III Steele and Scurlock v — 438 Wilks, Cibber, Booth, Castleman, and Woolley, 1725-8
(Page LXVIII.)
In their bill, dated 4th September 1725, the complainants,159 after describing the Indenture Quadrupartite of June 3, 1724,160 the Articles of Agreement of September, 1721,161 the Indenture between Steele and Woolley of June 17, 1723, and the note to Castleman of July 17, 1723,162 said that they well hoped they should have had the benefit of the assignment and letter of attorney to Scurlock for the payment of Steele’s debts and incumbrances, and that Wilks, Cibber, and Booth would have ordered the treasurer of the theatre to have paid and duly accounted with Scurlock weekly, and for all arrears due to Steele at the time of the assignment, as in all justice and equity they ought to have done, the rather because Woolley had been long since paid the £900 due to him, together with all interest thereupon. But Wilks, Cibber, and Booth, confederating together with Castleman, their treasurer, and with Woolley and others, to defraud the complainants of their just right, and to elude the force of the assignment made by Steele for the benefit of his creditors, refused to come to any account with the complainants touching the profits, pretending that the charges they had been put to in finding clothes, scenes, &c., had been so great that they had made little or no clear profit, and yet they at the same time refused to disclose their expenses; and at other times they pretended that Steele by himself or his agents had from time to time received his full share of the profits; whereas the complainants expressly charged that the profits, over and above all expenses, had been very great, and that neither Steele nor any person acting by his order had received any but a very small and inconsiderable part of his share of the profits since the time of his entering into partnership with Wilks, Cibber, and Booth, and that there was now a very great sum owing to him. And at other times the defendants, and especially Woolley, pretended that the £900 secured for Woolley was not yet paid, and that until that was paid the provisions for the other creditors could not and ought not to take place; but the complainants expressly charged that this £900 was and ought long since to have been paid out of the profits of the fourth part belonging to Steele; and Woolley and the others refused to inform Steele how much had been paid to Woolley. And at other times Wilks, Cibber, and Booth pretended that they, on the 24th January 1719[-20], were, together with Steele, suspended by the Lord Chamberlain from further acting, and that from the time of this suspension (whatever licence they afterwards obtained for proceeding therein), they were not answerable to Steele for any part of the profits; whereas Steele expressly charged that the suspension lasted only two days or thereabouts, neither could the Lord Chamberlain or any other person thereby or otherwise except by due course of law deprive him of his share of the profits, wherein he had a just freehold during his life by the Grant and Letters Patent from His Majesty; and therefore Wilks, Cibber and Booth ought to pay and be accountable to him for his just share as if no such suspension had been. And at other times the defendants pretended that by some provision in the aforesaid Articles of Agreement it was provided that neither of the parties thereto should at any time sell, mortgage, part with or incumber his or their share without the consent in writing of the rest of the said parties, and it was pretended that Wilks, Cibber, and Booth never gave such assent to the assignment made by Steele to Scurlock; whereas Steele and Scurlock declared that Wilks, Cibber, and Booth were well aware of the assignment before it was made, and had copies of it delivered to them severally afterwards, and although they did not give their consent in writing, yet they did not oppose or forbid the same; and if they had, yet the same being for the payment of Steele’s creditors, it ought to be supported and made good by the Honourable Court, or at least it could not debar Steele from having an account of his share of the profits. Yet upon these and the like pretences the defendants not only refused to pay Scurlock, on behalf of Steele’s creditors, but likewise refused to come to an account with Steele. Sometimes they pretended that they were entitled to a dividend of £10 a piece each week, or some such considerable sum, out of the profits, in consideration of their extraordinary trouble in the management of the theatre and their playing their several parts, previous to and exclusive of the dividend to be made under the Articles between them and Steele, and they had accordingly ever since the date of the said Articles appropriated these sums, regardless of Steele’s share or interest. And they pretended to be entitled to the whole of the money given by His Majesty or any of the Royal Family when they were graciously pleased to be present at any performances, and they had kept such moneys; whereas the complainants declared that Steele had a right to his share of all profits whatsoever. And the defendants pretended that they had a right to, and had set aside for their own use, £20 a night or some greater sum under the name of several constant charges, contingencies, and bills, and pretended that Steele had no right to share therein; and Steele charged that in favour of Mrs. Oldfield, Mrs. Porter, and Mrs. Booth, three of the actresses at Drury Lane, on their respective benefit nights the defendants had forborne to deduct the necessary expenses of the house out of the profits of the night, as they ought to have done, but had placed the same to the account of the partnership, whereby Steele had been charged a fourth part of those expenses without any profit whatever; and on the benefit nights allowed to under-officers and others of the theatre, they had deducted each night, which they had shared and divided, without admitting Steele to any share. And sometimes the defendants pretended that Steele had no colour to call them to account touching any of these deductions or allowances to themselves, because he had from time to time passed and allowed these accounts without objection, and agreed to the said deductions, &c.; but this he never did; if he had passed accounts without objection, it was through want of knowledge or oversight. And Wilks, Cibber, and Booth had in other ways defrauded Steele; it was therefore prayed that writs of subpœna be issued to compel them, together with Castleman and Woolley, to answer these premises.
The “joint and several answers” of Wilks, Cibber, Booth, and Castleman are dated October 13, 1725. Long before the Letters Patent to Steele, Wilks, Cibber, and Booth had, as they said, a licence to act at Drury Lane, and were acting there at the Queen’s death, and had scenes, &c., there of great value; and a short time after the Queen’s death, they, looking upon Steele as a person who had a great acquaintance, and who was fit and able to promote the interest of the theatre, did, for these reasons, and out of friendship and kindness to Steele, invite him to come into a share and benefit of the theatre, for which he seemed very thankful; and it was agreed he should apply for a new licence, which he obtained, and which was afterwards, by agreement with them, changed for a Patent. The application for the Patent was to be in Steele’s name only, but upon the express trust that Wilks, Cibber, and Booth should have an equal share in it; and when Steele applied, he informed these defendants that he could not obtain a reference to the Attorney and Solicitor-General for having such a Patent without first having their consent, as they shared with him in the licence; and they thereupon gave their written consent to Steele, to whom a Patent was then granted. And some time afterwards Steele agreed to give them £1200 as a consideration for the fourth part of the scenes, clothes, &c., belonging to them, and did pay to each of them £400, as appears from the receipts. Then came the Articles Quadrupartite of September 1721. By acting under the Letters Patent the defendants had received large sums, which had been entered in books and kept by Richard Castleman, their treasurer and cashier. Divers sums had been paid to great numbers of persons weekly and otherwise, as they were entitled to receive the same; and the accounts had been at sundry times stated and settled by the defendants and Steele, and Steele had received his share; on the 18th June 1723, in particular, he gave his receipt as follows: “Received of Richard Castleman £708 8s. 2d., being so much due to me arising from the profits of the Theatre Royal in Drury Lane, I say received in full to this day, Richard Steele.” This was a stated account, and ought not to be ravelled into. From June 18, 1723, to June 25, 1725, divers other considerable sums had been received and paid on account of the theatre; and Steele, or persons lawfully authorised by him, had received his share thereof. On June 25, 1725, Richard Eadnell received of Castleman, by virtue of a letter of attorney executed to him by Steele, £52 10s. 3d., as Eadnell’s receipt showed: “I say received for Sir Richard Steel’s use ballance due for the year 1725, £471 13s. 2d., being a fourth part of the clear profits,” &c.; and these defendants acknowledged that they had each of them received to their own use from the 18th June, 1723, £1 13s. 4d. for every day upon which a play had been acted, exclusive of Steele. This they claimed as a consideration for their acting and the extraordinary charge they were put to in respect thereof, for which they had no allowance in the said accounts; and they said that Steele never made any objection to the same to their knowledge till the filing of this bill. There had been from time to time paid to other actors more than £1 13s. 4d. a day for acting. On the 18th June last the defendants left off acting under the Letters Patent, and so discontinued until the 4th September last, during which interval no profits did or could arise; and since the 4th September they had acted seventeen nights and no more up to the time of putting in this answer, and the clear profits of those seventeen nights could not at present be set forth, because tradesmen’s bills were not sent in; but as soon as they could the defendants were ready to account for the same and to share all just allowances. They denied that they had deducted or claimed £10 a week for management or acting, or any sum other than as above mentioned, nor had they set apart or divided among themselves £20 a night or other sum on pretence of incidental charges, &c., exclusive of Steele, nor had they taken to their own use, exclusive of Steele, any part of such bounty money as His Majesty or any members of the Royal Family had given. And they said that Mrs. Oldfield, Mrs. Porter, and Mr. Mills had plays once in every year acted for their respective benefit, without any sums being deducted for the charge of the house, which was the best agreement the defendants could make with them; no other actors had the like privilege of having benefit plays without deduction for the charges of the house; and these defendants denied that they had had any benefit thereby, exclusive of Steele. And they said that, finding by long experience that the profits grew less towards the end of the spring and until June or July, the time of leaving off acting, £5 for every acting night was and had been kept back in order to make up the charges of the house in case the money received should not be sufficient for that purpose,—which often happened about the latter end of the season; but when they left off acting the said sum of £5 was always brought to account, and what remained after the charges were paid was divided among these defendants and Steele equally. And these defendants said that they had great ground to expect that Steele would not, contrary to his own express agreement with them in writing, have sold, parted with, or encumbered his property in the Patent, clothes, scenes, and profits to any one without the defendants’ consent in writing, especially because that to accommodate Steele and at his particular request (he being indebted to Edward Minshull, Esq., in the sum of £200, by whom the debt was assigned to Mr. Gery, and by him to Mr. Woolley) these defendants consented and agreed with Steele and Woolley that Castleman should pay to Woolley £200 a year out of Steele’s share till the debt, with interest, should be paid. There was now £500 of the debt unpaid, and no interest had been paid. By Articles Quadrupartite, dated 19th September 1721,163 between Steele, Wilks, Cibber, and Booth, reciting the aforesaid Articles, and also that the then Lord Chamberlain did some time since by his order direct that Steele should not be paid his fourth part, Steele did, for himself, his executors, &c., agree that if at any time the King, Lord Chamberlain, or other person authorised by the King should order that Steele be not paid his share, but should direct that Steele’s share should be paid to any other person, that Steele’s share should cease to be paid to him, and he should be debarred from demanding his share during the continuance of such order; and so with any proportion of Steele’s share. Steele had some time since been suspended, but the defendants denied that they ever took advantage thereof. They were strangers to the several demands made by persons named in the complainants’ bill as creditors of Steele, and conceived they were in nowise concerned therein. Castleman denied that he refused to let Steele see the books.
Richard Eadnell, of the Inner Temple, Gent., solicitor to Steele and Scurlock, made oath on the 27th October, that on Wednesday the 20th October he applied to Castleman, treasurer at the old playhouse in Drury Lane, on behalf of the complainants, and told him that he had occasion to look in the books of accounts kept for Steele and the defendants, and that he, the deponent, would wait on Castleman for that purpose when convenient. But Castleman said he could show no books or give any information without an order to do so from the other defendants. And on the 21st Eadnell applied to Wilks, Cibber, and Booth, but they utterly refused to give an order to Castleman, saying that no one should inspect the books or papers save Steele himself. Notice was subsequently given to the defendants’ solicitor that the Court would be asked to make an order that these books could be examined by Steele or his solicitor;164 and the order was duly granted. On the 2nd February 1726 Eadnell made oath that by virtue of this order he had looked over the books, and by them it appeared that Wilks, Cibber, and Booth had each received of Castleman £480 10s. (sic) for clear profits from the beginning of that season till Saturday, 15th January last, and Castleman had received the like sum of £487 10s. for the use of Steele, out of which he had paid £200 to Woolley, as arranged; but Castleman refused to pay Eadnell the remaining £287 10s. without the consent of Wilks, Cibber, and Booth. Eadnell thereupon applied to them, and gave them a copy of a letter of attorney duly executed by Steele and Scurlock, empowering him to receive and give discharges for such money as should become due to them from the theatre; but Wilks, Cibber, and Booth absolutely refused to direct Castleman to pay Eadnell, unless Eadnell would give them discharges for £30 which they received weekly on pretence of acting exclusive of Steele, and which was now in dispute in that Court. Wilks, Cibber, and Booth had received this £10 apiece weekly over and above the £487 10s. since the commencement of the winter season, and still intended to receive the same, as they informed Eadnell, notwithstanding the same was in dispute. And it appeared that over and above the £487 10s. and the £30 weekly, the sum of £30 a week was kept in the hands of the treasurer under the name of contingencies, in case there should be occasion to advance any money at any time on account of any new performances or otherwise.165
The defendants having put in their answer, Steele’s counsel obtained leave, on the 12th February, to amend the complainants’ bill.166 The answer of Wilks, Cibber, and Booth to this amended bill is dated 15th June 1726. The defendants said they never refused to disclose to Steele the expenses incurred for scenes, clothes, &c.; those charges were entered in books which Steele could examine, and which they had reason to believe he had often inspected. In accordance with the order of the Court of the 28th October last, Eadnell had often examined the books, and was never denied the same. They submitted, therefore, whether they need do more than refer to the books as regards the particular sums laid out in clothes, scenes, &c. They never denied that Steele might controvert the accounts, but they apprehended he had no reason to do so, for the allowances they demanded were reasonable, and were for the daily and extraordinary labour and expenses in acting their several parts not otherwise charged for. If they had not taken upon themselves to look after and manage the theatre, they and Steele, instead of being gainers, would have lost by it; and if Steele had been as active on his part in the management as they (which he ought to have been by their Agreement), the same would have been an addition to the clear profits of the theatre, at least one fourth part.
Notes
1 Readers desirous of knowing more about Steele may be referred to Forster’s Essay, first printed in the Quarterly Review for 1855; to Mr. Dobson’s “Richard Steele,” 1886, in the English Worthies series; and to the Life of Richard Steele, 2 vols., 1889, by the present writer. From the last-mentioned work I have occasionally borrowed a phrase or sentence in this Introduction.
2 See Appendix.
3 This is not true. The second edition was corrected and enlarged.
4 See Appendix.
5 Athenæum, Sep. 20, 1884, article by the present writer.
6 Public Record Office, Chancery Decrees, 1709 B. p. 320, “Steele v. Rich.”
7 See a paper by the present writer in the Athenæum for Dec. 27, 1890, and the Life of Steele, ii. 72-3.
8 Tonson paid for the copyright £40, “and other valuable considerations”; and he had to institute proceedings to prevent the play being pirated (Athenæum, Dec. 5, 1891). As early as March 1, 1772, Lintot has agreed to give Tonson £70 for a half share of Steele’s comedy that was to be published.
9
“Hired mourners at a funeral say and do
A little more than they whose grief is true;
’Tis just so here: false flattery displays
More show of sympathy than honest praise.”
Conington.
10 Isabella, second daughter of the Lord of St. Gravemoer, General of the Forces to the States General, and wife of Arnold Joost van Keppel, Earl of Albemarle, and Colonel of the first troop of Horse Guards.
11 William Cavendish, fourth Earl of Devonshire; created in 1694 Marquis of Hartington and Duke of Devonshire. The Duke was a Knight of the Garter, and Lord Steward of the Household. He married Mary, second daughter of the first Duke of Ormond, and he died in 1707.
12 Perhaps the reference is to Charles Montagu, Lord Halifax, who, as Pope says, was “fed with dedications.”
13
“Whether he trains for pleading, or essays
To practice law, or frame some graceful lays.”
(Conington’s Horace, Ep. I. iii. 23-4, adapted to suit Steele’s modification of the original.)
14 Wilks was Campley. In the Tatler (No. 182), Steele says: “To beseech gracefully, to approach respectfully, to pity, to mourn, to love, are the places wherein Wilks may be said to shine with the utmost beauty!” He had “a singular talent in representing the graces of nature” and “the easy frankness of a gentleman.”
15 Contemporary writers loudly complained of the neglect of ordinary plays at this time, owing to the importation of French tumblers and rope-dancers, performing animals, and Italian singers. “The town ran mad,” says Gildon (Comparison between the two Stages), after some of these entertainments. The theatres in Drury Lane and Lincoln’s Inn Fields tried to outdo each other in every new attempt made by either of them. The “Celebrated Virgin,” in a machine, shining in a full zodiac, and “Harlequin and Scaramouch,” with plenty of grimaces and table-jumping, were favourite amusements. The cleverest plays would rarely secure a reasonable audience unless they were accompanied by dances, songs, and clowns. Colley Cibber (Apology, chap. x), says that Rich paid “extraordinary prices to singers, dancers, and other exotic performers, which were as constantly deducted out of the sinking salaries of his actors.” The majority of the people “could more easily apprehend anything they saw, than the daintiest things that could be said to them.” Rich was only prevented bringing an elephant on to the stage by “the jealousy which so formidable a rival had raised in his dancers,” and by the bricklayers assuring him that the safety of the building would be imperilled. The complaint that what pleases is “the skill of carpenter, not player,” is exactly what we hear continually at the present day.
16 An Order of the Lord Chamberlain to the Managers of the Haymarket and Drury Lane Theatres, dated 24 Dec., 1709, directed that all agreements with actors, &c., were to be submitted to the Lord Chamberlain; that all players were to be sworn in; that all new plays, &c., were to be re-licensed by the Master of the Revels; and “that from and after the first day of January next no new Representations be brought upon the Stage which are not Necessary to the better performance of Comedy or Opera, such as ladder-dancing, antic postures, &c., without my leave and approbation first had.” (Lord Chamberlain’s Records, Warrant Book No. 22, end). See Tatler, Nos. 12, 99. The author of a book called The Antient and Modern Stages surveyed (1699), attributed to Dr. James Drake, and written in reply to Collier’s Short View, says (p. 99): “As for the dancing, which he calls bold, it may in one sense be allowed him; for it must be granted that he that ventures his neck to dance upon the top of a ladder is a very bold fellow.”
17 Pother.
18 In a letter written in August, 1710, to her future husband, Mr. E. Wortley Montagu, Lady Mary Pierrepoint says: “People talk of being in love just as widows do of affliction. Mr. Steele has observed in one of his plays, ‘the most passionate among them have always calmness enough to drive a hard bargain with the upholders.’ I never knew a lover that would not willingly secure his interest as well as his mistress; or, if one must be abandoned, had not the prudence (among all his distractions) to consider that a woman was but a woman, and money was a thing of more real merit than the whole sex put together.”
20 In the first edition this speech reads, “Oh that Harriot! To fold these arms about the waist of that beauteous struggling—and at last yielding fair!” In the Spectator (No. 51), Steele condemned the passage as an offence to delicacy and modesty.
21 Tom’s Coffee House, 17, Great Russell Street, Covent Garden, on the north side, over against Button’s. See Guardian, No. 71.
22 Richard Lucas, D.D. (1648-1715), wrote, among other things, The Enquiry after Happiness, and Practical Christianity. The latter, published in 1700, was afterwards referred to in the Guardian, No. 63, and there are quotations from both works in Steele’s Ladies’ Library, 1714.
23 Daniel Purcell composed music for these verses.
24 Henry Lawes, the friend of Milton, and his associate in the production of Comus, died in 1662.
25 Slippers.
26 Gildon suggests that this should be “premises”; but the word was not altered in later editions of the play.
27 It is interesting to compare the ensuing dialogue with similar scenes in Sheridan’s School for Scandal.
28 Budgell refers to this scene in a paper in the Spectator (No. 506), on happiness in the married state.
29 Daniel Purcell composed music for this song.
30 In the Lay Monastery, No. 9 (December 4th, 1713), Blackmore dwelt on the fine touches of humanity in the part of Trusty in this play. He said this passage was too well known on the stage to need transcribing: “This is not only nature, but nature of the most beautiful kind; or, to borrow Plautus’s own remark, by the representation of such plays even good men may be made better.”
31 These lines are in the spirit of, but are not a quotation from Lee’s Rival Queens, or the Death of Alexander the Great.
32 The object of the Act of 1678 (30 Charles II. c. 3), which obliged the dead to be buried in woollen, was to protect homespun goods against foreign linen.
“‘Odious! in woollen! ’twould a saint provoke,’
Were the last words that poor Narcissa spoke;
‘No, let a charming chintz and Brussels lace
Wrap my cold limbs, and shade my lifeless face;
One would not, sure, be frightful when one’s dead—
And—Betty—give this cheek a little red.’”
(Pope, Moral Essays, i. 246-251.)
Pope here alludes, says Carruthers, to Mrs. Oldfield, who acted Narcissa in Cibber’s Love’s Last Shift. She was buried in Westminster Abbey, the corpse being decorated with “a Brussels lace head-dress, a Holland shift, with tucker and double ruffles of the same lace, and a pair of new kid gloves.”—See, too, Tatler, No. 118.
It is evident that by making a certain payment persons of position could evade the Act; in the Overseers’ Rate Books for the Parish of St. Martin’s-in-the-Fields, one or two persons in the year are often mentioned as being buried in linen: Thus in the volume for 1702 (p. 147) I found—
“Received for persons buried in linen, contrary to Act of Parliament:
| For —— | £2 5 0 |
| For the Earl of Macclesfield | £2 10 0.” |
Mr. Austin Dobson has pointed out that if Anne Oldfield really gave the orders alleged by Pope she was only elaborating the words of Steele’s widow, which she must have often heard on the stage, as she acted the part of Lady Sharlot in this play.
33 Genest (Account of the English Stage) suggests that the idea of Lady Sharlot’s escape was taken from Beaumont and Fletcher’s Knight of the Burning Pestle, Act V., Sc. III.
34 Eusden, in a complimentary poem “To the Author of the Tatler,” printed in Nichols’ Collection of Poems, iv. 152-4, thus expressed himself:—
“O Charlotte! who thy character can read,
But soon must languish, sigh, and secret bleed?
* * * * *
To wealth, to power, I every wish resign,
If only that dear Charlotte might be mine.”
35 A favourite word with Steele. In the first scene of the play Sable says: “There’s a what d’ye call, a crisis.” In 1714, Steele wrote a famous pamphlet called The Crisis. “Plebian Britons,” five lines below, reminds us of his four pamphlets, The Plebeian, on the Peerage Bill of 1719.
36 Steele always maintained in his own political career the honest independent attitude here recommended.
37 Daniel Purcell, brother of the great musician, Henry Purcell, was appointed organist of Magdalen College, Oxford, in 1686, and of St. Andrew’s, Holborn, in 1713. He composed the music for an opera by George Powell, and died in 1717.
38 “To have known these things is safety to the young.”
39 James, second Duke of Ormond, was in command of the expedition against Spain in 1702, when there were successes at Cadiz, Vigo, etc.; great booty was taken, and many galleons were sunk. Steele alludes below to this “wealth of the Indies.” On February 4, 1703, the Duke was made Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland.
40 James Butler, first Duke of Ormond. Steele’s uncle and guardian, Henry Gascoigne, was the Duke’s secretary, and had obtained, through his employer, a place upon the foundation of the Charterhouse for Steele. Four years later (1688) the Duke died, and was succeeded by his grandson.
41 On the 13th of January, 1704, one week before the publication of this play, the Queen issued an Order for the regulation of the playhouses, prohibiting them from acting anything contrary to religion and good manners (Salmon’s Chronological Historian).
42 This line is repeated from Steele’s Procession, 1695.
43
Cliton. Qu’a de propre la guerre à montrer votre flamme?
Dorante. O le beau compliment à charmer une dame,
De lui dire d’abord: “J’apporte à vos beautés
Un cœur nouveau-venu des universités;
Si vous avez besoin de lois et de rubriques,
Je sais le Code entier avec les Authentiques,
Le Digeste nouveau, le vieux, l’Infortiat,
Ce qu’en a dit Jason, Balde, Accurse, Alciat!”
Qu’un si riche discours nous rend considerables!
Qu’on amollit par là de cœurs inexorables!
Qu’un homme à paragraphe est un joli galant!
On s’introduit bien mieux à titre de vaillant:
Tout le secret ne gît qu’en un peu de grimace,
A mentir à propos, jurer de bonne grâce,
Étaler force mots qu’elles n’entendent pas;
Faire sonner Lamboy, Jean de Vert, et Galas;
Nommer quelques châteaux de qui les noms barbares,
Plus ils blessent l’oreille, et plus leur semblent rares;
Avoir toujours en bouche angles, lignes, fossés,
Vedette, contrescarpe, et travaux avancés:
Sans ordre et sans raison, n’importe, on les étonne;
On leur fait admirer les baies qu’on leur donne:
Et tel à la faveur d’un semblable débit,
Passe pour homme illustre, et se met en crédit.
Le Menteur, Act I. Scene VI.
44 This dialogue, down to the exit of Latine, is based upon Le Menteur, I. i.
45 The four following speeches are a free translation from Le Menteur, I. ii.
46 From Le Menteur, I. ii.
47 The general idea of the ensuing dialogue, down to the exit of the ladies, is taken from Le Menteur, I. iii.
48 The dialogue thus far closely follows Le Menteur, I. iv.
49 This passage, down to the end of Young Bookwit’s description of the feast—“twelve dishes to a course”—is a literal translation from Le Menteur, I. v. The whole scene appears again in slightly varied form in Foote’s Liar.
50 The rest of the scene with Lovemore and Frederick is from Le Menteur, I. v.
51 The ensuing dialogue is an adaptation from Le Menteur, i, vi., down to Latine’s mention of lying. The rest is Steele’s.
52 Pontack’s was a French eating-house in Abchurch Lane, where the Royal Society held its annual dinners until 1746. Pontack was son of the President of the Parliament of Bordeaux, and gave the name to a famous French claret. Evelyn refers to him in his diary, 13 July, 1683, and 30 Nov., 1694, and Swift, in his Journal, 16 Aug., 1711: “Pontack told us, although his wine was so good, he sold it cheaper than others; he took but seven shillings a flask. Are not these pretty rates?” See, too, the prologue to Love’s Contrivances, 1703, by Mrs. Centlivre:—
“At Locket’s, Brown’s, and at Pontack’s enquire,
What modish kickshaws the nice beaus desire,
What famed ragouts, what new-invented salad,
Has best pretensions to regale the palate.
If we present you with a medley here,
A hodge-podge dish served up in china-ware,
We hope ’twill please, ’cause like your bills of fare.”
Pontack put up a picture of his father’s head as a sign (Burn’s Descriptive Catalogue of the London Traders’ Tavern, and Coffee-House Tokens, 1855, p. 13). From a tract called The Metamorphoses of the Town, dated 1730, we learn that Pontack’s was then the resort of extravagant epicures; in the bill of fare of a “guinea ordinary” are “a ragout of fatted snails,” and “chickens not two hours from the shell.”
53
Geronte. Il vint hier de Poitiers, mais il sent peu l’école;
Et, si l’on pouvait croire un père à sa parole,
Quelque écolier qu’il soit, je dirais qu’aujourd’hui
Peu de nos gens de cour sont mieux taillés que lui.
(Le Menteur, II. ii.)
54 Presents to servants.
55
Clarice. Ah! bon Dieu! si Dorante avait autant d’appas,
Que d’Alcippe aisément il obtiendrait la place!
(Le Menteur, II. ii.)
56
Alcippe. Ah, Clarice! ah, Clarice! inconstante, volage!
(Le Menteur, II. iii.)
The idea of the servant remaining in the room is Steele’s.
57 Most of this scene, down to Lovemore’s exit, is adapted from Le Menteur, II. iii., iv.
58 Want of merit. See the Tatler, No. 69.
59 There is a similar speech in Le Menteur, II. ii.
60 The New Exchange was on the south side of the Strand, partly on the site of the present Adelphi. It was a very favourite place of resort in Charles II.’s time, and the restoration plays are full of allusions to it. There were four walks, two above and two below stairs. Steele refers to the New Exchange again in the Spectator, Nos. 96, 155. It was pulled down in 1737. With the scene here described we may compare Etherege’s She would if she could, III. i.:—
“Mrs. Trinckit. What d’ye buy? what d’ye lack, gentlemen? Gloves, ribbons, and essences; ribbons, gloves, and essences?...
“Courtall. Walk a turn or two above, or fool awhile with pretty Mistress Anvil, and scent your eye-brows and periwig with a little essence of oranges, or jessamine.”
Similarly in Otway’s Atheist: or the Second Part of the Soldier’s Fortune, II. i., Courtine remarks:—
“Methinks, this place looks as if it were made for lovings. The lights on each hand of the walk look stately; and then the rustling of silk petticoats, the din and the clatter of the pretty little parti-coloured parrots, that hop and flutter from one side to t’other, puts every sense upon its proper office, and sets the wheels of nature finely moving.”
61 Green silk stockings seem to have been introduced by Elizabeth, Countess of Chesterfield. On this matter the curious may consult Grammont (Memoirs, 1846, pp. 177-8, 180).
62 The ensuing dialogue between father and son is adapted from one in Le Menteur, II. v. The story is also followed closely by Foote, in the Liar, II. iii.
63 The next four speeches are from Le Menteur, II. vi.
64 In the Duke of Buckingham’s Rehearsal (1671), III. ii.
65 You teach the woods to re-echo the name of the fair Amaryllis (Virgil, Buc. I. v).
66 Richard Leveridge had a deep and powerful bass voice, and he also composed much song music. He died in 1758, aged 88.
67
Lucrèce. Mais parle sous mon nom, c’est à moi de me taire.
(Le Menteur, III. v.)
68 This speech is adapted from one in Le Menteur, III. v.
69 The ensuing dialogue, down to the exit of the ladies, follows generally that in Le Menteur, III. v.
70 The story will be found in Sir Philip Sidney’s Arcadia. The tale of Argalus and Parthenia was put into verse by Francis Quarles.
71 Leveridge composed the music for this song.
72 It is interesting to compare this constable with the Dogberry and Verges of Much Ado about Nothing, especially Act IV. Scene ii.
73 The following dialogue is adapted from Le Menteur, V. i. Cf. Foote’s Liar, II. iv.
74 Steele himself made experiments in alchemy.
75 There is a similar scene in Fielding’s Amelia, Book I., chap. iii., and particulars of the system of garnish may be found in the works of John Howard.
76 This condemnation of duelling is the first of a long series in Steele’s works.
77 The hearer should ponder over more things than he sees.
78 When this dedication was written, Addison had recently (December, 1704) published his successful poem, The Campaign, and was preparing his Remarks on Italy for the press.
79 Wilks was Captain Clerimont.
80 “The next place of resort wherein the servile world are let loose, is at the entrance of Hyde Park, where the gentry are at the Ring” (Spectator, No. 88). This favourite drive and promenade was partly destroyed when the Serpentine was formed. The servants gathered round the gate, while their masters and mistresses stared at or ogled each other in the Ring.
81 White’s Chocolate-house, on the west side of St. James’s Street, was founded about 1698, and the original building was burnt down in 1733. In the first number of the Tatler, Steele announced that “all accounts of gallantry, pleasure, and entertainment, shall be under the article of White’s Chocolate-house.” See, too, Spectator, No. 88, and Hogarth’s Rake’s Progress, Pt. IV. There was much gambling at White’s, and Swift calls it “the common rendezvous of infamous sharpers and noble cullies.”
82 Astræa was a French romance by Honoré d’Urfé, translated for the second time in 1657. Clelia was by Madame de Scudery, who lived until 1701. Cassandra, by Gautier de Costes, Seigneur de la Calprenède, was translated in 1652. These translations were all in folio; and they are all in the list of a lady’s library given by Addison in the Spectator, No. 37, together with Steele’s Christian Hero. Oroondates, in Cassandra, was the only son of a Scythian king.
83 This and another reference to the battle of Blenheim, fought in August, 1704, ought to have been sufficient to prevent writers constantly repeating the statement that the Tender Husband was produced in 1703.
84 “The corant is a melody or air consisting of three crotchets in a bar, but moving by quavers, in the measure of ¾, with two strains or reprises, each beginning with an odd quaver. Of dance tunes it is said to be the most solemn.” “The bouree is supposed to come from Auvergne, in France; it seldom occurs but in compositions of French masters.” (Hawkins’s History of Music, IV. 387-8, 390).
85 Tony Lumpkin, like Humphry, “boggled a little” at marrying his cousin. See She Stoops to Conquer, Act I., Scene II.:—
“Tony. What do you follow me for, cousin Con? I wonder you’re not ashamed to be so very engaging.
“Miss Neville. I hope, cousin, one may speak to one’s own relations, and not be to blame.
“Tony. Ay, but I know what sort of a relation you want to make me, though; but it won’t do. I tell you, cousin Con, it won’t do; so I beg you’ll keep your distance; I want no nearer relationship.”
86 Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, in a letter dated Feb. 26, 1711, to her future husband, proposing that their engagement should cease, says that she had foolishly despised women who looked for their happiness in trifles, and thought, as Dryden puts it, that true happiness was to be found in privacy and love. “These notions had corrupted my judgment as much as that of Mrs. Biddy Tipkin’s.”
87 Urganda was an enchantress in the Amadis and Palmeria romances.
88 Musidorus, in Sir P. Sidney’s Arcadia, is the Prince of Thessaly, and in love with Pamela.
89 Parthenissa was the heroine of at romance of that name by Roger Boyle, Earl of Orrery, the first two parts of which appeared in 1651.
90 Statira, in Cassandra, was the widow of Alexander the Great, and the daughter of Darius. She married Oroondates after many difficulties had been overcome.
91 Garraway’s coffee house, in Change Alley. Thomas Garraway, tobacconist and coffee-man, was the first to retail tea, which he recommended for the cure of all disorders. See Tatler, No. 147; Spectator, Nos. 403, 457. Garraway’s was the resort of merchants.
92 Prior has several poems on this subject:—
“From her own native France, as old Alison passed,
She reproached English Nell with neglect or with malice,
That the slattern had left in the hurry and haste
Her lady’s complexion and eyebrows at Calais.”
And, again,
“Helen was just slipped into bed,
Her eyebrows on the toilette lay,
Away the kitten with them fled,
As fees belonging to her prey.
For this misfortune careless Jane,
Assure yourself, was loudly rated,
And madam getting up again,
With her own hand the mouse-trap baited.
On little things as sages write,
Depends our human joy or sorrow;
If we don’t catch a mouse to-night,
Alas! no eyebrows for to-morrow.”
And on another occasion, when her eyebrow box was lost, Helen says:
“I can behold no mortal now,
For what’s an eye without a brow?”
93 A coupee is a motion in dancing, when one leg is a little bent, and raised from the ground, while a forward motion is made with the the other leg.
94 Valentine and Orson, the two twin sons of Alexander, Emperor of Constantinople, in the old romance, were born in a wood.
95 Cf. Molière’s Le Sicilien, scene xiii.:—“Si votre pinceau flatte autant que votre langue, vous allez me faire un portrait qui ne me resemblera point.”
96 See the Vicar of Wakefield, Chap. XVI.:—“As for our neighbour’s family, there were seven of them, and they were drawn with seven oranges, a thing quite out of taste, no variety in life, no composition in the world.” The vicar’s wife was painted as Venus, with two Cupids; the vicar, in gown and band, presenting her with his books on the Whistonian controversy. Olivia was an amazon, Sophia a shepherdess, “with as many sheep as the painter could put in for nothing.”
97 Compare Le Sicilien, scene xiii.:—“Adraste. Levez-vous un peu, s’il vous plaît. Un peu plus de la côté-là. Le corps tourné ainsi. La tête un peu levée, afin que la beauté du cou paraisse. Ceci un peu plus découvert. (Il découvre un peu plus sa gorge). Bon. Là, un peu davantage; encore tant soit peu.... Vos yeux toujours tournés vers moi, je vous en prie; vos regards attachés aux miens.”
98 This song was set to music by Daniel Purcell.
99 Cf. Molière’s Précieuses Ridicules, in which Mademoiselle Magdalen says, “Si d’abord Cyrus épousait Mandane, et qu’Aronce de plain-pied fût marié à Clélie!”
100 Similarly, Beau Tibbs hated “immense loads of meat”—“extreme disgusting to those who are in the least acquainted with high life.”
101 “At the Theatre Royal to-morrow, being the 18th October, will be revived a Comedy called the Spanish Friar; or the Double Discovery. The part of the Friar to be performed by Mr. Estcourt; being the first time of his appearance on the English stage. Beginning exactly at half-an-hour after five o’clock” (Daily Courant, Oct. 17, 1704). Richard Estcourt was an excellent companion, and a favourite of Steele’s, who praised him several times in the Spectator, and wrote an excellent and touching paper (No. 468) on his death in 1712, in the course of which he says: “When a man of his wit and smartness could put on an... air of insipid cunning and vivacity in the character of Pounce in the Tender Husband, it is folly to dispute his capacity and success, as he was an actor.”
102 On March 8, 1705 (Daily Courant), there was acted at Drury Lane “a new opera (all sung after the Italian manner) called, Arsinoe, Queen of Cyprus. As it was performed before Her Majesty at St. James’s on her birthday.”
103 The kind of narrative which is presented on the stage ought to be marked by gaiety of dialogue, diversity of character, seriousness, tenderness, hope, fear, suspicion, desire, pity, variety of events, changes of fortune, unexpected disaster, sudden joy, and a happy ending.
104 The original MS. of this Preface is among the papers at Blenheim, where there are also some rough notes for a Preface, e. g., “The fourth act was the business of the play. The case of duelling. I have fought, nor shall I ever fight again.... Addison told me I had a faculty of drawing tears.... Be that as it will, I shall endeavour to do what I cm to promote noble things, which I will do as well as I can.”
105 “The stupid and diabolical custom of duelling” (MS. erased).
106 The Hon. Brigadier-General Charles Churchill, who lived with Mrs. Oldfield after Maynwaring’s death (Egerton’s Memoirs of Mrs. Anne Oldfield, 1731, pp. 67, 121).
107 “To enquire what should not which does please.” (MS.)
108 Carbonelli, a violinist, who had then not long been in England, had a benefit in 1722 at Drury Lane Theatre. He published twelve solos, dedicated to the Duke of Rutland. Afterwards he became a wine-merchant.
109 “Played admirably well.” (MS.)
110 “Some great critics.” (MS.)
111 Wags in the newspapers of the day pointed out that these words might be read as meaning that Steele was surprised at finding to be true anything that Cibber said.
112 “The imitation of Pamphilus.” (MS.)
113 “By him.” (MS.)
114 Leonard Welsted, a protégé of Steele’s, wrote also the Epilogue. He was a clerk in the office of one of the Secretaries of State, and wrote a play and various poems, some of which were addressed to Steele. Pope gave him a place in the Dunciad, and Swift attacked him in his On Poetry: a Rhapsody.
115 Pinkethman.
116 The reference is to Bartholomew Fair, which was held in Smithfield.
117 Here and throughout this dialogue Steele closely follows the conversation of Simo and Sosia in Terence’s Andria, Act I. scene i.
118 This and the two following speeches by Sir John Bevil are borrowed from Terence.
119 In the old Royal Palace at Westminster, the House of Lords was formed out of the ancient Court of Requests, and the old Painted Chamber separated the Lords from the Commons. Steele has described (Spectator, No. 88) how servants, waiting for their masters at an alehouse at Westminster, debated upon public affairs, addressing each other by their employers’ names.
120 At the ridotto there was music, followed by dancing, the company passing, when the music was over, from the pit to the stage. Burney says that this Italian entertainment was first introduced into England in 1722, the year in which Steele produced The Conscious Lovers.
121 Belsize House was the forerunner of Ranelagh and Vauxhall. There were gardens, in which refreshments could be obtained, and hunting, races, &c., were provided to amuse the visitors, for whose protection twelve stout men, well armed, patrolled the road to London. A poetical satire, Belsize House, appeared in 1722, the year of this play. In the same year unlawful gaming at Belsize was forbidden (Park’s Hampstead, 246-9).
122 Among the Blenheim papers is a fragment, in Steele’s writing, of a dialogue between two servants, Parmeno and Pythias—names taken, no doubt, from Terence’s Eunuchus. The pair discuss the charm of the soft moments of servants in love, free from their usual restraints. Why should any man usurp more than his share of the atmosphere? The whole art of a serving-man is “to be here and there, and everywhere, unheard and unseen till you are wanted, and never absent when you are. This gives our masters and mistresses the free room and scope to do and act as they please—they are to make all the bustle, all the show—we are like convenient demons or apparitions about ’em, never to take up space or fill the air nor be heard of or seen but when commanded.” Pythias remarks how much she learns from Parmeno’s conversation, and produces a little collation from the last night’s supper which she has prepared for him. Parmeno eats the eggs, gorges, sings a song, and says kind things between whiles to Pythias.
123 Leer, throw glances.
124 See page 307.
125 In the Vision of Mirza (Spectator, No. 159), Addison pictured the Happy Islands which were the abode of good men after death. “Does life appear miserable, that gives thee opportunities of earning such a reward?”
126 In Terence, Glycerium comes to Athens with Chrysis, a courtezan, her supposed sister, and Pamphilus makes her acquaintance at Chrysis’s house.
127 This character has no prototype in Terence’s Andria.
128 These two operas, by G. B. Bononcini, were produced in 1722, with words by Rolli. In Griselda, Anastasia Robinson took the part of the heroine, and it is said that she thus completed her conquest of the Earl of Peterborough, who married her many years later.
129 See page 270.
130 There is nothing in Terence’s Andria to correspond to the incidents in this act; and throughout the remainder of the play there is no resemblance except the general idea of the story.
131 Steele had already described this scene in the Guardian for June 20, 1713:—“I happened the other day to pass by a gentleman’s house, and saw the most flippant scene of low love that I have ever observed. The maid was rubbing the windows within side of the house, and her humble servant the footman, was so happy a man as to be employed in cleaning the same glass on the side towards the street. The wench began with the greatest severity of aspect imaginable, and breathing on the glass, followed it with a dry cloth; her opposite observed her, and fetching a deep sigh, as if it were his last, with a very disconsolate air did the same on his side of the window. He still worked on and languished, until at last his fair one smiled, but covered herself, and spreading the napkin in her hand, concealed herself from her admirer, while he took pains, as it were, to work through all that intercepted their meeting. This pretty contest held for four or five large panes of glass, until at last the waggery was turned into an humorous way of breathing in each other’s faces, and catching the impression. The gay creatures were thus loving and pleasing their imaginations with their nearness and distance, until the windows were so transparent that the beauty of the female made the man-servant impatient of beholding it, and the whole house besides being abroad, he ran in, and they romped out of my sight.”
132 Steele’s monetary troubles made him personally familiar about the time he wrote this play with indentures tripartite, quadrupartite, and otherwise (See Life of Steele, 1889, II., 291, 299, &c.).
133 This scene is, of course, entirely original.
134 Patron of cock-fighting.
135 An adaptation, by Thomas Betterton, of Beaumont and Fletcher’s Prophetess.
136 A comedy, by Shadwell, in which Fribble, a haberdasher, is one of the characters.
137 Pope tells the story of these lovers in a letter to Lady M. W. Montagu. He wrote two poetical epitaphs, one of which, with slight modifications, is given by Steele, and afterwards this prose inscription, which Lord Harcourt thought would be better understood by the common people.
138 A copy of the speech from Pope’s edition of Shakespeare, was sent to Steele by William Plaxton, on July 22, 1725; and in the margin Steele wrote: “Mr. Gwillim speaks this speech in the Welsh tone, looking at the gentlemen suspiciously, not speaking improperly, but as he is a Welshman” (Add. MS. 5145c f. 170).
139 Statira, wife of Alexander, is murdered by Roxana, the Bactrian, in Lee’s tragedy, The Rival Queens.
140 These well-known lines are by Lord Rochester.
141 The only dramatic piece called The Patriot that was in print in Steele’s time was Gildon’s tragedy (1703); and no such lines as those given here are to be found in it.
142 The MS. has “off.”
143 The documents printed in this Appendix are taken from my Life of Steele, 1889, in order to illustrate, more fully than was possible in the Introduction, Steele’s relations with the theatre at different periods.
144 Chancery Proceedings (Pub. Rec. Office), B. and A. Hamilton, iv., before 1714, No. 642.
145 There is a curious mistake in the date of the Tender Husband throughout Steele’s Bill. As we have seen, it was first produced in April, 1705. There are several allusions in the play to the battle of Blenheim, which was not fought until August, 1704.
146 In Easter term, 1707, the Queen sent her writ to the Sheriff of Middlesex in these words: Whereas Christopher Rich, Esq., in our Court at Westminster by our writ and by judgment of the said Court recovered against Richard Steele, gentleman, alias Richard Steele of the parish of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, gentleman, £144 of debt, also 53s. for his damages, whereof Richard is convicted as is manifest to us by the Records: Now on the part of the said Christopher we understand that in spite of the judgment aforesaid the debt and damages still remain unpaid, wherefore Christopher prays us to give him a suitable remedy. We willing to do what is just in the matter command you by honest men of your bailiwick to cause Richard to know that he is to come before us at Westminster on Wednesday next after the Quindene of Easter to show if he knows or can say anything in bar of execution why Christopher may not have execution of his debt and damages, according to the force, form, and effect of recovery, if he shall think proper, and further to do and receive what the Court shall consider to be just in the matter.—On the 12th February, 5 Anne (1706-7), at Westminster, Christopher came, and the Sheriff acknowledged that Richard has nothing in his bailiwick by which he could cause him to know, &c. [i.e., he had no property to which he could affix the notice]. Richard did not come; therefore it was commanded to the Sheriff to make known to him that he was to be before the Queen at Westminster on Wednesday next after the month of Easter, to show if, &c., and further, &c. The same day was given to Christopher, whereupon he came, and the Sheriff again acknowledged that Richard had nothing, &c., but Richard did not come. It was therefore considered that Christopher might have execution against him of debts and damages, according to the form and effect of the recovery aforesaid (Queen’s Bench Judgment Roll, Easter 6 Anne, 375). I have not found the original judgment here referred to.
147 Baggs commenced an action for debt against Steele in the Court of Queen’s Bench in Michaelmas term, 1707, claiming damages of £15.
148 1703, N.S.
149 The Examiner for October 12, 1713, evidently written by some one well acquainted with Steele’s affairs, said, “I and the Upholsterer retired to the bench and parade in the Park, not doubting but your Author would finish his rough draught of the Election at Goatham, according to agreement with Mr. Rich.”
150 1703, N. S.
151 1703, N.S.
152 1703, N.S.
153 There is some mistake in this date. On November 20, 1705, the Bassett Table was acted for the first time.
154 “Never acted there before. At the desire of severall Ladies of Quality. By her Majesty’s Company of Comedians. At the Queen’s Theatre in the Haymarket, this present Saturday being the 7th of December [1706] will be presented a Comedy, called The Tender Husband or the Accomplished Fools.” The Play was repeated at the Haymarket Theatre on Monday, Dec. 9th, and on Feb. 25th 1707, “for the benefit of Mrs. Oldfield” (Daily Courant passim).
155 Chancery Proceedings, Zincke, 1714-58, No. 1424.
156 Robert Aston brought an action against Steele for debt in Michaelmas term, 1716.
157 The following memorandum, in Steele’s writing, is among the Blenheim MSS.: “Whereas Sr R: S: has made a Sale of His income and interest in a Patent of the”... (some words illegible) “an absolute sale in Words yet it was never intended nor should be ever insisted upon as a sale in fact, but that when the money lent by Mr Minshull should be repaid to Him, the Instruments of Sale and all other deeds or securities should be rescinded and made void and ineffectual in what proper manner Sr Richard Steele should require either before or after the time limited in the said instruments.”
158 Reason was landlord of the house in York Buildings where Steele had his Censorium, and he brought an action for debt against Steele in 1718.
159 Chancery Proceedings, Sewell, 1714-58, No. 300.
160 Page lxvii.
161 Page lvii.
162 On the 17th June, 1723, an indenture was mode between Steele and Woolley, reciting that there then remained due to Woolley £900, the residue of a greater sum for which one-fifth part of the profits of the theatre was mortgaged by Steele to Minshull, by whom it was assigned to Charles Gery, and by him to Woolley (page 430). This original mortgaged deed for £1200 Woolley delivered to Steele, upon payment of £300 on delivery, and the assignment to Woolley, his executors, &c., of the fifth part of the stock, for the better security of the payment of the remaining £900; and on the 17th July Steele signed a note upon Richard Castleman and every other treasurer of the Company of Comedians at Drury Lane, requiring each of them yearly on the 23rd January to pay to Woolley or his order £200 out of the profits coming due to Steele, until the £900 with interest at five per cent., should be fully paid.
163 Page lvii.
164 Chancery Affidavits (Registers), Mich. 1725, Nos. 101, 102.
165 Chancery Affidavits (Registers), Hilary 1725[-6], No. 204.
166 Chancery Decrees, 1725B, 203.
167 Chancery Proceedings, Reynardson, 1714-58, No. 2416; Chancery Decrees, 1727B, 224.
168 Chancery Decrees, 1725B, 425; 1726B, 464, 2, 115.
169 Chancery Proceedings, Sewell, A., 1714-58, No. 66.
170 Chancery Decrees, 1726B, 105; Chancery Proceedings, Reynardson, 1714-58, No. 2416.
171 Chancery Decrees, 1726B, 461; 1727B, 8, 133.
172 Chancery Decrees, 1727B, 224; St. James’s Evening Post, February 17-20, 1728; The Weekly Journal (Read’s), and The Country Journal; or, The Craftsman, February 24, 1728. Cibber, with his usual inaccuracy, speaks of the case coming to a hearing in 1726, though, as Genest remarks, he mentions a theatrical coronation which, of course, was prompted by the coronation of George II. in 1727.
173 Masters’ Reports, Easter, 1728; Steele, &c., v. Wilks, &c.
174 Chancery Decrees, 1727B, 425.
The End