VI Language
Outline of Mikir grammar—The original text of the three stories translated in Section V., analysed and elucidated.
The language spoken by the Mikirs belongs to the great family of Indo-Chinese speech called Tibeto-Burman, the general characteristics of which have been fully set forth in The Linguistic Survey of India, vol. iii. Mikir itself is treated on pp. 380 ff. of Part II. of that volume, and is described by Dr. Grierson as a member of the Nāgā-Boḍo sub-group, in which it is classed together with Ēmpēo or Kachchā Nāgā, Kabui, and Khoirāo. It is unnecessary here to occupy space with any demonstration of the fact that Mikir is a Tibeto-Burman language, or to cite lists of words in it agreeing with those of other languages of the same great class. In the next section an attempt will be made to examine its affinities with other varieties of Tibeto-Burman speech, and to define more clearly its place in the family; in this the language will be dealt with in its internal structure only, and, as specimens, the original text of the three stories translated in Section V. will be given, with an interlinear rendering and a running commentary.
A grammatical sketch of Mikir was printed at pp. 381–391 of Part II. vol. iii. of the Linguistic Survey. What follows is mainly borrowed from that source, which was the first published attempt to explain systematically the facts and mechanism of the language.
Sounds
Mikir has no written character of its own. The first publication printed in it, a short catechism issued by a missionary press at Sibsagar in 1875, used the Assamese character; since then, so far as is known, the Roman alphabet has always been employed to express the sounds of the language. Mr. Stack, from whose materials this monograph has been compiled, distinguished the following vowel sounds:—
ā, long a as in father (chiefly in open syllables);
à, the same shortened and pronounced abruptly, as in the German Mann, always in closed syllables;
(N.B. The language does not possess the short Hindī a, representing the u in but.)
ē, the long e in the French scène;
e, the same sound shortened, as in belief;
è, the sharp e in the English men (always in closed syllables);
ī, the long i in machine;
i, the short i in it;
ō, the long o in bone;
o, the same shortened, as in obey;
ò, the sharp abrupt sound in pot (always in closed syllables);
ū, the long u in June;
u, the short u in full.
The diphthongs are—
ai, as in aisle;
ei, almost as in feign, with the i audible;
oi, as in boil;
ui, long ū with i added: no English equivalent.
The consonants used in Mikir are b, ch, d, h, j, k, l, m, n, ng, p, r, s, t, v (all with their value as in English), and the aspirates kh, ph, th (pronounced as in cookhouse, haphazard, anthill). Bh, dh, and g occur only in a few borrowed words, and bh and dh are commonly resolved, as bahār (for Hindī bhār), “a load,” and dohòn (for Ass. dhon), “money.” F, sh, w, y, and z are not used. Ng is never initial, and the g is not separately heard (always as in singer, never as in younger).
Monosyllabic Roots
The root words of the language, whether nouns, adjectives, pronouns, verbs, or adverbs, are generally monosyllabic; where simple roots have more than one syllable, the additions are formative prefixes, once probably separate words, which have become incorporated. Such are the prefix ke-, ki-, kā-, used to form adjectives, present participles, and verbal nouns; and the prefixes ār- (in ārnī, “sun,” ārlòng, “stone,” ārlèng, “man,” etc.), ing- (in inglòng, “mountain”; inghòn, “pity,” etc.), and te-, ti-, to- (in teràm, “call,” tekàng, “abandon,” tikup, “house-yard,” tovār, “road,” etc.), of which the precise significance is not now traceable. In compound roots, formed by combining monosyllabic elements, the force of each individual syllable is still fully felt; such compounds are exceedingly common.
Words are not inflected, but are located in sense by their position in the sentence or by the addition of particles. These particles may often be omitted where ambiguity is not likely to occur; such omission is particularly frequent as regards the postpositions indicating case, and the tense-affixes of the verb.
Gender
Gender is not distinguished except for animated beings, and in them either (1) by added words indicating sex (as sō-pō, “boy,” sō-pī, “girl”; āsō-pinsō, “male child”; āsō-pī, “daughter”; chainòng-ālō, “bull”; chainòng-āpī, “cow”), or (2) by the use of different terms (pō, “father,” pē or pei, “mother,” phū, “grandfather,” phī, “grandmother,” etc.).
Number
The ordinary suffix for the plural is -tum (which is originally a separate word meaning “company,” “followers”); but other words are occasionally employed, as mār, a “mass, quantity, or company”; òng, “many”; and lī, a respectful form used in addressing a number of persons. When -tum is suffixed to a noun, it takes the prefixed ā- of relation, as ārlèng-ātum, “men”; when added to a personal pronoun it does not require this adjunct, as will be explained below (nē, “I,” nē-tum, “we”; nàng, “thou,” nàng-tum, “ye”; lā, “he, she, it,” lā-tum, “they”).
Case
Case is indicated by position, or by postpositions. The nominative, and, generally speaking, the accusative, have no postpositions, but are ascertained by their position in the sentence, the nominative at the beginning, the accusative following it before the verb. Both, when necessary, can be emphasised by the addition of the particles -kē and -sī, which in some sort play the part of the definite article; but these are not case-postpositions. There is no device (as in Tibetan) for distinguishing the case of the agent with transitive verbs.
The genitive always precedes the noun on which it is dependent. When the word in the genitive is a pronoun of the first or second person, nothing intervenes between them: nē-mèn, “my name”; nàng-pē, “thy clothes.” But when, the pronoun is in the third person, or a noun is in the genitive case, the following noun has ā- prefixed: e.g. lā ā-pō, “his father”; Ārnàm ā-hèm, “God’s house”; hijai-ātum ā-kàm, “the jackals’ work”; ārnī-kàngsàm ā-pòr, “day-becoming-cool time.” This prefixed ā- is really the pronoun of the third person, and means his, her, its, their; the full meaning of the combinations given above is therefore “he, his father”: “God, his house”: “the jackals, their work”: “day becoming cool, its time.” As in many other languages of the Tibeto-Burman family, nouns (especially those denoting personal relations, parts of the body, etc.) are seldom conceived as abstract and self-contained; they most often occur in relation to some other noun, and thus the syllable ā- is more often prefixed to them than not. Especially is this the case with adjectives; these ordinarily follow the noun which they qualify, and almost always have ā- prefixed; e.g. Ārnàm ā-kethē, “God Almighty”: lā ā-kibī ā-bàng, “that younger one.” Sometimes this prefixed ā- is thinned down to ē-, as in hèm-ē-pī, hèm-ē-pō, “widow, widower,” literally “female or male owner of the house”: hijai ē-hur, “a pack of jackals.” Most postpositions (originally nouns joined to the genitive of the qualified word) similarly require ā- before them; and the suffix -tum of the plural, since it means “a company,” also in this manner assumes the form ā-tum. Before ing- the prefix ā- is absorbed, and the result is àng.
The other cases are formed by postpositions. The instrumental is generally indicated by pèn (sometimes with prefixed ā- or ē-, as āpèn, ēpèn, but more often without), or pèn-sī. The dative takes ā-phàn, “to or for,” which is also occasionally used for the accusative. The sign of the dative of purpose is āpòt: pī-āpòt, “what for, why?” kopī-āpòtsī, id. The ablative is formed with pèn or pènsī: nòn-pèn, “from now”; dàk-pèn, “from here”; āpārā (Ass. parā) is also used, generally with pèn as well. The locative has a number of postpositions, according to the position required: -sī is used for “in,” as hèm-sī, “in the house,” ādèt-sī, “in his country”; ārlō is also used for “in, inside.” Lē (properly the conjunctive participle of a verb meaning “arrive, reach to a place”) is often used as a postposition for “at, in.” Other common locative postpositions are ā-thàk, “upon, on,” àngsòng, “above, upon,” ārum, “below,” ābēr, “below,” ālòng “together with” (lòng means “place”), ādun, ādung, “beside, next to” (dun is a verb meaning “to be with, accompany”), ādàk, “between,” àngbòng, “in the middle of,” āphī, “after.”
Adjectives
Adjectives are regularly formed by prefixing ke-, ki-, or kā- to the root, and do not change for gender, number, or case. Thus, from the root mē, “to be good,” we have kemē, “good”; hēlō, “distance,” kāhēlō, “far off”; dòk, “to have savour,” kedòk, “savoury”; hō, “to be bitter,” kehō, “bitter”; lòk, “to be white,” kelòk, “white”; rī, “to be rich,” kirī, “rich.” Ke- and ki- are generally used with monosyllables, kā- with longer words; kā- with ing- forms kàng.
The form of the adjective is precisely the, same as that of the present participle of the verbal root, used to form the present tense, and also as that of the infinitive or abstract of that root, and the collocation of the sentence alone determines the meaning of the word used. When particles of comparison or other modifying elements are added to the adjective, the prefix kē- etc. is often dropped as unnecessary; thus—
kelòk, “white”; lòk-hik, “whitish.”
kemē, “good”; mē-mū, “better”; mē-nē, “best.”
keding, “tall”; ding-mū, “taller.”
But kàngtui, “high”; kàngtui-mū, “higher”; kàngtui-nē, “highest.”
Comparison is effected by means of the postpositions āpār and āphàn; “his brother is taller than his sister,” ā-tē āpār (or āphàn) ā-kòr ding-mū.
Adjectives commonly follow the noun qualified; when they precede, the construction corresponds to what in Aryan languages would be indicated by the relative pronoun (see below, p. 80).
Numerals
The cardinal numerals are īsī, one; hīnī, two; kethòm, three; philī, four; phòngō, five; theròk, six; theròk-sī, seven; nērkèp, eight; sirkèp, nine; kèp, ten. It will be seen that seven is six plus one, eight ten minus two, nine ten minus one. From eleven to nineteen krē takes the place of kèp: krē-īsī, eleven; krē-hīnī, twelve; krē-kethòm, thirteen, etc. A score is ingkoi, and from this point onwards the syllable rā is inserted between the multiple of ten and the added units: ingkoi-rā-īsī, twenty-one; ingkoi-rā-hīnī, twenty-two, etc. Thirty, forty, etc. are formed by adding kèp to the multiplier unit: thòm-kèp, philī-kèp, etc. Eighty is theròk-nērkèp, ninety theròk-sērkèp. A hundred is phārō or pārō, a thousand surī.
The numeral follows the noun. In composition hīnī (except with bàng, “person”) is reduced to nī, and kethòm to thòm, as jō-nī jō-thòm, “two or three nights.” Philī and theròk are often contracted to phlī and thròk.
Generic determinatives, as in many other Tibeto-Burman languages, are commonly used with numbers:—
with persons, bàng, as ā-òng-mār kòrtē bàng-theròk, “his uncles, the six brothers”; with animals, jòn (perhaps an Assamese loan-word), as chelòng jòn-philī, “four buffaloes”; with trees and things standing up, ròng: thèngpī ròng-theròk “six trees”; with houses, hum, as hèm hum-theròk-kèp, “sixty houses”; with flat things, as a mat, a leaf, a knife, pàk: as tār pàk-phòngō, “five mats”; lō pàk-philī, “four leaves”; nōkē pàk-thòm, “three knives”; with globular things, as an egg, a gourd, a vessel, pum: as vo-tī pum-nī, “two eggs”; bòng pum-theròksī, “seven gourds”; with parts of the body, and also with rings, bracelets, and other ornaments, hòng: as kèng ē-hòng, “one leg”; roi hòng-nī, “two bracelets.”
One of anything is not formed with īsī, but, if a person is spoken of, īnut (a Khasi loan-word) is used: if anything else, ē- is prefixed to the generic determinative; “one cow,” chainòng ē-jòn; “one tree,” thèngpī ē-ròng; “one book,” puthī ē-pàk; “one egg,” vo-tī ē-pum. This ē- appears to be borrowed from Assamese, where it is shortened from èk.
Ordinals are formed by prefixing bātai to the cardinal, as bātai-kethòm, “third,” bātai philī, “fourth.” They seem to be little used: in the story of Harata Kunwar it will be seen that clumsy periphrases are employed to designate the second, third, fourth, and fifth brother of the family to which the hero belonged. Distributive numeral adverbs are formed by prefixing pur or phòng to the cardinal: pur-thòm or phòng-thòm, “thrice.”
Pronouns
The following are the personal pronouns:—
| 1st Person: | nē, I; nē-tum, nē-lī, nē-lī-tum, we, excluding the person addressed: ī-tum, ī-lī, we, including the person addressed; | |
| 2nd Person: | nàng, thou; nàng-tum, nàng-lī, nàng-lī-tum, ye; | |
| 3rd Person | lā, he, she, it; lā-tum, they; | |
| ālàng, he, she; ālàng-lī, ālàng-ātum, ālàng-lī-tum, they. | ||
(The pronoun lā is really a demonstrative, = this, that: it is probable that the original pronoun of the third person was ā.)
These pronouns take the postpositions like nouns. The possessive or genitive prefixes are nē, my, our, excluding the person addressed; ē- or ī-, our, including the person addressed; nàng-, thy, your; ā-, his, her, its, their.
The demonstrative pronouns are—lā, lābàngsō, bàngsō, this; pl. lābàngsō-ātum, these: hālā, hālābàngsō, that; pl. hālā-tum, hālābàngsō-ātum, those. The syllable hā- connotes distance, as dàksī, lādàk, here; hā-dàk, there; hā āhèm che-voi-lo, “he returned home from a distance.”
(There appears once to have been another demonstrative pronoun, pi, pe, pā, still preserved in the compound words pi-nī, “to-day,” penàp, “to-morrow,” pedàp, “this morning,” pāningvē, “to-night.” Instead of pi and pe we also find mi, me, as mi-nī, me-nàp. This survival is important for the purpose of comparison with other Tibeto-Burman languages.)
As in other Tibeto-Burman languages, there is no relative pronoun; its place is taken by descriptive adjectival phrases. Thus “those six brothers who had gone to sell cow’s flesh” is—
lā
Those
chainòng
cow
ā-òk
’s flesh
kejòr-dàm-ā-tum
to sell going (plural)
kòrtē
brothers
bàng-theròk.
persons-six;
“The man whom Tenton had tied with an iron chain” is—
Tèntòn
Tenton
ingchin
iron
ā-nī-pèn
chain-with
ke-kòk
tied-up
ārlèng.
man.
In these constructions, it will be seen, the adjective or qualifying participle precedes the noun.
The interrogative syllable, used to form interrogative pronouns, is ko-: komàt, komàt-sī, who? kopī, pī, what? ko-pu, ko-pu-sī, kolopu, kolopu-sòn, how? ko-àn, ko-ànsī, how many? konàt, konàthu, where? konàm-tu, nàm-tu, nàm-tu-sī, when? Always when the sentence does not contain an interrogative pronoun, and sometimes when it does, the syllable mā at the end marks a question: “Are you afraid,” nàng pherē-dèt mā? Nē (probably an Assamese loan-word) is also used instead of mā: “Will you marry him or not?” do-jī-nē do-dē-nē?
The reflexive pronoun is āmethàng, self; binòng, own; but the most usual way of indicating that the action affects oneself is to prefix the particle che- (chi-, ching-, chēng-, and rarely cho-) to the verbal root: lā hèm che-voi-lo, “he returned home,” i.e. to his own house; ā-òng-mār-ātum che-pu-lo, “his uncles said to one another”; che-hàng-jō, “they asked for themselves.” With initial ing-, che- coalesces to ching: with ār- it unites to form chēr.
Verbs
The Mikir verb indicates time, past, present, or future, by means of particles prefixed or suffixed to the root. It does not vary for number,1 gender, or person. There is no separate verb-substantive, though there are several ways of expressing existence, as do, “stay, abide,” used also for “have, possess”; plàng, “become”; làng, “exist, continue (with a sense of incompleteness)”; lē, “arrive, happen,” etc. Great use is made of adjectival or participial forms, and, in narrative, of the conjunctive participle. Compound roots are very extensively used, the principal verb being put first, then the modifying supplements, and last the time-index.
The simple, or indeterminate present is expressed by the participle with ke-, kā-, without any suffix: konàtsī nàng kedo, “where do you live?”; vo kàngjār, “the bird flies”; sārbūrā thī-lòt-sī nē kā-chirū, “the old man having died, I am weeping”; nē-phū ke-sō-kòn, “my head is aching badly.” This tense, as in other languages, is often used historically for the past.
The definite or determinate present is expressed by the same participle with -lo added: lā kopī kànghoi-lo? “What is he doing (now)?”
The habitual present is expressed by the verbal root with -lo: as vo-ātum-kē nē-phū-āthàk ingjār-lo, “the birds fly above our heads.”
The simple or narrative past is formed by the verbal root with -lo or -dèt added: lā pu-lo or pu-dèt, “he said”; nē-phū sō-dèt, “my head was aching”; lā kerī-āphī-sī lòng-lo, “he, after searching, found it.” Sometimes dèt and lo are used together: lā nē ingtòn-dèt-lo, “he abused me.” Dèt may also be used for the present when the state indicated by the verb is one that began in the past and still continues: e.g. “Why are you afraid?” may be rendered kopī āpòtsī nang pherē-dèt, or kopī āpòtsī nàng kāpherē?
The complete past is indicated by the root with tànglo added: lā-āpòtsī ne dām-tànglo, “I went, or had gone, on his account”; telòng lònglē phō-tànglo, “the boat has touched ground.” Tang is a verb meaning “to finish.” There are besides a great number of other particles indicating past time used with particular verbs. Thus, with verbs meaning “to fall,” bup and buk are common: hālā che-koi-bup, “he fell down”; hèm ru-bup, “the house collapsed”; lòng-chòng klī-bup, “the upright memorial stone fell down”; lòng-pàk klō-buk, “the flat memorial stone fell down”; thèng-pī àngsòng-pèn nàng-klō-buk, “he fell down from the top of the tree.” Such particles generally indicate not only past time but abruptness.
A periphrastic past, with the root followed by inghoi-lo, “did,” frequently occurs; this is probably an imitation of Assamese idiom.
Here may be noticed the prefix nàng, used, as the specimens show, with great frequency in narrative. It has the effect of fixing the occurrence to a known place, and may generally be rendered “there.” It is probable that this particle is originally the pronoun of the second person, and that it refers to the knowledge of the person addressed: “as you know,” “as you see.”
The future is represented in two ways: (1) by -po added to the root, to indicate an action beginning now and continuing in the future; as ītum nònkē lābàngsō ākàm āpòtsī pu-po, “we will talk about this affair now;” and (2) by -jī added, for an action which commences later on; as bādu ārlèng-tā thī-jī, “all men will die” (i.e. at some future time). As -po includes the present in the case of continuing action, it may be, and often is, used in a present sense; -jī is restricted to future time.
A compound future may be formed by adding to the root with -jī the words dòkdòk-lo: lā thī-jī dòkdòk-lo, “he is just about to die”; àn chō-jī dòkdòk-lo, “it is near breakfast-time” (rice-eating); àn īk-jī dòkdòk-lo, “the rice is nearly all done.” A doubtful future may be expressed by -jī added to the present participle: konàt chainòng ā-òk-sī dàk-sī kedo-jī, “where should cow’s flesh be here?”
From the above it will be seen that there is much indefiniteness in the indications of time afforded by the Mikir verb: except tàng for the past complete, and -jī for the future, the other suffixes may, according to circumstances, be rendered by the past, present, or future; they may also on occasion be omitted altogether. But the context generally removes all ambiguity.
Conditional phrases are formed by putting -tē or -lē, “if,” at the end of the first member, and the second generally in the future with -jī or -po. Of the conditional future an example is nàng dàm-tē, nàng lā thèk-dàm-jī, “if you go, you will see him.” The conditional past inserts āsòn (“like, supposing that,”) before -tē: dohòn do-āsòn-tē, nē lā nàm-jī, “if I had money, I would buy it.” The conditional pluperfect modifies the second member thus: nàng dàm āsòn-tē, nàng lā lòng-lòk āpòtlo, “if you had gone, you would have got it”; nàng nē thàn āsòn-tē, nē lā klèm tàng-lo, “if you had explained to me, I would have done it.”
The imperative is, for the second person, the bare root, or more usually the root strengthened by the addition of nòn or thā, and dialectically of noi; nòn (= “now”) is the strongest form. The other persons are formed by the addition of nàng (a verb meaning “to be necessary”) to the future in -po or present in -lo: “let us go” is ī-tum dàm-po-nàng; “let us go to the field and plough,” rīt hai-bai dàm-lo-nàng. We may, for the third person, use the causative form of the verb: lā-kē pedàm-nòn, “let him go.”
Participles. The present participle has the form of the adjective, with the prefixed ke- (ki-) or kā-; as kedàm, “going,” kā-chirū, “weeping.” The past participle is the root or the present participle with tàng added: dàm-tàng, “gone,” thèk-tàng, “having seen,” kā-pàngtu-tàng, “fattened.”
Perhaps the most used form of the verb, especially in narrative, is the conjunctive participle, which is either the bare root, or the root with -sī; hèm che-voi-sī thèk-lo, “having returned home, he saw.” When the past is indicated, dèt is used, either with or without -sī, as chō-dèt jun-dèt, sārburā, tòn-ārlo kaibòng pātu-joi-sī, ī-lo, “having finished eating and drinking, the old man, having quietly hidden his club in a basket, lay down”; Tèntòn, dohòn-ālàngbòng lòng-sī, rīt dàm-dē-dèt-sī, kàt-jui-lo, “Tenton, having got the bamboo-joint with the money, without returning to the field, ran away.”
When the phrase in which the conjunctive participle occurs is terminated by an imperative, the suffix is not -sī but -rā: “having eaten your rice, go,” is àn chō-rā dàm-nòn; but “having eaten his rice, he went,” is ān chōdèt-sī dàm-lo. While -sī links together parts of a narrative, -rā links together a string of imperatives.
The infinitive or verbal noun is identical in form with the present participle; kum-kiròt tàngtē kekàn ārkī nàng ārju-lònglo, “he heard (got to hear) there (nàng) the sound (ārkī) of fiddle (kum) scraping (ki-ròt) and dancing (ke-kàn).” All words beginning with ke-, ki-, and kā- may therefore be regarded as (1) adjectives, (2) participles forming tenses of the verb, or (3) verbal nouns; and it will be seen from the analysis of the specimens how clearly this at first sight strange allocation of forms can be made to express the required sense.
In all Tibeto-Burman languages the passive voice is either non-existent or little used; a sentence which in English would be stated passively is turned the other way, and appears in an active form. Thus—“Four trees were uprooted by the wind” would be rendered tomòn thèngpī ròng-philī pi-pur-koi-lo, “the wind uprooted four trees”; “this house has been thrown down by an earthquake” is chiklī-sī lābàngsō āhèm pi-ru-hup-lo, “an earthquake has thrown down this house.” Sometimes a passive may be expressed by a periphrasis, as “I was beaten,” nē kechòk èn-tàng, lit. “I received a beating.” The only unquestionable example of a passive is in the case of past participles, and here the passive is expressed by the simple expedient of putting the participle before instead of after the noun: bàng kevàn āhòr, “the drink brought by people”; mājā kelòng ārlèng, “a man bewitched”; nē ke-pī ā-àn āhòr, “the to-me-given rice and beer.” This construction is exactly parallel to the method (explained above) of expressing the relative phrase by putting the adjective first, instead of after the noun, and is in fact another case of the same idiom. The participle, which may also (as just explained) be regarded as a verbal noun, comes before the subject of the sentence, because the action passes on to the subject, instead of emanating from it, as in an active construction. We are tempted to think that languages which lack what seems to European modes of thought such essential elements as a relative pronoun and a passive voice cannot be capable of any subtlety of expression; yet this phenomenon is common to forms of speech like Tibetan, Burmese, and Chinese, which possess vast literatures dealing with all kinds of subjects, and in which it is possible to render ideas of the greatest complexity and variety. Even in Europe, the clearest and most logical of languages, French, prefers to use the active form of phrase (with on) rather than the passive.
The negative verb is a very interesting and remarkable feature of the language. A separate negative root, formed by prefixing or suffixing a negative particle, and conjugated in the same way as the positive, is indeed a common property of Tibeto-Burman speech; but in Mikir this secondary root is formed in a peculiar manner. The negating syllable -ē is added to the primitive, as un, “can,” un-ē, “cannot”; òng, “be much,” òng-e, “be not much”; ī, “lie down,” ī-ē, “not lie down.” But when the root begins with a consonant or a nexus of consonants, and is monosyllabic, the consonant or nexus is repeated before the added vowel: thèk, “see, be able”; thèk-thē, “not see, be unable”; dàm, “go,” dàm-dē, “not go”; kroi, “believe, obey,” kroi-krē, “disbelieve, disobey”; mèk-pràng, “eye-open, awake,” mèk-pràng-prē, “not awake.” When the verb is of two or more syllables, the last is chosen for reduplication: inghoi, “do,” inghoi-hē, “not do”; ingjinsō, “show mercy,” ingjinsō-sē, “not show mercy”; chini (Ass. loan-word), “recognise,” chini-nē, “not recognise.”
The secondary root thus obtained is treated in construction just like the positive root, and takes the tense-suffixes: pàk-tā pī-vàng-vē-dèt-lo, “anybody to give him (anything) came not.” The time-index is, however, with negative verbs more often dropped as unnecessary, owing to the context showing what the time-relation is.
In the imperative the reduplication is not used; the particle -rī is added to the positive root, with or without nòn as well: thèk-nòn, “see!”; thèk-rī, or thèk-rī-nòn, “see not!”
It may be added that this method of forming the negative by reduplication is also applied to verbal adjectives in ke-, ki-, kā-, which thereupon usually drop the prefix: kesō, “in pain, sick”; sō-sē, “not sick, well”; but kàngjinsō, “merciful”; kàng-jinso-sē, “merciless.”
Besides this organic negative, there is a periphrastic negative formed by adding the word āvē, “is not”: Ārnàm ābàng āvē, kechèng āvē, kāpetàng āvē, “God has no body, no beginning, no end” (lit. “God his body is not, beginning is not, end is not”). The ā in āvē is the usual ā of relation, and may be dropped: ālàm-āvē “without a word”; làm-vē, “word-less, dumb.” Kā- may be prefixed, forming kāvē, used as an adjectival negative: kopai (Ass. kopāl), “fortune,” kopai-kāvē, “unfortunate.” Another negative used separately, in emphatic assertions, is kālī: tovār nàng kepèk-jī kālī, “the way I will by no means yield to you”; nē-thibuk kālī, “it is not my water-jar.”
The causal verb is formed by prefixing the syllable pe-, pī̆-, pā-2 to the root: this is probably the verb pī, meaning “to give”; e.g. chō, “eat,” pechō, “feed”; tàng, “finish,” petàng, “cause to finish, end”; ingrum, “be gathered together,” pàngrum, “collect”; vīrdèt, “be lost,” pī-vīrdèt, “destroy.” This syllable takes precedure of che- in reflexive verbs: ē-chainòng ē-pā-chi-thū-koi-làng, “he has caused us to slaughter all our cows”: here ē- is the pronoun of the first person plural inclusive of the addressee; pā-, the causal prefix; chi-, the reflexive particle, indicating that the cattle slaughtered were their own; thū, a verb, “to kill by cutting”; koi, a particle indicating completeness; làng, the tense-suffix.
Compound verbs meet us at every step in Mikir. Roots are heaped together, and the compound is closed by the tense-suffix. Ordinarily the first root determines the general meaning of the compound, the rest being adverbial supplements of modifying force:—chirū-pī-lèm-lo, “he pretended to weep” (chirū, “weep,” lèm, “seem, appear,” pī-lèm, “cause to seem, pretend”); ke-phlòng-dàm ābàng, “somebody who will go and set fire (to the funeral pile)” (phlòng, “kindle,” dàm, “go”); kroi-dun-lo, “she consented” (kroi, “agree, obey,” dun, “go or be with another”); nē do-dun-jī-mā, “will you stay with me?” (do, “stay,” dun, as above). The texts which follow supply a multitude of other examples.
These adverbial supplements to verbs, inserted between the principal verb and the tense-suffixes, are a very characteristic feature of the language, and their proper use is one of the most difficult things for a learner to master. Certain roots take constant supplements of this kind, and are scarcely ever found without them; thus the verbs thī, “die,” ī, “lie down to sleep,” and jàng, “close the eyes,” are almost invariably followed by lòt; rèng, “to live,” takes èt before verbal suffixes; lòng, “to get,” takes lòk; chingbār, “to be equal (in size, weight, height),” and chingdòn, “to be equal in length,” take chit; inghòn, “to love,” and ingjinsō, “to pity,” both take duk; jòk and thèt, both meaning “to escape, get loose,” take phlòt. The complements for verbs meaning “to fall” have been mentioned above (p. 82). These supplements frequently cause the tense-endings to be dispensed with, in which case the action is understood to be in the narrative past or historic present. No doubt most of them were originally separate verbal roots, but are not now capable of being used separately.
The brief outline given above will, it is hoped, enable the reader to apprehend the general construction of the narratives which follow, and display the language in action; for further analysis reference should be made to the notes appended to the texts.
I
ĀTOMŌ.
STORY.
Ārnī-sī
Day-one
mīsō-ròngpō
a big black ant
ā-òng
(to) his uncle
àn
rice
che-thòn-dàmlo.
to carry went.
Chònghōlosō
a frog
tovār
the way
ingnī-thīp.
sat down and blocked.
Ànsī
Then
mīsō
the ant
pulo:
said:
“Tovār
“The way
nē
for me
pèk-thā,
leave free,
chònghōlosō;
frog;
nē
I
nē-òng
my-uncle
àn
rice
chethòn-dàm-jī.”
carry-go-will.”
Chònghōlosō
The frog
pudèt:
answered:
“Nē-rum
“Under me
nē-lut-thòt-rā
entering (creeping)|
dàm-tē:
go your way:
pàktā
every one
nē-rum-sī
under me
dàm-hòr-lē.”
passes.”
Mīsō
The ant
pudèt:
said:
“Ne-òng
“My uncle’s
ā-àn
rice
bòr
leaf-bundle
do-kòk-lē,
being tied up,
pusī
how
nàng-rum-lē
you-underneath
nàng-kelut-thèk-jī?”
enter, creep, shall I be able?”
Ànsī
So
chònghō-tā
the frog
pèk-pē,
would not give way,
mīsō-tā
the ant
dàm-dē.
could no go.
Ànsī
So
nērlo
day
chitīm-lo.
became middle.
Ànsī
So
mīsō—“Ai,
the ant— “Oh,
nē-òng
my uncle
àn-ingchīr-sī
rice-hunger-in
āning-nē-thī-po”
angry with me will be”
pulo;
said;
chònghōlosō-ārum
the frog-under
lut-thòt-lo.
he entered, crept.
Àn-lo
Then
chònghōlosō
the frog
mīsō-āthàk
the ant-upon
ingnī-dun-chèt-lo.
sat-down-flat.
Lāsī
Thereupon
mīsō-ròngpō
the big black ant
chònghōlosō
the frog’s
ā-mī
loins
kòr-ràk.
bit-severely.
Ànsī
Then
chònghō
the frog
āning-thī-ning-thī
becoming very angry
kārlē-sārpō-ā-dòn
squirrel-big-old’s ladder
chòn-rai.
(on) jumped and broke.
Kārlē-sārpō
The big old squirrel
āningthī-ningthī
becoming very angry
hànthār-ā-kòk
gourd’s stem
ròt-pèt.
cut in two.
Hànthār
The gourd
āningthī-ningthī
becoming very angry
phàk-belèngpī ā-moi
a wild boar’s back (on)
klō-dup.
fell plump.
Phàk-belèngpī
The wild boar
āningthī-ningthī
becoming very angry
lō-bòng
a plantain-tree
thīmur-phàk.
rooted up.
Lōbòng
The plantain-tree
āningthī-ningthī
becoming very angry
vo-ārbīpī
a sparrow
ā-tār
’s nest
sàp-rai.
struck and broke.
Vo-ārbīpī
The sparrow
āningthī-ningthī
becoming very angry
ingnār
an elephant
nō-thòng-pō
deaf-big
ā-nō
’s ear
lut-thòt.
entered.
Ingnār
The elephant
nō-thòng-pō
deaf-big
āningthī-ningthī
becoming very angry
arlòng
a rock
hēlàng-phlut.
tore up suddenly.
Ārlòng
The rock
āningthī-ningthī
becoming very angry
Rēchō-
the King
ā-sō
’s son
kònglòng-pī-bup.
rolling-down killed.
Ànsī
Then
Rēchō
the King
nàng-bisār-lo:
made an enquiry:
“Màt-sī
“Who
nē-pō
my son
pithī-lòtlo?”
has killed?”
“Ai,
“Oh,
arlòng-sī
the rock
kònglòng-bup,”
rolled down on him,”
pulo.
they said.
Ànsī
Then
ārlòng
the rock
ārju-dàmlo:
he summoned to answer:
“O ārlòng,
“O rock,
ārlòng!
rock!
pī-āpòt
for what reason
nàng
you
nē-sō
my son
kònglòng-bup?”
did roll down upon?”
Ārlòng
The rock
pudèt:
said:
“Chē!
“Oh!
Hèmphū-ārnàm-rēchō,
Lord-God-King,
pī
how
nē
I
kònglòng-bup-bē-jī?
to roll down-not was I?
Ingnār
The elephant
nō-thòngpō-sī
big-deaf
nē
me
hēlàng-phlut-lē
torn up suddenly having,
nē
me
doi-phit-lo;
pushed out;
nē-kē
as for me,
nē-rī āvē,
(to) me hands are not,
nē-kèng āvē,
(to) me legs are not,
kolo-pu-sī
how then
chēr-chàk-thèk-jī?
withstand could I?
Nàng-sōpō
Your honourable son
nē
my
kekònglòng ā-tovār
rolling down-path
dokòksī,
being-in,
nē
I
kònglòng-bup-lo-tē.”
rolled down upon him accordingly.”
Ànsī
Then
Rēchō
the king
pulo:
said:
“Mai!
“Oh!
lā
that
ingnār
elephant
nō-thòng-pō
deaf-big
lā-ànsèt bòn-hē”—
that so much (trouble) caused”—
pusi,
saying,
ingnār
elephant
nō-thòng-pō
deaf-big
ārju-dàm-lo.
summoned.
“O ingnār
“O elephant,
ingnār!
elephant!
kopi-āpòt
for what reason
nàng
you
ārlòng
the rock
hēlàng-phlut?”
tore up suddenly?”
Ingnār
The elephant
pudèt:
answered:
“Chē!
“Oh,
pī
how
nē
I
hēlàng-phlut-phlē-jī,
was to help tearing it up,
Hèmphū ārnàm?
Lord God?
Vo-ārbīpī
The sparrow
nē-nō
my ear
nē-kelut-thòt-sī,
having entered into,
nē ā-bīdī
my wits
thèk-thē-dèt-lo-lē,
having lost control of me,
lā-hēlo
therefore
nē
I
ārlòng
the rock
hēlàng-phlut.”
tore up suddenly.”
Ànsī
Then
Rēchō
the King
pudèt—“Mai!
said—“Oh!
lā
that
vo-ārbīpī
sparrow
lā-ànpin
that so much
bòn-hē”
(trouble) caused”
pu,
saying,
ārju-dàmlo.
summoned.
“O vo-ārbīpī
“O sparrow,
voārbīpī!
sparrow!
ingnār ā-nō
elephant’s ear
kopi-āpòt
for what reason
nàng lut-thòt?”
did you enter?”
Voārbīpī
The sparrow
thàkdèt—
answered—
“Chē!
“Oh!
Hèmphū!
Lord!
pī
how
nē
I
lut-lē-jī?
was I not to enter?
lōbòng
the plantain-stalk
nē-tār
my nest
kesàp-rai-lē,
falling on having broken,
lā-hēlo
therefore
nē-ning
my mind
oi-òng,
being very disturbed,
nē
I
ingnār ā-nō
elephant’s ear
lut-thòt.”
entered.”
Ànsī
Then
Rēchō
the King
pu—“Mai!
said—“Oh!
lā lōbòng
that plantain-stalk,
lāpu
it seems;
ànpin bòn-hē”—
so much (trouble) caused”—
pusi
saying
ārju-dàm-lo.
he summoned.
“O lōbòng
“O plantain,
lōbòng!
plantain!
nàng
you
kopi-āpòt
for what reason
vo-ārbīpī
the sparrow’s
ā-tār
nest
sàp-rai?”
fell upon and broke?”
Lōbòng
The plantain
pudèt—“Chē!
said—“Oh!
pī
how
nē
I
sàp-rai-rē-jī,
was not to fall and break,
Hèmphū
Lord|
ārnàm?
God?
Phàk-belèng-pī-sī
The wild boar
nē
me
kāthīmur-phàk-le:
rooted me up suddenly:
nē
I
thīmur-phàk-lo-tē
having been rooted up,
nē
I
ingkur
root
kāve-dèt-lo-lē:
none had at all:
kopu-si
how
nē
I
kārjàp thèk-jī-làng?
standing-up was to be able to continue?
Thàngbàk
Any
nē-rī
to me-hand
nē-kèng
to me-leg being,
lē-kedo
existing,
kālī-dèt-lē.”
not-at-all there is.”
“Mai!
“Oh!
lā phàk
that pig,
pu
it seems,
àn-pin bon-hē,”
all the (trouble) caused,”
pu
saying
Rēchō pulo.
the King said.
Ànsī phāk-āphàn
So the pig (accus.)
ārju-dàm-lo.
he summoned.
“O phàk phàk!
“O pig, pig!
pī-āpòt nàng
for what reason you
lōbòng
the plantain
thīmur-phàk”?
rooted up”?
Phàk
The pig
pudèt
answered
“Pī
“How
nē
I
thīmur-phàk-phē-jī?
could help rooting it up?
Nē
(as) I
chōpàn-vèk,
was feeding, grazing,
mamàtsī
suddenly,
hànthār
the gourd
nē-moi
my back (on)
keklō-dàp-lē:
came tumbling down:
lā-hēlo
therefore
kesō-òng
being in great pain
nē
I
lōbòng thīmur-phàk.”
the plantain rooted up.”
Ànsī
So
Rēchō—
the king—
“Mai!
“Oh!
hànthār
the gourd,
pu
then,
àn-pin bòn-hē”
all this (trouble) caused,”
pusi
saying
hànthār
the gourd
ārju-dàm-lo.
summoned.
“O hànthār hànthār!
“O gourd, gourd!
pī-āpòt
for what
phàk-belèng-pī
reason the wild boar
ā-moi
’s back (on)
nàng
you
klō-dup?”
fell-plump?”
“Pī
“How
nē
I
klō-dup-dē-jī,
could help falling?
Hèmphū
Lord
Ārnàm?
God?
Kārlē-sī
The squirrel
nē-kòk
my stem (to me)
nē-keròt-pèt-lē,
having cut through,
nē-kē
I
thàngbàk
at all
nē-rī, nē-kèng
to me hand, to me foot
lē-kedo kālī-dèt,
there-not-existing,
nē-kòk
my stem,
īsī-pèt
one-only,
àn-hēlo,
so much having,
lā-lē
that if
nē ròt-pèt-lo-tē,
to me is cut through,
nē
I
klō-nàng-po.
must necessarily fall.
Phàk-belèng-pī
The wild boar
ā-moi
’s back (on)
keklō-nàng-dup.”
falling became necessary.”
Ànsī
So
Rēchō
the King
pu-lē-lo—“Mai!
said again—“Oh!
lā kārlē
that squirrel
pu
then
àn-pin
so much
bònhē”
(trouble) caused”
pusi
saying
kārlē
the squirrel
ārju-dàm-lo.
summoned.
“O kārlē
“O squirrel,
kārlē!
squirrel!
kopī-āpòt
for what reason
nàng
did you
hànthār
the gourd
ā-kòk
’s stem
ròt-pèt?”
cut through?”
Kārlē
The squirrel
pudèt—
said—
“Chē!
“Oh,
pī nē
how I was
ròt-rē-jī,
not to cut it,
Hèmphū
Lord
Ārnàm?
God?
Chònghōlosō-sī
The frog
nē-dòn
my ladder
chòn-rai-lē.
(on) jumping broke.
Lāsī
Therefore
nē
to me
tovār
a road
āvē-dèt-lo:
did not remain:
nē
I
hànthār
the gourd ‘s
ā-kòk
stem
ròt-pèt.”
had to cut.”
Rēchō
The King
pudèt—
said—
“Mai!
“Oh!
lā chònghō
that frog,
lā-pu
it seems,
àn-pin
so much (trouble)
bòn-hē”
caused”
pusi
saying
ārju-dàm-lo.
he summoned.
“O chònghōlosō
“O frog,
chònghōlosō!
frog!
kopī-āpòt
for what reason
nàng
you
kārlē ā-dòn
the squirrel’s ladder
chòn-rai?”
jumping on broke?”
Chònghō
The frog
thàkdèt—
answered—
“Pī
“How
nē
I
chòn-rai-rē-jī?
was to help jumping on and breaking?
Mīsō-ròng-pō-sī
The big black ant
nē-mī
my loins,
nē-kē
even me,
kòr-ràk-lē:
bit hard:
lā kesō-òng-sī
that pain-great-from
nē
I
kārlē-ādòn-bō-pō
squirrel’s ladder (honorific)
nē
I
chini-nē-dèt-si chòn-rai-tē.”
not knowingly jumped upon and broke.”
Rēchō
The King
pu-lē-lo—
said again—
“Mai!
“Oh!
mīsō
the ant,
pu
then,
àn-pin
caused all the
bòn-hē”
trouble”
pusi
saying
ārju-dàm-lo.
summoned.
“O mīsō
“O ant,
mīsō!
ant!
pī-āpòt
what-for
nàng
did you
chònghōlosō-ā-mī
the frog’s loins
kòr-ràk?”
bite severely?”
Mīsō
The ant
pudèt—
said—
“Pī
“How
nē
I
kòr-ràk-rē-jī?
was to help biting him?
Ādàp
In the morning
nē-òng
to my uncle
àn
rice
che-thòn-dàm-lo:
I was going along carrying:
Chònghō
the frog
tovār
the road
ingnī-thīp.
sitting down blocked.
Lā-lo
Thereupon
nē
I
‘tovār
‘road
nē
to me
pèk-thā’
free-leave’
pulo:
said:
‘nē-rum-lē lut-nòn’
‘me underneath creep’
pu.
he said.
Nē
I
lut-thòt-lo:
crept under him:
chònghō
the frog
nē-thàk nē ingnī-thīp;
on the top of me sat down tight;
lāsī
therefore
nē
I
ā-mī
his loins
kòr-ràk.”
bit-severely.”
Ànsī
Then
Rēchō
the King
pulo—“Nàng
said—“You
bàng-hīnī
persons-two
kelèt-dèt.”
guilty-are.”
Mīsō-kē
The ant
chujèng-pèn
hair of head-with
kòk-chèk-lo:
they tied-firmly:
nòn
now
ā-vàm chèng-jàn.
his-waist is very slender.
Chònghō-ke
The frog
tārmē-làng-bòng-pèn
a blistering creeper-with
sàp-phràt-phràt;
they soundly thrashed;
lāsī
therefore
nòn
now
phròk-se-nòk-tòk.
he is speckled all over.
Notes
This simple and direct narrative, easy of analysis, affords an excellent illustration of the mechanism of Mikir speech. First, we observe that the indication of time is put at the beginning of the sentence: ārnī-sī, “one day”; ādàp, “in the morning.” Then follows the subject, then the object, and last the verb, with all its qualifications. The most frequent conjunction is ànsī, “and, so,” which appears to be made up of àn, the particle indicating quantity, and sī, the particle indicating locality, used also for the conjunctive participle; the meaning would then be—“so much having passed (what follows comes next).” Àn-kē, àn-lē and àn-lo have the same force.
For the tenses we find the usual suffixes, -lo, -dèt, for the narrative past, -po for the present-future, and -jī for the future. In the narrative a much-used auxiliary is -lē, which means “having arrived.” The passage is remarkable for the number of cases in which, no ambiguity being possible, the tense-particle is omitted, and the past is expressed by the bare root, without, or more commonly with, an adverbial supplement. Thus, we have pulo, pudèt, and pu for “said”; ingnī-thīp, “he sat down and blocked,” kòr-ràk, “bit severely,” chòn-rai, “jumped upon and broke,” ròt-pèt, “cut in two,” klō-dup, “fell plump,” thīmur-phàk, “rooted up,” sàp-rai, “struck and broke,” lut-thòt, “entered,” hēlàng-phlut, “tore up suddenly,” pī-bup, “killed by tumbling on him,” chò-pàn-vèk, “was feeding, grazing,” sàp-phràt-phràt, “beat soundly.” Then, we notice that the great majority of these cases are examples of roots qualified by the addition of a particle which, while not used separately by itself, gives energy and definiteness to the verbal root; this method of heightening the force of verbs is a great characteristic of Mikir diction, and is at once the chief beauty and the chief difficulty (to a foreigner) of the language. The adverbial particles so used are very numerous, but they are appropriated to particular verbal roots, and if they were wrongly applied the result would be nonsense. Thus, the particle lòt is used with three verbs only, thī, “die,” ī, “lie down,” and jàng “close the eyes,” and always precedes the verbal suffixes with these roots: it cannot be used with any other. Thòt, again, always occurs with lut, “to enter,” jòk and vār, “to throw.” Bup conveys the idea of a sudden blow or fall, and is used with verbs of falling or striking. Dàp and dup seem to have much the same force. Pèt, koi, klip are particles used to indicate completeness; lut-pèt-lo, “all have gone in,” ròt-pèt-lo, “he cut through,” chō-koi-lo, “he ate up,” thū-koi-lo, “he killed them all,” chō-klip-lo, “he devoured them.” Several of these auxiliary particles seem to be onomatopoetic.
Much resembling the use of these particles are the cases in which verbal roots are combined together to form a single expression. Thus, in our story, thòn-dàm-lo “he carrying went”; do-kòk-lē “remaining tied-up”; ingnī-dun-chèt-lo “he sat down suddenly (chèt) when the ant was passing (dun)” (dun means “to be with,” and is constantly used as an auxiliary, but can also be employed alone in the sense “to go with”); ārju-dàm-lo “he summoned to answer”; nē klō-nàng-po “I must necessarily fall” (nàng, verb of necessity).
The story gives a number of examples of the remarkable Mikir negative verb: pèk-pē, “did not give way (pèk)”; dàm-dē, “did not go”; pī nē kònglòng-bup-bē-jī, “how was I not to roll down upon him and smash him?” where the negative syllable bē borrows the initial consonant of the qualifying particle bup; similarly, hēlàng-phlut-phlē “not suddenly root up”; sàp-raī-rē “not strike and break”; chòn-rai-rē “not jump upon and break”; chini-nē-dèt-sī “not knowing” (where chini is a loan-word from Assamese).
As regards vocabulary, thā in nē-pèk-thā is the imperative particle: another such particle (rarely occurring) is tē in nē lut-thòt-rā dàm-tē; rā is used as the suffix of the conjunctive participle in a string of imperatives. Hòr in dàm-hòr-lē indicates plurality: “every one has to pass under me”; other such particles are jō and jàm. Tā in chònghō-tā and mīsō-tā gives definiteness and emphasis; so also kē in nē-kē, &c. Sārpō in kārlē sārpō means “big chief”: pō is a syllable added to give honour and dignity. Notice intensiveness indicated by reduplication in āningthī-ningthī, “very angry”; ning-thī, angry, is made up of ning, mind, and thī to be vexed (also to die). Hànthār: see note on p. 46. Ròt-pèt means to cut down a slender stem or twig by drawing a knife across it: pī-pèt to cut down a thick trunk of a tree; ròt is used for drawing a bow across a fiddle in kum-kiròt “fiddle-scraping.” Belèng means a shovel or tray for winnowing rice; phàk-belèng-pī is a wild pig, because he roots about in the earth with his snout like a shovel; -pī is a syllable used to form augmentatives, as -sō indicates a diminutive. Bisār, to hold a judicial inquiry, is Assamese. Hèmphū, “owner,” the God Mikirs belong to. Vo-ārbīpī, “a small bird, the size of a sparrow” (not the sparrow itself, which in Mikir is vo-puru). Nē chōpàn-vèk, “I was grazing”; chōpàn is used of feeding for animals only; vèk (or vèk-vèk) is a particle indicating continuance. Mamàtsī is used of some sudden and unpleasant interruption: klèm-vèk-vèk mamàtsī thī-lo, “he died suddenly as he was working”; nē àn chō-vèk mamàtsī nē chòk-dèt, “he beat me while I was eating.” Notice, finally, nòn, the particle most often used to indicate a strong imperative, here in its original sense of “now”; in this meaning it is usually emphasised by adding kē or lē, nònkē, nònlē.
II
PÈN
AND
Ā-ÒNG-ĀTUM
HIS UNCLES
ATOMŌ.
’ STORY.
Hākō
Once on a time
inut
one
āhèm-ēpī
widow
āsōpō
a son
inut-pèt
only one
do;
had;
lā
she
āchèklē-mār
(woman’s) brothers (plural)
kòrtē
brothers
bàng-theròk
persons-six
do.
had.
Ànsī
Now
ārnī-sī
one day
ārnī-kàngsàm
in the cool of the day (evening)
ā-òngmār-ātum
his maternal uncles
vàng-sī
having come
jàngrēsō-āphàn
the orphan (accus.)
nàng-hànglo—
called-to—
“Osā́!
“Nephew!
rū
fish-trap
cho-dū-dàm-nàng.”
set up-go-let-us.”
Ànsī
So
jàngrēsō-tā
the orphan
dun-lo.
went with them.
Ànsī
Then
āòng-mār
his uncles,
kòrtē bàng-theròk-kē
the brothers persons-six,
làng-thàk-sī
up-stream
pàt
a dam
mē-sèn-sī
having well built
rū
the trap
dū-lo.
set up.
Jàngrēsō-kē
The orphan
ā-òngmār-ātum
his uncles
ā-rū-pàt
’ trap-dam
ā-bēr-sī
below
ārlòng
stones
dū-ī
having set up
phàng-ō-phàng-ā-sī
carelessly, disorderly,
rū
trap
dū-lo,
set up,
ànsī
and
hèm
home
Ànsī
Then
lātum
they
ādàp
in the morning
rū
the trap-their
che-vàt-dàm-lo.
went to inspect.
Ā-òngmār-ātum
His uncles
ā-rū-pàt
’ trap-dam
àn
so very
kepàt-pemē-tā,
well-built though,
chikung-chikàng-tā
one cray-fish even
che-vār-thòt-thē;
had not thrown itself into it;
jàngrēsō ā-rū
the orphan’s trap
pukē,
as for,
òk
fish
kejàng
holding, entering
ā-rū
his trap
tèngsèt.
was quite full
Ànsī
Then
ā-òngmār-ātum
his uncles
“Osā́!
“Nephew!
nētum
we
dàk
here
rū
trap
pàt-po,
will build,
nànglī-kē
do you
làng-bēr-lē
down-stream
pàt-dàm-thu-nòn.”
go and set your dam again.”
Ànsī
So
jàngrēsō
the orphan’s
ā-rū-pàt
trap-dam (in)
ā-òng-mār-ātum
his uncles
ā-rū
their trap
dū-sī,
having set up,
jàngrēsō-kē
the orphan
làngbērsī
down stream
pàt-dàm-thu-lo;
again built his dam;
bònta
but
òk
the fish
kejàng
holding
lāpu-thàk-thàk,
just that same way,
ā-òngmār-ātum
the uncles
ā-rū-kē
’ trap
òk-ējòn-nàt-tā
one single fish even
jàng-thòt-thē,
did not hold,
jàngrēsō
the orphan’s
ā-rū-kē
trap
òk
fish
kejàng
holding
plèngsèt-plèngsèt.
was quite full.
Ànsī
So
ādàp-vàng-tā
morning-every
jàngrēsō
the orphan’s
ā-rū-pàt
trap-dam
ā-òng-ātum
his uncles
che-rai-vēr-lo.
took for themselves continually.
Lāsī
Therefore
ādàp-vàng
every morning
ālòng
a place
kāprèk
different (in)
rū-pàt
trap-set-up
selèt-òng-sī,
becoming very weary,
ādàp-īsī-kē
morning one
rū
the trap
dū-tekàng-kē-dètsī,
not setting up at all,
bàp
grass
ā-phàng-āthàk
clump upon
bī
placing
tekàng-kòk.
he left it.
Ànsī
So
ādàp
morning
lē-lō,
arrived,
ā-òngmār-ātum
his uncles
vàng-sī
having come
jàngrēsō-āphàn
to the orphan
nàng-hàng-lo:
called out:
“Osā́,
“Nephew!
rū chevàt-dàm-lē-lo-nàng.”
our traps let us go again and visit.”
Ànsī
Then
jàngrēsō
the orphan
pulo:
said:
“Nēlī-kē
“As for me,
rū-tā
a trap
dū-tekàng-kē;
I have not even set up;
dā
come,
bòntā,
nevertheless,
nànglītum-ārī
(as) your companion
nàng-dun-jī,”
I will go with you,”
pusī dun-lo.
so saying he went with them.
Ànsī
Then
ā-rū
his trap
che-làng-dàmlo.
he went to look at.
Vo-thung
A wood-pigeon
lut-thòt
having entered
thèk-dàm-lo.
he found.
Ànsī
So
lābàngsō
that
ā-vo-thung
wood pigeon
ārī
his cord (with)
chekòksī
having tied up
hèm
home
che-vàn-lo.
he bought.
Lābàngsō
That
ā-jàngrēsō
orphan
chainòng-āsō-tā
a cow’s child (a calf)
ē-jòn do,
also one had,
lā
it
kàngtu
fat
pukē
so very,
māthā-thèk-thē jādi-thèk-thē,
as could not be imagined (doublet)
nei-bòt àn-pin.
very sleek so greatly.
Ànkē
Now
ā-òngmār-ātum
his uncles
làng-un-ē-sī
to look at-being unable (through envy)
lābàngsō
that
ā-chainòng-āsō
calf
thū-pèt-lo.
killed (entirely).
Ànsī
Then
jàngrēsō
the orphan
lābàngsō
that
ā-chainòng-āsō
calf’s
ā-rèng
skin
lumsī
having taken off,
ākèng-ēhòng
leg one
hā
to a distance
bāmòn
a brahman
kirī-pō
rich-big’s
ā-hèm
house (to)
pòn-sī
taking,
pātu-dàm-joi-lo.
hid it quietly.
Ànsī
Then
jàngrēsō:
the orphan (said):
“Mai!
“Oh!
hèm-tā
the house
chainòng-ā-òk
cow’s flesh (of)
āngnim-hai-òng-hē!”
smells strongly!”
Ànkē
Then
bāmòn-pō
the big brahman,
āningthī-sī
becoming angry,
pulo:
said:
“Tèkē nàng-kòrdut-pī ā-osṓ!
“Tiger-bitten boy!
konàt
where
āchainòng-ā-òksī
cow’s flesh
dàk-lē
here
ke-do-jī?
should be?
Nē-kē
I
bāmòn-lē.
am a brahman.
Nàng
You
peklàng
produce, show,
thèk-sēr-mā-sī:
must be able to:
thèkthē-lē
you cannot-if,
nàng-pràn
your life
nàng-èn-jī.”
I will take here.”
Ànsī
Then
jàngrēsō
the orphan
pulo—
said—
“Dei,
“Very well,
tàngtē
then
nē
I
ri-po,”
will search,”
pu-sī
saying
ri-lo.
he searched:
Ri-phàng-ō-phàng-ā-sī,
searching carelessly,
ālàng
he
kāpātu-ālòng
hiding-place (to)
dàm-si
going
chainòng-āsō
the calf’s
ā-kèng
leg
vung-dàm-phlut
pull out suddenly
inghoi-lo:
did:
chainòng
cow’s
ā-òk
flesh
do,”
there is,”
pu—
saying—
“nē
“I
nàng pu-lo-hē!”
told you so!”
Ànsī
Then
bāmòn pō—
the big brahman—
“Bàng-kāprèk-ātum
“people other (plur.)
vàng-thèk-dun-tē,
come-see-together-if,
nē-jàt
my-caste
vīrdèt-jī”
will be destroyed”
pu,
saying,
pherē-sī
fearing
jàngrēsō-āphàn
the orphan-to
pulo:
said:
“Jàngrēsō,
“Orphan,
pō-ārnàm-pō!
my good sir!
pàk-tà
any one
thàn-ri-nòn!
do not tell!
dohòn
money
màntung-īsī
a cloth-full-one
nàng
you
pī-po”—
I will give,”
pusī
saying
dohòn
money
màntung-īsī
a cloth-full
pīlo.
gave.
Ànsī
Then
jàngrēsō
the orphan
lābàngsō
that
ādohòn
money
pòn-sī
taking with him
hèm
home
che-voi-lo.
returned.
Hèm
House
che-lē-lo,
his he arrived,
ànsī
and
ā-pei
his mother (to)
che-pu-lo:
said:
ā-tòn
basket
hàng-dàm-thā.”
go-ask-for.”
Ànsī
So
dàm-sī
going
hàng-dàm-lo:
asked for it:
“Īk-mār-lī!
“Brothers!
nànglī
your
osā́
nephew
kipu,
says,
‘tòn tànghō.’”
‘a basket I want’”
Ànsī
So
tòn nàng-lō-lo.
a basket they sent.
Ànsī
Then
hèm-ēpi
the widow’s
ā-īk-mār-ātum
brothers
tòn pīsī
the basket having given
che-pu-lo—
said among themselves—
“Tòn
“The basket
pī
what
kànghoi-ī-jī-nē?
is to do with?
làng-dun-tòn-thā—
go and peep (imper.)—
pusi
saying
ākībī-abàng
their youngest one
toi-dun-lo;
they sent
ànsī
and
lā
he
nàng-làng-dun-tòn-lo,
there went and watched,
ànkē
and
hotòn-pèn
the basket-with
dohòn
money
ketèng
measuring
nàng-thèk-dun-lo.
there he saw.
Ànsī
Then
nàng-kelàng-dun-tòn-ābàng
there-the-one-who-had-watched-person
hèm
house
che-voi-sī,
his having returned to,
ā-īk-mār
his brothers
thàn-dàm-lo—
informed—
“Lā
“That
e-osā́
our-nephew
konàt-tòng
wherever
kelòng-dàm-lo-nē?
get-did he (all this money)?
hotòn-pèn
with a basket
dohòn
money
ketèng
measure
chinàm
really
sai-sē.”
he has to.”
Ànsī
So
dohòn
the money
tèng-tàng-dèt
measuring-finished-having
jàngrēsō
the orphans
ā-pei-tā
mother
tòn
the basket
thòn-dàm-lo,
returned,
ànkē
and
āchèklē-mār
her brothers
nàng-pu-dun-lo
there said to her
“Osā́
“Nephew
nàng-toi-thā.”
here send.”
Ànsī
So
hèm-ēpī
the widow
hèm
home
nàng-che-lē-sī
having arrived
āsōpō-āphàn che-pulo—
her son to said—
“Nàng òng-ātum kipu
“Your uncles say
‘Vàng-thā-tu tànghō
‘Come here, we want you,
pō.’”
father.’”
Ànsī
So
jàngrēsō-tā
the orphan
dàmlo.
went.
Ànkē
And
ā-òng-ātum
his uncles
nàng
there
ārju-lo—
asked—
“Konàt
“Where
ādohòn-sī
all this money
nànglī
you
kelòng-dàm?”
obtained?”
Ànsī
And
jàngrēsō
the orphan
pulo:
said:
“Chainòng-ā-òk
“Cow’s flesh (of)
ā-nàm:
price (it is):
nànglī-tum-nē-kithū-pī-pèt
(by) you my killed-entirely
ā-chainòng
cow’s
ā-òk-sī
flesh
nēlī kejòr-dàm;
I went a-selling;
chetàngtē
it not being sufficient,
chehàng-jō
together they asked
‘àn-pin làng?’”
‘is there only so much?’”
Ànsī
Then
āòng-mār
his uncles
ārju-thu-lē-lo:
asked again:
“Tàngtē
“Then
chainòng-ā-òk
cow’s flesh
jòr-dàm-tē
go a-selling if (we),
lā-tum
they
ènjī-làng-mā?”
will taking-go on?”
Ànsī
And
jàngrēsō
the orphan
pulo—
said—
“En-jī làng-tē;
“They will go on taking certainly;
nànglī-tum-kē
you
chainòng-do-ō-pārā
cows having many because,
lālē thū-koi-rā
therefore killing them all
ā-òk
their flesh
jòr-dàm-tē,
if you go selling
ko-ànsī
how much
dohòn
money
kevàn-jī?”
you will bring?”
Ànsī
So
ā-òngmār
his uncles
kòrtē-bāng-theròk
brothers the six
ābàng-phu
each one
ējòn
one
chainòng
cow
thū-sī
having killed,
ā-òk
its flesh
bahār
load
pòn-sī
having taken,
jòr-dàm-lo,
went to sell it,
ànsī
and
jàngrēsō
the orphan
thàn-dun-lo—
explained to them—
“Nànglī-tum
“You
hālā
that (distant)
bāmòn
brahman
kirī-pō
rich-big’s
ā-ròng-lē
village in
jòr-dàm-nòn:
go and sell:
lā-ròng
that village (at) when
lē-lo-tē
you arrive,
‘chainòng ā-òk
‘cow’s flesh
èn-jī-làng-mā’
will (any one) go on taking?’
pu-rā
saying
ārju-nòn.”
ask.”
Ànsī
So
lātum
these
kòrtē-bàng-theròk
brothers six
chainòng
cow’s
ā-òk
flesh
pònsī dàmlo,
taking went,
hā
that
bāmòn-āròng
Brahman’s village
lē-sī,
having arrived,
“Chainòng-ā-òk
“Cow’s flesh
èn-jī làng mā?”
will (any one) take more?”
pu
saying
ārju-lo.
asked.
Ànsī
And
“èn-jī-làng,
“we will take more,
vàn-nòn,”
bring it here,”
pu
saying
nàng-hàng-lo.
they called out.
Ànsī
So
bāmòn-pō
the big brahman’s
ā-hèm
house
lē-lo.
they reached.
Ànsī
Then
bāmòn-pō
the big brahman’s
ròng-īsī
village-whole
āsànghō
inhabitants,
che-pàngrum-pèt-sī,
having collected all together,
lā
those
chainòng-ā-òk
cow’s flesh
kejòr-dàm-ātum
bringing to sell-people,
kòrtē
the
bàng-theròk,
six brothers,
nèp-sī,
having seized,
ā-rī
their hands
kòk-krei-sī,
tied firmly having,
jāsemèt
severely
chòk-sī
having beaten,
pulo:
said:
“Nētum
“We
bāmòn-lē:
brahmans are:
‘chainòng-āòk
‘cow’s flesh
èn-jī mā?’
will any one take?’
pu
saying,
nàng
you
nàng-kātirvā-hai?”
here-solicit a customer dare?”
pu-sī
saying
lō-lo.
let them go.
Lā
These
chainòng-ā-òk
cow’s-flesh
kevàn-ātum-tā
bringing persons
hèm
home
che-voi-lo,
their own went,
ànsī
and
tovār
on the way
chingvai-pòn-lo:
took counsel together:
“Mai!
“Oh!
àn-lē ālàng
how much that
jangrēsō
orphan
ē-kechōbei!
us has cheated!
ē-chainòng ē-haidi
our cattle (doublet)
ē-pā-chi-thū-koi-làng;
he has caused us to kill all;
āphu-thàk-tā
over and above that
ē-rèng ē-hu
our skin (doublet)
ē-kā-pesō.
to us he has caused to smart.
Āpòt-kē
Therefore
kelē-pèn
immediately on arriving
ā-hèm
his house
mē-kei-dàm-po-nàng.”
fire-set-to let-us-go.”
Ànsī
So
hèm
home
che-lē-lo
they arrived,
ànkē
and
jàng-rēsō
the orphan’s
ā-hèm
house
mē-kei-dàm-dut
fire-setting
inghoi-lo.
did.
Ànsī
Then
jàngrēsō
the orphan
ātum
baskets-two
hīnī
having woven,
chibū-sī hèm mē-kechō
house-fire-eaten, devoured (of)
āphēlō
ashes
hum-sī
having collected
bahār
a load
pòn-lo,
took,
ànsī
and
hā
that (distant)
mèk-kesō
sore-eyed
āròng
(people’s) village
lē-lo.
went to.
Lābàngsō
That
āròng
village (of)
ārlèng
men,
ābàng-phu-tā
each one of them,
āmèk-kesō-ābàng
sore-eyed folk
àngsē.
were only.
Ànkē
So
phēlō
ashes (of)
ā-bahār-pèn
a load-with
jàngrēsō
the orphan
lātum nàng-thèksī
they having seen,
nàng-ārju-lo—
called out to him—
“Nàng
“Thou
kopī
what for
kevàng lādāk?”
comest thou hither?”
Jàngrēsō
The orphan
thàk-dèt—
answered—
“Ai
“Oh!
nàngtum
your
āròng
village
mèk-kesō
sore eyes
ā-vur
disease
do-tàng-pu
has finished getting, thus
ārju-lòngsī
having got to hear,
nē
I
mèk-kesō
(for) sore-eyed people
ā-bàp
medicine
nàng-kejòr.”
here am selling.”
Ànsī
Then
lātum
they
pulo—
said—
“Ai! tàngtē
“Oh! then (that)
mē-òng-chòt-lo,
is very good indeed,
pō-ārnàm-pō!”
my good sir!”
pusi
so saying
ròng-īsī
the whole village
āsànghō
inhabitants
dohòn
money
chi-rung-sī
having collected,
dohòn-bahār-īsī
of money load one
jàngrēsō
to the orphan
nàng-pīlo.
there-gave.
Ànsī
Then
jàngrēsō
the orphan
pulo:
said:
“Lābàngso
“That
ā-bàp
medicine
nònkē
immediately
chi-hī-rī-thā:
do not apply (rub) to yourselves:
mō
afterwards
nē
I
tovār
the road
ēbèng
a piece
lēlo-tē,
have gone when,
‘chi-hī-nòn’
‘apply (rub) it’
pu
saying
nē
I
nàng-pupo,
will tell you,
àn-lē
then (and not before)
chi-hī-nòn.”
apply it.”
Ànsī
Then
dohòn-bahār-īsī
money-load-one
phēlō
ashes (of)
ā-nàm
price
jàngrēsō
the orphan
lòng-sī,
having got,
hèm
home
chevoilo.
to his returned.
Ànkē
When
lā
he
tovār
road
mē
a little
nàng-lē-lo,
had gone
mèk-ā-vur-kelòng-ātum
eye disease who had got people
jàngrēsō-āphàn
The orphan-to
‘chi-hī-nòn-tu-mā?’
“shall we apply it now?”
pu hàng-lo.
saying called out.
Jàngrēsō
The orphan
nàng-thàk-dèt
answered
“thā”;
“wait”;
tebòk-hèt
near
tik-kē
so long as,
“thā”
“wait”
pu-bòm-sī
saying having continued,
lā
he
hā hēloving
to a distance
lē-lo;
arrived;
ànkē
and
“nàng-phō-dun-un-ē-lo”
“here reach to me they cannot”
pu
saying
māthā-lo,
he thought,
“bàp chi-hī-nòn”
“the medicine rub in now”
pu
saying,
jàngrēsō
the orphan
nàng-hàng-lo.
there called out.
Ànsī
Then
mèk-kesō-ātum
eyes the sufferers from pain
jàngrēsō-kevàn-āphēlō
orphan-brought-ashes
ā-mèk
on their eyes
che-hī-lo.
rubbed.
Lā
That
bàp
medicine
kāchi-hī-pèn-āpārā,
applying from at once
āmèk
their eyes
ki-krū
smarted
pukē
so much,
māthā-thèk-thē
it cannot be imagined
jādi thèk-thē:
(doublet):
āmèk
their eyes
kesō
sore
tàn-muchòt
more much
che-plàng-lo.
became.
Ànsī
Then
lātum
they
chipulo:
said to one another:
“Mai!
“Oh!
àn-lē
so much
ālàng
he
ē-ke-chōbei
us having cheated
tekàng:
has left:
lā
he
vàng-thu-lo-tē,
comes-again-if,
ā-rī kòk-dòng-rā
his hands tying fast
chòk-nàng.”
let us beat him.”
Jàngrēsō-kē
The orphan
hēm
home
che-lē-sī
having come
āpei-āphàn
his mother-to
“nē-òng-ātum
“my uncles’
āhotòn
basket
èn-dàm-lē-thā”
take-go-again,”
pu
saying
toi-lē-lo.
he sent again.
Ànsī
Then
hèm-ēpī
the widow
ā-īkmār-ātum
her brothers’
ā-hèm
house
hotòn
basket
hàng-dàm-lē-lo.
to ask-went again.
Ànsī
Then
hotòn
the basket
nàng-lō-sī
having sent
lātum
they
kòrtē-bàng-theròk
brothers six said
chi-pu-lē-lo—
again among themselves—
“Dā,
“Go,
ākibī,
youngest,
làng-dun-lē-thā;
watch again;
hotòn
(with) the basket
pi-tòng
what in the world
kànghoi-ī-jī-nē?”
is he going to do?”
Ànsī
Then
ākibī-ābàng
the youngest
nàng-làng-dun-tòn-lē-lo.
went there to watch secretly again.
Jàngrēsō
The orphan
dohòn
the money
ketèng
measuring
nàng-thèk-dun-lē-lo.
there he saw again.
Ànkē
Then
nàng-kelàng-dun-tòn
there watching-secretly
ābàng
person
hèm
home
che-voi-sī
returning
à-īkmār
his brothers (to)
che-thàn-dàm-lē-lo—
explained, related, again—
“Ē-osā
“Our nephew
chu-āphàn-tē
than last time
nòn
now
dohòn
money
kevàn òng-muchòt lē-lo.”
bringing much more has arrived.”
Ànkē
Then
lātum
they
kòrtē-bàng-theròk
the six brothers
jàngrēsō-ālòng
the orphan-near
dàm-sī
going
ārju-dàm-lo—“Konàt
asked—“Where
ādohòn-sī
(all) this money
nànglī
you
lòng-dām-ō-lo?”
have got so much more?”
Ànsī
Then
jàngrēsō
the orphan
nàng-thàk-dun-lo—
there answered them—
“Nànglī-tum-mē-nē
”(By) you fire my
kekei-pidut ā-hēm
applied having house,
ā-phēlō
its ashes
ā-nàm.
price (it is).
Nēlī
I
phēlō
ashes
kejòr-dàm-ālòng
selling-place (in)
‘kedòr-dē’
‘it is not enough’
pu
saying
hàng-jō:
they cried:
‘àn-pin
‘just so much
vàn-thū-thā’
bring again’
pusī
saying
pu.
they said.
Nē-lī
My
hèm-kē
house
bīhèk-sī,
being small,
ā-phēlō
its ashes
òng-ē-dèt;
not much were;
nànglī-tum
Your
āhèm-kē
houses,
thē-dung-pārā,
since they are large,
lālē
therefore
mē
fire
kei-rā
applying
ā-phēlō
the ashes
jòr-dàm-tē,
go selling-if,
dohòn-lē
wealth
nànglī-tum
ye
ko-ànsī
how much
kevàn-jī?
would bring?
Kevàn-sī
To bring it
nànglī-tum
you
un-ē.”
would be unable.”
Ànsī
Then
ā-òngmār
his uncles
kòrtē-bàng-theròk
the six brethren
chi-pulo:
said among themselves:
itum-tā
to our also
ē-hèm
houses
mē
fire
chekei-dàm-po-nàng.”
having applied let us go.”
Ànkē
Then
hèm
houses
mē
fire
chekei-dàm-sī,
their having-set-to,
hèm ā-phēlō
house-ashes
hum-sī
having gathered,
kòrtē
the brothers
ābàng-phu-tā
each individually
bahār-un-tik bahār-un-tik
as much as he could carry
pòn-lo.
took.
Ànsī
Then
jàngrēsō
the orphan
thàn-dun-lē-lo:
explained to them again:
“Hā mèk-kesō-āròng-lē
“To that eye-sore-village up to
pòn-nòn;
take, carry;
hā ròng-ā-kung
that distant village near
lē-lo-tē,
when you arrive,
èn-jī-mā?’
will you take?’
purā-punòn.”
saying say.”
Ànsī
So
lātum
they
kòrtē-bàng-theròk
brothers six
dàmlo.
went.
Hà
That
mèk-kesō-ātum
sore eyed people’s
āròng
village
pàng-lē-lo,
near arrived,
ànsī
and
ārju-lo—“Phēlō
asked—“Ashes
èn-jī-mā?”
will you take?”
Ànsī
Then
mèk-kesō-àtum
the people with sore eyes
“Vàn-thā”
“Bring it here”
pu nàng-hàng-lo;
saying called out;
ànsī
then
lātum
they
dàm-sī
going
ròng
the village
lē-lo;
arrived;
kelē-pèn
immediately they arrived
ārī
their hands
kòk-krei-inghoi-sī,
tying each, all, having done,
lā
those
ālàng-tum-kepòn-āphēlō-pèn
by-them-brought ashes-with
āmèk
their eyes
hī-sī
having rubbed
jāsemèt
severely
chòklo;
they beat them;
ànkē
then
chòk-thèng-dèt,
having been beaten and pummeled,
lātum
those
kòrtē-bàng-theròk
brothers six
hèm
home
nàng-chevoilo.
returned.
Ànkē
Then
tovār
(on) the road
nàng-chèngvai-thu-lē-lo—
they consulted together again—
“Mai!
“Oh!
àn-lē
so much
ālàng
he
ē-kechōbei-rā
us-having-cheated
ē-rèng
our skins
ē-kāpesō,
he has caused to smart,
āphu-thàk-tā
over and above that
ē-hèm
our houses
i-rīt
our fields
ē-pā-che-kei-koi;
us he has caused to set fire to and burn up;
nònkē
now
kelē-pèn
immediately we arrive
ingchin-ārū
iron-of a cage (in)
bèng-rā
having firmly secured
làng
(him) water (into)
jòk-thòt-lo-nāng.”
let us throw him.”
Ànkē
So
kelē-pèn
at once on arriving
jàngrēsō
the orphan
nèp-chèk
seizing
ingchin-ārū-pèn
of iron-a cage-in
bèng-chèk
firmly secure
inghoi-lo,
they did,
ànsī
and
hābīt
in the jungle
làng-bī
a pool
ākethē-pī
very great (deep)
ā-kung
on the bank
bī-dàm-kòk-lo.
putting down they placed.
“Mō-lē
“After a little while
làng
water (in)
nīm-po-nàng;
let us drown him;
nònkē
now
kàt-āthai
run away-power
āvē-lo;
he has not;
āpòtkē
therefore
àn
rice
che-chō-dàm-sī-nàng”
our-eat-go-let-us”
pusī,
saying,
àn che-chō-dàm-lo.
rice-their they went to eat.
Ànkē
Then
ā-òngmār
his uncles
àn
their rice
chechō-dàm-āphī,
had gone to eat after,
konānē
some one or other
rēchō-āsōpō
King’s son
òk
deer
nàng-kehung
there-hunting
vàng-lo,
came,
ànsī
and
jàngrēsō
the orphan
ā-dung
near
nàng-lē-sī,
having arrived,
jàngrēsō-āphàn
the orphan (accus.)
ārju-lo
asked
“Kopī
“What
āpòtsī
on account of
ingchin-ārū-ārlō
iron-cage-inside
nàng-kebèng-chèk-lo?”
you are here firmly secured?”
Ànsī
Then
jàngrēsō
the orphan
pulo:
said:
“Nē-òng-mār-ātum
“My maternal uncles
āsōpī
a daughter,
kemē pu
how fair!
māthā-thèk-thē
as one cannot imagine
àn-pin
so greatly
do.
have.
Lāsī
Her
‘èn-tu’
‘take to wife’
pu
saying
nē-phàn
to me
nē-kipu,
me they say,
bòntā
but
nē-kē
I
‘èn-ē’
‘will not take’
pu
saying
kipusī,
replying,
nē-òng-mār-ātum
my uncles
āning-kithì-sī
becoming very angry
rū
cage (in)
nē-kebèng-chèk-lo.”
me have fastened up.”
Ànsī
Then
rēchō-āsōpō
the King’s son
pulo—“Chē!
said—“Oh!
tàngtē
then
nē
I
èn-lòng-jī-mā?”
(her) take (to wife) shall be able?”
“Lā
“This
rū-ārlō-lē
cage into
nàng
you
nàng-do-tē,
here-get-in-if,
èn-lòng-jī-tē”
you will be able to get her”
pu
saying
jàngrēsō
the orphan
pulo:
said:
“ēlòm-tē
“in a little while
nē-òng-ātum
my uncles
vàng-po,
will come
ànkē—
and—
‘Ànhēlō-mā?’
‘Have you anything to say?’
pu
saying
nàng ārju-lo-tē,
you if they ask,
‘ànhēlō,
‘all right,
èn-po,
I will take her,
òngmār-lī’—purā punòn.”
uncles’—saying reply.”
“Tō,
“Yes,
tàngtē,”
then,”
pu
saying
rēchō-āsōpō
the King’s son
pulo.
said.
Ànsī
Then
jàngrēsō
the orphan
rēchō-āsōpō-āphàn
the King’s son-to
pulo—“Lā
said—“That
nàng-pē
your coat
nàng-rī-pèn
your dhoti-with
mamàtlē
bedecked
nàng
you
rū-ārlo
cage-into
nàng-lut-lo-tē,
here enter-if,
nàng
you
chinī-dèt-po;
they will recognize at once;
āpòtkē
therefore
nē
me
ingpu-nòn:
let out:
nē-pē
my coat
nē-rī
my dhoti
nàng
you
pīpo,
I will give,
ànkē
then
rū-ārlō
cage-into
lut-nòn.”
enter.”
Ànsī
So
rēchō-āsōpō
the King’s son
rū
the cage
ingpu-sī
having opened
jàngrēsō
the orphan
nàng-bār-lo,
there came out,
ànsī
and
jàngrēsō
the orphan
ā-pē
his coat
ā-rī
his dhoti
rēchō-āsōpō
to the king’s son
pīlo,
gave,
lā
that
rēchō-āsōpō
King’s son
ā-pē,
his coat,
ā-rī,
his dhoti,
ā-lèk,
his necklace,
jàngrēsō
to the orphan
pī-thū-lo,
gave in exchange,
ànkē
and
rēchō-āsōpō
the King’s son
rū-ārlō
into the cage
lut-lo,
entered,
ànsī
and
jàngrēsō
the orphan
ingkīr-dun-thīp-lo.
the door made fast.
Ànsī
Then
jàngrēsō-tā
the orphan
rēchō-āsōpō
the King’s son’s
ā-roi
bracelets,
che-pindèng,
having put on,
āhormu
his things
kedo-àn
all
chepindèng-sī,
having put on,
hā
away
āhèm
to his house
che-dàm-lo.
went.
Ànsī
And
jàngrēsō
the orphan’s
ā-òngmār-tā
uncles also
àn
rice
chō-dàm-pèn
eating-from
nàng-che-voi-lo,
there returned,
rū-ālòng
at the cage’s
nàng-lē-lo,
place arrived
ànsī
and
ārju-lo—
asked—
“àn-hēlō-mā
“have you anything to say,
osā́?”
nephew?”
òngmārlī,
uncles,
èn-po”
I will take,”
pu
saying
jàngrēsō-kethàn-kàng-āsòn-thòt
the orphan (by) instructed according to
rēchō-āsōpō
the King’s son
pulo.
said.
Ànsī
Then
ingchin-ārū-pèn
the iron cage-with
làngbī
deep pool (into)
vār-chuī inghoilo.
throw into water (him) they did.
Ànkē
Then
jàngrēsō-ā-òngmār
the orphan’s uncles
kòrtē-bàng-theròk
brothers six
chi-pu-lo—
said one to the other—
“Àn
“So much
ālàng
he
ī-duk
us-trouble
ē-kànghoi
us-causing
ā-pòt,
on account of,
nòn
now
ànkē
however
ālàng
he
thī-lo”;
is dead”;
ànsī
and
hèm
home
che-voi-lo.
they returned.
Ànkē
Then
jàngrēsō
the orphan
pukē—
as for—
kithī-jī
dead
kālī,
not at all,
rēchō-āsōpō
the King’s son’s
ā-pē,
coat,
ā-rī,
dhoti,
ā-lèk,
necklace,
ā-roi
bracelets
che-pindèng
having put on,
mēsèn
beautifully
kemàt
adorned
māthā-thèk-thē
inconceivably,
jādī-thèk-thē-dèt
unimaginably,
thèk-dàm-thū-lē-lo!
they saw again on arrival!
Ànsī
Then
lātum
they
chi-pu-lē-lo—
said among themselves again—
“Jàngrēsō
“The orphan
thī-lòt-lo
is not dead
kālī!
at all!
Hā-lā-lē,
There he is,
kemàt-lèp-rā kā-pàng-ēlim-kē.”
adorned and strutting in his finery.”
Ànkē
Then
ā-dung
near him
lē-lo,
they went,
jàngrēsō-āphàn
the orphan (accus.)
ārju-thū-lēlo—
asked-again—
“Osā́!
“Nephew!
nàmtu-sī
how
nànglī
you
nàng-kelē-tòng-ròk?”
here arrived so soon?”
Ànsī
Then
jàngrēsō
the orphan
thàk-lēlo—
answered—
“Chē,
“Oh,
òngmārlī,
uncles,
nē-phī-nē-phū-ātum
my grandmothers and grandfathers
dōlā-pèn-sī
a palanquin-with
nē
me
nàng-kāpethòn-dun-kòk-lē;
here-caused to be escorted back;
hālī
there
nē-lī
I
lē-ròk-pèn-āpārā
from the first moment of arriving
nē-phī-nē-phū-ātum
my grandmothers and grandfathers
pē-kemē,
coat-good,
rī-kemē,
dhoti-good,
lèk
necklace
roi
bracelets
nē-kepī:
me gave:
lā
them
làng-nòn!
look at!
Nànglītum-āphàn-tā
You-to also
pevàng-tu-po-nàng
cause-to-come it is necessary
kephā-dun-pār:
they sent word urgently:
āsin
a sign
nàng-kelō,
they have sent,
lā sēr ā-tārī-lòn,
this gold-of knife,
làng-thā!”
look at it!”
pu
so saying
pe-klàng-lo.
he showed it to them.
Ànsī
Then
ā-òngmār
his uncles
pulo—
said—
“Kopusī
“How
nēlītum
we
kedàm-thèk-po?”
go shall be able?”
“Ingchin
“Iron
ārū́
cage
ābàng-phū-īsī
person-head-one (i.e. each one of you)
che-pòn-rā
taking for himself
hā
that
làng-kung
river bank (to)
lut-dàm-īk-nòn”
get into it, good sirs”
pu
saying
jàngrēsō
the orphan
pulo.
said.
Ànsī
So
lātum
they
ingchin-ārū
iron cages
che-pòn-sī
having taken
hā
that
làng-kung
river-bank (to)
lut-dàm-lo.
got into them.
Ànsī
Then
jàngrēsō
the orphan
ingchin ārū
(in the) iron cages
rākdun-hèt-ràkdunhèt-lo.
tightly tied up (each one).
Ànsī
Then
jàngrēsō
the orphan
āklèng-sī-ābàng
the eldest one
ingchin-ārū-pèn
with the iron cage
làngbī
deep pool (into)
vār-dàm-chuī inghoilo.
throw did.
Ànkē-phòng
So then
làng-ābuk-buruk
water-bubbles
vàng-jàm-cheplàng-lo;
coming up many-continued;
ànkē
then
jàngrēsō
the orphan
pu-lē-lo!
said again!
“Jā!
“There!
òngmārlī,
uncles,
làng-thā!
look!
nē-òng-ā-klèng-kē
my uncle eldest
lā
him
nē-phī
my grandmother
nē-phū
my grandfather
hòr
beer
kipī-sī
having given
hòr
beer
kàngrī-sī
having drunk
kā-chèng-òk-lo.”
is vomiting.”
Ànsī
Then
ādàk-vàn-tā
the next one also
làng-vār-lo.
he threw into the water.
Ànkē
Then
kòrtē-bàng-theròk-tā
the brothers six
làng-vār-klip-sī
having all thrown into the river
jàngrēsō
the orphan
hèm
home
nàng-che-voi-lo.
returned.
Ànsī
Then
jàngrēsō-āphàn
the orphan (accus.)
ā-nī-mār-ātum
his aunts (uncles’ wives)
nàng-ārju-lo—
there asked—
“Nànglī
“Your
òng-ātum
uncles
nàmtusī
when
“Tòng-tòng
“Quickly
vàng-vē:
they will not come:
àn
so long
kāchephō-phē āpòtsī,
not having met together on account of,
nòn
now
kāchephō-lē-mā?”
have they not met at last?”
pu
saying
jàngrēsō
the orphan
pulo.
said.
jō-thòm
nights-three
jō-philī
nights-four
do-sī
having waited
ākō
again
ā-nī-mār
his aunts
jàngrēsō-āphàn
the orphan (accus.)
nàng-ārju-thū-lē-lo—
asked again there—
“Nànglī
“Your
òng-ātum
uncles
pi-āpòt
what for
vàng-vē-rèk-mā?”
have not come by this time?”
Ànsī
Then
jàngrēsō
the orphan
thàk-lo—
answered—
“Vàng-dàp-pràng-po.”
“They will come to-morrow morning.”
Ànsī
Then
jō-nī
nights-two
jō-thòm
nights-three
dosī
having waited
lātum
they
jàngrēsō-āphàn
the orphan (accus.)
ārju-dàm-thū-lē-lo—
asked again—
“Nànglī
“Your
òng-ātum
uncles
kopi-āpòtsī
for what reason
nòn-pu-tā
up to now
vàng-vē-dèt-mā?”
have not come?”
Ànsī
Then
jàngrēsō
the orphan
thàn-lo—
explained—
“Nòksèk-lē
“In the nòksèk
àn
rice
dèng-pī-īk-krei-nòn.”
set on (honorific) for each.”
Ànsī
Then
jàngrēsō
the orphan’s
ā-nī-mār-ātum
aunts
“thī-koi-lo!”
“they are really dead!”
chinī-sī,
having recognized,
chirūlo,
wept,
chērnàp-lo,
lamented,
mòn-duk-lo, mòn-sā-lo.
and were plunged in sorrow.
Ànsī
So
jàngrēsō
the orphan
plànglo-phīlo,
became rich,
pàk-tā
any one
làng-un-ē-ābàng
to look on with envy
āvē-lo.
there was not.
Ànsī
So
jàngrēsō
the orphan
rēchō
king
kethē
great
chōsī
becoming,
rèng-mē-rèng-dòk-lo.
lived a happy and pleasant life.
Notes
Here we have a narrative of a more complex character than that of the first story, with a richer vocabulary, and abounding in the descriptive adverbial particles which are the main feature of the language.
Jàngrē, orphan: sō is a diminutive particle. Jàngrē indicates that one parent is dead; jàngrèng is used when neither survives.
Inut, a loan-word from the Khasi ngut, used for the enumeration of persons: in Mikir initial ng is inadmissible.
Hèm-ēpī, widow, literally, “sole mistress of the house” (hèm); the syllable ē is perhaps a thinning down of ā; pī is the feminine affix, here of dignity.
Āchèklè, brother, used only by a woman speaking of her brothers; īk is used by both sexes; mār, collective particle, used to form plurals: often ātum is added; kòrtē, brother; both kòr and tē separately may be used for either brother or sister; bàng, the class-word used for human beings before numerals.
Do, a verb meaning to stay, dwell, exist; specially, it has the meaning “to live with as a wife,” and is the correlative of èn, “to take (to wife).”
Ārnī-kàngsàm, “day-becoming-cool-time,” the late afternoon. As is natural where there are no clocks, the divisions of the day are marked by other means than the count of hours. Ārnī is a day (or sun), regarded without reference to the lapse of time = French jour; ānērlo is a day’s space = journée. Similarly, ājō is a night, jīrlo a night’s space. The first indication of coming day is vo-khu ē-thē, “first cock-crow”; then follows vo-khu thē-nī, “second cock-crow,” and vo-khu thē-thòm, “third cock-crow”; then thē-àng prinprē-lē, “just before dawn”; then ādàp kàng-thàng, dawn (ādàp, general word for morning); then nērlo-chitīm, “day-middle,” noon; then ārnī thē-lēlo, “the sun at its height”; then ārnī-kàngsàm, “the sun becoming cool,” afternoon; then ingting lim-rim, or ingting-rim, dusk. Then begins ājō, night, when the evening meal is taken, after which soon comes the first sleep, àn-chō mèk-bur, “rice-having-eaten eye-close”; then jīrlo chitīm, midnight.
Nàng-, a particle used, prefixed to verbs, to give vividness, is really the pronoun of the 2nd person singular, emphasis being given by referring the verb to the person addressed. Nàng at the end of the phrase is the verb of necessity = must; it often means “let us do this or that.”
Pàt, as a noun, is a stone dam or fence, put across a stream with an opening in the middle in which the bamboo cage or fish-trap, rū, is placed; as a verb, it means to build such a dam or fence; dū means to place a thing so that it will catch or intercept something else.
Làng, water, stream: làng-thàk up-stream, lāng-bēr down-stream.
Che- prefixed to verbs gives them a reflexive meaning, and indicates that the action relates to the subject; hèm che-voi-lo, “he went home, to his own house”; che-pu-lo, “they said to one another”; rū che-vàt-dàm-lo, “they went to inspect their own fish-trap.”
Chikung, a cray-fish; chikàng is an imitative sequent; similarly phàng-ō, carelessly, is followed by phàng-ā.
Jàng, as a verb, means to fill up, or, of the containing vessel, to hold—òk-kejang ā-rū, “fish-to-hold-trap.” Notice that òk means both fish and flesh; alone, it has usually the former meaning, or that of game, animals hunted; when joined to the name of an animal, the latter: chainòng-ā-òk, beef; phàk-ā-òk, pork; bī-ā-òk, goat’s flesh.
Tèng and plèng both mean to be full: sèt is a particle added to strengthen the verb, taking the place of the tense-affix.
Ādàp-vàng, “every morning”; literally, “as (each) morning came.” Che-rai-vēr-lo; here che- is the reflexive particle, rai a verb, to occupy, take up, vēr a particle indicating continuance, lo the tense-affix; the whole therefore means “they kept on taking up for themselves.”
Dū-tekàng-kē-dèt-sī; dū, verb, to place, set; tekàng, a verb, to leave, depart; kē, negative syllable, reduplicated from last syllable of tekàng, dèt, particle of past time, sī affix of conjunctive participle; the whole therefore means “not having placed and left,” “without setting up at all.”
Ējòn: jòn is the class word for animals, as bàng is for persons, used with numerals; ē- is the prefix for “one”; the other numerals follow—phàk jòn-nī, jòn-thòm, two, three pigs.
Māthā thèk-thē: māthā, verb, to think, imagine; thèk, verb, to be able (also to see); thē negative affix: the whole therefore means “as could not be imagined”; jādi-thèk-thē is a doublet of the same meaning. Àn-pin: àn, particle of quantity; pin up to; also tik; àn-pin or àn-tik therefore means “to such a degree.”
Ākèng ē-hòng: ā its (the calf’s), kèng, leg, ē-, one (as before), hòng class-word for enumerating parts of the body; hā, particle indicating distance; Lā, this, hā-lā, that: lā-dàk, here, hā-dàk, there.
Tèkē-nàng-kòrdut-pī ā-osō: tèkē, “tiger”; nàng, particle of vividness, or, possibly, “you”; kòr, verb, to bite, dut, particle strengthening the verb and dispensing with tense-affix, pī syllable used in abuse, ā- syllable of relation, osṓ boy: the substantive being put last indicates that the verb is to be taken passively: “you tiger-bitten scoundrel of a boy!” As the Mikirs consider that to be eaten by a tiger is conclusive evidence of the wickedness of the victim, the phrase is equivalent to “you wicked wretch of a boy!”
Nàng peklàng thèk-sēr mā-sī: nàng, “you,” klàng, verb, “to see, observe”; pe-, causative particle, so that peklàng means “to show, to produce”; thèk, verb, to be able, sēr strengthening particle, “fully”; mā, syllable used for direct or indirect questions: dojī-mā? “will you marry me?” Nàng pēsō èn-tàng-mā? “have you taken a wife?”; then, for alternatives, do-jī-mā do-dē-mā? “will you marry him or not?”; and lastly, as here, “if you are not able to produce—then,” etc.; sī, affix of conjunctive participle, properly a locative particle.
Dei, “very good,” a loan-word from Khasi. Tàng-tē, “then,”—properly “not having finished”; tàng is the verb meaning to be ended, completed, tē the negative syllable.
Vung-dàm-phlut inghoi-lo. This periphrastic construction, in which inghoi, to do, is used to strengthen the verb, seems to be borrowed from Assamese; many examples occur further on.
Pō-ārnàm-pō! a honorific form of address; pō, literally, “father,” but used also of a son (cf. the Hindustani bābā) ārnàm, God (Ass. dēutā), pō, big, honourable. For a girl the corresponding phrase is pē-ārnàm-pī. Dohòn, Assamese dhòn (dhan), wealth, money; notice that the dh is resolved by the insertion of a vowel; similarly, further on, bahār occurs for bhār (Ass.), a load; neither dh nor bh is used in purely Mikir words.
Tòn, hotòn, one of the numerous words for basket. Tàng-hō, a word used by a messenger to express the wish of him who sent him to ask for something: not used in other phrases. Tòn pī kànghoi-ī-jī-nē “the basket for the purpose of doing what is?” Pī, what, kànghoi, infinitive, to do, -ī syllable added to indicate purpose, jī affix of future, nē, particle of enquiry, an Assamese loan-word. Làng-dun-tòn-thā: làng, verb, to look, dun, verb, to go with, to be with, tòn, verb, to peep, pry, thā, imperative particle. Tèng, to measure, with a vessel of known contents; originally, to fill (see above, tèngsèt = plèngsèt). Konàt-tòng kelòng-dàm-lo-nē: konàt, where: tòng, a particle expressing uncertainty: “where on earth did he get it”? Sai-sē “in order to”; “he really (chinàm) has to use a basket in order to measure this mass of money!” Thòn, to return a thing borrowed. Vàng-thā-tu tàng-hō-pō: notice the use of pō, father, as a respectful address, by the mother to her son; so also the uncles address their nephew respectfully with nàng-lī. Nànglī-tum-nē-kithū-pī-pèt āchainòng: notice the string of descriptive words prefixed adjectivally to the noun: this is an excellent example of the manner in which Mikir deals with what in English would be a relative sentence—“the cow of mine which you put to death by cutting her up”; literally, “by-you-my-killed-and-cut-up cow.” Thū, to kill by cutting; pī, here a verb meaning to cut a large mass (see note to preceding story, p. 94); pèt adverbial supplement indicating completeness.
Chetàng-tē, “It is not enough”: che, reflexive particle, tàng, verb, to complete, finish; tē, negative: literally, “it does not finish our business, it does not do all we want.” Che-hàng-jō: hàng, to call out, summon; che, as before, indicates that they all called out together; jō is one of the particles used to indicate plurality; others (which will be found further on) are jàm and krei. Làng, an auxiliary verb which seems to indicate continuousness, to go on being or doing. Observe that -tē is used to indicate the two parts of a conditional sentence: chainòng ā-òk jòr-dàm-tē, èn-jī làng-tē “if we go selling cow’s flesh, they will go on taking it.” In chainòng-do-ō-pārā, ō is a syllable indicating multitude, perhaps another form of òng; pārā is a loan-word from Assamese. Ābàng-phū, “each one”; also ābàng-phū-īsī (used further on); phū means “head,” īsī “one”; the latter is used in bāmòn-pō-ròng-īsī in the sense of “the whole,” “as one man.” Ā-rī-kòk-krei-sī: ā-rī “their hands,” kòk, verb, “to tie with a noose,” krei, particle of plurality. Kātirvā, “to offer for sale,” a loan-word from Khasi (tyrwa). Ē-ke-chōbei, “us he has cheated,” ē- is the pronoun of the first person plural including the person addressed. Notice the doublets—ēchainòng ēhaidi “our cattle,” ērèng ē-hu, “our skins” (hu, “hide, bark of a tree”), and observe how ē- is prefixed to each part of the sentence. Ātum chibūsī: tum is here a bamboo basket in which to carry a load on the back; bū, “to plait or weave.” Hèm mē-kechō “the house that had been eaten (chō) by fire (mē)”; hum, to pick up, collect. Phēlō means both “ashes” and “cotton.” Ārju-lòng-sī, “having got (lòng) to hear (ārju).” Ārju means both “to hear” and “to ask.”
Chi-hī-rī-thā, chi reflexive particle; hī, verb, “to rub in”; rī particle for the negative imperative, “do not”; thā, ordinary imperative affix, which may be dispensed with when the negative particle is used. Thā! “wait”! loan-word from Assamese. Tàn-mu-chòt: mu is the comparative particle, “more,” chòt is the constant suffix to mu; tàn, a verb, to be severe, burdensome. Chu-āphàn, “than last time:” āphàn is the postposition of comparison = “than.” Lòng-dàm-ō-lo “have you got so much more”: ō is, as before,the particle of multitude. Kedòr-dē: dòr, “to suffice, be enough”; dē negative syllable; hàng-jō, “they cried in crowds” (jō, particle of plurality). Ong-ē-dèt; òng “much,” particle of quantity; ē, negative; dèt tense-suffix. Thē-dung “big”; ke-thē great, dung particle; on its addition the ke- is dropped.
Hābīt, “in the jungle,” locative of Assamese hābī, forest. It is noticeable that many, if not most, Assamese nouns borrowed by Mikir are taken over in the locative case (of which the final t is the proper ending in Assamese), as here: thus dèt, “country” = Ass. dēh; munīt, “man” = Ass., muni; nòrokòt, hell = Ass. nòròk. Konānē “some one or other,” Ass. loan-word. Kemē-pu “she is so lovely!” mē, “to be fair, beautiful,” pu, literally, “saying.” Èn-tu: here èn, “take,” has the special sense of “take to wife, marry” (see what is said of do, ante, p. 95); tu, one of the signs of the imperative mood, is perhaps borrowed from the Khasi to. Bòntā, “but,” perhaps a Khasi loan-word. Àn-hēlo-mā, a difficult expression to translate: àn “so much,” particle of quantity; hēlo “far”; mā particle of questioning; it might be rendered “how are you getting on?” literally “thus-far-what”? But it is also used in the answer to the question: àn-hēlo there seems to mean “all right”—“so far so good.” Tō-tàngtē; tō is a Khasi loan-word: in that language it is used in answer to a question to express assent = “very well.” Vār-chuī, “to throw into water,” “drown”: so also nīm-chuī. It seems possible that chuī here may be an old word for water, corresponding to the Tibetan chhu. Che-pindèng “having put on himself”: pindèng, “to put on,” is an Assamese loan-word. Kithī-jī kālī: the use of jī, the particle of the future, seems anomalous here: possibly the phrase means “he is not going to die, not looking as if he were going to die;” kālī is the emphatic separate negative. Dōlā, “a palanquin,” Ass. loan-word. Ke-phā-dun-pār: phā, verb, to send a message: dun, verb, to be with: pār intensive particle, “urgently.” Nàngkelō “they have sent”: lō is a verb, “to send a thing,” while toi means “to send a person.” Sēr, gold; it is remarkable that the Tibetan word (gsēr, pronounced sēr) is used for this object of culture both in Khasi (ksiar) and Mikir, and not the Assamese (sōn, hōn); for silver, on the other hand, the Aryan rūp is in general use. Lut-dàm-īk-nòn; lut, verb, “enter,” dàm, verb, “go”; īk, honorific address = “elder brother” (though he is speaking to his maternal uncles); nòn imperative particle. Note the doubling of the verb ràk-dun-hèt-lo to indicate repetition of the action in the case of each person.
Nòksèk-lē. The nòksèk (see plan of Mikir house at p. 8) is the part of the house where the food (àn, cooked rice) is placed as an offering to the Manes. Dèng, “to place a share, leave a share”; pī “give”; īk honorific (as above); krei particle of multitude = “for each one.” Mòn-duk-lo, Assamese loan-words (mon, mind, heart, dukh, grief). Làng-un-ē-ābàng “a person who cannot (un-ē) look on (làng) another (for envy).”
III
KUṄWAR
KUNWAR’S
ĀTOMO.
STORY.
Harata
Harata
Kuṅwar
Kunwar
(and)
kòrtē bàng-theròk,
his brothers (were) six persons,
ākibī-sī
the youngest (being)
Harata Kuṅwar.
Harata Kunwar.
Āmehàng-kethèk-pèn-āpārā
From the time of his birth
thijòk,
deer,
phàk-lèng
wild pig
ke-àp,
shooting,
tiki-kē inghoi-hē;
he never did any field-work;
ā-īkmār
his brothers,
bàng-phòngō-kē
the five of them,
sai-kātiki.
laboured in the fields.
Ànsī
Then
lātum
they,
kòrtē bàng-phòngō
the five brothers,
ā-pō-pèn bàng-theròk
with their father six persons,
chingvai-lo:
took counsel together:
“Ālàng
“This
Harata
Harata
Kunwar-kē
Kunwar
tiki-kē inghoi-hē
doing no work
òk
deer
hung-chòt;
hunts only;
āpārā
therefore
ningvē
at night
chingvai-nòn.”
take counsel together.”
Ànsī
So
āningvē
that night
chingvai-lo.
they took counsel.
Āpō
His father
āsō
his son
āklèng-āphàn
eldest (accus.)
ārju-lo—“Nàng
asked—“You
kopusī
how
àn
rice
nē-hī-po?”
me-will-supply?”
“Nē-pu-tàngtē
“As for me,
sārlār
a headman
plàngsī
having become
jō-ārnī
night and day
mē
I
do-jī;
will hold assembly;
sārlār
headman’s
ā-màn
perquisites
bàng-kevàn
by people brought
āhòr-āhàn-pèn-sī
the rice-beer-from
àn-lòk
rice-white
àn-mē
rice-good
hòr-làng
beer
hòr-pō
(doublet)
nàng
to you
pī-jī.”
I will give.”
“Tàngtē
“Then
nàng
you
ādàk-vàm-kē
the next,
kopusī
how
àn
rice
nē-hī-po?”
me will supply?”
“Nē-pu-tàngtē
“As for me,
hēmai
a blacksmith
hànsārī
(doublet)
plàng-sī
becoming
jō-ārnī
night and day
nokē
knives
no-pàk
daos
thīp-jī;
I will forge;
lā nokē
by those knives
nopàk
and daos
nàng-kethīp-ātum
there made by me
kevàn
brought (i.e. procured)
ā-hòr
beer
ā-hàn
(doublet)
ākovē
betel-nut
ābithi
pān-leaf
pènsī
together
àn-lòk
with rice-white
àn-mē
rice-good
āràk-chidhīr
spirit (doublet)
nàng-pījī.”
you I will give.”
“Nàng
“You
ādàk-vàm ādunkē,
the second next to,
kopusī
how
àn
rice
nē-hī-po?”
will you supply me?”
“Nē-pu-tàngtē
“As for me,
sai-tiki-sī
field-work-doing
puru
granary
phàndār
store
pelòng-sī
having got together
ànlòk
rice-white
àn-mē
rice-good
hòr-làng
beer
hòr-pō
(doublet)
nāng-pījī.”
you I will give.”
“Nàng ādàkvàm
“You the second
ādun
next
lē-thòt-kē,
coming after,
kopusī
how
àn
rice
nēhīpo?”
will you supply me?”
“Nē-pu
“As for
tàngtē
me,
bàng-āhèm
(other) person’s
do-dun-sī,
house inhabiting as a companion,
lābàng
that person
nē-kepī
me given
ā-àn
rice and
āhòr
beer
āhàn-sī
(doublet)
nàng pīpo.”
you I will give.”
“Nàng
“You
ādàkvàm-ādun-lē-thòt-kē
the second next coming after,
kopusī
how
àn
rice
nēhīpo?”
will you supply?”
“Nē-pu-tàngtē
“As for me,
bàng-ābàn
another person’s slave
āsòt
(doublet)
plàngsī
becoming
nē-kepī
me given
ā-àn
rice and
āhòr
beer-
āhàn-
(doublet)
pènsī
with, from,
nē-àn
my rice
nàng
you
pī-po.”
I will give.”
“Tàngtē
“Then
nàng
you
Harata-Kunwar-kē,
Harata-Kunwar,
kolopu-sī
in what way
àn
rice
nē-hīpo?”
me will you supply?”
“Nēpu-tàngtē
“As for me,
Ārnàm-āsō
God’s child,
Ārnī-āsō
Sun’s child
èn-sī
having married,
rēchō
a king
kethē
great
plàngsī,
having become,
inghoi
throne
āthàk
upon
inghu-āthàk,
(doublet)
kāpòt-āthàk
plank-upon
kāplèng-āthàk
(doublet)
nàng
you
pàngnī-sī
having caused to sit
bàn-sòt-ātum
slaves and maids
náng-rī
your hands
nàng-kèng
your feet
nàng-pechàm-sī,
having caused to wash,
hòr
beer
àn
rice
āràk-chidhīr
spirits
nàng-pī-jī.”
you I will give.”
Ànsī
So
chingvai-tànglo.
they finished consulting together.
Ānērlō
That day,
sai-tiki-ālòng,
cultivation-place-in,
Harata-Kunwar
Harata-Kunwar
ābàng-kāvē-āphī,
not being there,
ālàngtum
those
kòrtē bàng-phòngō
brothers five,
āpō-pèn
with their
bàng-theròk
father persons-six,
chingvai-thū-voi-phàk-lo.
began to consult together again.
“Ālàng
“That
Harata-Kunwar
Harata-Kunwar
Ārnàm
God
Ārnī-āsō
Sun’s child
èn-sī
having wedded
rēchō
a king
plàng-jī-sī
will become,
pu?
indeed?
Konàt
Where
ārēchō-sī
a king
ālàngkē
is he
plàng-jī-mā?
to become?
āpārā
so then
pethī-lòt-lo-nàng.
kill let us (him).
Āpārā
So then
ningvē
at night time
chingvai-thū
let us consult
sī-nàng.”
together again.”
Āningvē
That night
àn-chōdèt
rice having eaten
jundèt
having drunk
ālàngtum
they
chingvai-lo,
consulted together,
kopusī
how
kāpethī
the killing
āpòtlo.
was to be done.
“Āpārā
“So then
hèm-thàp
a field-hut
kīm-po-nàng;
let us build;
Harata-Kunwar-āphàn-kē
Harata-Kunwar (accus.)
naidung-āhoi-lē
clearing-on the border
kīm-pī-rā
having built it
pehòn-po-nàng.
let us cause to watch.
Ànkē
Then
ētum
let us
ājō
by night
dàm-rā
going
chīr-pèn
with a spear
tòk-òt-nàng.”
thrust-and-kill-him.”
Ālàngtum
Them
kāchingvai
taking counsel together
Harata-Kunwar
Harata-Kunwar’s
ātēpī
eldest sister-in-law
ārju-dun-lo.
overheard.
Ànsī
Then
ādàp
in the morning
àn-chōdèt
rice having eaten
jundèt
having drunk
ālàngtum
they
kādo-kāvē
all
sai-tiki-dàm-āphī
having gone to work after,
Harata-Kunwar
Harata-Kunwar
òk-hung-pèn
from hunting
hèm
home
vànglo.
came.
Ànsī
Then
ātēpī
his sister-in-law
àn
rice
pīlo;
gave him;
àn-chōdèt
rice having eaten
ātēpī
his sister-in-law
pulo—
said—
“Nàng
”(On) you
mīsō
a black ant (here = louse)
nàng-prōlàng,
there let me kill,
Harata-Kunwar.”
Harata-Kunwar.”
Ànsī
So
ā-rèk pēlo,
a louse she killed,
pē-mā-pē-lo
while she was killing it
āmèk-krī
a tear
H. K.
H. K.’s
ākèng-āthàk
leg-on
nàng-klō-bup.
fell with a splash.
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.
ārju-lo—
asked—
“Tēpī,
“Sister-in-law!
nàng
you
chiru-dèt-mā-dā?”
are weeping?”
Ànsī
And
ātēpī
his sister-in-law
pulo—
said—
“Chiru-rē:
“I am not weeping:
ārvē
rain-of
ā-mu-sī
a drop
nàng-ke-klō.”
has fallen on you.”
Ākō
Again
pē-mā-pē
while she was killing,
āmèk-krī
a tear
nàng-klō-thū-voi-phàk.
fell upon him a second time.
H. K.
H. K.
ārju-thū-lē-lo—
asked again—
“Nàng
“You
chiru-dèt āvī,
crying are really,
tēpī!
sister-in-law!
nē-thàn-nòn,
me explain to,
kopi-āpòtsī
for what reason
nàng
you
kāchiru-mā.”
are crying.”
Ànsī
Then
thàn-lo:
she explained:
“nē-lòkhai
“my father-in-law
àn-tàngtē
and also
nàng-īk-ātum
your brethren
kāchingvai,
have taken counsel together,
hèm-thàp
a jungle-hut (in)
nàng
you
pehòn-sī
having made to watch,
ājō
by night
chīr-pèn
with a spear
nàng
you
tòk-òt-jī-sī-pu:
will pierce and kill-they say:
lāsī
that is why
nē
I
kā-chiru.”
am weeping.”
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.
pulo—
said—
“Pherē nàng-nē;
“You need not be afraid;
nàng
you
nē-thàn-lo,
me have told,
mē-lo;
it is well;
menàp
to-morrow
ā-dàp
morning
nàng
you
promàn
proof
lòng-jī.
will get.
Nē
I
thī-thē-tàng-tē,
not dead am-if,
ālàngtum
them
āphī-āphī
after
hèm
home
nàng-dunsī
here coming,
chilònghē
worm-castings
thàm-theròk
clods six
nē
I
sārnung
roof (upon)
nàng-vār-po:
here will throw:
Lālē
that if
sārnung
roof (on)
nē-nàngkevār
my-here-throwing
ārkī
noise
āvē-dèt,
there is not,
tàngtē
then
nē
I
kithī-lo.”
shall be dead.”
Ànsī
Then
ārnī-kàngsàm āpòr
day-becoming cool-time
ā-īk-ātum
his brothers
rīt-pèn
from the field
nàng-che-voi-lo,
there returned,
ànsī
and
āpō
his father
pulo:
said:
H. K.-tā
our H. K.
hèm-thàp
jungle hut (in)
hòn-dun
go watching
nàng-po;
must;
sòk
the paddy
phàk
pigs
chō-koi-lo;
are eating up;
hā
there
naidung-āhoi
clearing-on border
nētum
we
hèm-thàp
a jungle-hut
nàng-kīm-pī-koi-lo.”
have finished building.”
Ànsī
Then
àn-chō-dèt
rice having eaten
jun-dèt,
having drunk,
H. K.
H. K.
ā-thai
his bow
che-pòn-sī
taking with him
hèm-thàp
the jungle-hut
ànsī
and
chitū-
(name of a plant)
ā-thē
fruit
lik-pòn-sī
having gathered,
ā-làng
its juice
phingu-ā-òp-pèn
plantain-sheath-in
bī-sī,
having put,
ārlèng
man
ki-ī
sleeping (of)
ā-sònthòt-sī-āthàk
likeness upon
pē
clothes
pāchàp-sī
having put round
pi-ī-lo;
he put it to sleep;
H. K.-kē
H. K. himself
sòk ā-sē
rice-arch
ārlō
underneath
chepātu-joi-lo.
hid himself quietly.
Ànsī
Then
àn-chō-mèk-bur
after their first sleep
ā-pō
his father
ā-īk-ātum
his brothers
chingthurlo:—
awoke one another:—
“Vàng-noi,
“Come now,
H. K.
H. K.
pithī-dàm-po nàng.”
to kill let us go!”
Ànsī
Then
ābàng-phū
each one of them
chìr-ēpàk
a spear-one
chi-vàn-sī,
taking with him,
H. K.
H. K.’s
āhèm-thàp-ālòng
jungle-hut-place
vàng-lo.
(to) came.
Ànsī
Then
āpō
his father
pulo—
said—
“Dā-nàng,
“Go you,
āklèng!
the eldest,
ārlu-rā
climbing up
tòk-dàm-nòn!”
pierce him through!”
Āklèng
The eldest
pudèt—
answered—
“Kopusī
“How
nē
I
tòk-dàm-hai-jī-mā?
go and pierce dare shall?
ē-kòr tàng-dèt,
our brother he is,
ē-mu tàng-dèt-lè;
our younger brother he is;
īpī
our mother
īsī-pèt,
is one,
ī-pō
our father
īsī-pèt;
is one;
āphūthàk
moreover
chubòng
nipple
īsī-pèt
one
chithē
breast
īsī-pet
one
tòng-ràp-chòm:
we sucked together:
ākòrtē tàng-dèt,
brothers-full-being,
kopusī
how
pithī
kill-him
hai-jī-mā?
should I dare?
nē
I
hai-hē!”
dare not!”
“Dā tàngtē
“Go then,
nàng
you
ādàkvàm!”
the second!”
Ādàkvàm
The second son
pu-voi-phàk—
rejoined—
“Mai!
“Ah!
pātèng-kālī,
(of a) second wife he is not (the son)
pāju-kālī:
(doublet):
kòrtē-āpòk,
brother of one womb
mu-tē-āpòk
younger brother of one womb
tàngdèt-lē,
since he is,
kopusī
how (him)
pithī-hai-jī-mā?
slay should I dare?
nē
I
hai-hē.”
dare-not.”
“Dā-tàngtē
“Go, then,
nàng
you
ādàk-vām-ādun.”
second-to the next.”
Lā pu-voi-phàk—
He rejoined—
“Kèng-thàm
“Our thigh
īsī-pèt,
is one,
kèng-pàk
our foot
īsī-pèt,
is one,
rī-dèng
our upper arm
īsī-pèt,
is one,
rī-pèk
our hand
īsī-pèt-sī,
is one,
kethē-ràp-chòm
we grew up together,
ākòrtē
our brother
tàng
since
dèt-lē,
he is,
kopusī
how
pithī-thèk-jī-mā?
could I possibly kill him?
nē
I
thèk-thē!”
cannot!”
“Dā-nàng
“Go now you,
ādàkvàm-ādun-lēthòt.”
second-next-next.”
Lā
He
pudèt—
said—
“Mòk ē-bòng-pèt
“Nipple-one (at)
tòng-ràp-chòm
having sucked together
ākòrtē
brothers
tàng-dèt,
fully being,
āphū-thàk-tā
moreover
bhin
sister
kālī bhā kālī lē,
he has none (doublet)
kopusī
how
kāpithī
kill him
hai-jī-mā?
should I venture?
nē hai-hē.”
I dare not.”
“Dā-tàngtē
“Go-then,
nàng
you
ākibī.”
the youngest.”
“Mai!
“Ah!
kopusī
how
nēlē
me
nē
are you
ketoi-mā?
sending?
Nē
I
dun-tàngdèt,
being next him,
nē-pu-tàng-tē,
as for me,
ākibī-pèn
childhood-from
thē-ràp-ràp:
we grew up together:
āphūthàk-tā
over and above that,
àn
rice
ē-vàn-pèt
(from) one platter
kechō-ràp,
we ate together,
hòr
beer
hārlung
mug
īsīpèt
one (from)
kejun-ràp:
we drank together:
ābàng-lē
such a person
nē
I
pithī-hai-jī-mā?
to kill should dare?
nē hai-hē.”
I dare not.”
Ànsī
Then his
āpō
father
àning-thī-lo:
became angry:
“Tàngtē
“Then
kopusī
how
‘H. K.
‘H. K.
pithī-nàng’
must be killed’
pu
saying
nàngtum
ye
kepu-hai?
dared to say?
plàng-plē-plē-lē,
if you cannot bring yourselves to this
nàngtum
you
pinsō
male
plàng-vàngvē,”
will never become,”
pusī
saying,
nujòk
the post
ārlu-sī,
climbing up,
chīr-pèn
with a spear
lōbòng-ā-òp
the plantain-sheath
tòk-proi-lo;
he pierced through;
ànsī
then
chitū-ālàng
(name of plant)-juice
ànsī
so
“H. K.
“H. K.
kàngtàng-mā-kàngtàng
strong though he be,
nònkē
now
nàng-dàn-lo-bò!
here he has got his deserts!
Ārnàm
God
Ārnī
of the sun’s
āsō
daughter
ènsì,
having wedded,
rēchō
a great
kethē
king
peplàng-bòm-lo-nàng
let him make himself
nòn-ànkē.”
now!”
Ànsī
Now
H. K.
H. K.
nàng-ārju-dunlo:
there overheard all this:
“Kopi-kopi
“What, what
tàng-ā,
are you saying,
īkmār-lī?”
brothers?”
pulo:
he said:
ànkē
and
“H. K.
“H. K.
āthai
his bow
do”
has”
pu,
saying,
pherē-sī
fearing
kàt-lo;
they ran away;
chingthu-chērbu-sī
stumbling and falling
kàt-lo;
they ran;
āhèmthàp
at their jungle hut
kāchilē
their own arriving,
āning-vàngphàk-vàngphàk,
they vomited (lit. their breast came up),
ànsī
and
ājō-pàngthàng
night-clearing away
bòr-ī-dèt-sī
with great difficulty
ādàp
in the morning
hèm
home
chevoilo.
they returned.
Ànsī
Then
H. K.-tā
H. K. also
ālàngtum-āphī-āphī
them after
dun-sī,
coming,
chilònghē
the worm-casts
thàm-theròk
clods six
sārnung
on the roof
vār-dun-lo.
threw.
Ànsī
Then
àn-chòdèt
rice having eaten
jundèt
having drunk
ā-īkmār
his brothers
rīt
field (to)
āphī
afterwards
H. K.
H. K.
vànglo.
came.
Ànsī
Then
ātēpī
his sister-in-law
àn pīlo.
rice gave him.
Chōdèt
Having eaten
jundèt
and drunk
pulo,
he said,
“Ai tēpī!
“O sister-in-law!
nē
I
dàk
here
nàng-do-dun
remain with you
thèk-thē-lo:
cannot:
kòrtē-āpòk
my brothers own
mu-tē-āpòk
(doublet)
āphū-thàk
nay even
ē-pō-āpòk-tā
our father own even
nē-pràn
my life
nē-mui-sī
(doublet)
nē ārlèn-thuròng;
me aim at (plur.);
nė-pethī-jī
me to kill
nē-pejàng-jī-sī
me to slay
māthā-thuròng.
they are plotting (plur.).
Āpòtkē
Therefore
nē
I
chòngvīr-po.
will go a-wandering.
Sàng-tèt
A provision
sàngtī hīm
of rice bread
sàngphēr-lē
parched rice also
nē
to me
sik-pī-nòn.”
preparing give.”
Ànsī
Then
ātēpī
to his sister-in-law
pu-tekàng-lo—
he said on leaving—
“Lālē
“If
nē
I
thī-dàm-dē
do not die
jàng-dàm-dē-dèt,
(doublet),
tàngtē
then
nē-kevàng-āpòr
my-returning-time (at)
chelònghē
worm-cast
thàm-theròk
clods-six
nàng-vārpo;
here I will throw;
ànkē
then
inghoi-inghu
the stools
kāpòt-kāplèng
the planks
chàm-nòn.”
wash clean.”
Chiru-ràp-jō-sī
Having wept together
chekàk-lo.
they parted.
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.
āthai
his bow
che-pòn-sī
having taken
kedàm-mā-kedàm,
went along,
ànsī
and
ā-phī
his granny
hèm-ēpī āhèm
the widow’s house (at)
lē-lo.
arrived.
“O phī!
“O granny!
nàng bàng-do?”
are you there?”
Sārpī
The old woman
nàng-thàk-dèt
there answered
“Komàt-mā?
“Who is there?
dàk
as for
putàng-tē,
this place,
nē-dòn nē-ràp
to me kith and kin
āvēdèt-pīlē:
there is not any:
komàtsī
Who
kevàng-mā?”
is come?”
H. K.
H. K.
thàk-dèt,
answered,
“Ai
“Oh,
nē
I,
phī.”
granny.”
Ànsī
Then
sārpī
the old woman
pulo—
said—
“kopi-kevàng-mā,
“Why have you come,
pō?
my dear?
nēkē
I am but
hèm-ēpī:
a lone widow:
nē
I
hèm āvē
house have not
nē
I
rīt āvē:
field have not:
chō-hàng chōrèk-chòt-sī
food-begging (doublet) only (from)
kechō:
I eat:
kopi
why
H. K.
H. K.
thàkdèt—
answered—
“Nàng-lòng
“With you
nàng-do-dun-po.”
I will remain here as a companion.”
Sārpī
The old woman
pudèt—
said—
“Nàngkē
“You that
rēchō-āthèng
fit-to-be-a-king,
kethē-āthèng lē,
fit-to-be-a-great-man are,
kopusī
how
nē-hèm
in my house
nàng
you
nàng-kedo-dun-thèk-jī mā?”
can keep me company?”
H. K.
H. K.
thàk-dèt—
answered—
“Mē
“Good,
phī:
granny:
nàng-do-dun-po.”
here I will stay.”
Ànsī
So
do-dun-lo
he stayed with her
thàk-dun-lo.
(doublet).
Ànsī
Then
āphī
his granny
hèmēpī
the widow
pulo—
said—
“H. K.,
“H. K.,
nàng
do you
sòk
the paddy
tē-dun-nòn;
spread out to dry;
nē
I
rēchō-āròng
in the king’s village
sòk-sàng
paddy-rice
rèk-dàm-po.
to beg am going.
Mo
After
sòk
paddy
tē-dèt
you have spread out,
nàng
you
làng-chinglu
in the stream bathe
dàm-jī-sèt-tā,
to go if want,
làng-thàk
up-stream
dàm-rī:
go not:
lā
this
ētum
of us two
ā-hèm
house
ā-lònglē
ground (upon)
Ànsī
Then
sòk-tē-dèt
paddy having spread out
āphī
his granny
hèm-ēpī
the widow
rēchō-āròng
to king’s village
dàm-lo.
went.
H. K.
H. K.
sòk
the paddy
pòn-lo:
took:
hārlo-dun-lòtsī
having turned it over frequently
pālòm-pèt
in a very short time
pe-rèng-dèt-sī
having thoroughly dried it
sòk
the paddy
oi-sī
having collected together
làng
in the stream
chinglu-dàm-lo.
he went to bathe.
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.
“kopi-āpòtsī
“for what reason
nē-phī
my granny
‘làngthàk
‘up stream
dām-rī’
go not’
pu
saying
nē-kepu-tekàng-lo-mā?
me telling went away?
Làng-thàk
Up stream
nàng-dàm-sī
there going
nàng-làng-dàm-jī-làng,”
I will go and see for myself,”
pusī
so saying
làngthàk
up stream
dàmlo.
he went.
Sēr
Gold
ālàng-thē
water-vessels
rūp
silver
ālàngthē
water-vessels
kephuk
broken
thèk-dàm-lo.
he, going, saw.
“O lāsī
“Oh, that was why
‘làngthàk dàm-rī’
‘up-stream go not’
pu
saying
nē-phī
my granny
nē-kē pu-tekàng-lē.
told me when she went away.
Ningvē
To-night
nèng-ārju-jī,
I will ask her,
komàt-ching
whose
ā-lànghē
watering-place
nē.”
it is.”
Ànsī
So
hèm
home
nàng-chevoilo.
he returned.
Ànsī
Then
ā-phī
his granny
hèm-ēpī-tā
the widow-also
rēchō-āròng-pēn
king’s village-from
ārnī-kàngsàm
in the afternoon
hèm
home
nàng-chevoilo.
returned.
Ànsī
Then
ā-ningvē
that night
àn-chō-dèt
rice having eaten
jun-dèt
having drank
H. K.
H. K.
ārju-lo:
asked:
“Komàt-ching
“Whose
ā-lànghē mā,
watering-place is it,
lā
that
làng-thàk?
up stream?
Sēr
Gold
ālàngthē
water-vessels
rūp
silver
ālàngthē
water-vessels
kephuk
broken
oi-chō.”
are strewn.”
Ànsī
Then
hèm-ēpī
the widow
“Làngthàk
“Up-stream
dàm-rī
go-not
pu
saying
nē
I
nàng
you
kepu-tekàng:
told at parting:
nàng
you
ārju-jē-dèt-sī
not hearing (obeying)
nàng làngthàk
there up-stream
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.
thàk-lo—
answered—
“Dàm-tē-mā,
“Yes, I did go,
phī:
granny:
nē-thàn-thā,
explain to me,
komàt-ching
whose
ā-lànghē
watering place
mā.”
it is.”
Ànsī
Then
āphī
his granny
hèm-ēpī
the widow
thàn-lo:
explained:
“Bārī-thē
“Palace-great
Rēchō
king’s
ā-lànghē;
watering place;
āsōmār,
his children,
kòrtē bàng-theròk,
sisters six,
làng-nàng-kāchinglu-ādim:
in the water bathing-place (it is):
dàm-rī-nòn
go not now
āpārkē.”
any more.”
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.
māthā-voiphàk—
considered again—
“Nē-phī
My granny
dàm-rī-thu
‘go not again’
pusī,
having said,
nē-pu
as for me,
nàng-dàm-thu-jī-làng.”
there going again I will continue.”
Ànsī
Then
làngthàk
up stream
dàm-thu-lo.
he went again.
Làng-kung
River bank (under)
chipātu-joi-sī
hiding himself quietly,
nērlo-chitīm
day-middle
Bārī-thē
Palace-great
Rēchō
King’s
āsōmār
children,
kòrtē bàng-theròk
sisters six,
làng-nàng-chinglu-jī-sī
(in) the river for the purpose of bathing
vànglo.
came.
Nàng-klō-èt-jō
Descending there beautifully
ākàn
their clothes
nàng-chi-bī-kòk
there having laid aside
làng
into the water
sun-phit:
they jumped all at once:
īnut
each one
ākàn
her clothes
nàng-chibī-kòk
having laid aside
làng sun-phit,
into the water jumped at once,
kemē-òng
most lovely!
chiklō-tur-dèt
moon-splendour
ārnī tur-dèt
sun-splendour (like),
lālē
there
kāchinglu
they bathed,
lālē
there
kāchingthī.
they washed themselves.
Ànsī
So
ārnī
the day
ingsàm-jīn-lo.
became cool gradually.
Āklèng
The eldest
nàng-pinkhàt-lo:
there-admonished-them:
“Ai ètmārlī!
“O my dears!
kitun āpòrlo,
cooking-time it is,
kedàng āpòrlo,
serving-up-time it is,
ē-vo
our fowls
chibèng
to house
āpòr,
time it is,
ē-phàk
our pigs
chibèng āpòrlo:
to house time it is:
ē-pī
our mother
ē-tàmpo,
us will scold,
ē-pō
our father
ē-tàmpo,
us will scold,
dàm-po-nàng.”
let us go!”
Ànsī
So
chinglu-tànglo,
bathing-they finished,
chingthī-tànglo:
washing themselves they finished:
īnut
one
ākàn
her clothes
nàng-chihijìr-phlum-phlum
shaking out so as to flap,
chi-ī-lòk-si
having put on
ingjār-èt,
flew away beautifully,
īnut
another
ākàn
her clothes
chihijīr-phlum
having shaken out so as to flap
ingjār-èt,
flew away beautifully,
ànsī
and
ākibī-sī-kē
the youngest of all
āphī
afterwards
ingjār-èt-jō,
flew away beautifully
chiklō-ātur
moon’s-brightness
ārnī-ātur
sun’s brightness
thēlālàk.
just like.
Sining
The heaven
lut-lē-tik,
not entered-until,
lālē
there
H. K.
H. K.
kelàng-dun
stood gazing
pukē
so that
āngphun
his neck (in)
chepekèk-koi.
he got a crook altogether.
Ànsī
So
sining
the heaven
lutkoi-lo,
they entered quite,
thèk-dun-dē-lo:
he saw them no more:
ànsī
so
hèm
home
chevoilo.
he returned.
H. K.
H. K.
āning
in his mind
māthālo
thought
“àn ākemē,
“so beautiful!
àn ākechòk,
so lovely!
nàng èn-lòng-lē-tik
here until I can get one to wife,
nàng-kīm-lòng-lē-tik
here until I can build the wedding bower (subaud, I will not rest);
ningvē
to-night
nē-phī
my granny
nàng-ārju-lē-po.”
I will ask again about them.”
Ànsī
So
hèm
home
lē-ròk
having arrived
àn-chō-dèt
rice having eaten
jun-dèt
having drunk
H. K.
H. K.
āphī
his granny
“Mai!
“Oh!
phī!
granny!
lā-sòntòt
that-like
ākemē
beautiful,
lā-sòntòt
that-like
ākechòk
lovely
nē thèk-lòng-lē-làng;
I saw got never;
kopusī
how
ke-èn
to take one to wife
lòng-po-mā?
shall I attain to?
bīdī
a plan
nē
to me
thàn-thā!”
explain!”
Āphī
His granny
pudèt—
answered—
“Ai
“O
H. K.!
H. K.!
bàng-kē
those ones
ārnàm-āsō
god’s children
ārnī-āsō
sun’s children
rēchō-āsō
king’s children
kethē-āsō
great one’s children
(are):
kopusī
how
nàngkē
should you,
ārlèng-āsō-lē
who are but a child of man,
ke-èn-lòng-jī-mā?”
succeed in getting one to wife?”
H. K.
H. K.
pulo—
said—
“kālī,
“not so,
phī!
granny!
èn-lòng
get one
nàng-jī:
to wife I must:
bīdī
a plan
nē thàn-nòn.”
to me explain.”
Thàn-thē
Did not-explain
(she)
tik-tàk
so-long-as
(he)
ārju-vēr-sī
continuing to ask,
thàn-lo:
she explained:
“Nàng
“You
ke-èn-jī-pèt-tàngtē,
are-bent-on-wedding-one-if,
lā làng-kung-lē
that river-bank-on
rīt
a field
pàn-dàm-nòn.”
to clear go.”
Ànsī
And
H. K.
H. K.
pulo—
said—
“Mē-òng-chòt-lo,
“Very good,
phī:
granny:
menàp-pèn-āpārā
to-morrow-from
pàn-dàm-po.”
I will go and clear it.”
Ànsī
And
ādàp
the morning
thē-àng
dawning
thē-àng-ē
not dawning
làng-ding:
he continued to watch:
ànsī
so (at last)
ādàp
the morning
ing-thànglo.
dawned fully.
Ànsī
Then
nopàk
a dao
e-pàk
one
che-pòn-sī
taking with him
dām-lo.
he went.
Lē-ròk-pèn
Arriving-from
do-dē,
he waited not,
sàng-sē,
he rested not
lālē
there
kepàn
clearing
lālē
there
kepàn,
clearing,
ārnī-sī-pèt
in one day only
pàn-dèt
he cleared it fully
pī-dèt,
(doublet),
ànsī
then
màm
jungle
thīlo,
cut,
mē
fire
keilo:
set-to-it:
lālē
there
kechō pukē,
it (the fire) ate it up so quickly,
ābèng
a piece of wood,
ākòk
a stalk
thī-rok-re
lying-not
chō-èt.
it devoured.
Ànsī
Then
thèngthē,
maize,
hànjàng,
millet,
nòk,
sugar-cane,
phingu,
plantain
ārchē-lo,
he dibbled in,
āphū-thàk-tā
over and above also
mīr phèk-ē,
(name of a flower),
tādo,
white lily,
mīr-kādòmphui,
marigold,
āsòn-sòn
various kinds
mīr
flowers
ē-lo.
he planted.
Ànsī
Then
Bārī-thē
Palace-great
Rēchō
King’s
āsōmār
daughters
làng
(in the) river
nàng-chinglu-lēlo:
there-to bathe-arrived:
nàng-klō-èt-jō
there they descended beautifully,
kemē
lovely
thèk-thē-òng
to impossibility
pukē—chiklō-lē
so—moon-as-if
vàng-phlòt,
came down
ārnī-lē
sun-as-if
vàng-phlòt
came down
thēlālàk.
just like.
Ànsī
Then
chinglu-tàngdèt
having finished bathing
chingthī-tàngdèt,
having finished washing themselves,
H. K.
H. K.’s
āteràn
garden-plot
nàng-thèklo.
they saw there.
Ànsī
So
pulo—
they said—
“Mai!
“Oh!
komàt
whose
ārīt-mā?
field is it?
mē-òng-hē.”
it is very pretty.”
Āklèng
The eldest
thàk-dèt—
answered—
“Ē-kòrpō
“Our cousin (brother-in-law)
H. K.
H. K.’s
āteràn-lē-mā.”
garden plot it must be.”
sining
to heaven
chingjār-thū-èt-jō-lo.
they flew away again beautifully together.
H. K.
H. K.
“nàmtusī
“how
ke-èn-lòng-po-mā?”
shall I succeed in getting her?”
pu
saying
māthā-ding,
continued to think,
ànsī
and
āphī
his granny
ārju-thū-lē-lo—
went and asked again—
“Ai
“Oh,
phī!
granny!
nàmtu-ching-sī
when and how
ke-èn-lòng-āpòtlo-mā?”
am I to succeed in getting one?”
Āphī
His granny
thàkdèt—
answered—
“Lā-pu-pē-lòng,
“That-way-not,
āsu-pō:
grandson-dear:
hèm-thàp
a jungle hut
chi-kīm-thā.”
build for yourself.”
Ànsī
So
ādàp
in the morning
hèm-thàp
a jungle hut
kīm-dàm-lo.
he went to build.
Ārnī-sī-pèt
In one day only
hèm-thàp
a jungle hut
thēpī
very big
kīm-dèt-sī
having-built
hèm
home
chevoilo,
he returned,
ànsī
and
“hèm-thàp
“the jungle hut
tànglo,
I have finished,
phī,”
granny,”
pu
saying
thàn-lo.
he explained.
“Tàngtē
“Then
pòngsī
(in) a flute
che-èt-nòn,”
bore a hole for yourself,”
pusī
saying
āphī
his granny
pinkhàt-lo.
advised him.
Ànsī
Then
pòngsī
flutes
che-èt-ō.
he bored several for himself.
Ànsī
So
thèngthē-āpòr
maize-time
hànjàng-āpòrlo.
millet-time it became.
Āphī
His granny
pinkhàt-lo—
advised him—
“Hèm-thàp
“In your jungle hut
chehòn-dàm-rā
going to watch
pòngsī
flute
but-nòn.”
blow.”
Ārīt putàngtē,
His field as-for,
pālòm-pèt
in a very little time
lālē
there
mīr
flowers
kàngthu-pukē,
blossomed-so,
māthā thèk-thē-dèt.
it could not be imagined.
Ànsī
Then
Bārī-thē
great-Palace
Rēchō
King’s
āsōmār
children
làng
in the river
nàng-chinglu-lē-lo:
there to bathe arrived:
nàng-ingjār-èt-jō
there flying beautifully
īnut
one
ākàn
her clothes
chi-bī-kòk
laying aside
làng
in the river
sun-phit,
jumped straight,
īnut
another
ākàn
her clothes
chi-bī-kòk
laying aside
làng
in the river
sun-phit,
jumped straight,
lālē
there
kāchinglu
bathed
lālē
there
kāchingthī.
washed themselves.
Ànsī
Then
āklèng
the eldest
nàng-pinkhàt-lē-lo—
there advised them again—
“Dā,
“Come,
ètmārlī,
dears,
dàm-po-nàng.”
let us go.”
H. K.
H. K.
lālē
thereupon
pòngsī
his flute
kebut
blew
pukē,
so,
māthā-thèk-thē-dèt.
it could not be imagined.
“Mai!
“Oh!
pòngsī-kebut-tā
flute-playing indeed
ju-mē-òng:
is very good to hear:
H. K.
H. K.
ābàng
a person
do-āvī:
it is surely:
dā
come,
ètmārlī,
dears,
mīr
flowers
che-hàng-dàm-sī-nàng”;
to beg let us go”;
ànsī
so
vànglo.
they went.
“H. K.,
“H. K.,
nitum
we
mīr
flowers
chilòk-pòn-chòt-làng,
for ourselves pluck take a few wish,
chilòk-pòn
pluck and take
ningkē-mā,
are you willing that we,
pō?”
sir?”
“Chilòk-pòn
“Pluck and take,
ningkē-mā,”
I am willing certainly,”
pu,
saying,
H. K.
H. K.
pulo.
said.
Ànsī
So
ābàng-phū-tā
each one of them
mīr
flowers
chilòk-pòn-sī
having plucked and taken
dàmlo,
went away,
ingjār-pòn-èt-jō.
they flew away gracefully together.
Sining
In heaven
lut-lē-tiktàk,
(they) not entered so long,
H. K.
H. K.
lālē
there
kelàng-dun-pukē
continued gazing so,
āmèk
his eyes
chi-pesō-koi,
became quite sore,
ānō
his ears (i.e. eyes)
chi-pesō-koi.
became quite sore.
Ànsī
So
sining
the heaven
lut-koi-lo:
they entered completely:
thèk-dun-dē-lo-pu-ànsī,
he-could-no-longer-see-them-when,
H. K.
H. K.
tā
also
hèm
home
chevoilo.
returned.
Ànsī
Then
āphī
his granny
hèm-ēpī
the widow
nàng-ārjulo—
there asked him—
“Mīnī
“To-day
Bārī-thē
great-Palace
Rēchō
King’s
āsōmār
children
nàng
with you
chingkī-pòn-mā?”
did converse?”
“Chingkī-pòn-tē;
“Yes, they conversed;
mīr-tā
flowers even
nē
me
kehàng-pòn-lànglē.”
they asked to be allowed to gather.”
Ànsī
Then
āphī
his granny
bīdī
a plan
thànlo:
explained:
“Menàp-tā ārnī kemē:
“To-morrow (is) a day good:
Bārī-thē
Great palace
Rēchō
King’s
āsōmār
children
làng
in the river
nàng-chinglu-lē-jī-āpòtkē,
there to bathe-arriving-on-as-soon-as,
chipātu-joi-rā
hiding yourself quietly
làng-dun-tòn-nòn.
watch secretly.
Lā
Those
āklèng-ātum
elder (plural)
kòrtē
sisters
bàng-phòngō-kē
persons five
āpèngnàn
husbands
do-àngsē-lo.
have all got.
Ākibī-sī
The youngest
dèt-lo,
only,
lātu
her
Mòn
Mon
Rēchō
Rājā
(King of the winds)
āsōpō-āphàn
his son-for
kerai-dun;
is asking in marriage;
hòrbòng
the beer-gourds
hòrtē
(doublet)
lē-koi-lo.
have all arrived.
Bòntā
Nevertheless
lā-dèt-lo,
her only,
lā-āpīnī-lē
her petticoat (accus.)
pàngthèk-dun-rā
having carefully singled out,
làng
in the river
kāchinglu-āphī
they-have-plunged-after,
dàk
here
vàn-nòn.
bring to me.
Nē
I
lā-sòntòt
it-just like
āpīnī
a petticoat
ālār-thàk-po:
in exchange will weave:
lālē
that
pòn-rā
taking
ādim-thòt
in that same place
bī-pī-dàm-thū-nòn.
go and set it down again.
Lā-āpīnī-binòng-kē
Her-petticoat-own
pātu-joi-po-nàng.
hide-quietly-let-us.
Ànsī
Then
ālàng
she
ingiār-dun-thèk-thē-lo.
to fly away with the others will not be able.
Lālē
There
āpīnī
her petticoat
nàng
you
che-hàng-lo-tē,
she asks for-if,
‘īnut-lē-īnut
‘one or other of you
nē-do-nòn’
become my wife’
pu-rā
saying
pu-nòn.”
say.”
“Tō,
“Yes,
mē-òng-chòt-lo,
very good indeed,
Phī,”
granny,”
pu
saying
H. K.
H. K.
pulo.
said.
Āphī
His granny
lābàngsō
that
ābīdī
plan
thàn-chèk-pèn-āpārā,
having explained-after,
H. K.
H. K.’s
āning
mind
āròng
cheerful
kedo
became
māthā-thèk-thē-dèt;
as you cannot imagine;
ājō-tā
the whole night
āmèk
his eyes
jàngthèk-thē
close he could not
ā-nō jàng-thèk-thē
(doublet),
māthā-ding.
but continued thinking.
Ànsī
Then
ādàp
morning
ing-thànglo:
fully dawned:
àn-chōdèt
having eaten rice
jundèt
having drunk
ārīt
his field
chedàmlo.
(to) he went.
“Nàmtu-ching-sī
“When
nērlo
day
chitīm-po-mā?”
middle will it be?”
pu
saying
inghòng-ding;
he continued waiting;
ànsī
then
sàngtī-ārlo
sand-beneath
chi-pātu-dām-joi.
he hid himself quietly.
Ànkē
So
nērlo-chitīm
at mid-day
Bārī-thē
Great Palace
Rēchō
king’s
āsōmār
children
vànglo:
came:
nàng-ingjār-èt-jō,
there they flew down gracefully,
īnut
one
ākàn
her clothes
nàng-chi-bī-kòk
putting aside
làng-sun-phit
plunged into the river,
īnut
another
ākàn
her clothes
nàng-chi-bī-kòk
laying aside
làng-sun-phit,
plunged into the river,
ànsī
and
làngkāchinglu-āphī
they had entered the water after
H. K.
H. K.
thur-joi-sī
rising quietly
lā-kibī-sī
that youngest one’s
āpīnī
petticoat
ājīso
striped cloth
inghu-pòn-dèt-sī
stealing and taking away
āphī
his granny
hèm-ēpī
the widow-
ālòng
to
pòn-phit-lo.
took it straightway.
Ànsī
And
āphī
his granny
lā-sòntòt
it just like
āpīnī
a petticoat
ājīso
a striped cloth
thàk-thū-lo,
wove in exchange,
pālòm-pèt
in a very short time
thàk-dèt.
she wove them.
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.
nàng-kàt-thū-voi-lo,
there ran back again,
ādim-thòt-sī
place-that-same-in
pīnī
petticoat
jīso
striped cloth
bī-dàm-thū-sī,
putting down in exchange,
āhèm-thàp
his jungle-hut
chevàngsī
going into,
pòngsī
the flute
but-lo:
played:
lālē
there
kebut
he played
pukē
so that
māthā-thèk-thē
it could not be imagined
jādī-thèk-thē.
(doublet).
Ànsī
Then
chinglu dòr-lo,
they had enough of bathing
chingthī-dòr-lo.
they had enough of washing themselves.
Ànsī
Then
āklèng
the eldest
nàng-pinkhàt-lē-lo—
there admonished them again—
“Ai
“O
ètmārlī,
my dears!
dàm-po-nàng;
let us go;
ketòk-āpòr,
it is (rice) pounding time,
kesèt-āpòrlo;
it is time for the second pounding;
ketun-āpòr
it is cooking-time,
kedàng-āpòrlo;
it is setting-on time;
kebē-āpòr,
it is time to heat the beer,
kesòr-āpòrlo.”
time to squeeze it out.”
Ànsī
Then
ākàn
her clothes
nàng-chi-ī-dèt-sī
there having put on
pu-thū-lē-lo—
she said again—
“Dā,
“Come,
mīr
flowers
che-hàng-dàm-sī-nàng.”
let us go and beg.”
Ànsī
Then
mīr
flowers
chelòk-dàm-dèt
having gone to pluck
ànkē
thereupon
āphràngsī
first
āklèng
the eldest
ànsī
then
ākibī-ātum-tā
the younger ones also
ingjār-dun-èt-jō-lo;
flew up with her gracefully all together;
ànsī
then
ākibī-tā
the youngest also
ingjār-dun-lo
tried to fly with them,
ingjār-dun-thèk-thē-dèt:
but found she was unable to fly:
ingjār-tàng-tē,
if she flew up,
nàng-klō-thū-bup;
there she fell back again;
ingjār-dun-chòt,
if she tried to fly with them,
nàng-klō-thū-bup.
there she fell back again.
Ànsī
Then
āklèng
the eldest
pulo—
said—
“Mai!
“Oh!
kopi-ching āpòtlo-mā?”
what in the world is the matter?”
Ànsī
Then
āklèng-ātum-tā
the elder ones also
nàng-chihīr-thū-voiphàk-lo,
there came down again,
ànsī
and
H. K.
H. K.’s
ālòng
place
vàngsī
coming
pulo—
said—
“Ai H. K.,
“O H. K.,
nàng sī
you it is who
nē-mu
our younger sister’s
āpīnī
petticoat
lār-dèt
have changed
āvī,
without doubt,
āpòt-kē
therefore
vàn-nòn”
bring it back”
pu-hàng-lo.
saying they called out.
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.
thàk-dèt—
answered—
“Īnut-lē-īnut
“One or other of you
nē-do-tē.”
be my wife.”
Bārī-thē
Great-Palace
Rēchō
King’s
āsōmār
children
pudèt:
said:
nàng-kedo
you to marry
āpòtlo?
is it possible?
nētum
we
nē-pèngàn
our-husbands
kedo-tàng,
have got already,
nē-pèngàn kedo-tàng rèp-lē.”
our husbands have got already married to us.”
H. K.
H. K.
pudèt—
said—
“Tangtē
“Then
nē
I
pīnī
petticoat
nàng-pī-thèk-thē:
you give up cannot:
īnut-lē-īnut
one or other of you
nē-do-mā-sī.”
me must marry.”
Ànsī
Then
Bārī-thē
Great-Palace
Rēchō
King’s
āsōmār
children
chepulo:
said one to another:
“Tē,
“Sister (elder),
nàng-do-nòn.”
do you marry him.”
Āklèng
The eldest
thàk-dèt:
answered:
“Kopusī
“How
nē-lē
should I
kedo-jī?
marry him?
nē-sō
I-children
kechàn-jai-lē.”
several have already.”
“Tàngtē
“Then
ādàk-vàm,
the next,
nàng-lē
do you
do-nòn.”
marry him.”
“Kopusī
“How
nē
I
kedo-thèk-po?
should be able to marry him?
nē
I
ningkē
myself also
nē-sō bàng-philī
my children four
tàng-dèt-lē.”
have got already.”
“Ādàkvàm-ādun,
“Second sister-next-to,
nàng-lē do-nòn
do you marry him
tàngtē.”
then.”
“Kopusī
“How
kedo-thèk-jī?
can I possibly marry him?
nē
I
ningkē
also
nē-sō
my children
bàng-kethòm
three
tàng-dèt-lē.”
have got already.”
“Tàngtē
“Then
ādàkvàm-àdun-lē-thòt,
second sister-next-to-next,
nànglē
do you
do-nòn.”
marry him.”
“Nē-tā nē-sō
“I too children
bàng-hīnī
two
tàng-dèt-lē,
have got already,
kopusī
how
kedo-po?”
should I marry him?”
“Nàng
“You
ādàk-vàm-ādun-lē-thòt,
second-sister-next-to-next following,
nàng-lē do-nòn.”
do you marry him.”
“Do-thèk-thē,
“I cannot marry him,
nē-tā
I too
nē-sō
my child
īnut
one
tàng-dèt-lē-mā?”
have I not already?”
“Tàngtē
“Then
nàng
you
ākibī-sī-lē do-nòn.”
the youngest, do you marry him.”
thàk-dèt—
answered—
“Nē-tu,
“As for me,
Mòn Rēchō
Mon Rājā
āsōpō-āphàn
his son-for
nē
me
kerai-dun
is asking in marriage
tàng-dèt-lē:
already:
hòr-bòng hòr-tē
the gourds of beer
nàng-lē-koi-lo;
there arrived all have;
pusī
how
kedo-thèk-po?”
can I possibly marry him?”
Āklèng-ātum
The elder sisters
pudèt—
said—
“Bòntā
“But
nàng
you
pàngrī-rē-dèt-làng-lē-mā:
are not married yet:
nàng-lē do-nòn-èt!
do you marry him, dear!
Ingting-po,
It will be dark soon,
nētum dàm-po:
we must be going:
hā
there
hèm-tā
at home
ē-vo
our fowls
ē-phàk
our pigs
ingrèng-jō-sī-do-po;
will all be calling out for us;
āphū-thàk-tā
moreover
ē-pī
our mother
ē-pō
our father
nàng-làng-phròng-sī-do-po.
there will be looking out for us.
Nētum-tā
We also,
vàng-bòm-jī-le-mā?”
shall we not continue to come and see you?”
Ànsī
Then
ākibī-tā
the youngest
pulo—
said—
“Pu làng-mā
“What is to be done,
tē-mārlī?
sisters?
do-po,
I will marry him,
nàng-tum dàm-nòn;
do you go;
ē-pī
our mother
ē-pō
our father
āningthī-dèt-jī.”
will be very angry.”
Ànsī
Then
āklèng-ābàng
the eldest one
pulo—
said—
“H. K.,
“H. K.,
nàng
you
thàn-bòm-tā
(our) instruction from time to time
ārju-jē-dèt-lo,
would not listen to,
āpòtkē
therefore
nē-mu
our youngest sister
nàng-tekàng-po;
here we are leaving;
bòntā
nevertheless
āduk
grief
pī-rī
give her not,
ālàk
trouble
pī-rī;
give her not;
ketun
to cook
toi-rī,
send her not,
kedàng
to serve up
toi-rī;
send her not;
āphū-thàk-tā
moreover
ā-rī
her hand
su-rī-thā,
touch not,
ākèng
her foot
su-rī-thā.”
touch not.”
Ànsī
So
ā-mu
their younger sister
che-perē-tekàng-sī
having instructed and left behind
sining
to heaven
chingjār-thū-èt-jō-lo.
they flew up again beautifully together.
Sining
Heaven
lut-lē
not entered
tiktàk,
so-long-as,
chi-làng-dun-ding:
they (H. K. and his wife) continued gazing together:
ànsī
then
thèk-dun-dē-lo.
they could see them no more.
Pu-ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.
pulo—
said—
“Ingting-po,
“It is getting dark,
ē-tum-tā
let us also
dàm-po-nàng.”
go our way.”
Ànsi
So
H. K.
H. K.
āning
his mind
āròng do-lo,
joyful lived,
jō-ārnī
night-and-day
thījòk
deer
ke-àp
shooting
phàk-lèng
wild-pig
ke-àp
shooting,
ā-ur
his platform (for drying flesh)
krèng-krē
was never dry
ā-ràp
his shelf
krèng-krē.
was never dry.
Ànsī
So
ningkān
a year
īsī
one
ingtàng-lo.
came to an end.
“Ai phī,
“O granny,
hèm
home
pusī
saying
nē-kepulo,
I say to myself,
kolopu-lo-mā?”
what am I to do?”
pu
saying
H. K.
H. K.
pulo.
said.
“Nàng
“You
hèm-tàng-dèt,
have your own house,
nàng
you
rīt-tàng-dèt-lē-mā,
have your own field indeed,
chedàm-tā
you can go,
mē;
well;
bòntā
but
nàng-pēsō
your wife
nàng-che-mē-mē-làng.”
with you does not get on well yet.”
“Bòntā,”
“But,”
H. K.
H. K.
pudèt,
said,
“ningkàn-īsī-lo-lē-mā-thī,
“a year one (whole) it is, though,
phī.”
granny.”
“Bòntā
“Nevertheless,
nàng
you
che-mē-mē-lā.”
have not hit it off yet.”
Ànsī
Then
“Ai tàngtē,
“Oh, then,
dàm-thèk-thē-làng-po”
go I cannot yet,”
H. K.
H. K.
pulo.
said.
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.
lālē
there
kātiki lālē
working in the field
kànghoi
(doublet)
puru
barns-full
kelòng
getting
phàndār
granary-full
kelòng,
getting,
hèm-ēpī
the widow’s
āhèm
house
pukē
so
ingkrō
cylindrical receptacle for rice
ingtòng
conical basket
ārdung-dung.
were so many (i.e. was filled with).
Ànsī
And
H. K.
H. K.
āsō
a child
Ārnàm
God
pīlo,
gave,
āsō
a child
īnut-lo.
one only.
Ànsī
Then
āphī
his granny
ārju-thū-lē-lo:
he asked again:
“Ai phī
“Oh, granny,
nē-pī
‘my mother
nē-pō-ātum
my father’s
ā-lòng
place (to)
chedàmpo-sī
I will go’
nē
I
kepu.”
say to myself.”
Hèm-ēpī
The widow
thàkdèt:
answered:
“Nàng-pēsō
“Your wife
nàng
(to) you
chemē-mē-làng-tī,
is not yet well reconciled,
āsupō.”
grandson dear.”
“Kālī
“Not so,
phī,
granny,
chemēlo:
she is reconciled:
nē
me
sō
child
īnut
one
tàng-dèt-lo-lē-mā?”
has she not already given me?”
“Dā tàngtē:
Go then:
nàng
you
thàn-bòm-tā,
I repeatedly advised,
nàng
you
ārju-thèk-thē-dèt-lo;
would not listen to me;
chedām-nòn;
go together;
bòntā
nevertheless
nàng-pēsō
your wife
nàng-chemē-mē-làng
is not thoroughly reconciled,
dē.”
indeed.”
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.
āpēsō
his wife
chepulo
(to) said
“Ai nàng-pī,
“O thou dear one,
ī-lī-tā
we two
ē-hèm
to our home
chedàm-po-nàng.”
let us go.”
Āpēsō
His wife
thàkdèt,
replied,
“Dā,
“Go,
nàng
you
nē
me
kepòn
taking
āling-lo-hē.”
wherever you will.”
Ànsī
So
ādàp-lo:
it became morning:
àn-chō-dèt
rice having eaten
jun-dèt
having drunk
dàmlo.
they started.
Tovār
Road
ē-bèng
a piece (of)
lēlo.
they arrived.
Ànsī
Then
āsōpō-pèn āpēsō-pèn
his child and his wife
āvàm
his waist
tàmpòng-hèt-sī,
putting between waist and girdle firmly,
poho-pèn
with his turban
che-vàm-phòng-hèt-lo.
he bound well round his body.
Ànsī
So
dàm dàm dàm,
as they went on their way,
vo-hār
a jungle-fowl
ālopō
male
inglòng
on the mountain (side)
nàng
there
ārkē-dut,
was scratching,
ārlòk
the precipice
nàng-ārkē-dut
was scratching
māthā-thèk-thē
inconceivably
jādī-thèk-thē.
(doublet).
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.
pulo—
said—
“Chī,
“Oh,
vohār-ālopō,
jungle-cock,
kopi
what
kācheplàng-mā?
are you doing there?
nē
I
hèm
home
kāchedàm-tòng
am-going-in-a-hurry,
tovār
the way
nē
to me
pèk-nòn.”
leave free.”
Vohār ālopō
The jungle cock
thàkdèt—
answered—
“Tovār
“The way
nàng
to you
kepèk-jī
I will leave free by no
kālī:
means:
‘mīnī
‘to-day
H. K.
H. K.
āpēsō
his wife
āsō chevàn-po’
his child will bring’
tàng
so much
pusī
saying to myself,
ākhàt ākhàt
the way he is coming
āmàng āmàng
(doublet)
nē
I
nàng
here
H. K.
H. K.
pu-voiphàk—
rejoined—
“Chē,
“Oh,
pulèm-dèt-rī!
joke do not!
ēmōkē
hereafter
‘H. K.
‘H. K.
āpēsō
his wife
āsō
his child
hèm
house
rīt
field (to)
chevàn-ànsī
bringing while,
nē-pràn
my life
nē-mui
my soul
dàmlo’
is gone’
pu
thus
pupā-nā.”
do not have to say.”
Vohār ālopō
The jungle cock
pudèt,
said,
“Pupē.
“I do not say so.
Mīnī
To-day
nàng-tā-mē nē-tā-mē.”
either you or I (will prevail).”
H. K.
H. K.
pulo
said
“Sākhit-mā?”
“Is that true?”
“Sākhit.”
“Yes, true.”
“Dohai-mā?”
“Do you swear it?”
“Dohai.”
“I swear.”
Ànsī
So
H. K.
H. K.
āthai
his bow
chepāching-kàngsī
having set
ābòp.
shot him.
Ànsī
Then
dàm-thū-chòt,
a little further he went,
vo-rèk ālopō
a cock pheasant
tovār
the way
nàng-pārpàn-pèt
right across
inglòng
the mountain
nàng-ārkē-dut,
there was scratching,
ārlòk
the precipice
nàng-ārkēdut
there was scratching
māthā-thèk-thē jādī-thèk-thē.
in an extraordinary manner.
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.
pulēlo
said again
“Chī
“Oh,
vo-rèk-ālopō,
cock pheasant,
kopī
what
nàng-cheplàng-mā?
are you doing there?
nē
I
hēm
home
kāche-dàm-tòng,
am in a hurry to go,
tovār
the way
nē-pèk-nòn.”
leave free for me.”
Vo-rèk
The cock
ālopō
pheasant
pudèt—
said—
“Tovār
“The road
nàng
to you
kepèk-jī
I will yield
kālī:
by no means:
‘mīnī
‘to-day
H. K.
H. K.
āpēsō
his wife
āsō
his son
chevàn-po-tàng’
will bring along’
pusī
saying
ākhàt
the way
ākhàt
he is
āmàng
coming
āmàng
(doublet)
nē
I
nàng-ketòn-lē.”
am watching.”
H. K.
H. K.
pudèt—
said—
“Chī,
“Oh,
pulèm-dèt-rī!
don’t joke!
ēmōkē
hereafter
‘H. K.
‘H. K.
āpēsō
his wife
āsō
his son
chevàn-ànsī
bringing-while
nē-pràn
my life
nē-mui
my soul
dàm-lo’
departed’
pupā-nā.”
don’t have to say.”
Vorèk ālopō
The cock-pheasant
pudèt
said
“pupē.”
“I don’t say so.”
H. K.
H. K.
pu-lē-lo—“Sākhit-mā?”
said again “Is that true?”
“Sākhit.”
“True.”
“Dohai-mā?”
“Do you swear?”
“Dohai.”
“I swear.”
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.
āthai
his bow
chepāching-kàngsī
having set
ābòp.
shot him.
Ākō
Forward
dàm dàm dàm,
as they went,
phàk-lèng ālopō
a wild boar (male)
kethē
great
pukē
so as
māthā
could
thèk-thē
not be imagined
jādī-thèk-thē,
(doublet),
àngthur
his snout
àngni
his tusks
pàn-lòk-phòng,
overlapping so,
tovār
road
nàng-pār-pàn-pèt
there-right-across
inglòng
the mountain|
nàng-thīmur-phàk
there was rooting
ārlòk
the precipice
nàng-thīmur-phàk
there was rooting
ābīdī thèk-thē-dèt.
in an extraordinary way.
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.
pulo:
said:
“Chī,
“Oh,
phàk-lèng ālopō,
wild boar,
kopi
what
nàng
you
cheplàng-mā?
are doing there?
Tovār
The way
nē-pèk-thā:
leave free for me:
nē
I
hèm
home
kāpelē
want to get
serāràk-jī.”
quickly.”
Phàklèng ālopō
The wild boar
thàkdèt—
answered—
“Tovār
“The road
nàng
for you
kepèk-jī
I will leave free
kālī:
by no means:
‘mīnī
‘to-day
H. K.
H. K.
āpēsō
his wife
āsō
and child
chevàn-po-tàng’
will bring along,’
pusī
saying to myself
ākhàt-ākhàt
the way
āmàng-āmàng
he is coming (doublet)
nē
I
nàng
here
ketòn-lē.”
am watching.”
H. K.
H. K.
pudèt
said
“Chī,
“Oh,
pulèm-dèt-rī!
don’t jest!
jāsemèt mā-pu-mā?”
is it true or not?”
Phàk-lèng ālopō
The wild boar
pulo
said
“Jāsemèt.”
“It is true.”
H. K.
H. K.
“Ēmōkē
“Hereafter
‘H. K.
‘H. K.
āpēsō
his wife
āsō
his son
hèm
home
chevàn-ànsī
while bringing
nē-pràn
my life
dàm-lo
is gone,
nē-mui
my soul
dàm-lo’
is gone’
pupā-nā.”
don’t have to say.”
Phàklèng ālopō
the wild boar
pudēt—
said—
“Pu-pē.”
“I don’t say so.”
“Sākhit-mā?”
“Is that true?”
“Sākhit.”
“It is true.”
“Dohai-mā?”
“Do you swear?”
“Dohai.”
“I swear!”
“Chī,
“Oh,
tàngtē”—
then”—
pu
saying
ā-thai
his bow
chepāching-kàngsī
having set
ābòp.
he shot him.
Ànsī
So
hèm-lē-jī-dòk-dòk-lo,
(when) he had nearly arrived at his home,
chilònghē
worm casts
thàm-theròk
clods six
pàngrum-sī
having collected
H. K.
H. K.
sārnung
the roof (on) went
vārdàmlo.
and threw them.
Ànsī
Thus
ātēpī
his elder sister-in-law
“H. K.
“H. K.
vànglo!
has arrived!
Tō
Then
inghoi
the stools
kechàm
wash
inghu
the seats
kechàm.”
wash!”
Ànsī
So
inghoi
the stools
inghu
seats
kāpàt
planks
kāplèng
benches
chàm-lo.
they washed.
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.
phàklèng
wild-boar
ē-jòn
one
vàn-sī,
having brought,
pai-ā-rē
the hedge beside
nàng-bīkòk-sī
there having set it down
hèm
home
vànglo.
came.
Ànsī
Then
kelēpèn
on his arrival
ātēpī
his eldest sister-in-law
hòrlàng
beer
hòrpō
(doublet)
hīm
bread
sàng-phēr
parched rice
nàng-pī-lo.
gave him there.
Āpēsō
His wife
kemē-òng
very beautiful
pukē,
so,
ārnī
sun’s
ātur
splendour
thēlālàk
like,
chārsàp un-ē.
be looked in the face could not.
Ànsī
Then
ā-īk-ātumkē—
his brothers—
“pāningvē
“To-night
kopi-ching
what in the world
āhàn-lo-mā?”
has happened?”
pu
saying
ning-rī-jō.
were perplexed.
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.
pulo:
said
“Nē
“I
mō
a while ago
tovār
on the way
phàksō
a little pig
nàng-ābòp:
there-shot:
jā
there
pai-ārē-sī
beside the hedge
mē
well
bī-tekàng-kòk:
I placed and left it:
lālē
there
chō-phī
scorch it for eating
dàm-nòn.”
go.”
Ànsī
Then
ā-īkmār-ātumkē
his brothers,
kòrtē-bàng-phòngō
the brothers five,
dàmlo;
went;
āphàk
the boar
kethē-òng
(was) so very big,
peklèm-àn-tā
move it even
un-ē:
they could not:
thàngtā
anything
chònghoi
do by themselves
thèk-thē.
they could not.
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.
dun-lo:
accompanied them:
ārī
hand
ē-hòng
one (with)
rum-dàm-kòk:
he lifted and brought it away:
ànsī
then
phī-sī
having scorched it
ingthàn-lo,
they cut it up,
ànsī
and
hèm
home
vàn-lo,
brought,
chō-tun-lo
cooked it,
chōdànglo.
served it up.
Ànsī
And
āròng
joyful,
bohòng
noisy,
chingnèk
laughing
chingnī-sī
and making merry,
chō-lo,
they ate,
jun-lo.
they drank.
Ànsī
So
puthòt-ādàplo.
next morning dawned.
“H. K.
“H. K.
āpēsō
his wife
chevànlo”
has brought”
tàng
so much
pu
saying
ārju-lòng-sī
having got to hear
ā-ràt-īsī ādèt-īsī
the whole country-side
nàng
there
kelàng
to see
chethòr-prē
kept coming and going
māthā-thèk-thē
as you could not imagine
jādī-thèk-thē.
(doublet).
Ànsī
And
H. K.
H. K.
āpēsō
his wife’s
āpīnī
petticoat
binòng,
own
ājīsō
striped cloth
binòng,
own,
āsēr
gold jewels,
ālèk,
necklace,
pòng-ting-kē,
gold-drum (in a)
làng-pòng
bamboo joint
thàp
putting away
mēsèn-sī
carefully,
kārdòng
(in the) pitch of the roof
ràklòk.
tied up.
Ànsī
So
H. K.-kē
H. K.
ròng-phū-rī
the village people
dàmlo,
each went to visit
rūp-phū-rī-dàmlo:
(doublet):
āràt
the ryots,
ādèt
the country
chi-phū-rī dàm:
in turn came to visit him:
āphī
afterwards
āpēsō
his wife
nàng
there
kelàng
to gaze on they
vàng-prē.
kept coming and going.
Mānē-kē
Some
“nī”
“aunt”
mānē-kē
some
“nèng”
“sister-in-law” (brother’s wife),
mānē-kē
some
“tē”
“elder sister”
mānē-kē
some
“pīnu”
“paternal aunt”
pu-ābàng-tā-dolo.
saying each one was.
“Vai!
“Oh!
mē-òng-tē-mā?”
is she not beautiful, sister?”
pu
saying
pāsingnàk-jō.
they all admired.
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.’s
āpēsō
wife
thàk-dun-lo—
answered them—
“Àn-chòt
“So much
kālī
not
lànghē!
yet!
Nē
My
pīnī
petticoat
binòng,
own,
nē
my
jīsō
striped cloth
binòng,
own,
nē
my
lèk
necklace
binòng,
own,
nē
my
roi
bracelet
binòng
own
lē
again
nē
I
chepindèng-lòng-tē,
to put on were to get-if,
āpārtā sō-sē-làng.”
it would not be thus only.”
Ànsī
Then
mānē
some
āsārpī
old woman
“Chī,
“Oh,
tàngtē
then
nàng pī-thā.”
do you give them to her.”
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.’s
āsārpō
old father
pulo—
said—
“Konàt-tòng
“Where ever
lā osō ingchàm
(did) that boy mad
bīpīkòk-lo-nē-lē?
stow them away?
kopi āthē-tàng
for what reason
āpīnī
her petticoat
jīsō
striped cloth
binòng
own
kepī-pē-dèt?”
did he not give her?
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.’s
āpēsō
wife
thàn-lo—
explained—
“Hālā
“That
kārdòng-lē
pitch of roof-in
keràk-chèk-kē.”
he has tied them in a bundle.
Ànsī
Then
phrī-dàm-sī
having untied
nàng-pī-lo.
there he gave her (the things).
Ànsī
Then
chepindèng-lō
she put them on herself
Lālē
Thereupon
kemē-pukē
beautiful so
māthā-thèk-thē-dèt
inconceivably
chi-plàng-lo.
she became.
Ànsī
Then
“Ai!
“Oh!
mē-kē
beautiful,
mēsèn-tē-mā!
lovely indeed!
ārnàm-āsō
God’s child,
ārnī-āsō
the sun’s child,
pu
called
pai-pē-lo.”
not for nothing is she.”
Ànkēphòng
Thereupon
H. K.
H. K.’s
āpēsō
wife
thur-phlut-sī
rising up her full height
chehijīr-phlum-phlum-lo,
shook out her clothes flap-flap,
ingjār-èt-dàn-lo.
flew away gracefully
(thither whence she came).
Ànkē
Then
H. K.
H. K.
hā-tovār-pèn
from a distant path
nàng-chethèk-dun-sī,
there having watched her,
thai-pèn
bow (accus.)
jō-dun-ràng-ràng-lo.
continually kept bending.
Ànsī
Then
āpēsō
his wife
pu-tekàng-lo,
said on leaving him,
“Thā, thā,
“Wait, wait,
mō
hereafter
chiphōjī.”
we shall meet again.”
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.
chirū
weeping
chērnàp
lamenting
mòn-duk mòn-sā-sī
sad and sorry
hèm
at his house
nàng-lē-lo.
arrived.
Nàng-kelē-pèn
Immediately on arrival,
chō-chē
not eating,
jun-jē
not drinking,
ā-osō
his child
nàng-chi-bu-dèt-sī
having taken on his back,
hā
to
āphī
his granny
hèm-ēpī
the widow’s
āhèm
house
chedàm-phit-lo.
he started to go.
Ànsī
So
dàm dàm dàm
going along
āphī
his granny
hèm-ēpī
the widow’s
āhèm
house (at)
lēlo:
he arrived:
kelē-pèn
on arriving
lālē
there
kāchirū
he wept
lālē
there
kāchērnāp
he lamented
māthā-thēk-thē jādī-thèk thē.
as you could not imagine.
Ànsī
Then
āphī
his granny
pulo—
said—
“Hākō-pèn
“From the first
‘Nàng-pēsō
‘Your wife
nàng-chemē-mē-làng’
is not yet united with you’
nàng-pulo-hē;
I told you verily;
kopusī
how
nòn-lē
now
nàng-kelàng-jī-làng?
will you get to see her again?
Nàng
You
sining-lē
heaven-to
kopusī
how
kedun-thèkjī?”
will you be able to follow her?”
Ànkē
Then
chirū-pèt àn-muchòt
weeping so much the more
chō-chē
not eating
jun-jē
not drinking
āphī
his granny
kedàm-āling
went-wherever
dun-krī,
following,
bār-pī
outgoings-great
bār-sō-lē
outgoings-little-in
kedàm-tā
going also
hundun-krī,
he kept dogging her,
kethī
one-dying,
kejàng-sī
one-perishing (like)
kedo-po.
he remained.
Ànsī
At last
āphī
his granny
pulo:
said:
“H. K.
“H. K.,
ākhī
food
lō-du-dèt-lē
leaf (in) having wrapped up
chō-thā:
eat (imper.):
nē
I
mō
thereafter
bīdī
a plan
nàng-thàn-jī.”
to you will explain.”
Ànsī
Then
ākhī-lō-du
food-in-a-leaf-wrapped
hīm
bread
sàngphēr
parched rice
chō-lo.
he ate.
Ànsī
Then
āphī
his granny
bīdī
a plan
thàn-lo:
explained:
“Mīnàp-kē
“To-morrow
nàng-pēsō
your wife
Mòn Rēchō
Mon Raja’s
āsōpō
son
nàng-kāchepàngrī-jī
there to marry
vàng-po.
will come.
Ākō
Before that
nàng-hupō
your father-in-law’s
àngnār-tā
elephant-also
nàng-làng-chinglu-jī
there in the river to bathe
vàng-po.
will come.
Lālē
There
nàng
do you
sàngtī-ārlo
sand-underneath
chi-pātu-dàm-joi-nòn;
go and hide yourself quietly;
ingnār
the elephant
dàm-jī
to go
dòkdòk-lo-tē,
is-making-ready-when,
lā-ārmē
its tail (to)
rīp-hèt-rā
holding on tightly
nàng-poho-pèn
your-turban-with
nàng-sō
your child
che-vàm-phòng-hèt-nòn.
to your waist bind firmly.
Lālē
There
ingnār
the elephant
nàng-ārju-lo-te,
you asks if,
‘Nē-tā
‘I also
hā
to
nē-pēsō ālòng
my-wife’s place
nàng-kechedun-jī’
am going along with you’
pu-rā
saying
pu-nòn.
say.
Ànkē
Then
menàp
to-morrow
ārnī-kàngsàm-sī
in the afternoon
nàngtum
you both
lē-po.
will arrive.
Nàngkē
Do you
làng-kung-lē
the-river-bank-on
dokòk-non.
wait.
Ànkē
Then
nàng-pēsō
your wife
làng-kepànglu-jī-āphàn
with-water-to-bathe-for-the-purpose
ābàn-ātum
her male slaves
āsòt-ātum
her female slaves
làng
water
nàng-sòk-po.
will-draw-there.
Ànkē
Then
‘osō-āphàn
‘For the child
làng-ējoi-pèt
water one draught only
nē pī-thā’
me give’
purā
saying
hàng-dun-nòn.
call out.
Ànkē
Then
làng
water
nàng-pī-lo-tē
you-give-if,
thibuk-ārlo
the water pot-into
nàng-sēr-ārnàn
your-gold-ring
jòk-dun-thòt-nòn.
drop in.
Ànkē
Then
nàng-phàn
for you
nàng-hàng-po:
there she will call:
ànkē
then
dun-nòn:
go with them:
kelē-pèn
on arriving
nàng-sōpō
your child
ō-dàm-kòk-nòn;
set down on the ground;
ànkē
then
osō
the child
āpē-ālòng
its mother-towards
Ànsī
So
ādàp
the morning
ingthàng-lo:
dawned:
chōdèt
having eaten
jundèt
and drunk
H. K.
H. K.
hā
to
làng-kung
the river bank
dàmsī
having gone
sàngtī-ārlo
under the sand
chipātu-dàm-joi-lo.
went and hid himself quietly.
Ànsī
Then
ingnār
the elephant
làng
in the river
nàng-chinglu-jī
there to bathe
vànglo.
came.
Ànkē
Then
chinglu-dèt
having bathed
dàmjī
to go
dòkdòklo.
it made ready.
H. K.
H. K.
ārmē
its tail
rīp-dun-lòk-sī,
holding-on-tight-to,
āpoho-pèn
his turban-with
ā-sō
his child
che-vàm-phòng-dèt-lo.
tied firmly to his waist.
Ànsī
Then
ingnār
the elephant
hā sining
to heaven flew up,
ingjār-pòn-lo,
taking him with him,
ànsī
and
hā
there
làng-kung
on the river bank
ō-dàm-kòk-lo.
set him down.
Ànkē
Then
Mòn Rēchō-ātum-tā
Mon Raja’s people also
H. K.
H. K’s
āpēsō-pèn
wife-with
āsōpō
his son
nàng-kāpàngrī-jī-sī
in order to marry
Bārī-thē
great palace
Rēchō
King’s
āhèm
house
vànglo.
(to) had come.
Ànsī
Then
Bārī-thē
great-palace
Rēchō
King’s
ābàn-ātum
male slaves
āsòt-ātum
female slaves
H. K.
H. K.’s
āpēsō
wife
làng-kāpànglu-jī-āphàn
with-water-to-bathe-for-the-purpose
làng
water
nàng-kesòk-jī vànglo.
there to draw came.
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.
āsōpō-āphàn
his child-for
làng
water
hàng-pī-dun-lo:
begged them to give:
“Làng
“Water
ējoi-pèt
one draught only
nē-pī-thā
give me
nē-sōpō-āphàn,
my son-for,
pē-mārlī.”
good mothers.”
Ànsī
Then
īnut-tā
one-even
pī-pē
would not give
īnut-tā
one-even
pī-pē.
would not give.
Ànsī
Then
āphī-sī
at last
sārpī
an old woman
nàng-dun-lo:
came up to them:
ànsī
then
hàng-dun-thū-lo
called out again
H. K.—
H. K.—
“Làng
“Water
ējoi-pèt
one draught only
nē pī-thā,
me give,
pē-ārnàm-pī,
good Madam,
nē-sōpō āphàn.”
my-child-for.”
Ànsī
Then
sārpī
the old woman
làng
water
pī-lo;
gave him;
thibuk
the water-jar
pheroidun
to touch
pelèm-pelàm-sī,
making as though,
H. K.
H. K.
sēr ārnàn
gold ring
jòk-dun-thòt-lo.
dropped into it.
Ànsī
So
H. K.
H. K.’s
āpēsō
wife
làng-pànglu-lo:
they bathed with water:
a-rī
her arms
ā-kèng
her legs
chàm-èt
washing-beautifully
āphī-sī
after
sārpī-ālàng-thibuk
the old woman’s water-jar
āphū
her head (over)
nàng-dunglo:
they poured there:
sēr-ārnàn
the gold ring
nàng-klō-bup.
there fell out.
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.’s
āpēsō
wife
pulo—
said—
“Ai!
“Oh!
nàng
here
chelē-dun-tànglo
has arrived to us
komàtching
whose in the world
ālàng-thibuk mā?”
water-jar?”
pu
saying
bisār-lo.
she enquired.
Ànsī
Then
īnut-tā—
one—
“Nē thibuk
“My jar
kālī”
it is not,”
“Nē thibuk
“My jar
kālī”
it is not”
pulo.
said.
Ànsī
Then
“sārpī ā-thibuk”
”(it is) the old woman’s jar”
pu-hur-lo.
they all said.
Ànsī
So
sārpī-āphàn
to the old woman
pulo—
she said—
“Konàtsī
“Where
nàng
did you
bàngsō
this
ārnàn
ring
kelòng-lòk?
get hold of?
Lābàngsō
That
ārlèng
man
èn-dàm-nòn!
go and fetch!
Lā-lē
Him if
nàng
you
vàn
bring
thèk-thē-dèt,
cannot,
tàngtē
then
(it is a matter of)
nàng
your
pràn!”
life!”
pulo.
she said.
Ànsī
Then
sārpī
the old woman
chirū
weeping
chērnàp-sī
lamenting
H. K. ālòng
towards H. K.
dàm-lo,
went,
ànsī
and
hàng-dàm-lo—
called out to him—
“Nē-dun
“With me be
īk-nòn:
pleased to come:
kopi-āpòtsī
for what reason
‘Làng
‘Water
nē
me
pī-thā’
give’
sī pu-tē
this having said
nē-pràn
my life
nē-mui
(doublet)
nē-kāpedàm-jī-lē
me to cause to lose
māthā-thuròng-mā?”
did you have it in your mind?”
Ànsī
So
H. K.
H. K.
āsō
his child
chibu-sī
carrying on his back
dun-lo.
went with her.
Kelēpèn
On arriving
osō
the boy
ō-dàm-kòk-lo.
he set down on the ground.
Ànsī
Then
osō
the boy
kàt-tàng-tàng-sī
running straightway
āpē
his mother’s
chērbàk
lap (into)
dàm-kràp-lo,
climbed up,
ànsī
and
mòk
her breast
chu-lo.
sucked.
Bārī-thē
the great palace
Rēchō
King
pulo:
said:
“Ai!
“Oh!
ābīdī
a thing
thèk-thē-lo!
never seen before!
ā-sō-sī
a child-even
chi-pethē-ràp-tàng-dèt-lo-lē-mā?”
have they got great between them already?”
Mòn-Rēchō-ātum
Mon-Raja’s people
theràk-lo
were ashamed,
ingringlo:
were disgusted:
mòn-duk mòn-sā
grieved and sorry
hèm
home
chevoi-lo.
they returned.
Ànsī
Then (of)
H. K.
H. K.
pèn
and
Bārī-thē-Rēchō
great palace King’s
āsōpī
daughter
pàngrī-lo
they celebrated
pàngdòn-lo.
the wedding.
Ànsī
So
ningkàn-īsī
year-one
ningkàn-hīnī
year-two
do-dun-sī
living with them
tiki-lo
he laboured in the fields
inghoi-lo,
and worked,
ànsī
and
puru-krēhīnī
granaries-twelve
phàndār-krēhīnī
barns-twelve
lòng-lo.
got.
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.
āpēsō āphàn
his wife-to
chipulo:
said privately:
“Ai
“O
nàng pī!
my dear!
īlī-tā
we two also
vo-phrī āsòn
sparrows-like
vo-thung āsòn
doves-like
ē-tār
a nest
àn-kē
at least
do,
have,
ē-thòn
a roosting-place
ān-kē
at least
do;
have;
āpòtkē
therefore
chedàm-po-nàng:
let us go away together:
ònghai
father-in-law
pèn
and
ānīhai
mother-in-law
ārju-nòn.”
ask.”
Ànsī
So
āningvē
that night
H. K.
H. K.’s
āpēsō
wife
āpē
her mother
āpō
her father
chērjulo:
asked privately:
“Ai
“O
pē
mother
pèn
and
pō!
father!
nànglī osā
your son-in-law
kepu-kē:
says:
‘īlī-tā
‘we two also
vo-phrī āsòn
sparrows-like
vo-thung-āsòn
doves-like
ē-tār
a nest
ànkē
at least
do,
have,
ē-thòn
a roosting-place
ànkē
at least
do:
have:
ònghai
father-in-law
pèn
and
ānīhai
mother-in-law
ārju-nòn:
ask:
chedām po-nàng’—
let us go away together’—
pusī pu:
so he says:
Nàngtum
Ye
kopi
what
ābīdā-sī
order
nē
me
phār-dun-po-mā?”
will command?”
Ànsī
Then
Bārī-thē-Rēchō
palace-great-King
pulo—
said—
“Che
“O
pē!
daughter!
lō-thui
a bundle of greens
āsòn
like,
hànthui
a bundle of vegetables
āsòn
like,
ēboi-sī
once for all
nàng
you
chochòk-pālār
given away, or
chothèng-pālār
in exchange (doublet)
tàng-dèt-lō-lē-mā.
completely I have.
Mīnàp-lē
On the morrow
dàm-thā
go away
chidun,
together,
mīnī-lē
to-day
dàm-thā
go away
chidun.”
together.”
Ànsī
Then
āpō
her father
pu-thū-lo:
said again:
“Kopisī
“What
nàngtum kārī-mā?
do you desire of me?
bàn-mā?
male slaves?
sòt-mā?
female slaves?
ārmo-mā?
ryots?
òkso-mā?
husbandmen?
sēr-mā?
gold?
rūp-mā?”
silver?”
Ànsī
So
H. K.
H. K.
che-thàn-dàm lo:
she went and told:
“Ai
“O
nàngpō!
my dear!
nē-pē
my mother
pèn
and
nē-pō
my father
kepu-kē—
say—
‘mīnī-lē
‘this very day
dàm-thā
go away
mīnàp-lē
to-morrow
dàm-thā
go away
chi-dun-tā-mē;
together if you like;
āphūthàk,
moreover,
bàn-mā?
slaves?
sòt-mā?
handmaids?
ārmo-mā?
ryots?
òkso-mā?
cultivators?
sēr-mā?
gold?
rūp-mā?
silver?
Kopisī
What
nàngtum
do you
pusī
they
pu.”
say.”
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.
pulo:
said:
“Thàngtā
“Anything
nàngnē.”
I need not.”
Ànsī
So
ādàplo.
it became morning.
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.
ānīpī
his mother-in-law
pèn
and
āhupō
his father-in-law
ārdòm-lo
saluted respectfully
ārdī-lo.
(doublet).
Ànsī
And
āhupō
his father-in-law
pulo:
said:
“Kopisī
“What
nānglī
do you
kārī-mā?
desire?
bàn-mā,
slaves,
sòt-mā,
handmaids,
ārmo-mā,
ryots,
òkso-mā,
cultivators,
sēr-mā,
gold,
rūp-mā?”
silver?”
Ànsī
Then
H. K.
H. K.
pulo
said
“Thàngtā nàngnē.”
“I need nothing.”
Ànsī
So
H. K.
H. K.
ātum
and his wife
pèngnànsō
the wedded pair
tàngtē
and also
āsōpō
their son
hèm chedàm-lo ànsī hèm
started for home and arrived
chilē-lo.
there.
Rēchō
A king
chōlo
he became,
kethē
a great one
chōlo,
he became,
jō-ārnī
night and
mē,
day he was happy,
jō-ārnī
night and day
thē,
he was great,
ànsī
and
ārēchō
his kingdom
ākethē
was great
thīrlo.
and stable.
Notes
This story is a much more elaborate piece of composition than the last, and may be said to exhibit distinct marks of literary style. Its vocabulary is copious and varied, and it makes large use of a device which is employed in Mikir, as in Khasi,3 to give amplitude to the phrase by duplicating the leading words; nearly every important term has its doublet, with the same meaning, following it.
Āmehàng-kethèk-pèn-āpārā: āmehàng-kethèk, “to see the face,” is equivalent to “being born”; pèn and āpārā, the latter borrowed from the Assamese parā, have the same signification, and the latter is really superfluous. Phàk-lèng, shortened for phàk-belèng, “wild boar”; see the explanation of the term in the notes to No. I, p. 94. Tiki-kē inghoi-hē: notice that both verbs are given in the negative form; this is unusual.
Màn, “perquisites”; Assamese loan-word.
Kovē, “betel-nut,” Khasi kwai, Ass. guwā. Chidhīr, “spirit,” the doublet of āràk (itself a Hindi loan-word) is perhaps the Khasi kiad-hiar. Notice how, instead of using the ordinal numbers for second, third, fourth, and fifth brothers, the father employs clumsy periphrases to indicate the sequence. Phàndār, “store,” Ass. loan-word (bhandār).
Ā-bàn ā-sòt: in this doublet the second member, sòt, properly means “female slave”; a similar use of a word of different meaning as a duplicate term will be found below (p. 129), where ā-mèk “his eye” is followed by ā-nō “his ear,” the meaning being “his eyes.”
Kādo-kāvē, literally, “being-not-being,” a periphrasis for “all of them.” Mīsō, “a black ant,” used verecundiæ causâ for rèk, “louse.” Notice the idiom pē-mā-pē-lo, where the insertion of mā between the repeated roots indicates the time during which an act is done.
An-tàngtē, “and also,” literally, “so much not finished.” Pherē nàng-nē: nàng is the verb of necessity, nē the negative particle: “there is no need for fear.” Promàn, “proof,” Ass.
Chitū, the plant called in Assamese puroi-sāk, Basella lucida; its fruit has a red juice.
Ārlèng ki-ī, “a sleeping man”: observe that ārlèng here evidently means a human being in general (see note, p. 4). Àn-chō-mèk-bur: see note, p. 96. Vàng-noi; noi is a variant of nòn, imperative particle. Chīr-ēpàk: “one spear”; notice that the generic class-word for flat things, pàk, is used with chīr, a spear, referring of course to the head only.
Dā in Dā-nàng seems to be a shortened imperative of dàm, to go. Ārlu-rā tòk-dàm-nòn: notice how ārlu, usually a postposition (= up in), becomes a verb when necessary; similarly, further on, in ē-kòr tàngdèt, kòr, “brother,” is furnished directly with the suffix for the past tense; ē- and ī- are used interchangeably for the pronoun of the 1st person plural inclusive; the second is perhaps employed when the vowel-harmony calls for it. Tòng-ràp-chòm: ràp, “to help,” is employed as an adverbial supplement to indicate that two persons do the same thing together; chòm is a doublet of ràp. Pātèng, pāju, words for a second wife.
Bhin kālī, bhā kālī: bhin is Ass. bahin, sister; bhā, must be Ass. bhāī, brother, but is used as a doublet of bhin.
Notice the energetic reduplication of the negative in plàng-plē-plē-lē. Pinsō, male, virile, “worthy of being called men.”
Kopi tàng-ā “what are you saying?” tàngā is only used in this way as a question, as tànghō (see above, p. 100) is used in carrying a message, for pu, to say.
Bòr-ī-dèt-sī “with great difficulty”; bòr-ī-bòr-ā, “by hook or by crook.”
Arlēn-thu-ròng, māthā-thu-ròng: ārlèn is “to aim at,” māthā “to think about”; thu a particle meaning “again,” and ròng one of the affixes indicating the plural. Chiru-rap-jō-sī: jō is an affix indicating the plural.
Nàng-bàng-do? “are you there?” lit. “is your body (bàng) present?” Kopi kevàng mā pō? pō, “father,” is used as an endearing word in addressing a son, or as here a grandson (see ante, pp. 99, 101).
Sòk is paddy, rice in the husk; sàng is rice freed from husk and ready for cooking; àn is boiled rice; tē, a verb, “to spread out paddy to dry.”
“Hārlo,” a verb, “to turn over” (the spread-out paddy); rèng, a verb, of the spread-out paddy, “to become dry”; oi, a verb, “to collect into a heap” the dried paddy. Làng-thàk nàng-dàm-sī nàng-làng-dàm-jī-làng: in this sentence the word làng, which occurs thrice, has three different significations: the first làng is a noun, “water, river”; the second is a verb, “to see, look at”; the third làng is an auxiliary verb, “to continue doing, or being,” used here pleonastically.
Sēr, rūp, “gold, silver,” see note, p. 111, ante. Notice the rare form nèng for nē, “I”; nasals seem occasionally to be added or dropped at will at the end of words: e.g. dā and dàm, “go”; òng and ō, “much, many”; lā and làng, auxiliary verb. Komàt-ching-ā-lànghē nē: ching is a particle strengthening the interrogative komàt,—“who-ever?” lànghē, a ghāt or watering place: nē the interrogative particle borrowed from Assamese, = mā in Mikir.
Bārī-thē Rēchō, “king of the Great Palace”; bārī, “a large house,” loan-word from Assamese: thē, “great.”
Nàng-klō-èt-jō “there they descended beautifully”; klō, “to fall or sink down from a height”; èt a syllable indicating beauty or charm; Mr. Stack notes that it is perhaps connected with the word ètpī, “yellow, golden”; it is also used as an affectionate form of address in èt-mār-lī, “my dears!” jō, plural affix. Kàn, a ceremonious word for clothes; the ordinary expression is pē or rī. Sun-phit: phit means “all at once,” “suddenly.” Tur, “the brightness, splendour” (of the moon and sun).
The syllable jīn in ārnī ingsàm-jīn-lo indicates the day gradually drawing on to evening. Āpòr-lo: notice the verbal affix -lo appended to the noun pòr, “time.” Bèng, “to house animals for the night.” Hijīr, “to shake out,” as a bird its wings before starting to fly.
Phlum-phlum, onomatopoetic adverb imitating the sound of flapping; ī, “to put on one’s clothes”: ā-rī kāchi-ī, “he is putting on his dhoti”; pīnī kāchi-ī, “she is putting on her petticoat”; in this sense the verb ī takes lòk as its constant adverbial supplement: when it means “to lie down,” “to sleep,” it takes lòt. Observe how the distributive force of the sentence is expressed by repeating the whole phrase. Āngphun chepekèk-koi “he made his neck (ingphun) crooked (kèk-dàng or kèk-juk)”; koi, a particle meaning “completely, altogether.” Èn “take,” and kīm, “build,” both mean “to marry”; the latter implies the building of a separate house for the newly wedded couple, or perhaps the wedding bower.
Arlèng-āsō: notice that here the word ārlèng evidently means a human being, opposed to ārnàm-āsō, the child of a divine person. Pàn, “to cut down and clear the jungle for cultivation.” Làng-ding “continue to watch”: ding a particle of continuance (cf. keding, tall, long). Pàn-dèt pī-dèt; here pī has the sense of “to cut down” (a tree, or something thick): so also thī. Màm, “the jungle.” Further on, in thī-ròk-rē, thī means “to lie”: Pisī dàk-lē kethī-ròk-mā? “why are you lying here?” ròk is an adverbial supplement.
Ārchē is used of sowing or planting many things together, as here: to sow or plant only one thing is ē: thèngthē ke-ē, “he is sowing maize”; sòk ke-rīk, “he is sowing rice broad-cast”; sòk ke-ē, “he is transplanting rice.” Mīr-phèk-ē: mīr, “flower,” phèk-ē, “rice-husks”: “a flower that grows out of heaps of rice-husks; has a long narrow leaf and a flower which is red and white mixed” (Stack); tādo, “a kind of white lily or arum with a yellow style” (id.). Kemē-thèk-thē-òng pukē: “so (pukē) beautiful (kemē) excessively (òng) as never was seen (thèk-thē).” Vàng-phlòt: phlòt: a particle indicating suddenness. Teràn, an individual plot, as distinguished from the rīt or general field. E-kòrpō H. K. āteràn-lē-mā: kòrpō, “cousin (mother’s brother’s son),” also indicates the relationship between a woman and her sister’s husband; here of course it is used in the latter sense, proleptically; it is characteristic of this story-teller that he discloses the dénouement of his tale well in advance. Notice the idiom -lē -mā, “it must be,” an indirect question = “is it not?”
Pòngsī, Ass. baṅsī, “a flute,” made of a piece of bamboo; èt, to bore a hole. Che-èt-ō “he (cut and) bored holes in a number of flutes”; ō seems to be a shortened form of òng, many: hēm kīm-ō, “they built a number of huts”; nē vo nàm-ō-lo, “I have bought a lot of fowls.”
Ju-mē-òng, “it is very good to hear”: ju is shortened from ārju: the prefix ār- is separable in this word and in ārnī, “day, sun,” ārlòng “stone,” and several other words, which appear in composition as nī and lòng, etc.; it seems probable that it is connected with the Tibetan prefix r-, to which the Mikir relative particle, ā-, has been prefixed. Notice nitum for nētum, possibly by vowel-harmony with the following words mīr and chilòk. Chilòk-pòn ningkē-mā: observe that this phrase stands both for the request and its answer—ningkē, “willing”; ning, “mind”;—mā is thus not only the interrogative particle, but also indicates its corresponding affirmative reply. Ā-mèk, ā-nō, “eyes and ears” = eyes only. Mīnī, menàp (minàp), alternative terms for pinī, pēnàp, “to-day, to-morrow.”
Do-àngsē-lo = do-koi-lo, “have all got.”
Mòn Rēchō, probably shortened for Tomòn-Rēchō; tomòn, “wind.” Rai-dun, special verb for “to ask in marriage.” Bòng, “gourd for holding beer”; tē, doublet. Thàk, “to weave.” Thàn chèk, “to explain”; chèk strengthens verbs for imparting information. Āning āròng kedo: ròng, “delight,” Ass. loan-word.
Notice again āmèk ānō for “eyes” only.
Tòk, a verb with the general meaning “to thrust, poke”; used already above (p. 116) for thrusting with a spear; here for pounding the rice with a long pestle (lèngpum) in the mortar (lòng); another sense is “to write” (“to poke with a pen”). Sèt, “to give the half-cleaned rice a second pounding.” Dàng, “to serve up the cooked food.” Bē “to heat the fermented rice”; sòr, “to press out the beer” from the grains, mixed with warm water, which have been put in the conical strainer of woven bamboo, sī, by pressing down upon them a gourd, bòng.
Rèp seems to be a variant of ràp (explained above, p. 118), and indicates that all of them have been married together. Chàn-jai, “to have several children.”
Pāngrī-rē-dèt-làng-lē-mā; here again two verbs each have the negative affix, pàngrī and làng, the latter an auxiliary signifying “to continue to be.” Pàngrī in the sense “to marry,” is the causal of ingrī, “to drink copiously of liquor”; the description of the marriage ceremony at p. 18 shows the important part which is taken in it by alcoholic drinks. Ingting-po, “it will be dark”: observe the impersonal use of the verb, without a substantive: we may say ājō kàngting-pār, “the night is very dark.”
Nàng-làng-phròng-sī-do-po; phròng is one of the particles used to indicate plurality: “they will all be looking out for (làng) us there (nàng).” Bòm, one of the verbs indicating continuance may be rendered “from time to time.”
A-rī su-rī-thā, ā-kèng su-rī-thā: this injunction not to touch the hand or foot of the fairy princess has different parallels in other lands; in the Celebes version referred to on p. 72 it is the hair that is not to be touched. Pe-rē, causal of rē, “to be knowing, clever.” Ur, a platform or screen for drying flesh in the sun; ràp includes also a shelf in the house.
Krèng, to be dry, bears the same relation to rèng, dry (ante, p. 122), as klàng (p. 99), to perceive, does to làng, to look at; in both the prefix ke- has apparently been incorporated in the root.
Chedàm-tā-mē “You can go if you like”: observe the force of mē, “well, good.” Che-mē-mē-làng: the verb mē here seems to be the Assamese mēl, “agreement,” not the Mikir word for “good.” Observe the idiomatic expression ningkàn īsī-lo-lē-mā thī, in answer to an objection: so one says, in reply to a request for payment, nē nàng pī-tàng-dèt-lo-lē-mā-thī “but I have paid you already!” Observe that in nàng che-mē-mē-lā the last syllable = làng without its nasal. Āsō Ārnàm pī-lo, “God gave a child”: possibly this phrase is due to the narrator, who it will be remembered was a Christian. Tī, a particle = “not yet reconciled.” Dē, a particle of asseveration, “indeed,” probably the Assamese dēi.
Hèt, a particle used with verbs meaning to tie, bind, in the sense of “firmly, securely.” Dut, a particle used with verbs of scratching or cutting. Tòng, a particle indicating hurry or haste. Ēmōkē, “in a little time”: mō, “space or interval of time,” ē-, particle of unity, as in ē-jòn, ē-bèng. Pulèm, “to say in joke”: pu, “say,” lèm, “seem, pretend.” Pràn, Assamese. Pu-pā-nā, “don’t have to say”: nā, Assamese. Nàng-tā-mē, nē-tā-mē, idiomatic, “it will be well with you or it will be well with me,” i.e. “either you or I will come off the better.” Dohai, “an oath”; probably the Assamese dōhāi, “call for justice”: semē (the Khasi smai) is also used.
Bòp, to shoot a bird or animal; àp, to let off a bow or gun.
Dòk-dòk, particles used to indicate that an event has nearly happened (with jī, future affix). Tō, imperative particle borrowed from Khasi, and prefixed, as in that language.
Pai-ā-rē “beside the hedge (pai)” = pai-ā-kung. Chō-phī; the Mikirs scorch (phī) every bird or animal before preparing it for cooking. Chònghoi, reflexive form of inghoi, “to do,” = “to do by themselves.” Ā-rī-ē-hòng: hòng is the generic class-word for a limb (see ante, p. 79). Ingthàn, “to cut up fish or flesh, whether raw or cooked.” Chingnèk reflexive of ingnèk, to laugh, “laughing together.” Chingnī, reflexive of ingnī, doublet of ingnèk; the verb also means “to sit.”
Puthòt-ādàp-lo; puthòt, “next”: cf. lē-thòt in ādàk-vàm ā-dun-lēthòt on p. 114 above; the time-affix -lo is joined directly to ādàp, “morning.”
Ā-ràt, ā-dèt, both Assamese loan-words; ràt is raīyat, “ryots,” dèt, dēh, “country.” Chethòr-prē, vàng-prē, are both used for “continually coming and going, of many people”; the former expression indicates greater numbers and frequency than the latter. Pòng-ting, “a gold drum, worn on the breast, strung in the middle of a set of strings on which black, coral, and gold beads are arranged in alternate rows six deep” (Stack); in Assamese mādolī. Nī, nèng, tē, pīnu: see the table of terms of relationship on p. 20. Āpār-tā-sō-sē-làng: this sentence appears to be made up thus: āpār, “greatly, much,” tā, corroborative particle: sō, diminutive particle, negatived by sē, làng, auxiliary verb, “continue”; the force of it, then, would be—“the effect would not be only the poor result you see, fine though that is, but ever so much more!”
Konàt-tòng = konàt-ching, “wherever?” Kopi-āthē = kopi-āpòt.
Pai-pē-lo: this idiom is illustrated by the following phrases: klèm-dàm pai-pē-lo, “he is not working gratis, for nothing”; là āklèng pai-pē-lo, “he is not the elder for nothing”; i.e. he can do better than his younger brothers. Ingjār-èt-dàn-lo: the element dàn gives the force of returning to her own place whence she came. Jō, verb, “to bend a bow,” ràng, particle of continuance. Thā, “wait!” Assamese loan-word. Phō, verb, “to touch, arrive at,” as a boat comes to the shore with chi, “to touch one another, to meet” (see p. 112, lines 1 and 2).
Akhī-lō-du; ākhī, “something to eat,” lō, “leaf,” du, “wrap up,” = “so much food as can be wrapped up in a leaf,” a morsel.
Ē-joi, “one draught”; joi is perhaps Ass. jol, “water.” Ō, verb, “to leave, set down.”
Mòn Rēchō-ātum; notice that here tum has its original sense of “company”; “Mòn Rājā’s company, or following.”
Pu-hur-lo: hur is one of the particles indicating plurality.
Nē dun-īk-nòn: īk, “elder brother,” used as a respectful form of address; observe its place in the compound imperative. Māthā-thuròng, lit. “you had another (thu) meaning” (viz. to make me lose my life). Notice how -sī, the mark of the conjunctive participle, is affixed to the reported utterance of H. K. Chērbàk = che-ārbàk; ārbàk, the lap or bosom; also a verb: osō kārbàk, “she holds the child to her bosom.” Kràp is said to be used only of a child climbing up into its mother’s lap.
Ingring, used as homonym of theràk, “to be ashamed,” also means “to be afraid, disturbed in mind.”
Chērju-lo = che-ārju-lo. Phār, “to order”; nàng nē kephār āling-lo, “as you order me”; nē phār-dun pemē-sèn-lo, “I gave him careful instructions.” Bīdā = Ass. bidāi, “leave to depart.”
Che pē; notice that pē, “mother,” is used as an affectionate term of address to a daughter, exactly as pō, “father,” is used above to a son or grandson. Lō-thui-hàn-thui, “a bundle of vegetables, with a leaf wrapped round it.” Chòk and thèng mean literally “to beat,” but are here jocularly used for getting rid of a person. Pālār causal of lār, “to be changed or exchanged,” also apparently used jocularly of giving in marriage.
H. K.-ātum: notice the plural affix used to indicate H. K. and his wife. Chō-lo, “he became”; this seems to be a different verb from chō, “to eat.” Notice ā-rēchō “his kingship”; rēchō stands for rāj as well as rājā. Thīr, Ass. thīr, “steady, stable.”
Additional Notes
Divisions of time. On p. 95, note, the divisions of the day are given. To these may be added those of the year, as recorded by Mr. Stack. A year is ning-kàn (cf. Lushei kum, Shö kun, “year,” and Lushei ni-kum, Thado ningkūm, Shö yan-kun, “last year”). A month is Chiklo, “moon”; but the Assamese months, which are solar divisions of the year, not lunations, appear to be followed. The days of the month are not generally counted, and there is said to be no week. (This is borne out by S. P. Kay’s English-Mikir vocabulary, which gives hopta, the Hindustani hafta, as the word for “week,” with nī-thròksī, “seven days,” as an alternative. In the Mikir Primer published by the American Baptist missionaries in 1903, however, rui is said (p. 21) to be the word for “week.”)
Kechung-āpòr (chung, to be cold) is the cold season. Ning-krèng (krèng, to be dry) is the dry portion of winter. Chung-phàng-òk (chung, cold; phàng-òk, hot), is the spring, merging into summer. Bārlā is the rainy season, followed by Chung-jir-jir (“becoming cold by degrees”) autumn. The following are the names of the months, with the corresponding Assamese names, as set down by Mr. Stack:—
| Literary form. | As pronounced in Assam. | Mikir names. |
| Chaitra | Soit | Thàngthàng |
| Vaisākha | Boihāg | Thērē |
| Jyēshṭha | Jēṭh | Jàngmī |
| Āshāḍha | Āhār | Āru |
| Śrāvana | Srābon | Vosik |
| Bhādra | Bhādur | Jākhòng |
| Āświni | Āhin | Paipai |
| Kārtika | Kārti | Chiti |
| Mārgaśirsa | Mārg | Phrē |
| Paushya | Pōh | Phaikuni |
| Māgha | Māgh | Mātijòng |
| Phālguni | Phāgun | Ārkoi |
According to the Mikir Primer, however, the Mikir names (which agree with those given by Mr. Stack) correspond with periods earlier by at least a month, Thàngthàng being the equivalent of February, instead of Chaitra (which begins at the vernal equinox), and the other months in ordinary sequence (Thērē, March, Jàngmī, April, etc.). Thàngthàng is said by Mr. Stack to be called Chànglāchòng-ròng-do, “the stay-at-home month.” Thērē is the month in which the jungle is cut and strewn to dry (this would agree well with the equivalent of the Primer, rather than with Boihāg, April-May, when the firing would take place). Vosik (“sprout”) should indicate the month of vigorous growth, when the rains have set in. Phaikuni seems to be borrowed from the Sanskrit Phālguni, but does not correspond with it. The other names are not explained.
Musical instruments. A flute, pongsī, cut from a bamboo, is mentioned on p. 128: pongsī is the Assamese baṅsī, the well-known instrument of the youthful Krishna (Baṅsī-dhar). Other instruments known to the Mikirs are muri, a fife; chèng, a drum; chèng-brup, the small handdrum used by the rīsōmār to accompany their dancing at funeral feasts; and kum, a one-stringed fiddle. The last is made by stretching a string made from a creeper, màngrī, across a gourd, bòng, which provides an air-chamber. It is played with a bow, kum-ālīsō (lī, a bow, sō, diminutive particle) made of bamboo, the string of which is a tough fibre of bamboo. (Compare the one-stringed fiddle, pena, of the Meitheis: Meithei Monograph, p. 56.)
1 There are certain particles, jō, jàm, hur, hòr, and krei, used to indicate plurality when this is necessary; but they are inserted between the root and the tense-suffix, which is invariable.
2 Pe- and pi- are used with monosyllables, pā- with most polysyllables; pā + ing = pàng.
3 See “Khasi Monograph,” p. 211.