same character. There is one long poem to the cross, which appears to have been modelled on the early Latin hymns. Murdoch of Scotland, or Muireadhach Albanach, would appear to have lived between A.D. 1180 and 1220. Mr. Standish H. O’Grady, late President of the Ossianic Society of Dublin, kindly sent to the writer some years ago a poem, still preserved in Ireland, containing a dialogue between Muireadhach and “Cathal Cròdhearg,” the red-handed Cathal O’Connor, King of Connaught, on the occasion of their embracing a religious life. Cathal’s “floruit” is known to have been between A.D. 1184 and 1225. As the lines are curious, they are inserted here.
Cathal croibhdhearg agus Muireadhach Albanach maraon iar n-dul anns
na braithribh dhoibh, cecinerunt:—
A Mhuireadhaigh, meil do sgian, go ’m bearram inn do’n Aird-rìgh,
Tabhram go milis ár mòid, ’us ar dhà trillis do ’n Trianaid,
Bearraidh mise do Mhuire, an bhreath so is breath òr-chridhe,
Do Mhuire bearr am bàrr so, a dhuine seang, sùlmhal so.
Anamh leat, a mhaca ghlan, sgian tar do bharr do’d bhearradh,
Fa mhionca rioghain bhinn bhog, a cìreadh a cinn thugad.
Gach ré n’uair do foilethi dhuinn, us do Bhrian ard bhairr chladh-ùir,
’Us do fhoileinn uair eile ri stuaidh fhoiltfhinn Bhoroimhe.
Do ghrinn comh-shnamh ’us Ua Chàis, air linntibh fuara Forghais,
Air teacht air tìr leis o’n linn, do ghrinn ’us Ua Chais coimhshling,
An dha sgian so leath air leath, do rad dhuinn Dunchadh Cairbreach,
Nior b’fhearr dhà sgian de sginibh; bearr gu mìn a Mhuireadhaich.
Meil do chlaidheamh, a Chathail, chosnas am Banbha braonsgathaidh,
Ni chuala gun fhachuin d’fhearg, a Chathail chuanna, chròdheirg,
Dion air fhuachd ’s air ainteas inn, a inghin uasail Ioachaim,
Dean ar coimhead ’s an tìr theith, a ro gheag mhìn, a Mhuire.
A Mhuireadhaich.
TRANSLATION.
Cathal Crodhearg and Murdoch of Scotland, on entering among the brethren, sung:—
Murdoch, whet thy knife, that we may shave our crowns to the Great King,
Let us sweetly give our vow, and the hair of both our heads to the Trinity.
I will shave mine to Mary, this is the doing of a true heart,
To Mary shave thou these locks, well-formed, soft-eyed man.
Seldom hast thou had, handsome man, a knife on thy hair to shave it,
Oftener has a sweet, soft queen, comb’d her hair beside thee.
Whenever it was that we did bathe, with Brian of the well-curled locks,
And once on a time that I did bathe, at the wall of the fair-haired Boroimhe,
I strove in swimming with Ua Chais, on the cold waters of the Fergus.
When he came ashore from the stream, Ua Chais and I strove in a race.
These two knives, one to each, were given us by Duncan Cairbreach,
No knives of knives were better, shave gently then, Murdoch.
Whet your sword, Cathal, which wins the fertile Banva,
Ne’er was thy wrath heard without fighting, brave, red-handed Cathal,
Preserve our shaved heads from cold and from heat, gentle daughter of Joachim,
Preserve us in the land of heat, softest branch, Mary.
Murdoch.
279 In the old form of the verb, in German, the present tense exercised likewise the function of the future.
280 Since this note was written, the writer has learned with great regret of the death of Dr. O’Donovan, and hesitated whether these strictures on some opinions in his able Irish Grammar ought to be retained, but justice to an equally able Scotch grammarian seemed to require them; and he may be allowed this opportunity of expressing his sincere admiration of the great learning and knowledge of that distinguished Irish scholar, and his sense of the loss which Celtic philology has sustained by his lamented death.