Chapter VI
1812 —
Introduction
During the last three months of the year 1811, Wellington had been secretly preparing for the siege of Ciudad Rodrigo. Almeida was put into a state of defence, and artillery and siege material and stores of all kinds accumulated in that fortress. Meanwhile General Hill to the south by his movements seemed to threaten Badajos, and kept the enemy in expectation of a third attack in that quarter.
On the 1st of January 1812, Wellington, with 35,000 men, moved suddenly upon Ciudad Rodrigo, which was held by the French with a garrison of nearly 2000 men. On the 8th the redoubt on the great Teson was taken by the 52nd Regiment, and on the 19th, two practicable breaches having been made, the assault was ordered, and the town taken by storm—not, however, without loss of men and Officers, among whom fell Robert Crawfurd, the famous leader of the Light Division.
After securing Ciudad Rodrigo, Wellington lost no time in preparing for the attack on Badajos, which he was determined to take at all cost. A glance at the map shows how with Ciudad Rodrigo and Badajos in the hands of the French, Portugal could not be in any way secure. Before any step could be taken to threaten Madrid, or the northern line of French communications, it was absolutely necessary that both these fortresses should be in the hands of the Allies.
Marshal Beresford, who was now in much better health, reached Elvas on the 6th of March. Within ten days of that date, he had crossed the Guadiana with 15,000 men, and, covered to the east and south-east by the forces under General Hill and General Graham respectively, invested Badajos.
The events of the siege, and the taking of Badajos, are described in the letters, which also are not silent concerning the horrors that followed the assault and capture of the town.
After this success, for which a terrible price had been paid in the loss of nearly 5000 Officers and men killed and wounded, no rest was allowed or indeed possible for the Allies. To the south was Soult with nearly 25,000 men, whose advance, however, upon hearing of the fall of Badajos, was checked, and his attention diverted from the allied army, by the movements of Spanish forces in Andalusia and the necessity of saving Seville. To the east was King Joseph with 20,000 men protecting Madrid, from whom, however, there was not for the moment much to fear. But to the north was Marmont with nearly 70,000 men threatening Ciudad Rodrigo. As usual, the movements of the French armies were hampered by the impossibility of finding subsistence in regions already desolated and exhausted by warfare; while combination between them became increasingly difficult, owing to the jealousies and dissensions which reigned among their chiefs. The Emperor himself was now far away, and fully occupied with his designs upon Russia.
Upon hearing that Marmont was moving westwards, Wellington hastened from Badajos by forced marches to the north, securing his right flank by the destruction of the bridge over the Tagus at Almaraz, which was effected by General Hill on the 18th of May.
It was now the turn of the Allies to take the offensive in the field, and Wellington determined to attack the so-called army of Portugal under Marmont, whose forces, however, were at the time greater than he supposed.
Accordingly, on the 13th of June, the allied army entered Castile, with Salamanca as its objective.
Marshal Marmont, who was expecting reinforcements, retired before the Allies, and on the 16th of June evacuated Salamanca, leaving, however, some forts, the guns of which commanded the bridge over the Tormes, garrisoned by about 800 men. As the letters show, the strength of these forts was much underrated by the Allies, and they were a cause of considerable annoyance. Their reduction was not effected till the 27th of June.
After this Marmont retired behind the Douro, across which he desired to draw Wellington. The manœuvres which followed are difficult to describe, or indeed to understand. The armies marched and countermarched, till at last by a skilful manœuvre Marmont was able to throw his force across the Tormes and to threaten Wellington’s line of retreat upon Ciudad Rodrigo. This attempt culminated on the afternoon of 22nd July in the battle of Salamanca. At the moment when Marmont pushed forward his left under Thomières to gain the high ground, which would enable him to command the road leading to the south-west through Miranda, Wellington, detecting his mistake, launched his attack on the French army. The battle, which is graphically described in the letters, resulted in the total defeat of the French, with the loss of guns and Eagles, and Colours, and many Generals. Marmont himself was badly wounded, and lost 6000 men killed and wounded, besides 7000 prisoners.
Nor was the loss of the Allies other than severe. General le Marchant was killed, and five Generals, including Beresford, wounded, while the death-roll included 41 Officers and 658 men, and the other casualties amounted to 253 Officers and 4273 men wounded or missing.
When his Marshal was wounded, his A.D.C. remained and carried him off the field, and with some difficulty conveyed him to Salamanca, where he nursed him through his illness, and accompanied him when convalescent to Lisbon.
With the battle of Salamanca the letters come to a conclusion. Major Warre returned to England, and, having received a Staff appointment at the Cape, proceeded thither in 1813.
Letters
My Dear Father,
We are at length clear of Lisbon, and thus far on our journey to the Army. We were to have gone to Abrantes, but the heavy rain has prevented us, and we must therefore make the best of our very indifferent quarters, which are perhaps better than we shall often have, and at least the Marshal has a fire in his room. He is much better, and, so long as he is comfortable, we cannot mind how we A.D.C.’s are off. We are pretty well used to rough it, and must expect hereafter seldom to meet with even such quarters as these. I am very well in health.
Dearest Mother,
... We arrived here the day before yesterday after a tolerably pleasant journey, though we had a good deal of rain the first days. Latterly the weather though very cold has been very fine. And, as we came by the route by which the enemy retreated last year, and the Marshal was very communicative and pointed everything out to us, it was extremely interesting. But it was impossible to pass through a country so completely devastated without feelings of horror and pity for suffering humanity. Nothing can exceed the wanton cruelty and barbarity of those wretches. We passed many formerly fine towns nearly entirely burnt or destroyed, and scarcely saw a house or village but shewed evident proofs of their barbarous wanton cruelty and destruction. It is quite impossible to give people in England an adequate idea of the sufferings of these unhappy people. We even at this period saw many people and children absolutely starving and living upon nettles and herbs they gathered in the fields.
We leave this the day, and are to go by the route the French turned our position at Busaco, before, last year, which with the Marshal will be highly interesting. The siege of Ciudad Rodrigo is determined upon and will begin about this time. It will be a very instructive lesson to us, and will, I hope, be managed better than that of Badajos. We want experience in these matters, and I am very glad we shall have something to do. If we can succeed in making the French assemble their army at this season and distressed as they are for provisions and transport, we shall gain a great point, as we shall draw them off from the Asturias, Aragon, the neighbourhood of Madrid, and Estremadura, which will be a great diversion in favour of the Spaniards, and as the loss to the enemy must be very great, even if we are obliged to retreat, and to raise the siege, we shall have gained a great deal, and if they let us take the place, which I do not expect, the advantage is evident, as it secures that frontier and gives us an entrance into Castile. According as they collect a greater or less number we shall fight them, I suppose, or not, and in my humble opinion the whole of this movement is highly judicious, as well as Hill’s advance into Estremadura, which will draw off, I trust, Soult’s attention from Ballasteros.
We are all quite well, and I think the journey has done the Marshal good, as he is in high spirits. The fine weather seems likely to continue, and that we shall join the army without any more wettings, which, though they have done us no harm, are not pleasant, as the weather is very cold....
Wm. W.
My Dearest Father,
I have only just time to tell you that Ciudad Rodrigo is ours. It was taken by storm yesterday evening at 7 o clock. The Batteries had been firing away from 30 24-pounders since the morning of the 14th, and before yesterday evening two breaches, one a very extensive one, and a lesser, were deemed practicable, and the 3rd (Picton’s) and the Light Divn. (Crawfurd’s) were ordered to storm, supported by an attack on the opposite side of the town from Pack’s Portuguese Brigade, who were to escalade the wall and take the enemy in the rear. They were quite prepared, but nothing could resist the ardour and impetuosity of our Troops, and in 20 minutes after the storm began they were in full possession of the town, and in less than ¼ of an hour Lord Wn. and the Marshal were in it in perfect safety from the enemy’s resistance. Indeed no part of their Staff were much exposed during the whole time, and we are all safe and perfectly well. The Regts. employed were the 52nd, 45th, 74th, 88th, 43rd, 95th, and some more British, which I cannot now recollect, the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, Caçadores, and 16th and 1st Portuguese Infantry.
Our loss in men has been less than we could possibly have expected, had the garrison made a more vigorous resistance, but the proportion of Officers has been very great. Poor Genl. M’Minnon was killed by the blowing up of a magazine, which killed a great many of our men, and young Beresford of the 88th, the Marshal’s nephew, is wounded by it, but not dangerously. General Crawfurd is wounded, I fear, very badly. General Vandeleur not dangerously, Col. Colborne (52nd) severely, and poor George Napier (52nd), who commanded their storming party, and has been wounded in every action, has lost an arm, but is doing very well. Pray send word to Mrs Gibbs that Gibbs is quite well. Dobbs, poor fellow, is killed. Ewart, young Dawson, and Royds are quite well. Pray send word to their friends. I am so much hurried and fagged I can hardly write, but I do not wish Major Gordon to go without writing a few lines. I remained in Ciudad Rodrigo last night, and it would have been impossible even for me to form an idea of the horrors and misery of a town taken by storm. It was on fire in several places. It was quite impossible to prevent its being plundered. It was quite dreadful, and the scene which presented itself this morning on the breaches, and the streets, beyond my pen to describe. Another magazine blew up to-day and destroyed about 50 of the prisoners and a few of our men.
It is quite out of my power to do justice to the heroism and gallantry of our troops both British and Portuguese. It is not easy to express my admiration. They seemed to surpass their wonted bravery and intrepid contempt of danger. Nor can I describe the awful feelings of suspense and anxiety before or during the storm. There cannot be a grander or more impressive sight, and I had full time to experience the fulness of these feelings as I was little exposed, or was there indeed time for any danger except to the storming parties, as they drove everything before them, and we scarce thought the business begun when the Hurrahs announced their glorious and well-earned victory. The whole siege has been a most interesting and grand sight; and even the French Prisoners this morning cannot help expressing their admiration of the gallantry of our artillery and troops. The 88th and 45th have suffered most.
Pack’s Portuguese had escaladed the walls, and were in the Town, when they heard the Hurrahs of the others. There never was a better planned enterprize or more completely successful. Marmont and Dorsenne were collecting to relieve the place, and would arrive 3 days hence, but it is impossible to guess what they will do, now that the place is taken. They cannot be equal to us, and I do not expect they will attempt to disturb us. If they do, I am sure they will repent it. I have not a doubt of the result.
I am perfectly well, though much harassed and tired, but a night’s rest will set that to rights. I will certainly write again by packet. Yrs., etc.
Wm. W.
I am so bewildered yet that I cannot collect my ideas. Do not therefore pray shew my letter, and excuse such an incoherent scrawl.
Extracts from Letters to Sisters.
Elvas, March 6, 1812.
I avail myself of the departure of an extra courier for Lisbon to thank you for your letter.... We arrived here about an hour ago, all quite well, and think we shall remain for some time, or till the siege of Badajos is over. We came by Villa Viçosa and visited the Palace of the P. R. which is without doors or windows, which the soldiers of all parties have gradually burnt. It is a pity, as in one room there are really some fine pictures, painted on the ceiling, of the Dukes of Braganza, which will be quite spoiled. The Park is very handsome in their way. We should call it rather a forest, and there are a great many deer, which looked very pretty, but the wild boars, being of a more contemplative, solitary turn, kept themselves concealed, for which want of respect one is ordered to be shot for our table. He had better have made his appearance at once, and had the honor of being shot by a Marshal or A.D.C. The weather is very fine and dry, but rather too warm. We have been since the 2nd coming, and had a tolerably pleasant journey, being received everywhere with the greatest Honors, bells ringing, Guards of Honor, illuminations, etc., and never exceeding 5 leagues a day, except the first, so that we were never fatigued, or our horses, and had plenty of time to look about us, and make our observations, and, being with the Marshal, we are at least sure of always having plenty to eat. If I could be in good spirits, I should have perhaps enjoyed this mode of travelling through a country in state very much. As it is, it was rather a bore, and I am glad we are likely to be quiet for a short time anywhere, though a large fortified city full of troops is not exactly the place I should have chosen. The beautiful Quinta we had here last year is pulled down, house and all, when the suburbs were destroyed for being too near the body of the place, which is now very much improved and strengthened by some very fine new works in front of the town, and which makes it highly respectable, but I could not look at the remains of our beautiful shady walks and fountains without great regret.
Ld. Wn. will not, I believe, arrive for a day or two. The Army are on their march, but will not arrive to assemble on this frontier till the 10th or 12th, when I suppose poor old Badajos will be serenaded again. If we succeed as well as we did at Ciudad Rodrigo, we shall do well enough, but a protracted siege is to me the most tiresome thing in the world, and two have quite satisfied my curiosity as far as that goes.
John Campbell is here, very well, but quite disfigured by having his face all covered with his mustachios and whiskers. He is full Colonel in the P. service, and desires to be most kindly remembered to you all. He is a very excellent fellow. I wrote yesterday a very hasty scrawl, and thought I should not have any time to write any more as the courier went off, but to-day Mr Stuart the Envoy, who is here, is sending off one express, and I will therefore not omit to tell you I am in health quite well.
I have just got a note from young Cowell of the Guards, who wants me to obtain leave for him to shoot deer, etc., in the Prince’s Park at Villa Viçosa, a pretty modest request, which I am sorry I cannot comply with, as I cannot obtain leave even for myself.
The style and writing of my letter will shew you the bustle and hurry I am writing in. Every Officer in the Garrison, and all the Authorities, Civil and Military, have been here to be presented and make their bows, I suppose some hundreds, which, added to a long ride in a hot day, has condensed my powers of composition and made me stupider than usual.
My Dear Father,
I did not receive your long and kind letter of the 10th Feby. till the 16th inst., the same day on which I received yours of the 8th of March. I have intended thanking you for both for the last two days, but, as the investment of Badajos was begun on the 16th and completed yesterday, I had not a moment’s time, having been almost constantly on horseback. I could wish to have written you a long letter, but I find that at present it is impossible, for though I have remained at home to-day on purpose, I am a good deal fagged and hurried....
I am very much obliged to you for your most interesting ideas and communications on the politics of the day with you. They are to me most interesting, and I am happy to think that generally on these subjects our sentiments are exactly the same. But I have not now time to enter on the subject. I regret Lord Wellesley’s going out, as I have a very high opinion of his talents, and am quite convinced that the surest means of keeping the war ultimately from our own shores, is to persecute it vigorously on the Peninsula, where everything has hitherto been as successful as brilliant both to our interests and national glory. And I fear by his removal from office these exertions may be relaxed, and our brave General not seconded with the zeal he deserves, for I never considered Ld. Castlereagh as a decided public character....
With regard to...’s letter, I can only say that I should be very sorry to allow any officer to purchase the majority over my head, if I could afford to purchase it. If not, it is no use saying anything on the subject. But if I could, ever so well, I do not think it would be worth my while to enter into Colonel...’s exorbitant demands, and as I do not wish to be like the dog in the manger, I shall not prevent him from making what arrangements he pleases with... by exchanges, etc. But could I afford it I most decidedly think that, should such a thing offer as direct purchase, I should do very wrong in not taking it, and trusting to my interest to avoid joining. At present I am literally no more than Captn., and must become an effective Major before I can either purchase or get a Lt.-Colonelcy, except by Brevet, which I assure you is most improbable, and at all events I could exchange to Infantry as Major, if by that means I could remain in the country to the end of the Campaign. I shall answer... that he may do as he pleases, as it is not worth my while to give so much, beyond the Regulation, for the Majority. But, if you can afford to do it, I should be very sorry that he purchased over my head, should... from length of service be allowed to sell his commission, which from the style of...’s letter I rather suspect may be the case. But certainly, even if I had the money, I would not give more than the Regulation, or allow any officer to do it over my head, by informing the Agents that I was ready to purchase at the regulation. But if... chooses to make any bargain with... by exchanges, etc., I have no objection.
With regard to any place of emolument, or settled situation in this country, I must frankly tell you that there is no rank that they could give me in their service which would induce me to remain permanently in it, or beyond the Campaign, during which I do not think I can quit it with propriety.
My next situation will probably be the command of some Regiment when, by the obtaining my effective Majority, the Marshal may not be able to keep me on his Personal Staff. In that, as in every other situation, I shall endeavour to do my duty to this country with zeal and assiduity, while I think my services are required, but no longer than that we are on service, and that there is an English army in the country, and, while that is the case, I shall use all my interest to remain, however otherwise unpleasant to me. But you may rely on it that, the moment the law of necessity is removed, there will be but little credit and no pleasure to be gained in the Portuguese service under such a Government.
The siege of Badajos commenced on the 16th, when the place was partly invested by the Marshal, as Ld. Wellington was rather unwell. We had a little skirmishing but of no consequence, and the place was civil enough to fire very little at us, and the lateness of the time the columns arrived prevented the place from being completely invested. Ld. Wn., who is quite well again, thank God, did so yesterday without loss, and yesterday evening they commenced breaking ground in front of the Picorina, a small work in advance of the town, on the other side of the Guadiana, on which side all our attacks seem to be directed and not against St Christopher, which, as well as the town generally, the enemy have greatly improved, and have built a strong redoubt, where our batteries were against St Christopher last year.
The firing this morning has been pretty brisk notwithstanding the heavy rain, which came on last night, and is rather unfortunate for our poor fellows, most of whom, however, have tents. Both Hd. Qrs. were to have encamped yesterday, but by some accident or other, it is put off till to-morrow, when I hope the weather will moderate. Our Hd. Qrs. Camp is about a mile ½ from the town, and quite out of sight under a little hill, where we shall be snug enough if the weather holds up. If not we must have paciencia, and make the best of it. I have a very good tent. I remained at home to-day in order to write to you, but I will add to my letter before the Courier sets off, and let you know how things go on. I have no doubt that, with the great means we have, we shall take the place, if the enemy give us fair time. But in my opinion a general action is almost certain. I do not for a moment doubt the result, but on it the fate of Badajos will probably depend. Our battering train is very complete. We have 16 24-lbers. 20 18-lbs. 16 5½-inch. or 24-lb. Howitzers, with 10 18-lbs. in reserve at Evora. The 3rd, 4th, and Light Divisions and the Algarve Brigade, with the necessary Artillery and Engineers, and 14th Lt. Dns. and 3rd P. Cavalry, are the Armée de Siège, and Graham and Hill, the two worthy new knights, command the Army of observation, which consists of the 1st, 2nd, 9th, 7th, Divisions and some Cavalry Regts., and occupy from Caçeres by Merida, Almendralejo, Los Santos, Zafra, towards Frejenal, having on their right in the Condado de Niebla the Spanish general Morilho, with about 4000 men, in observation. Marmont, it is said, is collecting on the Tagus, and I also expect Soult will move up as many troops as they can bring together from all parts for the relief of the Town. But, I think, we shall have near 60,000 Bayonets, and that is quite enough to beat any force they can collect in a month. The 5th Division is on its march up, but I do not know whether it will join the army of observation or the siege. The 14th Lt. Dns. arrive here to-morrow, and will, with the 3rd P. Cavalry, take the siege duties.
The only casualties to-day are 6 or 7 killed or wounded and 1 French Officer killed. The trench is as much advanced as can be expected, considering the constant heavy rain which had set in and is very unfortunate for our poor fellows.
Both Hd. Qrs. encamp near Badajos to-morrow.
Lord Wellington will be much obliged to you if you would have the Pipe of wine bottled for him, marked with his name, and taken care of for him in a good place till his return, as he wishes to keep it as a bonne bouche! I saw young Cowell the day before yesterday. He was quite well, and is a fine gentlemanly fellow as possible, and seems to like the business very much.
General Leith is very well, and on his march here with his division, the 5th. Pray carefully avoid mentioning the probability of a general action, or the badness of the weather, to my mother. I have merely told her that we were encamped at a distance from Badajos to facilitate our communications, which so far is true, and I think my dear sisters also need know nothing about the matter....
We have had most dismal weather since we began the siege. It has rained incessantly. It however goes on very well, and our loss in the trenches not very great.
The enemy made a sortie yesterday about 11 to 12 A.M., with about 2500 men, but were repulsed with loss it is supposed of about 300 men. We have also lost some men, but I do not know exactly how many. Poor Capt. Cuthbert, A.D.C. to General Picton, was killed by a cannon shot. Lt.-Col. Fletcher, Chief Engineer, wounded slightly, and some more Officers. I hear we had 80 men killed. Some of their Dragoons galloped into our Engineer Camp, but of 4, 3 paid the price of their temerity. Hill has taken 4 Officers and some few men at Merida, and, if the weather would but hold up, we should go on famously here. The Prisoners yesterday say that General Verlet commanded the sortie, and I have also heard that they had two Officers killed on 16th. They are keeping up at this moment a brisk fire from the town, which I hope in a few days we shall be able to answer. Our trench runs very near the Fort Picorina. From both parties a pretty brisk fire of musquetry is kept up.
I enclose my answer to... which, if you approve of, you can deliver; if not, as you know my sentiments on the subject, you can answer for me.
Lord Wellington came into camp yesterday, but we were not able to move till this morning, and have escaped a most boisterous night. I am quite well in health notwithstanding our hard work, and, if the weather would moderate, should be rather glad to be encamped, as it will save some very fatiguing rides. I will send you a return of our forces by my next. At present I have not time, nor after such a long epistle would you wish me to enter into the other subjects of your letter, but I am most happy to find our Politics are exactly the same. I am very sorry for poor Farmer’s death. Poor Vesey is melancholy indeed for his family. C’est la fortune de la guerre. We never allow people’s deaths, who are not nearly connected with us, to disturb us much, or we should always be unhappy.... Yrs., etc.,
Wm. W.
It is not easy to write connectedly with such a noisy serenade, but as we are out of danger, we shall soon be accustomed to the noise. You shall hear from me constantly.
Extracts from Letters to Sisters
Camp before Badajos, March 29, 1812.
I am amused with your complaining of the noise the Parrot makes, which prevents your writing, when I am at this moment, and constantly since the Siege began, serenaded by the roar of cannons and musquetry of both sides. We are out of danger, but have all the advantage of the noise, and if I was to write only when we are quiet, my friends would have reason to complain of me, but habit reconciles us to everything, and we sleep as sound in the uproar now as if in Lisbon. They sometimes disturb us at daybreak when the fire is always heavier, and to-morrow and the next day, when the breaching Batteries open, we shall have an additional bass of near 30 great violoncellos.
Pray give my love to Aunt Jane. She would think ill, though I don’t, of her own countrymen, if she had seen how coolly Pat put all the “Frinch to dith” in the Fort the other night. The Connaughts (88th) have declared that “they will patronise Ld. Welln. no longer if he accepts any “Campititation” from the Governor, “for sure, if they can but get a cavity in the wall, they will get in every bit of them”!...
You must not quiz my spelling or writing, as, please remember, I am writing in a tent on my bed, and that those varlets the French are making more noise than the Parrot. It is really impertinent of them, but they do not know that I am writing to you.
April 3rd.—Quite well.
Camp before Badajos, April 2nd, 1812.
My Dear Father,
Since I wrote to you on the 27th the siege has gone on very well indeed, and the weather has been fine though rather too hot, which has in a great measure made up for the very bad weather we had at the commencement, which certainly retarded us two full days. Our men have worked very hard, notwithstanding the very heavy fire from the place, which the enemy have kept up at times, and which our Ricochet Batteries did not prevent much, and some of them even suffered very considerably themselves, particularly No. 5, and No. 6, which is a Howitzer Battery. They are most to our right, and exposed to a commanding fire from the Castle.
Though our loss has not hitherto been very great considering, we have to lament that of some very valuable Officers, amongst others that of Capt. Mulcaster of the Engineers, Lt. Connell of the Artillery, two most promising young men and universally esteemed. On the 29th poor Major Thomson, the Commg. Officer of the 88th, was killed by my side in the 8 gun breaching Battery. We had been walking together in the trenches and went down to see how far the Battery was advanced, and when it would be ready. The enemy kept up a heavy fire of musquetry on it, as it was only 150 yards from their covered way. We were standing up with Major M’Lean of the 1st Caçadores when they fired at us and hit poor Thomson through the head, and M’Lean had his watch broke. I fortunately jumped down in time and escaped, as they hit instead the sandbag I was leaning against, which did quite as well. These escapes are not at all extraordinary in our trenches, as our 2nd parallel is nowhere more than 400 yards from the covered way of the town, and in many (places) much less. The 6 gun breaching Battery is only 200, and a new one, which is constructing, and will be ready to-morrow morning, much less. But notwithstanding the enemy’s fire of shot, shells, grape and musquetry, it is astonishing the little damage they do, or how few men comparatively are hit. The 8 gun breaching Battery opened on the 30th against the flank of the Bastion of St Maria, with considerable effects, but it drew upon it the whole fire of the Place, and suffered a good deal itself. On the 31st the 12 gun Battery of 24 prs. and the 6 gun By. of 18 prs. opened against the right face of the Bastion of La Trinidad, with excellent effect, and though it has proved a very tough one, the old wall is now coming down very fast, and as it is more forward a great deal than that on the flank of St Maria, the 6 gun Battery was also this morning turned against it, and I have great hopes that on the 4th or 5th at furthest it will be ready for the general assault. It will be a glorious night, and I have not a doubt, though there are great disadvantages to overcome, that we shall take the Town, and the enemy will probably retire into the Castle, which is an old Moorish or Gothic one, and from whence they will be forced to capitulate, as well as the adjacent forts.
Our Artillerymen, both British and Portuguese, have fired extremely well indeed, much better than the enemy, whose fire, though at times very brisk, is very ill directed, and their shells do very little harm, though tolerably well thrown, on account of some mismanagement in their fuses. They either burst too soon, or so late that everybody has time to get out of their way. Yesterday and the day before their fire was heavier than I ever have seen it before in the siege, but to-day it has been very slack indeed on their side. We have lost two very good Portuguese Artillery Officers, Captn. Julio Cæsar D’Amoral and Barceiros, both very gallant good Officers, and Capt. Dundas of the British Artillery, and Lieut. Grimes, badly wounded. The former has lost an arm. Major M’Leod of the Engineers is doing well. He is a very zealous and good Officer.
The conduct of the Portuguese Troops during the whole Siege, and under very trying circumstances, has been most exemplary, particularly their Artillery, which is really very good. It is difficult to say which troops, the British or Portuguese, are the most indifferent to danger. In both it is quite remarkable. But John goes to work more steadily and sullenly, while the Portuguese must be well led, and have his joke. They are great wits in their way, and, without the resolution and impenetrable sang froid of the British, which no danger can disturb, they have more patience and subordination under greater privations and hardship. But the Portuguese has not the bodily strength of the former, is naturally lazy, and is not used to our pickaxes and shovels. Therefore on the working parties the British do their work better in half the time. But both seem equally careless of danger. They agree perfectly well together, and amongst the men there is scarce an instance of disagreement or disturbance.
On the evening of the 30th the Enemy made a small sortie with 2 or 300 men against a working party of 200 men of the Algarve Brigade who were constructing a small Redoubt, on the other side of the Guadiana opposite St Christopher’s Fort Napoleon, and who allowed them to come close up to them, gave them a volley, and drove them in a moment back into their works, leaving their Commanding Officer and some men dead on the field, since which they have never ventured to molest them, though they are only 2600 men, Portuguese, and part of the 3rd P. Cavalry without a British Regiment, the 5th Divn. (Leith’s) having marched to Valverde to be ready to join Graham, should it be necessary, which I much doubt, for I hope we shall be in the place before either Soult or Marmont can possibly arrive to relieve it.
With regard to what they are about, we have so many reports, and so different, that I do not know exactly what to believe, but do not think they can collect a sufficient force in time. I think by the 4th or 5th the breaches will be ready for a general assault. We shall lose a great many men, but I have not a doubt we shall take the Place.
General Graham’s expedition against Drouet did not succeed. The enemy had too good information, or were too vigilant, and they could only come up with their rearguard of cavalry, and there was a little skirmishing.
Ewart is getting on quite well. His wound was slight through the fleshy part of the arm. All our other friends are well. You will of course, my dear Father, not show this letter to... or mention my being exposed at all. There is no occasion for them to know that I have anything to do with the trenches or Batteries.
April 3rd.
Our new 6 gun Battery (opened) against St Pedro curtain, but I have not yet heard with what effect. An attempt was made last night to blow up the dam which confines the water in the inundation and ditch of the place, but though our fine fellows, Captn. Douglas and Robert Campbell, with their Companies, contrived to creep unperceived to the place which is behind the Ravelin and St Roque, and about 50 yards from the wall of the town, the explosion had not the desired effect, but we had not a man hurt.
General Graham has returned to Villa Franca. Yrs., etc.,
Wm. Warre.
We have a pretty little spot for our Hd. Qrs. opposite the English Troupe D’Orée, under a little hill, which just conceals us from the town, whence they have never molested us, though they sometimes fire along the road 40 yards to our left, and, if we are quite safe, we have at all events all the advantage of the noise, which is at intervals like the rolling of thunder.
My Dear Father,
I have the happiness of communicating to you the capture of Badajos by assault last night after a most obstinate resistance, and with, I am grieved to add, as a painful counterpoise to the exaltation of victory, very severe loss.
Since I wrote to you on the 3rd the breaches have become daily more practicable, and the day before yesterday a new one, which was begun between the two others, was also very forward and yesterday practicable. It was intended to have stormed the day before, but the enemy’s defences were considered in too perfect a state, and the fire of most of our Batteries was directed for the last two days against the new breach, and to silence and dismount their guns.
The attack took place last night at 10 o’clock. The Light Division was to storm the breach in the flank of the Bastion of St Maria. This consists of 43rd, 52nd, 95th, 1st, and 3rd, P. Caçadores.
The 4th Division (Genl. Colville’s), the 7th, 23rd, 48th, 40th, and 27th, were to storm the main breach, while the 3rd Division (Picton’s), the 5th, 45th, 88th, 74th, 94th, 77th, with 9 and 21 Portuguese, attacked the Castle by escalade, and General Leith’s (the 5th Div.), consisting of the 4th, 9th, 1st, 44th, 30th, 38th, were partly in reserve, and partly escaladed a weak part of the town near the Guadiana.
The advances to the breaches were found much more difficult than was expected, having to descend before the main ditch into a very deep avant fossé, and the enemy perfectly prepared to receive them with mines, shells, entrenchments, in short a most excellent system of defence. Our brave fellows did all that men could do, but they were mown down by hundreds, and their Officers mostly killed or wounded, and, after losing a great many men, they were repulsed, but fortunately the two attacks which were the least probable, by escalade, having succeeded, Picton having got into the old Moorish Castle, which commands the town, and part of Leith’s people (General Walker’s Brigade) on the left, another rush was made at the breaches by part of the Light Division, and, about daybreak, the town and its adjacent forts were in our possession, with Philippon the Governor, a General Weyland, a great many Officers, and about 3500 prisoners.
I dare not enter into the detail of our loss. The papers will too soon publish the painful news. Of all my friends Dawson is the only one I can say is safe, and Hunt. The remainder I know nothing of for certain, but that the loss of 52nd, and of that whole division, very great indeed, as well as of the 4th, Generals Bowes, Colville, and Walker, wounded, and poor Gibbs. Merry 52nd Regt. wounded, but not very badly. Jones, Poole, Madden, killed. I am, thank God, quite well, though very much tired and fagged. I was on horseback all yesterday, (and the weather is dreadfully hot,) and all night, or on foot, and such a night, I think, I never spent of suspense, horror, and expectation. I was sent before daybreak, as soon as our men were in the town, to endeavour to establish a communication, across the Bridge and tête de Pont, with Genl. Bowes, who was on that side. I met Lord Fitzroy Somerset, who was going on nearly the same duty, and at the tête de Pont we found an Officer and 40 men, and in Fort St Christopher, whither we heard he had retreated, the Governor Genl. Philippon, General Weyland, and a great many officers, all of whom surrendered immediately, on our summoning them, and the Chiefs we conducted to Lord Wellington.
It is most extraordinary that, notwithstanding the obstinate defence, and causes of animosity which our men had, and all their previous determinations, they gave quarter to almost every Frenchman, and I really believe their loss in killed and wounded must be comparatively very small to ours. The Marshal and everybody belonging to this Hd. Qrs. escaped unhurt, and are well, as also all Lord Wellington’s Staff. My friends of the 4th Regt. have suffered very much indeed. There was scarce a Regiment engaged that has not, for the fire at the breaches was immense, and from the depth of the ditches, and accumulated means of defence, it appears to me that it was almost impossible for our brave fellows to force them, and it was most fortunate that the side attacks succeeded at the Castle and at the Bastion of St Vincente. I am so tired I can say no more. God Almighty bless you all. My kindest love. Your most affectionate Son,
Wm. Warre.
[Written across the above]
8th April.
My Dearest Father,
I avail myself of the delay of the Officer, who is to carry the despatches, to tell you that I am quite well, notwithstanding the fatigue of the other night which I have nearly got over. I think I never was more completely fagged in my life than I was till I got to bed last night, for mind and body had been on the constant stretch for 36 hours incessantly.
I am just returned from the town, to which I had not been since the night of the storm. The breaches and advance to them present a dreadful spectacle even now that the wounded are removed. Our loss was very great indeed, particularly in Officers. I think, including the losses during the siege, we have upwards of 3000 killed and wounded. Many Regiments (had) almost all their Officers hit in some way or other, though I do not think the proportion of killed equal to that of the wounded. The town also has suffered much from the effect of three sieges within a year, and being taken by assault, when it was almost impossible to restrain the avarice and licentiousness of the soldiery, which so greatly sullies the brilliancy of their conduct and victory, and forces their Officers to blush for the excesses of the very men they before admired as heroes. Fortunately a greater part of the inhabitants had quitted the place previously. Those that remained have paid dearly for their folly, and have but little reason to rejoice in the victory of their friends. However, it is perhaps impossible entirely to prevent these excesses, when the place is taken in the manner this was. And it is also as prudent to hold our tongues, and shut our eyes on miseries it is out of our power to prevent, but must deeply feel, and our hearts and wishes naturally but longingly turn to dear, dear old England, and those beloved friends it contains, as we pray Almighty God to preserve them from the horrid scourge of war as the greatest of human miseries.
The enemy’s defence was admirably prepared at all points, and does great honor to the talents of the Chief Engineer, as well as the great improvements he has made in the works of the place since the last siege. Everything bespeaks of great activity and talent, and in a few months hence the conquest would have been much more difficult. Could one forget what rascals these fellows are, one would admire their gallantry and military abilities as they deserve, but they do nothing from laudable motives, and we are forced from many circumstances to attribute even this obstinate defence rather to fear of their relentless Tyrant, than to any motives of honour and proper military spirit.
Their entrenchments behind the breaches, Chevaux de frise of Sword Blades, etc., were very formidable, and, added to the difficulty of access to the Breaches from heavy fire, made it almost impossible to force them, had not our escalading parties fortunately succeeded. Generals Colville, Walker, Harvey, P. Bowes, and Kemp, are wounded. I had written General Picton, but it was only a contusion from a spent ball and not worth mentioning.
Soult was advancing, but I believe with not sufficient force, to endeavour to relieve the place, and perhaps, in conjunction with Marmont, to have fought us, if necessary, but I now have little doubt that he will retire again towards Seville. His advance was at Villa Franca, but I fear has retired again. We are yet unable to foresee Soult’s intentions. He is within 8 leagues of us, his advance guard. But he has not more than 30 to 35,000 men, and we could fight nearly double that number. I wish to God he would advance.
Marmont was between the Agueda and Coa threatening Almeida and Ciudad Rodrigo, but I trust he will now be forced to retreat. The latter place is but ill provided with provisions, but Spaniards require little, and it would hold out some time. Unless he retreats I suspect part of our Army will march again towards the North. Marmont, however, cannot at all events subsist there long.
Camp before Badajos, April 10th, 1812.
My Dear Father,
Though very much pressed for time I will not let the mail go without adding a few lines to what I wrote you the day before yesterday, particularly as I shall be unable to-morrow to wish you many happy returns of your birthday, as I shall go into Elvas.
Our people are now busily employed in filling up the trenches and destroying our Batteries. By yesterday evening most of the dead were buried, though from the unavoidable confusion on such occasions and their great number, it was delayed till the spectacle became more horrid than can easily be conceived.
The inhabitants also are beginning to return. Most of them had left at the beginning of the siege, and many to fly from the horror of a storm on the morning that we entered, so that since order was restored on the morning of the 8th, and most of our people except the garrison turned out, the town looks quite deserted, and in many parts is nothing but a miserable heap of ruins. Great pains are taking to clean the streets and clear away the rubbish, which will, I hope, prevent any great sickness from ensuing, and the weather has fortunately become much cooler.
Soult had advanced to Villa Franca with about 30,000 men, but hearing that the place was taken, and that Ballasteros had entered Seville, he yesterday morning commenced his retreat again rapidly towards the Sierra Morena, to prevent Ballasteros from attacking the Cartucha where the French have huge magazines of stores of all kinds. I hope he will in the first place destroy the Arsenal and Foundry, for he can hardly expect to hold it, if the French were to return in force, which was most probable, and these have been of the greatest use to them. Soult’s communication with Victor now and Cadiz must be very difficult.
Marmont also, with about 17,000 men, was between the Agueda and Coa, and threatened Ciudad Rodrigo and Almeida, towards which latter place he had sent about 4000 men to attempt to take it by escalade, but they were repulsed most gallantly by the militia under Trant and Colonel Le Mesurier the Governor. Yrs., etc.,
Wm. Warre.
The Marshal, Hardinge, etc., are quite well.
Gibb’s wound is, I hope, not bad.
Merry (52nd) is dead of his.
Nava, on the Road between Sabugal
and Alfaiates, April 24, 1812.
My Dearest Father,
Having just heard that the mail is detained I will not miss telling you that I am well. I wrote yesterday to Jack, but in such a hurry that I had not even time to read my letter over, and fear he will have much difficulty in reading and making sense of my letter, as I was obliged to write standing on an old broken chest at Malcato, and am now using the same description of table, though with the luxury of an old broken chair. It is impossible to give you an adequate idea of the misery in every village into which the enemy have entered, as they have destroyed everything that they could not carry away, and in my present habitation a considerable part of the floor has been torn up, and the windows, doors, and furniture burnt, except my old chair and chest, which appear to have placed the flames at defiance. Hunger and famine surround us in all directions among the unhappy peasantry, and our charity to some few has now completely exhausted our means. Money is of little use where nothing is to be bought. All our forage for our horses, for the last two days, consists in what we can cut in the fields, which even have not escaped the rapacity of the enemy.
Marmont has retreated across the Agueda, and is I believe in full march to Salamanca. We have communicated with both Almeida and Ciudad Rodrigo. I do not myself think that Ld. Wn. can pursue them much farther as the country is a desert, and our supplies very distant, owing to his rapid and long march of 200 miles since the 14th inst. As far as Castello Branco we had most wretched weather, but latterly it has been fine, though cold.
Thus has ended Marshal Marmont’s grand diversion with his whole Army. He advanced to Castello Branco, Covilhao, and Fundão, plundered the already often plundered places between them and the Frontier, and drove away some cattle. He blockaded Ciudad Rodrigo, and threatened Almeida, but was warmly received on a reconnaissance he made there, and never made any further attempt. His army has suffered dreadfully from want. The prisoners and deserters describe it as equal to when they retired from the Lines, and the few cattle he could catch in this mountainous country could afford him a very scanty and precarious supply. The moment we crossed the Tagus he fell back, the Division on his left upon Peña Maior and Sabugal, and we were in hopes for a day or two that he would wait for us, but that soon vanished, for as we advanced he fell back, and finally across the Agueda without waiting even to see our advance guard. Had Badajos held out some time longer this diversion might have been of some consequence, as Ciudad Rodrigo would have been much distressed for provisions, and Almeida not in the safest state of defence. As it is, all he has got has been his trouble for his pains, great sufferings to his army, and a hasty retreat before an army but very little superior in numbers to his own.
Lord Wn.’s rapid movement appears to have astonished him a good deal, and hitherto the Army has suffered no privations. Those we do are owing to the ignorance and obstinate indolence of the Portuguese Commissariat. I am perfectly ignorant of Ld. Wn.’s intentions, but should not imagine we should advance much further for the present. To-morrow we move to Fuente Guinaldo, 4 leagues. We were to have gone there to-day, but the enemy was still with their advances too near for Hd. Qrs., or rather were supposed to be, for it appears they retired last night.
Our approaches at Badajos have been filled up and levelled and the breaches put in some temporary state of defence. We have therefore nothing to fear from that quarter, as Soult is fully occupied in keeping Andalusia. Had Badajos not fallen, and that he had persevered in advancing, he would have got a famous licking, as we should have been equal at least to him, leaving 10,000 men to carry on the siege. But Ballasteros’ advance to Seville embarrassed him very much, and a defeat would be ruinous to him, or Marmont, who to the great disappointment of our army seems determined not to risk it.
I am perfectly well, though we have all had a good deal of fatigue and knocking about in this wretched Beira. I fear our horses will suffer most, which annoys me more than anything, and a person must be more hardened than I am to warfare to be either very happy, or in good spirits, surrounded as we are by scenes of misery and distress beyond what we can give our happy countrymen in England an idea of. I do not think it by any means improbable that we shall return to the Alemtejo, and that the active scenes of this Campaign, which is far from being over, will be in Spanish Estremadura. But this is mere conjecture. The present object is to revictual Ciudad Rodrigo and Almeida, and place them in a respectable state of defence. I hear very well of the Spanish garrison of the former.
All our wounded at Badajos are, I understand, doing extremely well. This change of weather from great heat to cool and rain has been quite providential and saved many lives.
The Marshall, Hardinge, Arbuthnot, etc., are quite well. Hardinge got a shot through his coat at the assault, and as usual behaved with great zeal and courage. Sewell is, poor fellow, ill again and must return to England. I fear much that his is a bad case. Yrs., etc.,
Wm. Warre.
Ld. Wn.’s Hd. Qrs. are at Alfaiates to-day, as badly off as we are. To-morrow he will be at Fuente Guinaldo.
P.S.—I have written on two half sheets for the best reason in the world!
Extract from Letter to Sister.
Fuente Guinaldo, May 20, 1812.
I must begin in order to prepare you for the worst by telling you that this is a very stupid place, that I am very stupid, and that I have nothing to say, and therefore you must receive a very stupid letter....
I am quite well, though we are all heartily tired of Fuente Guinaldo where our only amusement is hunting. Yesterday we went out to a grand Chasse au Sanglier, but the only bore we got was a great wetting, for it rained incessantly after we were posted behind trees and rocks, and while a great many peasants were driving the woods towards us, and not a single boar or wolf made its appearance. We were so completely wet through that when I tried to fire at a fox which passed close to me, my gun missed fire, being quite wet, and we returned home two leagues in despair. It would have been a very pretty scene if the weather had been fine, as we went out a large party, and a great many peasants, and all in great glee. We should have found some wild animals, as there are a great many, particularly wolves, who have had the impudence to walk away with several mules and horses from this place, but it rained so heavily, that both the wolves and boars remained at home, and were not to be seen, and we became cold geese for going to see them in such weather. We hope before we leave this to have another hunting party, as it must be a very gay and fine spectacle in fine weather. The Peasantry are obliged by law to go out on these occasions, as the destruction of these animals is beneficial to the whole community. The people that are armed are placed behind trees or rocks, or hid in the brushwood forming a sort of chain round a particular part of the mountain, and the remainder go in with dogs, and by their shouts and noise drive the animals towards you.... We do not know when we are to leave this place, or in what direction we are to move. It is so great a secret and so well kept that I cannot even guess it, but I am sure I shall have no great regret for Guinaldo whichever way we go.... I can hardly write at all, and to add to my misfortunes they have just been trying a poor devil of a Commissary at the same table, and I wonder I have not entered some minutes of his examination.
Fuente Guinaldo, May 28, 1812.
My Dear Father,
I had yesterday the pleasure to receive your very affectionate and kind letter, and with all my soul I thank you for all the solicitude you express about me, and congratulations on my escape at Badajos. I have hitherto been very fortunate, and have much cause to be grateful to Almighty God for his infinite goodness in protecting me. It appears to mortals almost a lottery. Some are never hit, while others less exposed never go into action without.
I felt painfully the loss of so many friends, but in this profession we dare not long indulge or admit such feelings. It would but ensure continued misery, and such is the force of habit or prejudice that one scarcely feels for the death of a friend in action, whose death if from illness or other cause would be a source of real affliction; and fortunate it is that it is so. We are all quite well here (barring a broken shin I got from a stone, which has confined me for a day or two, but is now getting well) and all most anxious for a move, though it is yet a secret which way it is to be. As far as conjecture goes I do not think we shall recross the Tagus, for the present at all events, and probably move forward towards Salamanca.
Sir Rowland Hill’s success at Almaraz has put us all in great spirits, and must have puzzled the enemy a good deal as to Lord Wellington’s plans. This affair has been conducted with his usual judgement and gallantry. The General had arrived by a rapid march in front of the Enemy’s works at Mirabete, which is a strong pass over the mountains leading to the Bridge at Almaraz, and about a league distant from it, but he was delayed here a few days, as he found the works were not to be carried by a coup de main, nor could he while they were in the enemy’s possession get his Artillery over the steep rocky mountains in order to attack the Forts, which protected more immediately the Enemy’s Arsenal, Barracks, Bridge, etc. He therefore left it behind, and a Corps to observe the Fort, and made his Infantry scramble over the mountains with nothing but their fire-locks, and immediately attacked with the greatest gallantry the enemy’s works on the other side of the River, and carried them, turning their fire on those which they had over the Bridge on this side, which they were forced to abandon, and he got possession of the whole, except those at Mirabete, with the loss of only two Captns. killed, about 9 Officers wounded, 25 men killed, and 120 or 130 wounded. I have not seen the return. The enemy lost 300 taken Prisoners, and 200 were drowned by the Bridge giving way, or killed. 300 cars of different descriptions, the Bridge, Arsenal, and Barracks they had constructed, a large Depôt of Stores and Provisions, all the works, and two large Pontoons they had on the stocks, completely destroyed, and the communication the most direct between the North of Spain and Castile cut off, which must annoy the French very much, and force them to communicate by the Bridge of Arçobispo, which is considerably about. Major Currie, A.D.C. to Sir R. Hill, goes home with the account, but as he goes by the Packet, which has been detained, I think it the surest way to send this in the mail.
The enemy on hearing of this affair have evacuated Ledesma, and only left a very small garrison to take care of their sick at Salamanca, which shows that they do not think of opposing us should we move on in that direction.
Hill had moved again towards Medellin and Don Benito, which will force the enemy to withdraw the small parties they have in that neighbourhood, or advance in force, which I do not think they are likely to do.
Lord Wellington has adopted a new plan in order to derive a more effectual assistance from the Spaniards. Each British Regiment, except the Guards and Dragoons, are allowed to enlist ten men per Company of a certain stature, 5 ft. 6 inches, who are to be in every respect treated as British soldiers, to serve as long as the Army remains in the Peninsula, and then to have a month’s pay to take them to their homes. I think it is a most excellent plan, and I have very little doubt we shall very soon get the whole number, 5000, and they will make excellent recruits, for in point of activity and fineness of appearance the Spanish Peasantry are certainly inferior to none, and this measure may hereafter serve as a foundation for a more regular Spanish Army, and Napoleon will be greatly annoyed at our having adopted this measure of filling up our casualties, without draining England, and with recruits little inferior to our own in appearance or physical strength.
I went yesterday to a Review of the Light Division, 43rd, 52nd, 95th, 1 and 3 Caçadores, and a troop of R. Artillery. It was a most animating sight, and they moved very well. Ld. Wn. was apparently much satisfied with them. They are getting very strong again in numbers, nearly 3000 in the field, but very weak in Officers from the losses at Cd. Rodrigo and Badajos.
[Remainder of letter wanting.]
[On a small sheet separate.]
May 30th.
The mail has been detained, and I therefore open my letter to add that Hill has returned to his old positions after resting his troops a few days at Truxillo. Graham has also returned to his cantonments at Port Alegre, having advanced to Caçeres and Albuquerque to support Hamilton’s Division, in case Drouet had thought proper to assault it in Hill’s absence. Everything is quiet in our front. I am laid up with my broken shin, but more from prudence than necessity. As we are likely to move soon, I thought it best to get it well while I could, for fear that by moving in the heat it might give me a great deal of trouble. It was deep and on the bone, and I sillily neglected it at first. It is now getting much better. The Marshal is quite well. Poor Sewell has left us and gone home ill, I fear very seriously so, whether from his liver or consumption....
Pray see about the places I mentioned, what can be done about them. They are highly desirable in every point of view, and there are several of the same description abroad, but I have no great fancy to go to the West Indies or further East than the Cape, though should such a situation be offered me in the East, I scarce think I could refuse it....
My Dearest Mother,
I have hesitated whether I should write to you to thank you for yours of 30th of May, or to my father for his of 21st and 27th.... We arrived here yesterday, the enemy having retired towards the River Douro, only leaving a small garrison in a fort they have made in the town round the Convent of St Vicente, and round which they have pulled down all the houses. It is, however, a very bad fortification and was not finished. I have therefore no idea that it can stand a day, when our Battery opens, which will be to-morrow morning. We are quite out of danger in this part of the town and very comfortably quartered.
The Army crossed the Agueda in 3 columns on the 13th. The right, commanded by Sir J. Graham, marched by Tamames; the centre, by General Leith, marched by San Meñios; and the left, by General Picton, by St Espiritu and Martin d’El Rio. These roads run parallel very near to each other, so that the Army was nearly assembled every night. On the 13th the River Yeltes, the 14th the Huebra, and the 15th the Valmaza. We saw nothing of the enemy till the 15th. When about two leagues from this the Advance Guard fell in with some Cavalry, about 5 Regts. supported by 1500 Infantry, near the Town, with which our Cavalry skirmished with very little loss, and as our Columns advanced gradually drove them back upon the City, within two miles of which our posts were established. They took from the enemy an Officer and about 20 men. Our loss is 3 Officers wounded slightly, and about 7 men wounded and some horses.
Yesterday at 1 A.M. Marmont left this, with his Cavalry, taking the road to Toro, and only leaving a garrison in the Fort or Convent, which appears to me sacrificed, for they cannot hold out. Our Cavalry passed the Tormes without opposition and occupied the town, avoiding the streets which lead to the Fort, and the left column and Advance Guard moving to the Villages in front of this, and the greater part of the Cavalry. The Enemy attacked the Cavalry Picquets in the evening, but were immediately driven back, and to-day, when we rode out at daybreak, we could only see them at a great distance, where I suppose they will watch our movements, but most probably retire as we advance towards the Douro, which appears to be Ld. Wn.’s plan, and the French have yet no force to meet our Army. But I do not suppose Ld. Wellington will himself advance further than that, but he keeps his plans a profound secret, and the whole Army follow him with confidence and affection wherever he chooses to lead us.
We have been everywhere received with the greatest cordiality and joy by the Spaniards as their deliverers from the oppressive tyranny of the French, much more than ever I saw before. At this place yesterday it was quite affecting to see the joy of the inhabitants. Many absolutely cried for joy, and we were embraced, or had to shake hands with everybody we met. One old woman hugged and kissed Ld. Wn. to his great annoyance, and one man literally kissed my horse as I rode into the town. We were followed through the streets with cheers and vivas, which have annoyed the Frenchmen a good deal, and they revenged themselves by firing at everyone they saw in the cross streets leading to their works. They have pulled down a considerable part of the town to lay open the space round them, and down to the bridge, over which nobody can as yet pass safely. But in two days I hope they must surrender, or be taken by storm. It is such an insignificant place that nobody except the troops immediately employed in making the battery or covering the workmen, seem to trouble their heads about them, and walk about the streets, men, women, and children, in perfect safety and with the greatest unconcern.
I am perfectly well though a little fagged, as we have for the last few days had an active life both for mind and body. We generally get up at 3 o’clock and ride till 11 or 12, and sometimes again in the Evening. Everything is done to avoid the heat of the day, which, however, has not been very great, as we are very high above the sea in this part of the Country. There is almost always a breeze, and at this moment the Bejar mountains, which are at no great distance, are covered with snow.
Parts of this fine city have suffered very much from the Enemy, who have destroyed part of it to make their Fort, and yesterday burnt a suburb that was near it, but notwithstanding there are some beautiful buildings left, particularly the Cathedral, which is magnificent. But the monsters fired at the steeple yesterday and knocked away a very beautiful buttress, and nobody is allowed to go there, to avoid drawing their attention in that direction at all.
I quite agree with you about the state of the Country (sc. England). It is most lamentable though most disgraceful at the time, that in the middle of Peace our worthless manufacturers, excited by still more worthless because wiser Politicians, are killing and rioting amongst themselves. In this town, yesterday evening, the people were, in the very centre of warfare, dancing and gay in almost every street. Such are the dispensations of Providence. There is no accounting for such things, and it shows how little people know when they ought to be happy and contented, and how unjust to repine at whatever our fate may be. But it is Human nature, and I blush to think that I must cease to consider the British the high minded generous people they used to be. It can hardly be believed that Englishmen could glory in the most cowardly of all revenge, that of assassination, with which they have so often rebuked other nations.
Your countrymen (sc. The Irish) have behaved very well, and most sincerely I wish them the reward they deserve, and every civil liberty which is compatible with the Constitution of the State. I have written a very stupid and hurried letter, which pray excuse as I have been up since 3 o’clock, and did not go to bed till past 11, besides a long ride, but I never was in better health in my life, and so are the whole army. Yrs., etc.,
Wm. Warre.
I am so tired I can hardly write, so pray excuse my stupid letter to my dear Father.
My Dearest Father,
I have been too constantly occupied since the 17th to write even a few lines to anybody. I gave in my letter of that date some account of our advance to this place....
We have had a most interesting though harassing time of it since I wrote. On the 18th we began to fire at the Fort, from a Convent near it, with field-pieces, and next day, finding it much stronger than was expected, 4 iron 18 Prs. were mounted, which knocked down very soon one end of the Convent, but the works, which we found to be by no means so easily forced, were not at all injured, and the enemy seemed determined to make a gallant resistance. On the 19th, in the morning, accounts arrived that Marmont and his whole army were advancing in sight. The 6th Division under Clinton was therefore left to carry on the attack of the Forts, and the rest of the army assembled in a position tolerably strong for an army of equal strength, the left near St Christoval de la Cuesta extending in rear of Castillejos de Morisco and Morisco towards the Tormes, from which our right, however, was some distance, though the ground is strong and we could easily move to it if all attacked in that direction. The Spanish Corps of about 3000 men under Don Carlos d’Espanha, and 800 Cavalry Guerrillas under Dn. Julian Sanchez, were on our left on some strong ground in continuation of our line.
On arriving there we distinctly saw the French army advancing towards us from Toro, by Aldea Nueva, Archidiacono, etc., etc., in heavy columns of Infantry with a strong advance guard, and about 3000 Cavalry.
The day was very unfavourable, as we had heavy rains and thunderstorms, which however have cooled the air, and since been of great use to us. During the night of the 20th the enemy advanced, and occupied the ground within cannon range of our position, and the villages of Castillejos and Morisco, concealing their numbers by the inequalities of the ground, and certainly giving us every occasion to believe they had come down determined to fight, which everybody was glad of, as it would save a great deal of trouble in going after them, away from our resources, and which we could not do till we had taken the Fort in the Town, which completely commands and prevents our making any use of the Bridge.
Nothing, however, was done on the 20th, except a pretty brisk cannonade towards evening on both sides, though it did not last long. We lost a few horses of the Heavy Dragoons, and there was some skirmishing on the right with the 11th Lt. Dns. and 1st German Hussars.
On the 21st the enemy continued all day to receive very strong reinforcements. We were so close, and overlooked their position so completely, that we could see everything that entered their lines and every movement they made.
Everybody expected that they would have attacked next morning, as it was known that Marmont had received every succour he could, except Bonnet’s Division from the Asturias, which was not expected to be coming up, but we were again disappointed. They only occupied a small hill on our right near Morisco, which overlooked our position, but from which they were driven by part of the 7th Division, which cost about 60 or 70 killed and wounded, but the enemy’s Cavalry and Infantry must have suffered a good deal from our cannonade and musquetry, as they were very close to each other. The enemy seemed jealous of their left flank, which was not at all secure, and moved the greater part of his Cavalry, and a column of Infantry to strengthen it, but nothing more was done, except that our Cavalry chased Marmont, who had advanced a good way to our left to reconnoitre, but he had some Infantry with him and they could do nothing against it. The enemy fired a few cannon shot at them, which did very little harm.
The next morning, to our great surprise, we found the enemy had retired, and when the day broke saw them moving off at a short distance towards our Right, and then halted on some heights, about 6 miles in front of our position. The Cavalry was sent forward to pursue them, and took up a line of vedettes very near them. Lord Wellington and the Marshal rode out to reconnoitre them, but I do not think anybody could make out anything of their intentions. We were very close to them, and they appeared to be halted near Aldea Rubia, and Morréra, to allow their baggage to move off to the rear, which, however, does not seem to have been the case, for they are still there.
We thought this morning that they had retired further, in consequence of which we returned early to this place and the Baggage was ordered up, but I have just heard that they are still near the same ground.
Marmont yesterday crossed the Tormes with about 5000 men, Cavalry and Infantry, to manœuvre to get Lord Wn. from his position, I suppose, or to endeavour to get off the garrison of the Fort, which still holds out. But not succeeding they returned in the evening, having contented themselves with cannonading the Heavy Cavalry of the German Legion, who behaved with great steadiness and gallantry and have received Ld. Wn’s. thanks.
Several Divisions were moved to our right, ready to cross, and the 1st Div. was at the ford of Sta. Martha. The 7th went over to prevent any attempt towards the Bridge of the town and to support our Cavalry. The whole day was spent in manœuvring.
After the unaccountable movements of the enemy lately, it is impossible even to guess the probable result of all these movements. I think a general action probable. Till they retired, I thought it was inevitable. For I suppose there was scarcely ever such a thing heard of as two hostile armies being without any obstacle between them, the lines within cannon shot of one another, and the advanced vedettes short musquet shot, without a Battle. Marmont, I think, certainly intended to fight, but his courage failed him. Our position is tolerable but very extensive, and we have thrown up some parapets to cover the Artillery. From the Enemy’s lines they could not see our force, and could have but little idea either of its strength or disposition. I have not a doubt that we should have beat him, and shall now, whenever he chooses to fight us, even though joined by Bonnet from the Asturias, which an Officer of theirs, who deserted this morning, says they expect would be in two days, and that he was at Valladolid yesterday. But this is not believed generally, and he certainly shows no inclination to fight until he arrives.
Some people say that it is a pity Lord Wn. did not attack him on the 20th before his reinforcements arrived, and when he was so near us. But I think Ld. Wn. knows what is right to do. He must to have attacked him given up the advantage of his position, and advanced along a plain a very great distance, without any cover, exposed to a heavy fire. He must have forced two Villages, and his loss would be much greater than by waiting for the enemy, and a very great victory to his army would almost be a defeat. For if this army gets crippled very much it cannot continue the operations. For my own part I feel perfect confidence in anything he decides upon, though I shall be glad of anything that will give us a few days rest, and I think we had better fight them here than further on.
Our mode of life has been latterly extremely harassing. On the march up we turned out at 3 A.M. and only marched part of the day. Latterly, as the Marshal has generally returned 5 or 6 miles to town, we usually rise at 1 A.M. and often, after either riding all day, or broiling in the sun, on a position, which has not a twig to defend us from the sun, or a drop of water but at a distance, we do not get anything to eat, or home till 9 or 10 at night, and rise again at one, so that we are all completely tired, and our faces so burnt that we cannot bear to touch them. The weather, however, has been very favourable, as there has always been a breeze. The mornings are very cold, but the whole army are extremely healthy, and I am quite well. I had hoped these vagabonds were off, and that we should have had a good night’s sleep instead of 3 hours, but I suspect that we shall move as usual at one, and therefore took a nap this morning.
The Fort still holds out. Some 24-lber. Howitzers have fired with the 10 prs. against it, and a large part of the building of the Convent was knocked down, but the works are otherwise unimpaired. It was attempted to be stormed on the night of the 23rd but failed. We lost some Officers and about 150 men killed and wounded. Poor General Bowes, who was wounded at Badajos, is killed, I believe, and Sir George Colquhoun of the Queen’s. The Commandant had been previously summoned to surrender, but, while the flag of truce was up, he answered that he had had a communication from his army, and would listen to no proposals. I hope he will now be given no terms. He deserves to be cut to pieces with his Garrison, not for his obstinate defence of the Fort, that is right enough, but for his wanton and cruel barbarity in firing upon the town and killing or wounding several people, or for firing and defacing the beautiful Cathedral, one of the most magnificent works in Europe, without a shadow of utility, and from mere love of mischief. We have been obliged to desist from firing for want of ammunition, but I hope the day after to-morrow we shall have enough in, and, unless Mr Marmont can beat us before that, I think we shall knock the place about his ears. Their loss inside has already been very great we know, and if the fellow had only defended himself like a gentleman, everybody would have admired his defence.
There seem great doubts whether or not Bonnet is coming up from the Asturias to join Marmont, though the deserters say he is, but, whether or no, I think we need be under no alarm for the result of a Battle.
Soult is said to be advancing from the South, and Hill has taken up his old position at Albuera....
The Enemy in the villages they have entered have proceeded with their usual barbarity, unroofed and quite destroyed them de fond en comble. I could never give you an idea of the scenes we witness of misery and suffering, nor do I wish to attempt it....
Of your domestic news in England I say nothing. The Ministry, and a country, showing that they have lost that noble, generous spirit for which they were so remarkable, are not very cheering topics, and I am too much fagged to dwell on anything so disgusting. I wish we had some of the soi-disant Patriots here for a month. Yrs., etc.,
Wm. Warre.
The Marshal is, thank God, perfectly well, and so is Ld. Wn., which, considering all his mind and body go through, is wonderful.
Villa Escusa, Prov. of Toro, June 30th, 1812.
My Dearest Father,
Since I wrote to you on the 25th from Salamanca a very hasty letter, our military situation has altered very much, and you will see by the map that we are already two marches in advance. The Forts at Salamanca, which had given us more trouble than was at first expected, were taken on the morning of the 27th. On the evening of the 26th, our Reserve Ammunition having arrived, a battery was opened against the rear of the advanced Fort of St Catano with excellent effect, and the Convent of St Vicente, in the principal Fort, was set on fire by red hot shot, but as night came on, and the breach in St Catano was not practicable, the firing ceased from the Batteries till morning. The enemy kept up their fire with great briskness the whole evening, but we lost very few men. In the morning the firing was renewed, and when we returned from the position with Ld. Welln., it was found that the breach in the outwork was practicable, and the Convent in a famous blaze. The Garrison appeared cowed and in considerable confusion and fired very little. The morning had been rainy and unpleasant, but towards 10 o’clock it cleared and everything was ready for the assault, when the enemy sent out several flags of Truce, but it appeared that they only wanted to gain time and perhaps put out the fire. They asked 3 hours to consider it, but as we had no time to lose, the Fort was attacked, and surrendered with very little resistance, and was taken possession of by our troops. We had only one man killed, and 5 or 6 wounded, even at the points assaulted, and our people behaved with their usual humanity to the enemy. We found these Forts a great deal stronger than we had any idea of, with deep ditches, the whole faced with strong masonry, the stones for which they took from about a 3rd of the town and some of the most beautiful buildings which they had pulled down to make an Esplanade round their works. They also had excellent casements and splinter proofs, and but for the circumstance of the place being on fire, they did not appear to have any more reason to surrender now, as far as their works went, than the first day.
The enemy had between 5 and 600 men in them, and the Commandant who did his duty very well, and is a fine young man enough, told me they had 3 Officers killed, 11 wounded, 40 men killed and about 140 wounded during the siege. They had mounted 29 guns and 7 Howitzers; a large quantity of ammunition and stores of all descriptions for their whole army, clothing, provisions, etc.
The flames gained so fast that it was impossible to extinguish them, and it was feared that the Magazine would blow up. The wounded were therefore removed as quickly as possible, and some of the stores that evening, and nobody allowed to go near it. It, however, fortunately did not explode, and all that was not burnt has been removed, and proper Officers have been left completely to demolish the Forts.
The capture of these Forts was of the greatest consequence, as they most completely commanded the bridge over the Tormes, and gave the enemy, in case of any accident, a nearer way to cross than we had by the Fords; besides opening a direct and easier communication for our provisions, etc.
On the 27th, next morning as the day broke, we found that Marmont had retired, and on advancing about two leagues to reconnoitre him with the Cavalry, we came up with his rear-guard near Pitiegna, who retired on our approach. The enemy seemed to take the road to Valladolid, retiring rapidly. Yesterday our whole army advanced in three columns, the advance guard to Aldea Nueva de Figueroa and Parada de Rubiales, and the army to near the little stream of Orbada, at which place were Ld. Wellington’s Hd. Qrs., and ours at Pajares.
To-day the army has again advanced to the River Guarena, the left at Fuente Sanco, and advance at Guaratte.
Ld. Wn.’s Hd. Qrs. are at Fuenta da Capeña, the right of the army near Castrillo, and our Hd. Qrs. at this place.
The whole army continue healthy and in high spirits. We have only seen the enemy’s posts at a distance, and their army, it appears to have crossed the Douro, over which they have destroyed all the bridges except those of Toro and Zamorra. It is impossible to know what Ld. Wn.’s intentions are. The position at Toro is very strong, and 6 leagues from hence.
General D’Urban with about 1000 P. Cavalry are manœuvring in rear of the enemy, and the Galician Army under Santo Cildes is also at Astorga trying to take the French Fort, or advanced on their rear. He has, I believe, about 15,000 men.
Mina and Longa’s Guerillas and Mendizabel’s Corps are near Burgos or Valladolid. Therefore the enemy will find himself assez reserré, but whether Lord W. intends to force his position, or to manœuvre to make him quit it without an action, it is, I believe, known to himself, the Marshal, and Sir T. Graham alone. We feel quite confident in what he may think proper, and a day or two will show. I do not think he will fight if he can do without. But if he does, I have no doubt we shall beat them most completely.
In Estremadura Drouet, finding General Hill steady, has retired from Villa Franca, and our people have moved forward to Sta. Martha, etc., etc. Nothing can exceed the joy of all classes of the people of this country at their delivery from their insolent oppressors. For two nights after the Fort was taken they were dancing and singing all night in almost every street (which were illuminated), nothing was heard but the tabor and pipe and castanets. Next morning there was a grand Te Deum in the Cathedral, and the town gave a ball in the evening, to which, however, not many Officers went, as it began at 10, and we were to march at ½ past 3, and had not had 4 hours’ sleep (at least Staff Officers) any night since the 19th, so that we were very glad to get some rest.
I amongst others did not go. I never was in better health in my life notwithstanding the really harassing, fatiguing time we have had latterly for mind and body. The weather has fortunately not been very hot, and we have had a constant breeze, or I scarce know what we should have done on that scorching hill all day without shelter of any description, or water....
I hear Admiral Martin is coming to Lisbon to supersede the Berkeleys. I think you know him, or that my Uncles do. He can be sometimes very useful to me, and I therefore wish you would continue to have me strongly recommended to him. The old administration continuing in has astonished us not a little. I should hardly think it could stand. Yrs., etc.,
Wm. Warre.
We look anxiously towards Russia, and I hope they will not fight a general action but retire and draw the Tyrant on. If they fight they will be beat, I fear.
The Marshal and Lord Wn. are perfectly well, which I wonder at, for they have scarce a moment’s rest for mind and body. Sir T. Graham has equally not had a moment quiet, and I am sorry to say had a painful disorder in one of his eyes. He is one of the most excellent, worthy men I know anywhere, and like Hill beloved by everybody. Ferguson is arrived at Lisbon, and I am sorry to say has been unwell. I saw Genl. Leith to-day quite well. He desired to be most kindly remembered to you, as do Le Marchant, Hardinge, Douglas, and the Marshal.
La Seca, Provce. of Valladolid, July 7th, 1812.
My Dear Father,
Since I wrote to you on the 30th from Villa Escusa the Enemy have gradually retired, and the Allied Army have occupied on the 1st a bivouac on the River Trabancos with Head Quarters at Alaejos, and on the 2nd it moved towards the river Zapardiel, with the right at Medina del Campo, and the left extending towards Torrecilla, while Lord Wellington moved himself with the Cavalry Light Division and Pack’s Portuguese Brigade, supported by the 3rd Divn. and the Spanish Infantry and Bradford’s P. Bge., on Rueda, to induce the Enemy to cross the Douro at Tordesillas, while the main body of the Army moved parallel to it so as to threaten their communication with Madrid. At Rueda we came up with the Enemy’s rear-guard, and a sharp skirmish and cannonade took place in which the Enemy lost considerably owing to not bringing up their guns till very late in the day, and our loss was only a few horses. They gradually retired, and as we gained the high ground between Rueda and Tordesillas, we could distinctly see the greater part of the Enemy’s army formed in large massive Columns covered by their Cavalry preparing to cross the River, which they did in the course of the day without Ld. Welln. being able to interrupt them, as he had only his Cavalry and advance guard up. In the evening he took up his Hd. Qrs. at Villa Verde, and the Marshal at Nava del Rey.
The Army has been nearly in the same positions ever since, but on the 4th he moved to Rueda and the Marshal to this place (La Seca). The troops are placed so as to watch the different fords of the Douro, and be ready to move at once in any direction circumstances may require, and are extremely healthy and in high spirits.
The 3rd Division and Spaniards under Don Carlos d’Espanhana are near Pollos on the Douro watching the Fords.
On the 3rd Ld. Wn. and the Marshal made a reconnaissance on them with some cavalry and that Division. The Enemy had 5 Battns. and some cavalry, which on being cannonaded retired to the heights behind the Fords, and some of our people got over and have since established themselves on the other side. They returned our fire very briskly but with no effect, as their shot all fell short, and we have very few men hurt by the skirmishing.
The Enemy appear to have concentrated their force on Valladolid, leaving some strong Corps on the Douro to watch us, and sometimes patrolling to about 2 leagues from this on the river Adaja. I do not think they are yet in force to undertake anything against us, and Ld. Welln.’s plans are too well kept to himself for it to be possible for any one to guess what they may be. I think, if we advance, the enemy will fight us. I have not a doubt of the result, in the state of their army, whose morale appears gone. But how far Ld. W. may think right to risk an action is quite another question. Though the harvest is extremely abundant this year, it is not yet ready. Deserters report that they are much distressed for provisions at Valladolid. If this is true (which I doubt), Lord Wn. perhaps intends to force them back by waiting patiently till they have exhausted what they have. But these are all speculations without much data, and Ld. Welln.’s despatch may give you better grounds to conjecture upon than I can.
The Country, through which we have marched from Salamanca, is extremely fertile and well cultivated, producing abundance of corn of all descriptions, sometimes in one year for the consumption of three, and this year the crops are remarkably fine, though much has been consumed and more destroyed uselessly by both armies. The country on this side of Villa Escusa produces mostly wine, and the whole face of the country is covered with vineyards, which give it a very rich appearance in general. The country is flat and quite open, almost totally without trees, and not much water. From the want of the two latter our troops have suffered considerably, for the weather, though far from so hot as Portugal, has been hot to people marching and obliged to be always exposed to it. We have had a very harassing, fatiguing life of it since we left Guinaldo, and are much the better for the few days’ rest we have had here. The towns in this part of Spain are generally very large, clean, and populous. The houses particularly neat. Nothing can exceed the joy and acclamations with which the Army is everywhere received by all classes. That there are many traitors I believe, but that the joy of the greater part is sincere it is impossible to doubt. Nothing can have been more oppressive or insolent than the conduct of the French for the last 4 years. They levied enormous and repeated contributions upon the people, at the same time that they deprived them in kind of the means of paying them. Military executions and coercion followed of course, and all its miseries. It will scarcely be believed that even at this moment they have several of the principal Ladies and inhabitants of this large town prisoners at Tordesillas as hostages for the payment of some of their requisitions.
While writing, Mr Bertie of the 12th Lt. Dns. has brought me a letter of introduction from you, and on every account, both as the Admiral’s son and from your letter, I shall be most happy to have it in my power to show him any kindness or civility. He is a very fine lad and quite well. We yesterday received letters and papers to the 19th....
From circumstances that have occurred I am no longer so anxious about the Majority of Infantry, unless with the certainty of returning to the Cavalry. The other situations are indeed desirable, if not beyond my reach, but many considerations have now determined me otherwise to remain in the Cavalry. Lt.-Genl. Sir T. Graham left the Army yesterday for England to consult the best advice about a disorder in one of his eyes. I fear it is a bad case. He is regretted by everybody and the Army as a most excellent zealous soldier, and a most amiable worthy man. I know none I have a higher respect and veneration for. Yrs., etc.,
Wm. Warre.
Extract from Letter to Sister.
La Seca, July 10, 1812.
It is a terrible thing to be tanned by the sun. I have been half grilled for the last month, which has cost my nose and lips a great deal of flesh. It is expensive on the score of skin, but it is in a good cause, and my nose suffers like a martyr. It has completely spoiled all complexions, and made us like hideous creatures. I shall not burn your letters—if my baggage should be taken, the French will derive great amusement from them, and being of Political importance we shall have them in the Moniteur with notes! I have no news to tell you of the Army. The French are on one side of the river, and we are on the other. Both parties are very civil to each other, and both seem on the qui vive for fear the other should cross and attack him. It is comical enough to see hostile troops quietly watering their horses, or washing, within 30 or 40 yards of each other, like perfect good friends. We are forbid to talk to them for fear of spoiling our French, and are therefore highly profuse in bows and dumbshow. I hate the very sight of the villains, but it is no use for either party to annoy the other when nothing is to be gained by it.
We are quartered in a very nice town, about two leagues from the river, where the people are very civil to us. I am quite well, though much thinner for our marching, and I do not believe that anybody is sorry for the week’s quiet halt we have had.
My Dear Father,
I have to thank you for your letter of the 17 ultmo. and your very interesting communications on the domestic politics of the country, and also for the printed correspondence. Your letter, etc., did not arrive till by last packet, and should have done so by the former, and I therefore had seen all these discussions between parties in the newspapers, and the only conclusion I have drawn is that there is no public spirit in any party. Each acts from its own particular prejudice, or party spirit, and they care little about the country, unless they can serve it exactly in their own way. I am glad of anything that saves us from a Grenville administration, and am therefore not sorry the present Ministry have been continued, though I have not much confidence in them, and should have preferred one that included Ld. Wellesley. The first measures of this administration plainly say, we have not strength to act up to our own principles in certain leading questions. We will therefore act contrary to our principles to keep our places. This appears to be the real state of the case, though as to the measures themselves to which I refer, except with regard to the Americans, I hope great good from them, but though most decidedly for the admission of the Catholics to all rights we possess ourselves, I am not for granting them one bit more. Their Church in temporal matters must be subordinate to the King. The King’s rights with regard to the rejection or nomination of their Bishops must be the same as our own, and which is nearly the same as in Portugal, Spain, France (formerly), and almost every other Roman Catholic country. None of those countries ever thought of a clergy independent of the crown, or that the Pope had any power whatever in the Temporal arrangements of any kingdom. The Consistory (Claustro) assembled at Salamanca on this very subject of Irish Emancipation in, I think, 1789, declared that any country which admitted such a principle would be a traitor to itself, of whatever sect the Sovereign might be, Protestant or Catholic. If therefore the R. C. of Ireland insist on greater rights and liberties, in their religious liberty, than the rest of their fellow subjects possess, or object to the veto (at least) in the King, I shall strongly suspect that they have other purposes in their discontent, and shall think any concession dangerous.
We continue here much in the same state as when I wrote to you last week. Since then the enemy have been joined by Bonnet from the Asturias with about 4 to 5000 men, but do not show at present any disposition to attack us. They have manœuvred a good deal. Indeed they seem to keep their people in constant motion. Till lately they seemed to be drawing everything to their right towards Toro, and the position of our troops was altered from perpendicular to parallel to the Douro, the 5 and 6 Dns. moving to Nava del Rey, the 4th to Foncastin. The 3rd and Spaniards continue at Pollos, and the 1st and 7th at Medina del Campo, the advance guard and Lt. Cavalry at Rueda and this place, and our Picquets watch the fords of the Douro and of the Adaja. Yesterday morning we saw a large column of about 4000 returning towards Tordesillas, from whence they had marched the evening before towards the fords at Herreros and Torresilla de la Abadessa, but to what end all this marching and countermarching of theirs can be, I cannot guess. If they mean to harass us they do not succeed, for though we narrowly watch every movement they make, Ld. Wn. is not easily humbugged, and lets them wear out their shoes as much they please without disturbing his army.
The enemy’s Hd. Qrs. are, I believe, at Tordesillas, where they have one or two Divisions, 1 at Simancas, 1 opposite Pollos and Herreros, 1 at Toro. In short they extend along the river from Simancas to Toro, and have their reserves and Depôt at Valladolid. As to the exact disposition of their troops it is impossible to say, as they are continually moving.
I believe the whole Army would rejoice if they would cross the River and attack us, as I am quite confident we should beat them, though they have 80 pieces of cannon. Their Cavalry is much inferior to ours in every respect, and they have such want of horses that they have taken all the Infantry officers’ horses to mount their cavalry, and which has given great disgust, and would, I should think, benefit them very little.
What Lord Wn.’s plans are I cannot even guess. He is best informed and best able to decide what is best. We must therefore quietly wait the event, and, in the healthy state and high spirits of the army, we have little to fear for the result.
I do not doubt much that he is waiting for Santo Cildes with the Galician army, who are besieging the Fort at Astorga, to advance and co-operate with him previous to any movement on our part. But this is only guess. I am surprised that the French, who have, I believe, nearly equal numbers, do not attack us before this co-operation can take place, particularly as they do not seem to expect any further reinforcements.
Our posts on the river continue very near each other, very amicably, and literally nothing has been done by posts of any consequence since I wrote to you. The account I sent you was of the Portuguese Army only, and it has since rather increased, as we have left sick and wounded.
The enemy have also some posts at Villa Nueva and Puente de Douro and on the river Adaja....
With regard to the purchase of the majority of Infantry, as I had purchased my Troop, the purchase of a majority of Infantry required no advance. On the contrary, by the regulation there would be a surplus of £500, and my intention was to have remained in the Infantry for some time at least. But other considerations have since decided me not to go into the Infantry at all, except I got a permanent Staff situation, or was quite sure of returning to the Cavalry immediately. I do not quite agree that the command of a Portuguese Battn. would be much less eligible than my present situation, as far as the means of distinguishing myself goes, as I should then have a positive command and responsibility, and now have, nor can have, neither, and it must at last come to that, or to my joining my British Regiment.... Yrs., etc.,
Wm. Warre.
A very dreadful accident happened at Salamanca since we left it. A very large quantity of powder which had been taken in the Fort and was deposited in the Town caught fire and blew up, in consequence of the folly of a Spanish Officer, who was guarding it, smoking. Two streets were, I hear, almost totally destroyed. The whole guard and upwards of 100 Spaniards (inhabitants) killed and wounded, and some soldiers. The town was otherwise very much damaged and all the windows broke, and in the greatest confusion, as everybody fled into the country, many en chemise, it having happened at 8 o’clock in the morning. It happened very near one of our hospitals, but fortunately killed very few of our sick or wounded. The weather has latterly been exceedingly hot, and it is very fortunate that we have not been moving, as our people are suffering a good deal from want of wood and water.
July 14th.—By an intercepted mail from Paris to Madrid which was taken by Longa, who killed the 400 men who escorted it except 12, who, he says, did not show so strong an inclination to leave their bodies there, we have Moniteurs to the 24th, by which it appears that Boney was arrived at Konigsberg. Amongst a great many letters, amatory, friendly, etc., there is one from the Spanish Ambassador at St Petersburg, who describes the state of the Russian Armies as very formidable and in excellent order—both on the frontiers of Poland and Turkey. The Emperor and Romanzow without any boasting, he says, are quietly determined to try the event. They wish to settle matters with Napoleon amicably if possible, but will not even hear of the Commercial system. All the letters complain of not hearing from their friends in Spain, and of the frequent interception of the mails by the Guerillas. Adieu—we have nothing new with this Army. I am well.
My Dear Father,
I have very, very great pleasure in communicating to you one of the most decisive and complete victories that was ever gained by the valour and intrepidity of our brave troops, but alas! my exultation and joy are not without great diminution, for our brave and excellent Marshal is severely wounded, as well as a great many of our brave Generals, but for none of course can I feel as I do for our worthy Marshal. It is, however, though painful and severe, not certainly a dangerous wound, and this country, as well as his own, will, I trust, be only temporarily deprived of his most necessary services and example.
We have been terribly harassed since the 16th, day and night, owing to Marmont having crossed the Douro by a skilful movement upon Toro, at which place he sent a force across, and drew our army to that neighbourhood, and then by a forced march returned and crossed at Tordesillas, and immediately commenced his manœuvres to turn the right flank of our army, which forced Lord Wellington gradually to fall back successively behind the Guarena and Tormes.
On the 18th our army made a forward movement towards Alaejos and Nava again, but, the Lt. Division coming up with the enemy at Castrejon, a sharp cannonade and skirmishing took place, and the direction of the Army was altered to the direction of Torrecilla de la Orden, as the enemy seemed determined to move round our flank. (It is necessary to observe that we had retired the night before to Fuente La Peña, Castrello, and Canizal, in consequence of the enemy having crossed at Toro, and were at this time advancing, having heard that he had recrossed again and was at Nava and Alaejos.) Several Divisions were ordered up, and all the Cavalry to support the Lt. Division, but finding the enemy in great force and the ground offering no position, we were forced to retire under a heavy cannonade, which they renewed again as they gained the heights above the river Guarena. But our loss was very trifling indeed considering. Towards evening the enemy endeavoured to move round our left flank with two Divisions, and sent a Brigade to attack a height on which our left rested, but they were charged most gallantly by the 27th and 40th, supported by the 11th and 23rd Portuguese, and completely routed, paying us with great interest for our losses. They lost upwards of 500 men, of which we took 130 prisoners. The Marshal was at this time slightly wounded by a grape shot in the thigh, but very slightly, and we had one Officer killed and about 150 to 160 men killed and wounded. I do not know what our loss was in the whole day.
On the evening of the 19th we saw the whole of the enemy’s army in march to turn our right apparently, and the disposition of our army was altered to La Vallesa, where the next day both armies were at daybreak close together, and a battle seemed inevitable. Lord Wellington began to form on a perfect plan to receive them, and they never had a finer opportunity, but though their whole force seemed to threaten destruction to our right, they suddenly moved off by their left along some heights, and Lord Wellington moved his army, in order of Battle, in two lines, along the plain and halted at night between Cabeça Vellozo and Pitiegna, our people much harassed and fatigued, as the heat was incessant, and no water hardly to be found. But I suppose there never was a more interesting or beautiful sight than that of two hostile armies of upwards of 35,000 men each moving parallel within a mile and a half of each other and often within cannon range.
On the 21st our army was forced to cross the Tormes, by Marmont’s moving round it, and took up a position at night to cover Salamanca, our left to the Tormes, our right to some isolated heights in rear of Calbaraza de Ariba and beyond Na. Senora de la Peña, the enemy moving to the woods nearly ½ way between Alva de Tormes and Calbarasa, having crossed at Ençina. During all these days there was a great deal of skirmishing and cannonading on both sides, and we were all greatly harassed and fatigued, having scarce time to rest or eat, and on horseback all day long, and the troops suffered much from the excessive heat and almost incessant marching.
On the forever glorious 22nd we found the enemy at daybreak in our front, but at a distance, and some skirmishing took place about a hill they had got in our front, which it was as well that we should have. It was, however, strongly supported by them, and Lord Welln. did not think it worth while to lose many lives in retaking it, and our people were ordered to withdraw.
As the morning advanced the enemy got possession, before our people could, of a very strong and commanding height which was on our right, and as they continued to move in that direction the position of our army was altered, and we every instant expected to be attacked, as the enemy had the finest opportunity during this change of position. But it was ordained otherwise by that great and merciful Disposer of all events, and we remained quiet till a little before 4 in the evening, when the enemy opened a most tremendous cannonade upon our whole line from, I should guess, upwards of 50 pieces of cannon, and soon after pushed forward a crowd of sharpshooters, it should appear, however, only to insult our army, as they were not supported, and the heavy columns they had on the hills did not move forward. I suppose that Monr. Marmont, with French insolence, thought, because we had not attacked him before, and had moved back to counter manœuvre him and to avoid being turned, that we were afraid of him, and that he could thus insult us with impunity, but retribution was at hand, and before sunset he was doomed to pay most dearly for his impertinence by the entire ruin of his army and loss of at least ⅓ of it.
About 5 o’clock Lord Wellington ordered our lines to advance, having previously detailed the 3rd Division and all our Cavalry to turn the enemy’s left.
The Army moved forward most gallantly under a heavy cannonade to the attack of the heights on which the enemy was posted, at the same time that Major General Pakenham with the 3rd Div. attacked the height on their left and succeeded in forcing it notwithstanding the enemy’s obstinate resistance, and afterwards advanced along their line, completely doubling it up, as the rest of the army advanced in its front. As we came near, they kept up a most galling fire of grape and musquetry on our line, and in many places stood most gallantly, but it was impossible to resist the steady though impetuous advance of our brave troops, which no loss can make waver or delay, and they were soon driven from their first position to a second behind the right of it, which, our troops being reformed, was successively attacked, and at last carried, notwithstanding our people being sometimes repulsed by the gallant charges of the enemy and the heavy fire of Artillery to which they were exposed in advancing.
It was near sunset, and in endeavouring to make a Portuguese Brigade charge the enemy, (who were driving the 4th Division back with 5 Bns.) in flank, that our excellent Marshal was wounded, while exerting himself, as he always does with the greatest zeal and gallantry, and by his noble example, to cover the 4th Divn. by this flank charge. But they soon rallied and regained the ground they had lost by the sudden attack of the enemy, and the heights were retaken just as the Marshal was hit.
I was obliged to quit the field with him, and with some difficulty got him to the rear, and to this place at 11 at night, after having his wounds drest on the road.
The battle, however, continued with unabated fury till late in the evening, and the enemy fought at last from despair, but pursued with undiminished ardour by our troops, notwithstanding the fatigue they had gone through. They at last broke and fled in all directions in the most compleat confusion and dismay, followed by our people, who only halted for the night at two leagues beyond the field in which the battle commenced, and next day, yesterday, Lord Wellington continued the pursuit with 10,000 men to near Peñazanda, where the enemy had taken up a position. Several partial engagements have taken place since, in which both our Cavalry and Infantry have constantly routed the enemy, who now desert to us in hundreds every hour.
Marmont is said to have died of his wound. We know he had lost an arm.
The enemy have left upwards, I hear, of 5000 dead on the field on these three days. We have taken 1 General, 2 Eagles, 2 Standards, 20 guns, and near 6000 prisoners, but this as well as our loss, which is computed at 3000 killed and wounded, (but a very large proportion of General Officers) I tell you from hearsay, as I have not been able to leave the Marshal since, and the Gazette will tell you better, but I believe it to be nearly true. Of the Prisoners, 4000 and odd hundred have been sent off from hence to the rear, and 1500 were taken in one bunch by the 4th Dragoons, or Heavy Germans, yesterday evening, and I should think I do not exaggerate at all in stating the loss of the French at from 15 to 16,000 men. There never was a more compleat rout. They are flying in all directions, and either come or are brought in in hundreds at a time. I am much annoyed at being here at such a moment, but more a thousand times at the cause.
I need say nothing in praise of the allied troops: their conduct and the event speaks stronger in their favour than any words of mine could. Our Cavalry constantly charged their Infantry and Cavalry, and upset everything that opposed them. I am very sorry indeed to tell you that poor General Le Marchant was killed charging at the Head of his Brigade with his usual gallantry and judgment. He is universally regretted, and in him the service has lost one of its best Cavalry Officers. I feel very much for his unfortunate young family now left without father or mother.
Generals Leith, Cole, Sir Stapleton Cotton, are also here wounded but not dangerously, and Maj.-General Victor Allen badly. We hear that Marmont is dead of his wounds. It is, I believe, certain that he lost an arm, which makes this likely. Nearly the whole of the enemy’s Baggage was taken by the Portuguese 3 Regts. of Cavalry under D’Urban, who behaved very well indeed, and twice charged the enemy’s Infantry, and once their Cavalry, with compleat success, and the General speaks in the highest terms of them.
I mentioned that we remained quiet all day nearly till 4 o’clock, but it was not so, as there was a great deal of skirmishing and cannonading at times. The battle made me forget, I suppose, all the rest.
I am very well. I was nearly knocked up by the constant fatigue and exposure to the sun, but the victory set me nearly right again, and the rest we have had here the last two days entirely so. I cannot be enough grateful to Almighty God for his infinite goodness and protection for the last fortnight, and particularly during the hard fought battle, but I escaped very well with two shots on my sword scabbard, and one thro’ my holster, which is as near as I ever wish to have them.
The Marshal is quite free from fever, and doing as well as possible. The ball entered the side below the left breast, and, slanting round the external part of the ribs, was cut out at the back about 4 inches below. The bone is not supposed to be injured at all, and it is thought that the ball went round it thro’ the muscles. His wound in the thigh, which was very slight, is nearly quite well.
Being separated from Hd. Qrs. we find great difficulty in sending our letters, and I much fear may miss the Officer who is to carry the despatches.... I wrote a few lines to... and sent them off yesterday to take their chance of finding him still at Hd. Qrs. I should also have written to you, but that I have not been able to leave the Marshal a moment, and am now writing close to him, and constantly interrupted, which will, I hope, excuse this incoherent epistle.
General Leith is doing very well indeed, and it is now found that the ball has not hurt the elbow joint. Of all our other friends I dare say nothing, for all I know is from hearsay, and may be wrong, and of those that are hurt the Gazette will too soon give the distressing account.
I saw Ferguson the 21st. He was quite well. I have not heard of him since, but I hope that he is not hurt. The Guards have, I hear, lost very few Officers. I only know of a Mr White of the 3rd Guards Lt. Company being wounded.
25th.—The Marshal continues to go on as well as possible and has no fever. Generals Leith, Cotton, Cole, also are doing well. Yrs., etc.,
Wm. Warre.
Lord Wellington is continuing the pursuit of the enemy, who are retiring in great confusion. He was shot thro’ his Cloak and Holsters during the action, but, thank God, not hurt.
My Dear Father,
I wrote to you on the 24th an account of the most glorious and decisive battle of the 22nd, and also telling you of our worthy Marshal being severely wounded. I am now most happy to be able to assure you that he is very much better, and doing as well as possible, is quite free from fever, and has kept very well. The ball does not appear to have touched the ribs, but to have gone round the muscles of the side. Lord Wellington has continued the pursuit of the enemy, who has retired in great confusion, and his Lordship was yesterday at Aldea Seca. Joseph Buonaparte had advanced to reinforce Marmont, but hearing of his disaster had retired, not before we had taken one of his Picquets.
I have not yet seen any return of the loss on either side. I believe ours to be between 3 and 4000 killed and wounded. Poor Le Marchant, whose son has just left me to return to England, was killed charging most gallantly at the head of his Brigade, and is a great loss to the Service (as he was an excellent Officer), and to his numerous family, who are now without father or mother. I pity them from my soul. Sir Stapleton Cotton, Genls. Leith, Cole, and Victor Allen, who are here, are doing very well. Leith’s wound is a severe one through his arm obliquely, but it has not broken the bone. His nephew Leith Hay is wounded, not badly, through the leg. The town is full of wounded Officers, who are mostly doing very well indeed. Poor Antonio de Lacerda’s son died, and he is himself here wounded. The son was a remarkably fine gallant lad, and the poor father is in great affliction.
The Enemy continue their retreat towards Madrid. We calculate their total loss at 15,000. We have 2 Generals, 2 Eagles, 2 Standards, 19 guns, and upwards of 6000 prisoners, and from the appearance of the field of battle, I should suppose they had left 1500 to 2000 dead on the field besides what they lost after they retired from their last position, and in the subsequent pursuit, in which they have been followed up very close, and compleatly routed whenever our advance has been able to come up with their rear-guard. Marmont, Bonnet, Clauzel, Thomier, are said to be badly wounded, besides Carrière and Gravier wounded and taken. The latter, I believe, is dead since.
Owing to the Army having advanced and the few means of transport, many of the wounded, particularly of the French, have suffered horribly, for, three days after, I saw a great many still lying, who had received no assistance or were likely to till next day, and had lain scorching in the sun without a drop of water or the least shade. It was a most dreadful sight. These are the horrid miseries of war. No person who has not witnessed them can possibly form any idea of what they are. Humanity shudders at the very idea, and we turn with detestation and disgust to the sole author of such miseries. What punishment can be sufficient for him! Many of the poor wretches have crawled to this. Many made crutches of the barrels of the firelocks and their shoes. Cruel and villainous as they are themselves, and even were during the action to our people, one cannot help feeling for them and longing to be able to assist them. But our own people have suffered almost as much, and they are our first care.
I am very well and have quite recovered the fatigue we went through for several days, but I am most happy that the Marshal is doing so well. During the action I escaped quite providentially, as I have a shot through my holster and two on my sword scabbard, but as long as they keep at that distance I shall be very well satisfied.
I think we shall remain here quietly for some weeks. Indeed I do not think Ld. Wn. can pursue them much further, as they are moving back upon their reinforcements, and have the strong passes of Guadalajara in their rear, and, besides that, our troops must have some rest, having been so much harassed lately.
What may be the consequences of this splendid victory it is not easy to say. They must be very great, for we have never gained a more decisive or more compleat one, or followed it up so rapidly. I think it must bring Soult up from the South and raise the siege of Cadiz. Marmont’s Army is quite crippled for a time, having lost all its baggage and so many guns and men. They were joined by about 1500 Cavalry and some guns the Evening of the Action, which were beat next day.
Young Cowell is here unwell, but not wounded, and is getting well fast. I shall take care of him. The Guards were scarcely engaged and have lost few men and no Officer that I have heard of. My friend Jackson is quite well. Pray, if any Officer should be coming to the Army, send me 2 lb. of good black Tea. It will be a great treat. Yrs., etc.,
Wm. Warre.
Molloy was taken for a minute by the French Cavalry, but got off. I am very anxious to hear if you have done anything about the appointment I mentioned to the Cape. This action has confirmed my opinion that we may be shot at all day and exert ourselves as much as we please, [but according to the] proverb, “It is a bad thing to be second fiddles to a second fiddle.”
Salamanca, Aug. 29th, 1812.
While you were amusing yourself with quizzing your brother Wm. and abusing him for not being in love with Honour and Glory, I was straining my arms to reach one little leaf of the laurel tree, which, to a fanciful imagination, is considered a sort of introduction to those gentlemen. Lo! while you and... were trembling at the rolling of the thunderstorm, and... thinking of Honour and Glory, I was amused by an equally loud though less innocent storm from about 70 pieces of cannon, of which 50 belonged to the adverse gods who fulminated us for 7 hours, as hard as they could, and with malice prepense, but with very little effect except the effect of the sublime, of which there was a good deal, for I think it combined so much of beauty and grandeur and Awe that certainly Edmund Burke would have classed it with the sublime. As for Beauty, ça va sans dire. You cannot think how beautiful it is to be cannonaded all day, being very tired and hungry, and at 5 P.M. instead of setting to to eat a good dinner, to set to to give the French a good beating in a very strong position, which, however, is the best part of the whole divertissement, and though Ld. Welln. naturally got all the Laurels, it was a most glorious business, and would almost put even me in conceit with Honor and Glory....
Since then we have been very peaceably settled here, and the Marshal recovering very fast from the delightful effects of Honor and Glory. I rather expect in a few days we shall leave this for Lisbon by Oporto. It will be an exceedingly interesting journey as, not being able yet to ride, he goes in a carriage as far as San Joaô da Pesqueira (vide the map), and from thence down the Douro, which is beautiful, to Oporto, and from thence in some ship of war to Lisbon. The only thing I am sorry for is not seeing Segovia or Madrid.
Extract from Letter to Sister.
(?) Salamanca, Sept. 2nd, 1812.
We leave this to-morrow morning for Porto on our way to Lisbon. We go down the Douro, which at this time of year is quite beautiful, and I think altogether this jaunt promises to be very pleasant, and, if the sea voyage agrees with me, and that the Marshal remains any time at Lisbon, you must not be astonished if I pay you a visit for three weeks or a month, but this is a great secret yet. Say nothing about it to anybody, till I see how things are, when we arrive at Lisbon, as everything must depend upon that. The Marshal and myself are again upon excellent terms. We have great battles sometimes, but they never last very long....
Of Public news I have not a word to send you. The enemy have evacuated Zamora, and are preparing to retire again on any motion of Lord Wellington’s towards Burgos.
Of the six divisions which formerly composed that Army of Portugal (Marmont’s) it has now only 3 Divns. commanded by Foy, Maucune, and Clausel. The latter commands ad interim, till Bonnet recovers from his wounds. Marmont has asked for leave to return to France for the recovery of his health. His wounds are of a very bad nature. The whole army is of about 15,000 men (out of 42,000) and about 1700 Cavalry, and do not seem at all inclined to fight against English honour and glory again. King Joseph is at Valencia. Lord William [Bentinck] at Madrid, but some of our Divisions have moved towards the Douro to drive the enemy further back. They will retire, I am sure, as soon as these seem to advance in earnest. We are in hourly expectation of hearing that the enemy have raised the siege of Cadiz and have abandoned Andalusia. Everything seemed to indicate their intention of doing so. And we have a proclamation of Soult’s, in which he avows it, and endeavours to console the Spaniards for his absence, and promises to return as soon as he can, good natured soul!
I have just seen the garrison of Guadalaxara marched in. About 800 men, a great part renegade Spaniards, and in most miserable plight, as their better countrymen have plundered them of everything, and I don’t pity them. I hate a traitor worse than a Frenchman. There is a General with them and some field Officers, etc., etc.