Chapter IV
1810 —
Introduction
The beginning of the year 1810 saw the army of Lord Wellington withdrawn from Spain, and awaiting in Portugal the attack of the French, which seemed the inevitable. It was destined to wait many months before the blow fell. King Joseph and his advisers committed the error of invading Andalusia, the subjugation of which, and the siege of Cadiz, involved the employment of the larger portion of the forces at their disposal. Before they could invade Portugal, it was necessary for them to give time for reinforcements to arrive from France. The Emperor, having concluded peace with Austria, was now able to spare some of his legions for the complete conquest of the Peninsula. But the time of waiting was long. Astorga in the north did not fall till 22nd April; Ciudad Rodrigo was not taken till 9th July.
In July the opposing forces were brought into contact on the 24th in the Combat of the Coa, in which, owing to the obstinacy of General Crawfurd, the Light Division was severely handled by very superior numbers and nearly cut off. Followed the advance of the French army and the siege of Almeida, which was taken on 27th August.
Meanwhile, during these weary months of waiting, the Portuguese army was growing in numbers and steadily improving in efficiency and discipline. The language used concerning it in the letters is full of confidence, and offers a contrast to the rather despondent tone of the references to it at the beginning of the previous year.
Major Warre, after a very busy time in August, seems to have been attacked by his old malady and to have been sent to Lisbon. He thus, much to his chagrin, missed Bussaco and the retreat to the lines of Torres Vedras. Early in October he had recovered sufficiently to rejoin the Marshal at his Headquarters within the lines. But the hard life and exposure resulted in a very serious relapse, which brought him to death’s door, and the Medical Board determined that he must be sent home. He arrived at Falmouth, after a bad voyage of ten days, early in November, and the last two letters of this year’s series, from Falmouth and Honiton respectively, indicate a very tedious journey and a precarious state of health.
Letters
My Dear Kind Mother,
I was made quite happy, on my arrival three days since at this place, by receiving your affectionate letter of 29th Decr. and 1st Jany. (I have also received yours of Dec. 12th)....
I own I think you very much more gloomy than necessary as to public affairs, and do not agree with you as to Ministers, as I approve much of many of their measures. Our misfortunes in Spain they neither could foresee or prevent. Who could imagine the Spaniards would betray those who went to their assistance? Cowards they are not—that is the soldier. He is capable of being equal to any in the world. But without Officers, or of course confidence, without discipline and betrayed by their Government, what could they do?
Our last accounts, and their enemy being before Cadiz, was as unexpected as an earthquake, and quite as unaccountable, as that Spain has no army. They [the French] will find it very difficult to conquer this country, and though things in Spain are certainly very dispiriting, the game is not lost. Nothing, however, but a revolution (horrid as the idea is to humanity) can save it, and that is already begun, I suspect, and I hope the traitors will fall. I am quite of the opinion that Public safety is the Supreme Law, and the cant of humanity, when the country is to be saved, I consider as weak and unmanly. They have paid dearly for a bigoted adherence to old absurd forms and prejudices. I do not mean that a revolution and popular Government will now save them. But I am sure that it is the only thing that can. They are very enthusiastical and violent, and they abhor the French, against whom their fury will be directed as well as against their Government and traitors; and in this tumult some great characters may start up.
As to Flushing, our expedition there was disastrous, but well meant. Who could foresee that Austria would so soon make peace? And the diversion, had it continued the war, would have been of great consequence. Besides, as a soldier, I think we make too much fuss about the loss of men where a great object is to be obtained. Victorious or beaten we must lose men, but while we regret their loss individually, we should not as a public one, in so glorious and just a cause, that of our political existence as a nation.
I write to Tom some account of our tour, which was very pleasant, though rapid. We travelled near 200 leagues in less than two months. Nothing can exceed the beauty of part of the country we went through, and we had only one day rain, and our inspection of the progress of the discipline of the Portuguese troops was as pleasant as our most sanguine wishes could expect.
I am very sorry you had not received the letters I wrote from this in answer to that you wrote in company from Hendon, which I answered, each individually. I wrote also to my father and Emily in December, which letters I hope you have since received, and I only did not write from Porto, as I intended, from really not having time hardly to sleep or eat, what between duty and grand ceremonies and rejoicings. Nothing can have been more honourable or flattering to the Marshal than his reception in that City, and indeed in every place we have been in throughout the country, and he deserves it for his unremitted exertions, and Herculean labour. There exists not a more honourable firm man or a more zealous Patriot. His failings are mere foibles of a temper naturally warm and hasty, and great zeal to have everything right, without much patience. Those who accuse him of severity are either those who have felt it because they deserved it, their friends, or people wilfully ignorant of the state in which he found the army. And of how much he has foreborne, as to myself, I declare I do not know one instance of severity, and [do know] numberless ones of his mercy, and goodness of heart, where others would have been less lenient. You see I insensibly fall into politics, or the shop, so called, but one naturally writes about what one’s mind is constantly occupied with, and as the subject is not uninteresting I hope you will not be angry at my writing to a lady on such grave matters as Politics and Tactics, or rather more properly speaking, on public concerns.
I was three days at Arouca with dear Clara, who is a most amiable sensible woman. Her manners and sense are really quite astonishing for one so constantly secluded from the world. She was quite well. We put the convent in a terrible fuss by the Marshal’s arrival to breakfast there, on his way to Vizeu. It was very kind of him to go to pay her a visit, and he was very much pleased with her.
I have got an order from the Nuncio to remove her where I please, in case of danger, but it is not quite what I wanted, and I shall try to get a more general one, and bring her to Lisbon, when necessary, where my friends the Louriçals will be glad to receive her. The Marchioness has just lost her sister the Duchess of Laffões, and has the care and guardianship of the young Duchess and her sister, nieces to the Prince, a dismal prospect for her, poor thing, in the present state of public affairs, but notwithstanding she will not allow me to place Clara anywhere else, and she cannot be with more amiable charming people. Adieu, as I write to Tom and know that he will see this letter, and you his, shall say no more, but beg you will give kindest love to my dear father, with thanks for his letter, from your sincerely affectionate Son,
Wm. Warre.
My Dear Father,
I avail myself of Frank Van Zeller’s going to England to thank you for your very kind attention in sending me the books by John Croft, and it was odd that I had, not half an hour before, finished the translation into Portuguese of that on Light Infantry, when yours arrived. It is, however, not less welcome, as coming from you, and shall supply the place of the old one in our marches.
The great coat having brought a letter enclosed in it addressed to the Marshal, it is a doubt whether it is for him or for me. It came directed to me, and the letter enclosed is very equivocal. At all events it does not fit me and does him, and therefore he shall keep it, and if it is intended for me, he can send for one in its place that will fit me. This sort of great coat, however, is of little use on horseback, as it does not cover the knees. And as we can carry but little weight on our horses and but very little baggage, a cloak lined with any warm but light stuff is much better, as we oftener want a cloak to sleep in than to keep out the rain, and I have latterly practised riding with an oil skin cape over my great coat, and not minding the rain, so long as I have anything dry to wrap myself up in, or sleep in, when we arrive. Indeed my cloth coat gets so soon wet, is so heavy when filled with water, and takes so many days drying, that I never carry it with me, in order to save both myself and horse, and I find that we get as used to being wet, and mind it as little, as we do many other very disagreeable things.
Croft tells me you said something to him about a bear skin, which you would send me, but I feel equally obliged by your affectionate intention, and do not wish you to put yourself to the unnecessary expense, as I have already a very good one, a former present from Tom, and which I recovered after poor King’s death at Talavera.
I wrote so lately to Tom that I have very little more news to communicate. Cadiz since the Duque d’Albuquerque got in with 6000 men, and the sailing of English and Portuguese Succours is, I think, out of immediate danger, and indeed if the accounts we have from Spain, and the non-arrival of reinforcements is true, as we suppose, I cannot imagine that the French army can maintain itself in Andalusia, and the movement appears to have been a very rash one (though they succeeded in preventing the Cortes, a great object) and one which they may bitterly repent. It is, however, impossible to say. They are very clever fellows, and have too much experience to make any very great faults, and it is impossible for us to know the secret causes or encouragement which induced them to take such a step. Even the people who are about a General Officer Commanding know very little of the motives which weigh in his mind and make him act, and but very few indeed are capable, at the moment, of judging of its expediency or propriety, even long after, when results are known, and time has developed many of the circumstances, and the real situation in which they were placed. We cannot be too cautious in blaming or approving the conduct of one entrusted with such a command. For we can never fully know what passes in his mind (unless greatly in his confidence), or the numberless combinations he must regard. We can only form to ourselves an opinion of how far, and with what propriety apparent, he has deviated from, or adhered to, the certain fixed principles of war, which are subject to as much modification as the variety of the ground to which they must be adapted.
They have also advanced a Corps of 6 to 8000 men upon Badajos, in which Romana is with 6000 men, and a lesser towards Olivença, another upon Ciudad Rodrigo, which, I hear, is not strong, but am ignorant of their numbers, or of what garrison is in the place.
These Corps threaten us direct, but I am of the opinion that it is merely a demonstration in order to deceive and restrain the British and Portuguese army, by making them jealous of their approach, and collecting the forces for fear of an immediate attack, as I have a letter from a friend of mine in Spain who denies that any reinforcements have arrived, and says he had just spoken with a Spanish Courier, who passed Bayonne on the 19th ulmo., and reports that no reinforcements had arrived there at that period, or were any immediately expected, and that the state of the Public mind in France was far from favourable to Buonaparte. Of this you may believe as much as you please, combining it with what reports you have in England. Spaniards more frequently report what they wish than what is true, as we all well know to our cost.
General Hill’s Corps, British and Portuguese, have been marched towards Elvas to cover our sick and wounded at that place. The Portuguese troops are in very high spirits and seem anxious to meet the enemy. They are in a very improved state of discipline, and promise well. It would be unfair to doubt them with these qualities. Poor fellows, they fight for everything that is dear to them. I never saw a Regt. embark in better style or higher spirits than 20th Portuguese Regt. did for Cadiz a few days ago. They embarked 1400 strong, and lost only 6 deserted, which does them and their country great honour. Several men came and enlisted at the moment the Regt. was embarking, and one fine fellow I enlisted myself as the Regt. marched off. The son of the Viscondessa de Misquetella also enlisted at that moment. Everything proclaims an active spring, and I am very glad of it. The French will, I dare hope, find themselves mistaken in the Portuguese troops, and though I am not sanguine as to the final result, unless Spain does more than she has done yet, I am sure the Conquest will cost them very dear.
Pray thank... for their affecte. letters by John Croft, whom I was much astonished to see in Lisbon, and also for the bonnets for Lumiaces which are much approved. I have also received your letters by Mr Knox and Stanhope and that from my Uncle Wm., and will, of course, shew them every kindness in my power, though I regret the state of the Public mind, which is a bar to much society, and my mixing very little in any society whatever, will prevent my shewing them as much of it as I could wish. I have offered them my horses, and will endeavour to ask them here as often as I can.
Our stay is very doubtful, and of course very much depends upon the movements of the enemy, nor have I yet an idea as to where our Hd. Qrs. are to be. Your most truly affectionate,
Wm. Warre.
My Dearest Mother,
We have been unexpectedly delayed in Lisbon some days owing to the dreadful storms we have experienced for the last 8 days, during which it has rained in torrents, and blown almost a hurricane. Great damage has been done in the River, and for several days and nights we have heard nothing but signals and guns of distress in the River even above Lisbon, though I have not yet heard of many lives being lost. I comforted myself with the idea that it will fill our Rivers for us, and render all the fords impassable. We are likely to remain a day or two longer in Lisbon and then go to Coimbra, which for the present will be the Marshal’s Hd. Qrs. The enemy has latterly been very quiet, and we have had very quiet winter quarters, a luxury very rare in the present system of warfare. This, however, cannot now last long, and I hope ere long some movement will be made on one side or the other.
The supineness of the Spaniards is truly distressing. Poor devils, they have been most shamefully betrayed by their Government, and public confidence appears in that country quite lost. It is really mortifying, for they are an enthusiastic and spirited people, and have shown on some occasions that they are not deficient in individual courage. I wish they were in half the state of discipline and organisation of the Portuguese, and the French would not then find it an easy task to maintain themselves in that country with their present force; and nothing but the French being perfectly well informed of the real state of that unfortunate nation could have induced them to make the rash movements which they have, for, in any other point of view, they appear much allied to absolute folly.
With regard to this country much is to be said, but my motto is “Nil Desperandum.” Our Commanders are very clever, and of course know better than anybody how they can defend the country, and every Officer who feels like a soldier should not form, or at least communicate, theories of his own, but make up his mind to share their fate, be it what it may.
To put my mind at rest I have obtained an order to remove dear Clara to the Convent of the Esperança at this place. This from the Nuncio who has also written a very kind letter to the Bishop of Lamego to facilitate the business. These I gave to the Patriarch a fortnight ago, and he told me to set my mind at rest, and that he would arrange the whole business for me in the best manner. She will be within reach of the Marshal’s protection in case I should be at a distance in time of need, should it come to that extremity, and my friend the Marchioness of Louriçal has promised to treat her as if she belonged to her family, and it is to her exertions and friendly interference that I am indebted for having her admitted into this convent, which is the best, and the Lady Abbess a friend of hers. Should they be forced to embark, of which I see however no present probability, she will take her with her, and even should that not be easy, I feel confident I can depend upon the Marshal’s friendship and protection, therefore pray tell my dear Father, that he may set his mind quite at rest, and she is truly deserving of all our love and affection.
My stay in Lisbon this time has been anything but amusing. There has been very little gaiety, and my time fully employed with my friend John Campbell in compiling a set of regulations for the Cavalry, the last I hope I shall be bothered with, for I know from experience that we may write out our finger ends, and nobody thank one, even if we were to put the regulations into Hexameter and Pentameter verse!
Pray give my kindest love to my dear Father, etc., and remember me most kindly to all my friends. Ever, my dearest kind Mother, your truly affectionate Son,
Wm. Warre.
I have not heard from any of you for some time.
My Dear Father,
We arrived here yesterday from Lisbon after a rather tedious and rainy journey, and have for the present established our Hd. Qrs. here, but for how long it is impossible to say, or where we shall go when we do move. Both must depend entirely upon the enemy, who have given us a much longer period of tranquillity than I expected. The bubble, however, must soon burst, and I expect to hear daily of their making some movement, for we have very good reason to suppose they are much distressed by the want of provisions, a want they are not likely to mend by entering this country, in itself considerably exhausted, and where every means will be taken to place what is remaining out of their reach, or destroy it, in case we should be forced to retreat.
I am anxious that the campaign should begin; and to be able to judge of what our Portuguese will in reality do. I confess I have very great hopes of them. Their discipline is most wonderfully improved, perhaps fully as good as necessary for active service, and only wants confirming. I fear their relaxing, when they get out of the immediate control of British Officers, before the enemy, and the class of their own Officers, though very much improved and mostly young men, have scarce experience and firmness enough to control them as we could wish. Their pay, which has in some cases been more than doubled, gives them the means now of living like gentlemen and with respectability. In some cases it is better than ours in proportion, and since the service becomes an object, they will, we must hope, exert themselves, that they may not be deprived of it, which they certainly will without remorse, if they misbehave at all.
Our cavalry is also getting into a very respectable state, and now very tolerably mounted. I saw the 4th commanded by Lt.-Col. Campbell, Augustus’ brother, manœuvre at Lisbon at a gallop extremely well, certainly beyond anything Portuguese Officers had any idea of, and they are certainly equalled by the 1st Brigade, and Madden’s the 2nd, which is mounted on mares, and I doubt will be able to bear the work equal to the other. It is an experiment, and my private opinion is that it will not succeed. Two Brigades of very fine infantry, the 1st cavalry, and 3rd Brigade of Artillery, are with Genl. Hill on the Frontier of Alemtejo, and I believe several other Brigades will be attached to the British Army in the Beira, and I think it most probable that some English Regts., as a reserve, will be attached to Marshal Beresford’s Corps d’Armée. But where we are to go, or what to do, I am perfectly ignorant.
I shall be much obliged to you to send me out a map of Spain and Portugal, published by Fadan, and compiled by Nantiat. It appears to be the best extant, and I am in want of a good one, so much so that you will much oblige me by sending it out by the very first opportunity, and Col. D’Urban, our Quarter-master General, begs me to procure him one also. They must be pasted on canvas and in strong cases. I have just been calling on General Payne, who asked very kindly after you.
The Spaniards have attacked the French at Caçeres and at Valverde and beat them, killing at each a General, one of Division. Though these affairs are of no great consequence in themselves, they may revive the dormant enthusiasm and patriotism of the Spaniards, but I confess I have very slender expectation of it. At Valverde it was done in a very slovenly manner, for they completely surprised the French, and the French General was in bed, but they amused themselves murdering a few unfortunate devils whom they first met, and let him get away with some Dragoons. At Caçeres had their Cavalry behaved as well as their Infantry they would have taken or destroyed all the French, who prepared to receive them, but were completely beaten and followed for about a league.
Believe me ever most truely your affectionate Son,
Wm. Warre.
There has been a little trifling outpost work beyond Almeida on the Agueda. We had one Hussar killed. But this is of no consequence and leads to nothing.
March 23, 1810, W. W.
My Dearest Brother,
The last two days have been fertile in happiness, as in them I have received all the letters from my dear family. Yours of the 5th is this instant arrived. The breeches, etc., by Col. Brown I have received and not before they were wanted. I am much amused by the cause, though sorry for the fright you are all in. We cannot ourselves see any reason for this dread, and are spending our time pleasantly enough in peace and quietness, so much so that we are all sighing for a more active scene. Now I confess I do not think this far distant, but that the result is to be so disastrous to us I do not believe. I cannot think where the people in England get their information, certainly not from Portugal. It must be from “Bony,” or it would not be given such disastrous colours, alarming our beloved families without any reason. You know my opinion of the ultimate result of the contest, unless something unexpected turns up in the north, or in Spain. But we are only at the beginning, and there is a great deal to be done before we are forced to embark yet, if it should ever come to that.
What most annoys me is our British House of Commons, particularly the late Debates. Bonaparte can never want spies or intelligence, while that House tells our exact force and dispositions. I love the liberty which distinguishes their discussions, but abhor the folly which makes each side sacrifice the interests of their country to their villainous party interest. They will tell the force, station, expence, of your armies; they will foment discontent and distrust, treat your allies with disrespect, and (with regard to what they said of Portugal) with falsehood, to vex Ministers and get themselves in, and vice versâ, for I think one as bad as the other.
I am much delighted with your account of my Mother, whom pray tell that she need not be in the least alarmed about her tall son, who will take great care of himself for her sake, and that at present he cannot see any danger except of growing too fat, from having little to do and good living, and I will write to her by the next Packet.
I cannot tell you what will be done with the Portuguese troops, who are really in very high state of drill and appearance, and, I have no doubt myself, will do their duty. For I do not know very well myself; at all events, my private opinion is that it would be folly to leave them for the French, but these are after considerations, and no doubt when it comes to that push, proper measures will be taken....
Hd. Qrs., Mango Alde, May 3rd, 1810.
My Dearest Father,
It is indeed difficult to express to you the pleasure with which I read your very affectionate kind letter of the 8th of April. The approbation you express of my conduct (founded on the flattering accounts of my friends always willing to gratify a parent’s feelings) is the greatest reward I can ever wish for.
I avail myself of a courier, which the Marshal is sending to Lisbon, to write these few lines and to inform you that soon after my return from Porto to Coimbra, the Marshal went over to Vizeu, but I remained behind to rest my horses. But on the 26th, owing to some movement of the mounseers upon Ciudad Rodrigo, our army received orders to march immediately, which they did on the 27th, on which day I arrived at Vizeu, and found, to my great satisfaction, that the Marshal, who, I heard, was ill, was nearly recovered, and only suffered from a very severe cold. We remained there till the 1st, giving time to our troops to arrive, and then moved the Hd. Quarters to this place, and to-day, the 3rd May, we move on the Fornos d’Algodres, where we expect to remain a few days. This, however, must depend on the movements of the enemy, or Lord Wellington’s plans, and I am as ignorant of the intentions of the one as of the other. I conjecture that if they persist in the siege of Ciudad Rodrigo, an action is inevitable. Our Army is in the highest spirits—and we all wish it. Notwithstanding the very unfavourable weather we have had, as it has rained incessantly during the whole of their march, the Portuguese troops are in the highest spirits, and seem anxious to prove the good effects of their discipline and reorganisation.
English Hd. Qrs. are at Celorico and the Army in that neighbourhood advanced as far as Gallegos. The French are about Tamames, St Espiritu, and advances before Cd. Rodrigo. Ballesteros, in the Sierra Morena, has been beaten, but not routed, “que milagre.”19 Genl. Hill made a forward movement at the end of last month in order to disengage O’Donnel the Spanish General, who was at Albuquerque. But on the French retreating he returned to Portalegre. Their Germans and Italians desert in great numbers. I have seen several parties of them who are remarkably fine men, and very well clothed, but they complain of never being paid, and that the French treat them like canaille. Nor have they enough to eat. Many more would desert, but they are afraid of the Spanish and Portuguese peasantry, who murder every thing that wears a French uniform. Yesterday 23 went through from Braganza. They were Prussians taken at Jena and forced to serve. They told me they had rather serve us than the enemies of their country. I never saw finer men.
I now come, my dear Father, to a part that interests us more nearly, and I am very sorry to tell you that dear Clara has (notwithstanding the trouble I was at in preparing everything for her removal) refused to quit the convent. I have written to her in the strongest manner, and urged the propriety of this temporary inconvenience in the most forcible language, telling her how impossible it will be for me, should real danger occur, to break my trust by warning her even distantly, my principal reason for wishing to remove her, but all in vain. The nuns do all they can to prevent her, and every intrigue is used. It is their interest they fancy that she should remain, and you know the power those silly women have over her mind. She is, I fear, unwell with the agitation, and when Frè Bernardo went to bring her away, she pleaded illness not to see him, and he came away as he went. I am much vexed and annoyed at her resistance, but can do no more. It places me in a most unpleasant situation. I, however, enclose hers and the Abbess’ answers to my letters, and from them you will be able to judge of what I have had to fight against. I really believe, poor thing, that she is ill, and dare not press her farther, and trust only that neither herself or any of her friends may have reason to repent her folly.
I am very much obliged to you for the maps of the Tagus, Spain, and Portugal. The latter I much wanted.
I am not surprised at Wilson’s not mentioning the Marshal, who has no reason to be pleased with him. Nobody will deny him courage and talents as a Partizan, but to those who know facts, the attempt at thanks in the House are more adapted to make him appear ridiculous, than to do him honour. He can never want a trumpeter while he lives, and no man better knows the art de se faire valoir. He must really be a clever fellow, to have, with 700 undisciplined Portuguese, checked 30,000 French, terrified them much, and at the same time covered upper and lower Beira, Almeida, Ciudad Rodrigo, and ensured the retreat of English detachments, which the enemy never attempted to impede. Many other of his deeds, mentioned by the Hon. member, we never heard of. He is a very good fellow as a companion, and a very able light troop Officer, and if he would not attempt to be more than he really is, would be more respected. His conduct to the Marshal I can never approve, and he himself must feel lowered in his own estimation by it.
I have been obliged to leave a horse I gave 80 guineas for lame at Coimbra, and am reduced to two. On my return to Lisbon, however, whenever that period arrives I shall be able to buy another without drawing on England at all.
Pray give my kindest love to dear Mother, etc. Adieu my dearest Father. Ever your most obliged and most sincerely affectionate son,
Wm. Warre.
The Marshal desires to be most kindly remembered. H. Brown, who, poor fellow, has been very unwell at Lisbon, desires me in all his letters to say as much.
P.S.—Ciudad Rodrigo is a wretched place, considered as a fortified town, perhaps à l’abri of a coup de main, but I think would not stand a regular siege for a week. Our neighbourhood may encourage the inhabitants however, while it checks the assailants, and they may do wonders as many other Spanish towns have. I fear Astorga has fallen, though I do not know it for certain. We have lost a few men at Cadiz and Col. le Febre our Chief Engineer, while evacuating an advanced work, which the enemy had nearly demolished with their artillery.
Extract from Letter to Sister.
Fornos d’Algodres, May 9, 1810.
We have had our Hd. Qrs. at this place for some days, nor do I for the present see much chance of our moving. It is a miserable little place, and in the whole of this house there are but half a dozen panes of glass in one window, and we are three in a small room, through the ceiling of which we receive light enough to save us the trouble of opening the window. It is, however, better than many we have had, and shall have, and therefore we are quite contented. Besides the house is full of Senhoras, pretty enough, if they would wash their faces and comb their hair, but you know Fidalgas and Fidalgos d’Albea have a right ab origine to be as filthy as they please, so long as they have finery and tinsel. I am much amused with the airs and affectation of these grands du village, who however, we must confess, are very kind and civil, and, to their no small and our very great annoyance, dine and breakfast with us à l’Anglaise.
We went last week over to Celorico the English Hd. Quarters, and staid two days, on one of which we went over to Guarda and reviewed two Portuguese Regts. under torrents of rain, such as I never before recollect. Indeed, for the last three months this weather has been constant, as in that time we have not had three fine days. It looks better to-day, and for the sake of the troops I sincerely hope it will settle. I was much flattered by Lord Wellington’s reception and kindness to me, and respect him too much to be indifferent to his good opinion. He appears confident and in spirits, and all his army are in the finest order, as are indeed comparatively our Portuguese, who have all shown great spirit in this hasty advance, and the greatest wish to meet the enemy.
I forgot to mention to you our family consists of six or seven grown up young ladies, all of whom firmly believe that your letter was from a love, as I walked into my room to read it, and seemed much pleased at the receipt of it. They rally me very much about a Minha Carida, and I do not deny I love you very much! I have a Valet de Chambre, a Portuguese, one of the finest gentlemen I know, but not a bad servant, if he was less affected, and less fond of his ease. He is a much greater man than I am. I have also a man from the 23rd, a very decent quiet groom and very fond of his horses.
With kindest love, believe me, etc. etc. etc.,
Wm. Warre.
Hd. Quarters, Fornos D’Algodres, 15 May 1810.
My Dear Father,
I wrote to you a few posts ago from Mangoalde, informing you of the very bad success I had in my attempt to remove dear Clara to Lisbon. After having everything arranged I am sorry to say that the agitation and distress it occasioned her was the cause of a slight fever. Poor thing! such is the effect of superstition and popish influence, and I have been much alarmed about her. However she is much better, indeed, I hope, by this time quite recovered. My situation with regard to her is very unpleasant. I dread urging the business or committing myself by writing very strongly to her; and still, in prudence, I cannot be happy while she remains there. There is certainly no immediate cause of dread of the enemy, but a battle may decide much, and I know too much of war ever to wish any person that is dear to me to be even distantly exposed to its chances. I am therefore anxiously waiting to know your wishes about how I am to proceed. I much fear her health would suffer materially by insisting on her removal, and on the other hand, when there shall be any immediate cause of alarm, how can I risk alarming a whole Province by informing her of it. How difficult it is sometimes to reconcile private feelings to public duty! The latter, however, is imperious.
I have been much flattered lately by Ld. Wellington’s reception of me, and lately remained two days at his Hd. Qrs. at Celorico 2 leagues from here. He has applied to me to procure him one Hghd. of very fine old Port. He does not care about the price, and wishes me to get you to take care of it for him in London. At Oporto it is impossible to get any old wine, and I therefore told him I would write to you, and beg your assistance. It is, I suppose, for some very particular purpose, and I shall therefore be glad to know how far you can assist me. It may be bem empregado,20 and may lead to an acquaintance on our return to England between you and a man of first-rate abilities. He says he thinks you ought to get one for him in return for his having taken away my snuff-box, though I am sorry to confess he has not made me leave off that vile custom, though he made me promise not to carry a box, to the no small annoyance of my friends on whom I must trust for my supply.
I have received the price of the Pipe of wine shipped by you for Sir David Dundas, and delay sending it, in the first place, till I can get a bill, and in the next, that having received it in six Milfour pieces, I can scarce bring myself to part with them, as they are very scarce, and Dollars most inconvenient to carry about. I will write to Mr John Bell, who pays us, to buy a bill for the number of Dollars, and remit it to you, or will buy one myself, if I can, before next packet.
Our accounts from the French army are that they are very sickly; in Salamanca are about 2000 sick, who die 30 or 40 of a day. Their troops are also much dissatisfied, particularly the Germans and Italians, who compose the chief part, and those desert very fast, and would much more, if they were not exposed to be murdered by the Peasantry, whether deserters or prisoners. It is really horrible, and defeats the exertions which are making to entice them to fly from their oppressors, and they are willing enough but for these difficulties. Some have come over horses and all. I never saw handsomer or finer looking men. They all agree in complaining that they are never paid, and but indifferently fed, and that they are constantly harassed and marched about. From the accounts we have, the French force immediately before us may be of 30,000 men, more or less, and certainly sickly. The constant rains which have continued for the last 3 months have been much against them. It is pretty sure now that they intend to attack Ciudad Rodrigo, which is a place of no strength, and their heavy artillery is on its march to that place, which has been summoned in a very imperative manner. Masséna is reported to have arrived to take the command of the whole of this army. I am most anxious to know what steps Lord Wellington will take to prevent the reduction of Ciudad Rodrigo. It is of, I consider, the greatest consequence that it should be protected, if possible. It is a sort of outer door to our house, and, in the possession of the enemy, would enable him to establish his Magazines, Hospitals, etc., nearer to our frontier than we could wish. Ld. Wellington and Marshal Beresford know best however, and I shall feel confident of the propriety of whatever they do. I shall rejoice very much at quitting this miserable village, where we are very badly off.
Our troops as well as the English are well, and in high spirits, though in my opinion these cantonments in small detached villages are greatly detrimental to their discipline, of which, however forward and astonishing, they cannot have acquired yet that habit which will admit of any relaxation. I am, however, confident that where they are commanded by British Officers they will behave well, and that, at the end of the Campaign, they will have acquired a character as Troops. It will indeed be heart-breaking to poor Marshal Beresford if they do not. His exertions have been Herculean and indefatigable, and their good effects felt in every branch of the Legislature, and has even now done enough to establish his character as a very superior, strong-minded, clever Officer, and should his labours be crowned with the success they deserve, he will become one of the most eminent men in England, and have deserved more of this country than they can ever repay. I cannot sufficiently admire the firmness and understanding with which he has overcome difficulties, which would have disheartened and overturned the plans of most, even very superior men. He is just the man for this particular service. Waters passed through this place yesterday with General Stewart. He is quite well, and gave me great pleasure by the accounts he gave me of all the dear family. By him I received the chart of the Tagus, for which I am very much obliged to you, as also for the drawers, which I fear are somewhat too small for me, but must do.
I feel considerably distressed at the accounts from England. I always felt that we had nothing to fear against our foreign enemies whilst united amongst ourselves, and have long observed the struggles of a particular and very infamous set of men, to sap the public confidence in their Government and Constitution, for it is at that they now strike direct, and neither the respectability of the King, nor the critical situation of the country, can prevent these fellows from endeavouring to create confusion and a revolution, in which the mob are to have the lead, for by that alone can such designing unprincipled miscreants be countenanced or exalted to any power. I consider the question as no longer one of opposition against Ministers; that I should not mind. It is in the very nature of our constitution. But the question is now whether the country is in such a distressed situation from unhappy political circumstances—whether the want of unanimity of Ministers, and the state of mind of the dregs of Society, are in such a state, that Sir F. B.21 and his gang can expect to be able to overturn the constitution, and raise themselves upon the wreck of their country. I have no patience that such fellows have so long gone on without punishment, and the seeds of civil discord once sown, there is no knowing where it may end. There are never wanting factious, needy men to foment it, who, having nothing to lose but their lives, would sacrifice their country to gain something in the appearance of power. Respectability is out of the question.
Adieu. Pray now and then send me the general opinions of the day. To us at this distance they are highly interesting. Pray give my most affecte. love to my dear mother, etc., etc., etc., and believe me, Ever my dear Father Your most affectionate son,
W. W.
P.S.—
Fornos D’Algodres, May 23rd, 1810.
Masséna is just arrived to take the command of the army of Portugal now between Ciudad Rodrigo and Salamanca, which consists of Ney, Soult, and Mortier’s Divisions. He is one of B.’s best generals. I dare say he will shortly attempt something, but we are too well prepared to fear much his first attack, but how far we shall ultimately be able to resist numbers upon numbers, unless Spain assists us, is another question.
Hd. Quarters, Fornos D’Algodres, May 23, 1810.
My Dear Ellen,
As you desire to hear from me immediately I will not lose a moment in thanking you for your dear letter of the 15th and 24th April, and for your affectionate kind wishes on my birthday....
We have been in this Quarter near a month and most heartily tired of it. It is a miserable little village on the side of a very high mountain, opposite to the famous mountains of the Estrella, and about a mile from the river Mondego, and 8 from Celorico the Hd. Qrs. of Lord Wellington.
I have lately changed my abode, as in the last the rain ran in upon my bed, and we were three in a very small room with one window without a pane of glass. Indeed in the whole of the Marshal’s Quarters there are but 6 in one window. We only had one bason and one jug, and you may imagine the squabbling as to who was to wash first. I have deposed some silkworms from my present room, and have at least the luxury of being alone, and having a broken pewter bason, none of the cleanest, to myself. There’s luxury for you! The rain however, which has been incessant for the last 3 months or more, has found its way in, and runs in tolerable streams in four parts of my dismal abode. My bed escapes, and my bason and some broken jars catch water. Therefore I am rather well off.
At the General’s, my last Quarter, we had 7 or 8 grown up young ladies, des grands du Village, the most affected stupid misses I ever met with in any barbarous country. They never were three miles from home, and ape notwithstanding from hearsay what they fancy great people should do. They think me I believe very proud, and the young ladies are mighty shy. I am not, however, quite safe from the attacks of a maiden aunt of 30 to 40 with little cat’s eyes and bad teeth. I think she will find I am bomb-proof to her kind looks and sighs. She has already begun to try what disdain will do, to my great joy and amusement. You would be much entertained to see us assemble at breakfast and dinner, near 20 people. We have succeeded at last in making them wash their hands and faces, and if we remain long enough no doubt will also attain the desideratum of combing their hair, even for breakfast, or rather before breakfast, and once or twice a week, oftener than on Sunday morning.
Public news I have none to tell you, except the arrival of Masséna to command the army of Portugal, which is between Ciudad Rodrigo and Salamanca. He is a very clever enterprising Officer, and will soon give us something to do, I have no doubt, but we are not at all afraid of him, as our troops both English and Portuguese are in the highest spirits, and the latter so much improved that they hardly know themselves again. I have no doubt they will do their duty, but should wish to break them in by degrees....
Ever yr. most affectionate Brother,
Wm. W.
Extract from a Letter of Thomas Warre
London, June 20, 1810.
My Dear Father,
I write these few lines to inform you I this morning received a long letter from William, from Fornos d’Algodres, June 6th, the same place they were in before. He is very well and writes in very good spirits. They have had dreadful bad weather by continual rains.
The French have invested Ciudad Rodrigo closer, but William thinks before they attack that place, they will drive in our advance corps, General Crawfurd’s Division, which overlooks their operations, and should they succeed in driving them in, Beresford’s forces must retire to concentrate. But William does not expect they will succeed, not being in sufficient force. He still speaks favourably of the native troops, who are kept a good deal on the alert. They have lately had great feasting. Ld. Wellington on the 4th inst. gave a dinner to Beresford, which was returned by him, and all went off remarkably well.
William has again written to poor Clara, but fears nothing he can urge will induce her to move at present. I lament it exceedingly....
On getting to Throgmorton St. I found a few lines from Capt. Hardy. The date is 28th of May off Fernesen in the Gt. Belt. He merely says that he is quite well, and that they are proceeding on to the Baltic, that is the St George, Formidable, Stately and Resolution, and that nothing had occurred worth noticing.
Extract from a Letter of Thomas Warre
Hendon Place, July 8, 1810.
[I deferred writing to you as I expected to find letters in town from Wm., which we did of 13th June.]
He wrote as usual in great spirits, but the crisis of their fate approaches. The French had completed their bridges across the Agueda, so Cd. Rodrigo was invested, but their heavy artillery had stuck in the mud near Tamames, somewhere between Salamanca and C. Rodrigo. They have three Corps d’Armée, viz.: Junot, Ney, and Regnier’s, which is opposed to Genl. Hill to the Southward. Their force he supposes to be 60 to 70,000, very sick and discontented. Much will depend on their first sweep, but if the Portuguese troops fulfil the promise they give at present, he has no doubt they shall give them a good licking. Ld. Wellington’s Hd. Qrs. were at Celorico. The front of the allied army extended from Pinhel to Guarda. Adv. gd. at Gallegos, 2 leagues from C. Rodrigo and the advanced Picket at Marialva, close to the French outposts. I saw Col. Ross yesterday. He has exchanged into the 48th; both Batts. of which are in Portugal in Genl. Hill’s Division. He had seen a letter from Ld. Wellington to one of Mrs Ross’s Brothers. He writes in great spirits. My Father likewise saw a letter yesterday from General Off. of high rank, who said that their position was an excellent one, and that the C. in. C. has made the most judicious arrangements. All this is very good as far as it goes, but I shall look for the next arrivals with much anxious impatience.
Hd. Qrs., Fornos D’Algodres, June 20, 1810.
My Dear Father,
I am sorry to tell you that the Marshal has not yet received any answer from the Government respecting the admission of Rice and Grain free of duty; and I begin to fear that their usual narrow and absurd policy opposes more obstacles to this very desirable object than was at first expected. Indeed, if so, nothing can be more absurd, as although the harvest promises very well, particularly Rice and Barley, owing to the uncommon lateness of the season, the Indian corn is in most places but just sown, and in many not yet. Much must therefore depend upon the dryness of the latter end of the Autumn, and before that I think the scarcity will be so great, that they will be forced, though late, to open their ports, and give every encouragement to importation, or starve. The men and oxen have been kept away from their agricultural pursuits, to attend the armies with their carts, and this has delayed and impeded very much the ploughing, and hoeing, and reaping, as has also in some degree the very great consumption of cattle. The moment the Marshal gets an answer I will write to you, and to Porto to Pedro Alvez, which I have not done hitherto, because in the first place I could tell him nothing decisive, and in the next, it appeared to me prudent that it should be kept quite a secret that such an allowance in point of duties was in agitation.
The weather has at last set in very hot, which I hope will increase the great sickness of the French, who have been mostly exposed to the continued rains we have had till now. Our people, both English and Portuguese, are getting into the most satisfactory state of health, having been under cover and quiet.
The Enemy continues almost in statu quo. They have completed their bridges over the Agueda at Val d’Espino, and covered them by a small tête de pont. By their means the investment of Ciudad Rodrigo is completed. Their heavy Artillery and Mortars are, I believe, still fast in the mud half-way to Salamanca, but this hot weather will now soon enable them to bring them up. After which I have no idea that Ciudad Rodrigo can hold out a fortnight, from its construction, which is completely irregular and very defective, besides being in some degree commanded at about 800 yards. This will probably be the prelude to our play, and then we shall all become actors. They seem very shy of us, and I do not believe have as yet completed their preparations, or collected a sufficient force to attack us. Their foreigners continue to desert in considerable numbers, and more would I am sure come over, but for the steps the French have taken to prevent them. Our advanced Picquets have frequent skirmishes with them, which lead to nothing but wounding a few men and horses on each side.
We went over two days ago to Francozo to inspect a Portuguese Brigade with Lord Wellington, and afterwards to Minucal (?) to see the 16th Lt. Dgns., who are in very fine order, and made a most excellent review. At Francozo we visited the Nuns. The Porteress gave Lord Wellington, etc., etc., leave to enter, and some of us rambled all over the Convent. I never saw more poverty, misery, and dirt, except indeed some of the cells which were tolerably neat. Most of the Nuns were in the Choro at prayers, and not a little astonished at seeing a large party of men appear at the door from the inside. There were some pretty girls enough, but they were so long at Prayers, that we could not stop to speak with them, and had the full and free range of their abode. This visit of the great people will furnish conversation, I dare say, for years!
The price of Indian Corn at Montemor Velho, which regulates for Coimbra and all that neighbourhood, was last week at 11 Testoons22 the Alqueire. It had been at 12 T. the fortnight before.
Believe me ever, my dear Father, Your most sincerely affectionate son,
Wm. Warre.
Hd. Qrs., P.A. Francoso, Nr. Pinhel, June 27, 1810.
My Dear Tom,
We removed our Hd. Qrs. here two days ago and the English Hd. Qrs. to Almeida, on account of the very interesting situation of Ciudad Rodrigo, and to be within reach of immediate information respecting any movements of the French Army, which becomes every day more interesting. Their heavy Artillery being arrived, they on the evening of the 24th commenced a brisk fire on the place, which was returned with great vivacity by the besieged, and continued until 10 o’clock on the 25th in the morning, when a most tremendous explosion took place in the French lines from their Powder Magazine blowing up, (N.B. has since been ascertained to have been in the town), and immediately after two lesser explosions (which were in the French lines). The quantity of Powder must have been very great, as it was seen at this place by several of our officers, nearly 40 miles off, and at Almeida, half-way between this and the Ciudad Rodrigo, the shock was very strongly felt, and Governor Cox writes that it shook the whole place. Certain it is that the French batteries ceased firing and the Spaniards continued for two hours after.
If their loss is what we suppose from these circumstances, it will be a most serious loss to them, as I know not how soon they can replace it in Spain, and will probably delay their attack upon us for 6 weeks or 2 months, a great point gained for us, whose object is by gaining time to complete the discipline of our Army, etc., and who are getting very healthy. These, however, are the effects we wish for, and, like other people, we are very apt to fancy the probability of what we wish for, though at the same time you must not imagine that we are the least afraid of them even now. We know that their army is very sickly. They average deaths 46 to 50 a day, are in want of everything, and their intercepted letters show that they are very much disgusted. The Spaniards carry on a desultory and most destructive warfare. They scarcely dare move out of their Quarters without risking to be assassinated, and their losses in this way and by desertion are very great in every part of Spain.
They drive in our Picquets now and then. They have a great superiority of Cavalry, but nothing of any consequence has taken place. But if the greatest part of their powder is not destroyed, we may expect something every day. I cannot think they will let Crawfurd with the advance Guard remain so near them. Their and our vedettes are 400 to 500 paces from each other and we overlook their camp, which is very extensive, I suspect more so than they have any occasion for, considering the number of men they have. They are quite up to all this sort of humbug. If our Portuguese do as we expect, we are not uneasy as to the result, and if we lick them what a glorious day for Old England! I like this place better than Fornos, though we are not very well off either, and have a large Brigade of Infantry with us in the town. I am very well, the only annoyance is my face, which as well as my lips always peel and are very sore. By the end of the campaign I daresay we may pass ourselves off for Portuguese Indians, or any other tawny gentry you please. Adieu, etc.
July 2.—Hardinge and myself left Francoso about 6 in the evening to visit the advanced guard and outposts of the Army under Br. Genl. Crawfurd stationed in front of Gallegos, in New Castile, with his Hd. Qrs. at Almeida, about 4 miles in the rear. We arrived late in the evening at Pinhel, where we remained the night. Next morning set out after breakfasting with our friend Major Murphy of the 88th, (the Bishop of Pinhel being absent from Pinhel,) having dined at Francoso the day we left it for Almeida, the direct road to which we missed, and proceeded by an almost impassable path down to the Coa, which here on either side presents a most formidable position, totally impracticable for cavalry and artillery except over the bridge and high road leading to Almeida from Freixedas, Guarda, Pinhel, etc. According to the reports of its whole course from its confluence into the Douro to near Alfaiates, with the exception of two leagues beyond Almeida towards its source, it presents, from the very great steepness and rocky soil of its banks, a most formidable barrier to any army attempting to advance towards Vizeu, Celorico, Guarda, or Francozo, from the neighbourhood of Ciudad Rodrigo. It is, however, liable to be turned by Sabugal, or Castello Branco, and opposed to a superior army its great extent is a very serious inconvenience, as any part of the line being forced must oblige the rest to retire.
While Almeida, which is about a mile and a half from the river on the Spanish side, holds out, I consider any attack by that road as not to be feared. Though the greatest part of the descent to the bridge is out of sight of the town, the enemy’s movements would be very much impeded in attempting to advance. Considering all circumstances, the great superiority of the enemy and nature of a great part of our troops, I have much doubt in my own mind of any position being attempted to be defended on the Coa, as a general one for the Army, but this a few days must show, and I am no way in the secret.
We crossed the Coa at a very bad ford called Veia, about a mile below the bridge, and arrived at Almeida, waited on Governor Cox; and, after walking round the works (which from their nature I do not at all envy him the defence of, considering the troops he has, mostly Militia,) continued our march to Fort Conception to see our friend Lt. Col. Sutton, who had been appointed Governor, when there was an intention to defend it. But since the great superiority of the enemy rendered it impossible to attempt to relieve the brave Spaniards in Ciudad Rodrigo, it has been resolved to blow it up, and it has for that purpose been mined all round. When the enemy seriously advance this beautiful Fort will be entirely destroyed. It is a thousand pities. I never saw a more complete or perfect fortification with every part bomb-proof, even stabling for 200 horses. Its outworks are admirably adapted to defend the approaches, which are all round a perfect natural glacis to several hundred yards. Of the necessity of the measure I am no judge, but fear it will much vex the Spaniards.
We arrived about 3 o’clock at Almeida, and dined with Genl. Crawfurd, with whom after dinner we rode out to look at the French posts beyond the little river Azara, over which there is a bridge of stone leading to the village of Marialva, and about a mile beyond Gallegos. Along this line were about 3 squadrons of the German 1st Hussars doing the outpost duty, their reserves in Gallegos. I went down to the bridge and endeavoured to persuade two French Officers to come down and speak to me. They were, however, very shy, and only came near enough for me to tell them that some friends of theirs, who were taken prisoners near Chaves a year and a half ago, were well. I observed they were constructing a wooden bridge a short distance to the left of the former, and from the exhausted appearance of the Forage on the other side, their having removed the cars from blocking up the stone bridge, and certain reports of deserters, it appeared very probable they would drive in our posts next morning, the 4th July. They had there and near Carpio about 5 or 6 Regts. of Cavalry and some Infantry, 4 to 5000 men I should guess in all. Our Infantry, consisting of the 43rd, 52nd, Rifle Corps, and two Portuguese Caçadores Battns., one very good and the other very bad, were stationed in the woods in front of Alumeda, about 3 or 4 miles in our rear.
At daybreak they crossed the little river Azara over their two bridges, and drove in our Picquets. They had 12 squadrons and 2 Brigades of Infantry, but our three squadrons were supported by a troop of Horse Artillery, which kept them in check and enabled our little body to retreat in safety on the Infantry though close pressed and skirmishing very sharply the whole way. It was the prettiest thing, en fait de guerre, I ever saw. The retreat was very well conducted. Their Artillery could not come up till near the end of the affair, and ours killed a great many of their men and horses, while our Cavalry were in comparative safety. Their numbers enabled them constantly to turn our flanks, and the superiority of our horses as often to get out of the scrape.
A party of the German Hussars under Capt. Kranckenberg behaved particularly well, charging at the passage of a small bridge a very superior number of the enemy, though supported by four Squadrons within pistol shot on the other side. It was very well done. Two French Officers were severely wounded and some men, and one prisoner was taken, though, poor devil, he was covered with wounds, 6 in the head, and his arm nearly cut off, also run through the body, and wonderful to say, he is expected to recover. The French seemed much irritated at this check, and kept up a very brisk fire up the road we retreated by, within about 50 yards from us. Nor were they sparing in abuse, and confident of still cutting us off, when we arrived at our Infantry which checked them, and a Squadron of their 3rd Hussars coming unexpectedly on the 3rd P. Caçadores (an excellent Corps commanded by Lt.-Col. Elder) received a very warm salutation which dispersed them. The Battalion behaved very steadily and well, and give us hopes of the Portuguese troops, on whose conduct the issue of this Campaign must in a great measure depend.
The Division commenced its retreat towards Fort Conception covered by the Cavalry, whom I here quitted, having offered myself to act as aide-de-camp to Genl. Crawfurd. The Infantry returned in very good order through Alumeda towards Fort Conception, and General Carrera with his Spaniards, who were in our rear, by the fords of Algardon to a very strong position covering the roads that way. These Spaniards are remarkably fine men, about 3000 well clothed, though not uniformly, and armed. I did not, however, think much of their discipline or regularity. Hardinge placed them, and seemed to be much pleased with General Carrera’s appearance and manner.
The French gave up the pursuit about half a league from Fort Conception, and retired again to Gallegos, on this side of which place they established their vedettes, having attained, what I suppose was their intention, a new ground to forage on, and having reconnoitred our force, to ascertain whether or not Lord Wellington had come up with the army. Our loss was about 4 or 5 men wounded and as many horses. That of the French, so far as we could see, and have since heard from deserters, several Officers and about 30 or 40 men killed and wounded. After halting about two hours near the Fort, our advanced guard took up a position at Val de la Mula, on the Portuguese frontier, with the Cavalry about a league in front, leaving a space of about a league between their vedettes and ours. And this ended this little affair which Hardinge and myself had so much wished to see, and which was certainly very instructive. Au reste a great deal of firing to very little purpose. A strong proof of how ineffectual the skirmishing of Cavalry is, except to cover the retreat of larger bodies, and prevent the columns being fired into. Our people and theirs were constantly within 30 yards of one another firing with no effect, though neither party had any idea of fear. When it can possibly be avoided the less powder wasted this way the better. The best arm for Cavalry is the sword or sabre, a well broken horse and firm presence of mind, reserving the pistol or carbine merely for the purpose of vedettes, or covering some movement.
At Val de la Mula Col. Pakenham asked us to breakfast and afterwards to dinner, and during the whole of our stay we are much indebted to his civility, as also to Capt. Rowan and Wm. Campbell, brother to Augustus, who prevented our ever wanting a meal or forage for our horses during our stay. General Crawfurd was also very civil to us. While retreating he sent me with some letters to Governor Cox at Almeida, whom, however, I was fortunate enough to meet at Val de la Mula, which saved me a very tiresome ride, and enabled me to return immediately, but everything was over, and I was so tired that I was very glad to lay down in the guard-room of the Fort, which was evacuated, to take a nap, which was not of long duration, as I had taken possession of the mattress of a Spanish shepherdess of no very gentle nature, who was so clamorous and violent in claiming her property, that I was forced to yield it up for fear I might not escape so well from her gentle paws, as I had from the French. Besides, poor things, I could not but pity them. It was most distressing to see them abandoning their habitations, and flying away from the miscreants, loaded with what little property they could carry away, crying and lamenting, followed by their helpless children, while the men drove away their cattle, and all uncertain where they might find a place of safety. In Portugal the natural animosity which exists so violently on the frontiers, and which even the similarity of their misfortunes and distress cannot do away, they had but a dismal prospect of meeting with a friendly reception. I pitied them from my heart, to relieve was not in my power. How little does the independent happy English Peasant know how to value the peace and security in which he lives! And how would those miscreants who preach discontent and faction through the country, giving them ideas of wants and liberties which are incompatible with society and government, how would they blush if they were to witness the sufferings and oppression which these poor people undergo! They would see that in England alone the peasantry are now happy and free, and would see their own infamy in sowing the seeds of discord and civil dissension among that happy people, when every mind should be united and heart joined to resist the oppressor of mankind! If reform is necessary let us wait for moments of peace with foreign enemies, when we do not risk, by dividing amongst ourselves, the entire ruin of the most perfect fabric of government that ever existed, even with all its faults, and give every advantage to our enemies by exposing as some of our Senators do, by way of opposition to Ministers, or to get themselves in, our forces, intentions, weakness, faults, etc., etc., in fact, for the sake of a popular speech in the House, tell the enemy everything they ought most to conceal, even the stations and exact numbers of the troops, of ourselves, or of our allies. This conduct leads us half way to our ruin, and we shall repent it when it is too late.
On the 5th, early in the morning, Hardinge and myself rode out beyond Alumeda, towards Gallegos, till near the enemies posts, to see what damage we had done them the day before and what they were about. We found in the road two of their dead and some horses, evidently from the effects of our Artillery, as they were much mangled, and we also saw some more to the right and left of the road at a distance. A very large flight of vultures of very large size were flying about them, and on the ground, which added much to the disgust of the scene, and after ascertaining the positions of their vedettes, we hastened to return. Being but indifferently mounted, and at a great distance from our outposts, we were very much afraid of being cut off by some of their patrols, and, returning through Alumeda, I was just observing to Hardinge that we should look very foolish if we were to be taken, when I turned my head and saw a French Hussar close to us. Hardinge had not even his sabre, having broken it the day before, and I saw nothing was to be done but to charge him, for which purpose I drew my pistol and galloped at him, when he surrendered, a no very glorious prize, as his horse was so tired that he could not move out of a very slow pace, and it was with difficulty and anxiety we got him into one of our picquets. He was a French lad, and told me he had deserted that morning, owing to the ill-treatment of his chief, and the want of everything they experienced in their Camp, and said he intended to go to England and work at his trade, a cabinet maker, as he had a cousin there, whom he intended to enquire for at the Commune (police office), though he had not heard of him for 4 years. I have great doubts of his being a deserter at all, and rather think he was as much surprised to see us, as we were to see him. He is quite a Frenchman, and contradicted himself twenty times!
We arrived at our quarters at 8 o’clock, and breakfasted with Col. Pakenham. After which we set out, 5 in number, well armed and mounted, to reconnoitre the enemy on our left, and proceeded without meeting any as far as Villa de Porco and Barcilha, from the heights above which we distinctly saw with our glasses Ciudad Rodrigo, which was keeping up a very heavy fire, and defending itself as if it were manned by heroes. Let them now surrender when they may. They have done their duty, and it is heartbreaking to think we can in no way assist them.
At Barcilha our party divided. Hardinge, Col. Pakenham, and Capt. Cotton went by the right, and Capt. Shaw, A.D.C. to Genl. Crawfurd, and myself agreed to go and visit Villar de Ciervo, and all that line, and ascertain whether the French had occupied all those places, or Villar de la Egoa, where there are some excellent fords over the Agueda, and which, being in rear considerably of our left on the 4th, gave Genl. Crawfurd no small anxiety. We met nothing, and returned about 4 to dinner, having suffered only from the extreme heat, which fagged me a good deal, being rather bilious, and prevented my accompanying them in the evening, instead of which I paid a visit to my friends in the 52nd, whom I was very glad to see looking as well as ever I saw them at Shorncliff, though perhaps with less pipeclay.
Next day was spent nearly in the same way. In the morning we rode out reconnoitring to Alumeda, dined afterwards with General Crawfurd, and set off on our return to Pinhel, 4 leagues, where we arrived late at night and slept, and next day came home, after a most delightful trip, and having just seen what we wished and expected. The retreat of the advanced guard had for some days appeared inevitable, and it was to see how it would be conducted that we went over.
The desertion continues from the French in great numbers, 8 to 12 of a day while we remained with the advance guard, and they all agree in stating that their Army is badly off for provisions, and the foreigners much disgusted, and would desert in greater numbers but for the vigilant means that are taken to prevent. Junot and Ney with their Corps are before C. Rodrigo, and I believe also Masséna, as are also the traitors Alorna, Pampeluna, Sancos Mezeude, against whom no measures are taken by this Government, and we know they are supplied with money, etc., from their estates in this country, which are not sequestered or disturbed. So much for weakness and infatuation! The count Doidga(?) has been declared infamous and his offspring for three generations, and his property sequestered. He is a poor wretch and can do no harm, though not less a traitor, while these scoundrels, with arms in their hands, known traitors before the Prince embarked, and treated by him with great lenity, are suffered to attack their native country with impunity. It is most disgusting.
I do not think the French will attempt anything till C. Rodrigo falls, which, notwithstanding their heroic conduct, cannot be long delayed. It will enable the French to establish their magazines and hospital. What the plans for the Campaign are I know not. Everything promises a very warm one, and I confess I look with some anxiety to the conduct of the Portuguese troops, on whom much, nay everything, must depend. They promise well, it is true, in every respect, but still they are very young troops and never tried. The force against us is very superior. But on the other hand the greater must be the difficulty of supplying them and means of transport. We retire on our supplies while they advance from them. And everybody has great confidence both in Lord Wellington and Marshal Beresford, and if the native troops fight like men, I have not a doubt we shall succeed, though the loss must be inevitably great on both sides.
My own idea of their attack is that they will keep their principal Corps in our front, leave Regnier with his Corps, and keep Hill in check in the Alemtejo, while with a strong column they endeavour to force the passes near Castello Branco, or by Sabugal, endeavouring to unite near Thomar. By this means if Hill retires and crosses the Tagus, either at Villa Velha or Abrantes, the Alemtejo is left open, and we cannot but feel some anxiety for the Capital, or rather for the opposite side of the river, which would occasion great confusion. Hill must then defend the passage of the Tagus, which abounds in fords as low as Salvaterra, and also endeavour to check the enemy’s advance by the passes of Salhadas, etc., from Castello Branco or Abrantes, and if either of these movements of the enemy succeed, I should imagine the whole Army must fall back from the Upper Beira upon our works round Lisbon, that is Torres Vedras, Bucellas, etc., etc., for fear of its communications with Lisbon and our stores. Or if they do not attempt Alemtejo, I think they will attempt advancing in three columns by Castello Branco from Coria and Placencia, and from Guinaldo, etc., by Sabugal, and in our front by Celorico or Guarda, endeavouring to unite beyond the Sierra de Estrella. In this case we shall come into play immediately. Almeida, I think, they will merely mask by a strong Corps, and leave in their rear. If they succeed, the place must fall of course. If not, there is not force enough in it to annoy them. These are my own private opinions, and, from the very little means I have of information, must be considered as mere speculations, and as such, if erroneous, I may be excused, as I really know not how far they may agree with any others.
Hd. Qrs., Francoso, July 10, 1810.
My Dear Father,
I received your letters of 13th, 15th June, on the 1st of this month, and my having been absent at the outposts alone prevented me writing by last packet to thank you for the very interesting information you give me about Ferguson in particular, and the other occurrences of the day, as also for the affectionate friendship and solicitude on my account, which would be a sufficient reward in themselves for anything I can ever do.
I send you, annexed, a sort of journal of my proceedings during my little excursion to the outposts, which was very interesting. It was written in considerable hurry and just as the things occurred to me. The opinions also merely speculative, as I have but little means of positive information. I should therefore wish you to consider it as merely for your amusement and confidential, and for those few who can feel any interest in such trifles because they concern me.
Our situation becomes every day more interesting. The heroic defence of Ciudad Rodrigo has delayed the operations against this country, but I consider that it is impossible the place can hold out much longer.
What the issue of this contest may be, it is very difficult to guess. The enemy have certainly from 70 to 80,000 men, and we as certainly Troops of the Line not so many, though we have other advantages which they cannot have, particularly the people and the country in our favor. Lord Wellington and the Marshal appear very confident and in high spirits, and so does the whole army, who are in excellent order. Our Chiefs know best the real situation in which they stand, and the confidence every one feels in them will make the Army do wonders. Much must depend upon the Portuguese troops. At all events I think prudence would dictate the removal of all property from this country, and leaving as little to chance of war in point of business as possible, and although I by no means wish to croak, when I consider the great superiority of the enemy in numbers, and the nature of our Troops, with many other circumstances, I confess I do not feel quite so confident of our ultimate success. But I shall not form any decided opinion till I see our people tried.
Pray thank my dear mother for her kind letter of the 30th May from Hendon, and Tom for his of the 19th June, and for Greenwood and Cox’s abstract of my account. I am a good deal surprised they have not received my claim for losses. By the account I see they have received no part of them and suspect they do not much exert themselves, as I know other Officers have received theirs. By Tom’s letter I observe a warrant has been issued for £36, 15s., I suppose for my horse shot at Vimiero.
I hope you have had a pleasant trip to Woburn and Holkham. I am always happy when I hear of your amusing yourself in a way I know to be so much to your satisfaction.
I have got at Lisbon two Merino Rams and 3 Ewes. They tell me they are very fine, and my difficulty now is how to send them to you. I write by to-day’s post to Messrs Bulkeley to beg them to take charge of them for you, and send them by the first ship to London, and shall inform you of their answer. If you had no place to keep them yourself, and nobody else you wish to give them to, pray present them to my uncle Greg with my kind love. I am, however, a good deal bothered about getting them home, being myself at such a distance from Lisbon.
Adieu; pray give my kindest love to my dearest mother, and believe me ever your most truely Affectionate and Dutiful Son,
Wm. Warre.
I will tell Ld. W. about the pipe of wine when I see him, and am much obliged by your attention about it.
July 11th.—A very heavy firing and cannonade was heard yesterday morning at Ciudad Rodrigo, which is a proof that the place still holds out. Poor fellows, I fear they will pay dear for their heroic gallantry, since we cannot assist them.
I have been able to hear nothing further about the free importation of rice and grain, and I fear it will not be allowed from the delay.
Hd. Qrs., Francoso, July 25, 1810.
My Dear Father,
I have but just time to write you a few lines that neither you nor my mother may be anxious about me, when you hear of the unfortunate affair of our Advanced Guard yesterday, at which, however, I was not even present. The French attacked Br. Genl. Crawfurd’s Division, consisting of 43, 52, 95, and 1st and 3rd Portuguese Caçadores, about 3000 men, and some squadrons of Cavalry, with 23 squadrons and about 10 to 12,000 Infantry. I fear there was some delay in retiring across the Coa, and, being very close prest in their retreat, our brave fellows suffered very considerable loss, about 300 killed and wounded and 30 Officers. The 43rd I hear have suffered most, and have 14 Officers killed and wounded, as also the 95th, of whose loss I am ignorant, except of the death of poor Capt. Creagh. Col. Nutt of 43rd is killed and Capt. Hull wounded. They had arrived from England the evening before. The 52nd also lost some men and Officers, but I have not been able to hear any names, except that of Lt.-Col. Barclay being slightly wounded in the head. The 3rd Caçadores under Col. Elder behaved very well, and suffered some loss.
I am sorry I cannot add as much for the 1st, who did not behave so, and ran off at the very beginning, though their Col. d’Arilez, a very fine young man, behaved very well, as also some of the Officers. So much for want of discipline and confidence. I had before expressed my fears about them. I am just about setting off to enquire into the business, and I hope a most severe example may be made to prevent the recurrence of such a horrid disgraceful business. If they will not fight from feelings of patriotism or honour, they must be made to do so from fear of a more infamous death, and a more certain one, if they deserve it. It is a measure of peremptory necessity; though I have much pleasure in being able to add that in an attack which Regnier made on Salvaterra away to our right, the 1st Portuguese Cavalry commanded by Col. Pays of Mangoalde behaved most nobly, charged three times, and as often repulsed the enemy, and at last completely drove them back, and I believe the French had the superiority in numbers. Our advance guard having effected its retreat at all before so very great a superiority is most fortunate, that is across the Coa, whose banks are tremendously steep, and the road narrow. The French three times attempted to force the bridge after them but were repulsed, and lost a good many men on it. The tremendously heavy rains and storm we have had these last two days had fortunately spoiled the Fords of the River entirely. Otherwise I much fear our little Corps would have been entirely cut off and taken.
The English kept possession of the bank till early this morning, when the whole line was abandoned and our advance established at Carvalhos or Carvalhal. The French vedettes are on this side the river, and Almeida is consequently in some degree invested. I scarce believe they will besiege it, but rather content themselves with blockading and starving it, which will not be easy, as they have 4 months’ provisions complete. Pray send Augustus Campbell word that I hear both John and William are well, the former I am not sure was engaged. Wm. was of course with Crawfurd. I fear you will be scarce able to read this very hasty scrawl, but I have at this moment so many things to do in order to get away before late in the evening to reach Freixedas to-night, that they must serve as my excuse. You shall hear from me every opportunity. Adieu. Pray give my kindest love, etc. Yr. ever dutiful and affectionate Son,
Wm. Warre.
My Dearest Father,
Many many thanks for your very kind letter from Eastley End of the 16th July, and for the excellent account you give me of all my friends.
We continue here very quietly, and except the taking of a few prisoners at the outposts in front, and the peasantry having risen and killed a good many of the enemy, who straggle into the villages to plunder or seek for food, nothing of any consequence has occurred since my last.
The French appear to be preparing for the siege of Almeida, but have not yet established any batteries. From the accounts of all deserters and prisoners they are much distressed for provisions, particularly bread, which as the Peasantry all fly from their ill-treatment, they are forced to thrash out, carry to the mills, and grind and bake themselves. In some places the Officers alone have bread, in others they sometimes receive 3 lb. between 8 men. They are also much in want of shoes. A very intelligent Italian sergeant, who was brought in yesterday, assured me that their 66th Regt. lost on the 24th Ultmo., in the attack near Almeida, 500 killed and wounded, and the other two Regiments also a very large proportion. They therefore must have lost upwards of 1000 men in all, which is more than we supposed. They continue to desert in great numbers whenever they have the opportunity.
Our Portuguese troops are behaving very well. The 1st Regt. of Dns. at Atalaya towards Castello Branco attacked 80 French who were in the town, killed 25, and took 20 men and horses. Yesterday evening an account arrived from Bragança that a squadron of the 12th Dns. had been attacked by a French squadron, which they defeated, took 40 men and horses Prisoners, and killed all the rest, except 2 Officers and a soldier who escaped. Many of these Prisoners are badly wounded. The Portuguese squadron must have behaved very well to have done the business so effectually, and although these small affairs are of no great consequence (in themselves), yet they give us very pleasant hopes of what the Portuguese [troops] will do when more seriously engaged.
I have this instant been to see three French Cavalry, who deserted yesterday evening. They say they did so because they are starved, and that 25 of the 3rd Hussars and 8 more of their men had deserted the day before. These men, who are native French, come over mounted and completely armed. They say that nothing but desperation could make the Infantry go leagues from the Army to get food at the risk they run from the Peasantry, and that their Regt. of the 15th Chasseurs à Cheval have in 4 months been reduced from 900 to 400 men by sickness (which is very great in their army) and loss of horses. These men belong to the 6th Corps, Ney’s, and could tell us nothing about Almeida. Adieu; Believe me ever yr. most truely affectionate Son,
Wm. Warre.
I hope my father will receive the Merinos safe which I sent him, and that they will turn out well. I wish him to keep them or dispose of them just as he pleases.
I send a letter from Clara, which pray deliver to him.
My Dear Father,
I intended to have written (you will be amused at this beginning and the length of the letter, which I write at a gallop, expecting every moment that the Marshal will mount) you a long letter to-day, but, being on the move, I have only time to tell you that our Army has again made a forward movement, and we this day change our Hd. Quarters to Avelans da Ribeira, to the right of Alberca, which becomes for the present Lord Wellns. Hd. Quarters. The Army is all on the move, but I am ignorant of what the intention of our Generals is, whether to cross the Coa and raise the siege of Almeida, on which place they have not yet that we know of opened their batteries, or whether by a diversion on this side favor the disturbances which have been reported to have arisen in Spain. Whatever it is, it is a forward movement. Everybody is in high spirits.
The distance to which Junot has removed with his Corps d’Armée, and Regnier being occupied by General Hill, it leaves only the 6th Corps, Ney’s, to besiege Almeida, and, if the other Corps are really at such a distance as not to be able to support it, it would be a shame for us to let them take that place before our faces. As yet we know pretty correctly from deserters, who continue to come over in considerable numbers, that they have only completed the first parallel, and were at work at constructing the batteries in it. Their heavy guns had arrived but were not mounted. The garrison keep up a very brisk fire, and the enemy have lost some men. They press forward very boldly at daybreak, their light troops close to the place, and fire into the enclosures to annoy the gunners.
But Br. Genl. Cox, the Governor, by telegraph informs us that he does not much mind them, and that the garrison is in excellent spirits. Hitherto the Portuguese have had all the firing on their side. When the batteries open from the enemy, we shall be better able to judge how resolute they are. I daresay they will do very well.
I can, however, assure you that the situation of the French in Spain is most distressing. Officers of rank from Madrid write to France (intercepted correspondence) that they are reduced to the greatest necessity. Joseph the usurper, with an army of 250,000 men in Spain, is only in possession of that part of his kingdom which the Troops occupy. The supplies from Cordova and Grenada to Madrid are no longer sure, indeed most precarious. In short, all orders write almost in utter despair, and conjure Buonaparte to alter his system with regard to that wretched country. The army have not been paid for ten months, and in many parts, particularly Almeida and its neighbourhood, are dreadfully distressed for bread, and all the foreigners ready to desert the first opportunity. Buonaparte says he can only give them yearly 24 millions of Francs (1 million sterling), what folly! The tyrant recommends rigour, which is all in our favour, and his party from Spain write that if the Emperor cannot be got to alter his plans with regard to the Spaniards, they cannot with all their force and advantage answer for the consequences.
Kellerman with all his Divisions of cavalry cannot prevent the excursions of the Peasantry to the very gates of Valladolid. We have also reports of great disturbances in Madrid, and the movements of the French Corps make me believe it.
We have had no affair of consequence since my last to Emily. The Eagle which Silveira took with the Swiss Battalion at Puebla de Senabria arrived here. It is an imitation of the Roman Eagles, and I think an ugly one. It has, however, its effect upon the volatile courage and vanity of the French. To them a cap of liberty, or emblem of slavery, is equal, so long as it flatters the self-sufficiency and vain-glory of the grand nation. The Battalion is gone to Coruña to embark for England. None will return to France. They will almost to a man enlist with us.
I must again request, my dearest Father, to consider this information about Spain as confidential for the present. At all events not to mention my name, though I do not see any harm in your mentioning it, though not as coming from me.
This is the anniversary of the Battle of Vimiero, and at this time that day we were warmly engaged. I hope our next day may be as brilliant. Our army both English and Portuguese is in excellent health and spirits. I have great faith that our Portuguese will astonish the French most unpleasantly for them.
Adieu. Kindest and most affecte. love to my dearest Mother, etc., etc. Yr. ever affectionate and Dutiful Son,
Wm. Warre.
I have written this letter in such a hurry that I fear you will have considerable difficulty in either reading or understanding, but pray excuse it, as I have been every moment expecting to be called away. Adieu, Adieu.
May every blessing and happiness attend you and all my dear, dear family.
P.S.—I had little idea I should have had time to-day to write when I wrote this yesterday.
By the enclosed, which I send open, you will see that we have halted two days. But as I am completely ignorant of what the intentions were of our chiefs, it would be folly to attempt to account for it.
W. W.
Avelans da Riveira, 22nd Aug.
Hd. Qrs. Lagiosa, 29th Aug. 1810.
Many many thanks, my dearest Father, for your letter of the 1st, and the expressions of your affectionate approbation which will ever make the greatest pride, as well as the greatest happiness of my life. You will see that we have again retired to this place, on the unexpected fall of Almeida, which we suppose surrendered on the 27th. The enemy’s batteries opened from different sides and very briskly on the night of 25th to 26th. We could distinctly see and hear them firing. On the 27th I was dining at the outposts with General Slade, when a report arrived that, no firing being heard for several hours on either side, the place must have been taken. I hurried up to the Telegraph in front of Freixedas and from what I could see through the glass I had not a doubt of the event, as I could see people coming in and out and the rampart crowded over the gate. Many Officers who were present saw the same. But the next night a heavy firing was heard, which has confused me a good deal, as I thought myself positive, and do, of what I saw through a glass, and this certainly appears a contradiction to it. Next morning Ld. Wellington and the Marshal went up at daybreak, and I suppose thought there was no doubt of the place being taken, though still some doubt of when, and orders were given for the army to retire again, which was done yesterday and continues to-day, though we do not leave this place, nor, I suppose, shall till the enemy advance. There was a little skirmishing at the outposts yesterday, and I am sorry to say Capt. Ligon of the 26th is wounded in the neck, I do not know whether badly. Our advance vedettes remain where they were, in front of Freixedas, extending towards Pinhel, in which place the French are. How long things may remain in this state it is quite impossible to say. My opinion is that the enemy is not yet in force to advance. Nor will the state of affairs in Spain allow it for the present. At all events they must have considerable garrisons and posts of communication, and by drawing them into the interior, destroying the means of subsistence, mills, and forcing the inhabitants to fly on their approach, which they are ready enough to do, I trust we shall be able to meet them on equal terms, and where we please, to give a good account of them. I hate grumbling and croaking, and think it most unsoldierlike in an army such as ours, even were we less strong. We must trust to the fortune de la guerre, and the abilities of our Generals. I wish that every English Officer thought the same and wrote less nonsense to their friends at home.
As to Almeida, it is quite an enigma, how it came to yield so soon. No breach can have been made, and from the opinion I have of General Cox, I much fear either he was killed, or the garrison forced him to this step. As, however, we know nothing but on conjecture it is as prudent and liberal to suspend our judgment. A week more or less must at all events have brought us to this, and it is a most ridiculous idea to despond at the event, as if it altered our situation.
On the 22nd there was a very gallant little affair at Ladoeiro between Castello Branco and Salvaterra. Capt. White of the 13th Lt. Dns. with a troop of that Regt. and a troop of the 4th Portuguese Cavalry (our friend John Campbell’s Reg.) attacked 60 French Cavalry, and without the loss of a man or horse, took 50 men, 7 corporals, 3 sergts., and 2 Officers. The Capt. and some men endeavoured to escape on foot, but were afterwards killed by the Peasantry. So that not one went back to tell the tale, and the French, thinking the whole had deserted, sent out another party in search of them. They had 7 or 8 men wounded, and Capt. White speaks very highly of the gallantry and good conduct of Cornet Raymundo Oliveira and the Portuguese Troop, who charged in very great style and tumbled the Mounseers over in a minute.
I am quite delighted that you are pleased with my having got the Merinos, which I am sorry to say missed their passage to London owing to a mistake. They are in the care of Messrs Bulkely, who have promised to forward them by the first opportunity. Should I be able to procure any of a very good breed, I will, you may depend, never forget you. I am quite vexed I did not get 15 when I got these, which I hear are very fine, but I was then quite at a loss how I should get them home.
I received a very kind letter from Col. Ross from Sarzedas. He was quite well, and I am happy to hear is coming into the Portuguese service, where he will, I expect, command a Brigade. I have said everything in my power to the Marshal about him, and I have no doubt he will do everything for him. Mrs R. and the children, he tells me, are at Weymouth. Pray thank Tom for his letter which I will answer on the first opportunity. Also pray tell my Uncle Wm. with my kindest love that I have received a letter from the Honble. A. C. Johnstone with his letter enclosed, requesting me to procure him a letter from the Marshal to the Marquis de la Romana, which I have done, and in very strong terms, and I shall be happy to hear it has answered his purpose. Should he come into our neighbourhood, I will shew him every attention in my power, as he may depend upon, I will to any friend he may recommend to me. Adieu, my dearest Father; pray give my kindest love to my beloved Mother, Emily, etc. Yr. ever dutiful and most truely affectionate son,
Wm. Warre.
I am astonished at Greenwood not having received my Coruña losses. The Board of Claims is dissolved; I think it very hard.
I have this moment seen a letter from Guarda stating a French Colonel to be arrived there a prisoner, and that a Lieut.-Col. was killed. They were, it is said, reconnoitring with Masséna at Naves d’Haver, and missed their way in the fog and rain, which was not improbable, as I never saw such tremendous thunderstorms as we had yesterday and the night before. The same letter also says Almeida is taken, and the Governor reported to be killed.
6 in the evening, August 29, 1810.
My Dear Father,
I have since writing this morning heard the official account of the surrender of Almeida, and the fact is this. On the morning of the 27th a shell fell near the principal magazine as they were in it and making cartridges, the door being open the whole blew up with an explosion that destroyed a considerable part of the town, and of course created the greatest confusion in the place. Cox, finding all his ammunition gone, except a few rounds, sent to propose surrendering in case the garrison might be allowed to join our army, which in consequence of the intervention of the Marquez D’Alorna, Pampeluna, and other Portuguese traitors, was refused by Masséna. Cox declared he would not surrender under other conditions, and recommenced the fire till next morning (the 28th) when every cartridge being used he was forced to surrender as Prisoners of war. As the garrison marched out and were formed on the glacis, it was offered them to either march prisoners to France, or enter the service of Napoleon. To a man they refused the former (sic)23 (except one Major of Artillery who had been before tried as a Traitor), a most noble act on the part of a garrison mostly Militia, which strongly shews the spirit of the people. I also much rejoice in my friend Cox having got off with honour and credit to himself and the British nation.
The French Colonel and some men who were taken with him, passed through this since I wrote. He belongs to the Gendarmerie and is a handsome looking fellow, though he has a very sneaking appearance. He as well as his companions were wounded. The Lt.-Col., his friend, was killed. We last night took 9 Dns. prisoners at Freixedas which the French occupied, and have since again abandoned. Adieu. Yr. most affecte. Son,
Wm. W.
I am writing as hard as I can, so pray excuse the difficulty you will have in reading this Postscript.
The Major of Artillery Barretto, who proved a traitor, was sent by Cox as a flag of truce. The scoundrel told all he knew, and never even returned to the place. I suppose he found it too warm a berth, and was devilish glad to get out of it. A traitor is almost always a coward. He flies from a greater hoping to find a lesser danger with the enemy, or from the same reason that a man robs or murders, from natural vice or villainy. What miscreants are Alorna, etc., etc.
Extract from Letter, dated Hendon Place, Oct. 2, 1810.
Hendon Place, Oct. 2, 1810.
No arrivals, and of course no news from dear William. Lord W. had retreated towards Vizeu. We presume things were going on as usual on the 11th, as Paris papers to the 23rd are in town, and they hear at Paris in eleven days from the army.
Extract from Letter, Hendon Place, 16th Oct. 1810.
Hendon Place, 16th Oct. 1810.
I give you joy of the glorious news. How delightful it is that the Portuguese have behaved so nobly. They have shown Bony’s ‘spoiled child of Fortune’ what they can do when well organised and commanded. Some of the Regts. were commanded by Portuguese. It will give dear William great satisfaction, though he will be sadly disappointed at not being there. He had been afflicted with his old complaint—was gone to the rear to recover. I do pity him not sharing in the glory when he has partaken so much of the fatigue, and General Beresford’s army having borne the whole brunt of the action makes it doubly mortifying as such an opportunity may not again offer. I long for letters from him, but fear we have no chance till the Packet arrives. Capt. Burgh told Papa he was quite recovered.
The French have concentrated their whole force, and were so determined to carry the day they only brought Frenchmen into the field. They would not trust their foreigners, who continue to desert in great numbers. Masséna applied to Lord Wellington for permission to bury his dead, which was refused, as Ld. W. wanted to ascertain their numbers.—Above 2000 were interred, and the general proportion is 3½ wounded to 1 killed. On this occasion it is supposed to be much greater, as the French had no artillery or cavalry, and we played away after them with grape and shot from our artillery down the hills.
Four of the Pintos are among the wounded or killed. A cousin of theirs is wounded.
A. E. W.
Extract from Letter dated Hendon, 25th Oct. 1810, referring to W. W.’s Letter, Oct. 6.
Hendon, 25th Oct. 1810.
At last we have got letters from Dear William. They are of a very old date (6th Oct.) and must have been unaccountably delayed in London, as the Packet of the 8th has been long arrived and one of the 16th arrived on Monday. Poor dear fellow, he has had another dismal voyage of pain and suffering from Figueira to Lisbon, but again met with kind friends, and is, God be praised, restored to health—in one of the letters he says Jack Croft joined him as soon as he heard of his being ill at Coimbra, and accompanied him in a crowded transport of sick and wounded, sharing the floor and his bearskin, and administered to him and his fellow sufferers every comfort in his power, and on his arrival at Lisbon took the trouble off his hands of seeking for a lodging for a poor little fellow under his protection, who had lost a leg and been obliged to suffer two operations for it, but is now likely to do well. A son of Sir J. Frederick’s, Major Stanhope, saw William on the 12th at Belem. He was then so much recovered that he talked of joining the Marshal (now Sir W. B.) in a day or two. I suppose you will like to have an extract. The first part of his letter is all about my mother’s illness, as he had just received my letters acquainting him of it. He then says he has recovered his strength and looks so wonderfully fat, every one is astonished at it. “It will, however, require a fortnight or 3 weeks’ quiet sea-bathing to confirm the tone of my nerves, which have been a good deal shook by resisting a very tedious and debilitating illness in hopes of sharing in the glory of my companions: and it has been a bitter disappointment to have been in the rear during the late glorious actions, when the Portuguese troops behaved so nobly. What a pleasure it must be to the Marshal. And he deserves it, for his exertions (for which success is the best payment) and for his excellent honourable character. I believe everybody now does him justice for the honour and rectitude of his intentions. Of the movements of the army I know little, but believe they are falling back on the positions at Mafra, etc., which are entrenched and prodigiously strong. If the French press forward I think a decisive and good battle inevitable, but I do not think they will, and, if they do, I have not a doubt of the result, and Nap. will have got into a pretty scrape. If they beat us, we have equally strong positions at St Juliens, but this God forbid. For the sake of the poor natives I trust all will be well. They deserve it for their loyalty and willingness, but I really have great confidence that the infamous invader will get a complete defeat. The French left 3000 dead on the field at Busaco. How they could attempt to attack such a position I know not, nor can I conceive, except that they entirely despised the Portuguese Infantry. Inganarao says they were mistaken! but we have yet to give them better proof of it.
Clara is safe and well at Porto, and her obstinacy in staying in the Convent has caused me great anxiety—
A. E. W.
Major Elliot’s treatise on the defence of Portugal is remarkably well worth reading, and gives a very just and true and impartial account of the people and country.
Hd. Qrs., P.A., Casal Eschin, a mile to the Eastward of
Enxara dos Cavaleiros, 5 l. from Lisbon, Oct. 20, 1810.
My Dearest Father,
You will see from the date that I am quite recovered, and have joined the Army and my excellent friend the Marshal, who, to my great joy I found on my return two or three days ago, quite well notwithstanding the fatigue he has undergone, I was in such a constant fidget in Lisbon, and so uncomfortable that I could not remain any longer, particularly as the weather did not admit of my sea-bathing, which was my principal object in going to Belem.
I am much disappointed at not hearing from the family last packet. A packet is daily expected and I trust I shall be more fortunate.
On my return I found our Army in a position as strong as anything can well be imagined, studded with Redoubts and Batteries, extending from the front of Torres Vedras to the Tagus at Alhandra, by Bucellas, on the chain of hills which runs behind Sobral, nearly from the sea to the river. It is rather an extended one, but a part is so strong by nature, and by art, that the troops can with great safety in great part be spared to repel the enemy wherever he may attack, and I feel not a doubt of his being forced to abandon the enterprize and retreat, or that if he attack us, scarcely a more desperate measure than the other, he will be completely defeated and destroyed.
Masséna, as far as my very slender knowledge of these matters goes, is in a most desperate scrape, and I scarce see how it is possible to get out of it without the loss of a great part of his army. I cannot account for his incautious advance, for he has little reason to doubt the conduct of the Portuguese after the Busaco business, and could scarce be such a fool as to imagine that because we retired, we were hurrying to embark without fighting a battle, after having so completely beaten him at Busaco. I dare say he had no idea of the great strength of these lines. I had none myself, though I had seen parts of them. But now that he is close to us, I cannot see how he can avoid fighting us. Even should we be unfortunate, we have other strong lines to retire to, and we must fight him again. As for embarking, I do not see how that is to be accomplished, if we are defeated, and did I feel less confident of victory, and less fearful that they will not attack us, I should think the game as desperate for us as for them. However, nothing can exceed the confidence and spirit of our army, who are very well provided, while we know for certain the French want entirely for bread, and must soon for meat. At present they have enough. Their Officers tell them they are to be in Lisbon in a fortnight, but the reports of their deserters, and their number, sufficiently prove how little they are believed.
Trant and Genl. Miller and Colonel Wilson advanced suddenly with a large body upon Coimbra, and took about 5000 sick and wounded, 80 Officers and a whole company of the Marines of the Imperial guard, who have all except about 200 arrived at Porto, and are long e’er this embarked. It was a dashing movement which completely destroys the enemy’s communications that way with Spain, and has spread the greatest terror and dismay in the French Army, as well as great disgust at their sick being abandoned, with so weak a garrison as 300 men. Many of these wretches must die and have died. Such are the horrors of war, but one cannot pity them, when we consider the enormities and cruelties they commit everywhere, where they pass, they are a horde of the most savage Banditti, and, desperately miserable themselves, they spread terror and desolation wherever they approach.
We go every morning to a large work near Sobral, in which place they are, and from whence we see almost all our own position, and what they are about. Their posts are about ¼ mile from it, and close to ours. Junot’s and Ney’s Corps d’armée in our front in the different villages, but most encamped near a large pine wood, and in it, about 3 miles in our front. And this is their principal force, about 30 to 35,000 men; and Regnier’s corps is on our right near the Tagus in front of Hill. Ld. Wellington’s dispositions are very much approved by everybody, and said to be masterly. As far as I can judge, I think so too.
The greatest cordiality exists between the Portuguese and English troops, and they are so disposed as mutually to support and encourage each other, without much being risked by their misconduct should it be so, which nobody now fears, or could in justice the most captious, after the proofs they have given of their courage and good will.
J. Croft came yesterday and shared my bearskin with me on the softest straw I could procure, and this morning he rode at daybreak with me to the Battery, where I showed him the lions. It was very interesting, as there were several movements on the part of the enemy, who appeared to be concentrating their force in the wood I before mentioned, and near it, fronting our centre. But my own private opinion is that if they attack us at all, they will attack the left.
Croft afterwards set off again for his son, and as I did not think I should be able to get back again in time to write, I begged him to mention that he had seen me and I was well. I have, however, fortunately returned in time to write this hasty scrawl with a wretched pen and greasy paper, which must excuse me with you for the difficulty you may have in reading it.
I have received the second part of the translation on the Defence of Portugal, but have not had time to read a line yet, for we breakfast at ½-past 4 and dine at six, which, with a good deal of riding, makes us most ready to avail ourselves of all leisure moments to sleep.
Adieu. I hope my next may be to announce a most glorious victory, of which I have not a doubt, whenever they attack us, and which from circumstances I do not think they can long delay, and we are quite ready to receive them.
Believe me, my dear Father, Ever most gratefully and most affectionately, Yours,
Wm. Warre.
From some deserters from the enemy’s Cavalry who are come in we hear that they are practising or rather drilling their men to charge with the bayonet. It is rather ridiculous at this time of day, after pompous boasting of having carried everything at the points of their bayonets. They cannot drill their hearts and minds, and we shall always beat them at that work, as our fellows’ minds and nerves require no drilling.
My Dear Father,
I am very much afraid you will receive this letter before that I wrote to go by last Packet, and which, owing to a provoking mistake, was left behind and goes in this. By it you will see that after I rejoined the Marshal my illness and pains returned with increased violence, and it was intended to prepare you for what I feared would be the consequence, my being forced to return home. But still I was most unwilling to quit my post, and give up at such an interesting crisis, the chance of an opportunity of making myself known. And this made me bear for upwards of a fortnight the torture of laying on the ground with but little comfort and less rest. It could not, however, last long, and my horse falling with me and on my bad leg and bruising it, forced me to go to Lisbon, and have a consultation on my case, when after some deliberation it was determined that I should go home, and I accordingly embarked on board the Walsingham Packet, and after a very rough and tiresome voyage of 10 days, we are at length arrived at this place, at which I shall be forced to delay a day or two before I can venture to travel. When I came on board I was almost a cripple, and suffered an agony of pain beyond anything I can describe. However I have, thank God, for the last two or three nights been able to sleep a little, though I am very weak, and the cold pinches me much. By avoiding with great care catching cold, and by slow journeys, I trust when I arrive in London that I shall at least be free from pain. I hope to be able to get to town in about 8 days or less, if I find I can bear the journey well. Poor Ross is arrived with me and will remain a few days. He is better, I think, considerably than when he came on board, but still very weak and low. He goes to Bath, as soon as he can travel. My last will give you all the news, since which things remained in statu quo when we sailed. The general opinion was that Masséna was about to retreat. Loison’s division had passed the Zezere. With most affecte. love, etc., etc., yr. affecte. son,
Wm. Warre.
My Dear, Dear Father,
I arrived at this place this evening after being three days on the road since I left Falmouth, and most completely tired of Cornish moors and Cornish travelling at 4½ miles an hour. I only reached Bodmin instead of Launceston the first day, and Oakhampton on the next, and though I intended to have remained this day at Exeter and rested, I resolved, having lost a day, to push on, and, except I find myself unusually unwell, shall proceed by short stages to London without halting an entire day anywhere, and about the 22nd I hope to arrive. I am happy to say I have borne the journey better than I expected notwithstanding the weather, which has been much against me. I am, however, a good deal fatigued, and it is not unlikely I may be forced to remain a day on the road. I did not send you the reports by the Stag merchant vessel from Oporto, as considering dates and circumstances they appear to me quite improbable, not to say quite impossible. That a battle took place so that accounts reached Porto on the 7th is impossible, (as we sailed on the 4th, and such a thing was not expected), except indeed we can do away all improbabilities, those of the French attacking us, and then, en militaire, I do believe their defeat inevitable, and that Ld. Wn. attacked them I do not believe. Pray give my most affecte. love to my beloved Mother, I am, etc., etc., Yr. ever affectionate son,
Wm. Warre.
Notes
19 What wonder!
20 Well employed.
21 Sir Francis Burdett.
22 Testoon = about 5d. Alqueire = about 3 Imp. gallons.
23 There is some confusion here; to make good sense “the latter” should be read. But see Oman, vol. iii., p. 275.