Introduction to the Saga of Hromund Greipsson
In the Saga of Thorgils and Haflithi, ch. 10 (published in Sturlunga Saga, ed. by G. Vigfusson, Vol. i, p. 19), we are told that at a wedding held at Reykjaholar in Iceland in 1119, “There was fun and merriment and great festivity and all kinds of amusements, such as dancing and wrestling and story-telling.... Although it is a matter of no great importance, some record has been preserved of the entertainment which was provided, and who were the people who provided it. Stories were told which many people now reject, and of which they disclaim any knowledge; for it seems that many people do not know what is true, but think some things to be true which are really pure invention and other things to be fictitious which are really true. Hralf of Skalmarnes told a story about Hröngvith the Viking and Olaf ‘the Sailors’ King,’ and about the rifling of the barrow of Thrain the berserk, and about Hromund Gripsson, and included many verses in his story. King Sverrir used to be entertained with this story and declared that fictitious stories like this were the most entertaining of any. Yet there are men who can trace their ancestry to Hromund Gripsson. Hrolf himself had composed this story.”
Among those whose ancestry was traced to Hromund Greipsson were Ingolf and Leif, the first Norwegian colonists of Iceland. According to Landnámabók, 1, ch. 3, they were second cousins, and their grandfathers, who had come from Thelamörk in the south-west of Norway, were sons of Hromund. Olaf ‘The Sailors’ King’ is mentioned also in the Saga of Grím Lothinkinni, ch. 3; and members of his family figure prominently in several other sagas.
These persons may actually be historical. But the fictitious element is obvious enough in many places as, for instance, in Hromund’s voyage to the west. Thrain himself is vividly presented to us as “black and huge, with talons like bird’s claws, all clad in glittering gold, seated on a throne, roaring loudly and blowing a fire!” This chapter is indeed a tale of
Ghaisties and ghoulies,
And lang-leggity beasties,
And things that gae bump in the nicht.
The most curious features of the saga, however, are the blurred and perhaps confused reminiscences of stories and characters which form the subject of some of the Edda poems. The brothers Bild and Voli can hardly be other than corruptions of the god Balder and his avenger Váli. The name of Hromund’s sword ‘Mistletoe’ too may be a reminiscence of the same story, though a sword of the same name is found in Hervarar Saga (ch. 2). Again, the account of Hromund’s sojourn with Hagal, disguised as a grinding-maid, and the search made by Blind (ch. 8) are certainly reminiscences of the Edda poem Helgakvitha Hundingsbana II (sometimes called Völsungakvitha), where the same adventures are recorded in connection with the same names, except that Helgi here takes the place Hromund.
But the most interesting case, however, is the story of Hromund’s opponent Helgi the Bold and Kara (ch. 7). In this story, Helgi is said to be in the service of two kings called Hadding, and there can be little doubt that Helgi and Kara are identical with Helgi Haddingjaskati and Kara, whose adventures formed the subject of a lost poem called Káruljóth. This poem is referred to in the prose at the end of Helgakvitha Hundingsbana II, where it is stated that they were reincarnations of Helgi Hundingsbani and Sigrún—just as the two latter were themselves reincarnations of Helgi the son of Hjörvarth and Sváva—“but that is now said to be an old wives’ tale.”
Chapter 4 also has a special interest of its own. Breaking into barrows was a favourite exploit of the Norsemen, no doubt for the sake of the gold which they often contained. References to the practice are very common in the sagas, e.g. Grettissaga, ch. 18; Hartharsaga, ch. 15; cf. also Saxo Grammaticus, Dan. Hist., p. 200 ff., etc. The ruthlessness with which the Norsemen plundered the Irish barrows is mentioned with great indignation in the Irish Chronicles. In the War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, cap. xxv, we read that certain Norsemen plundered in Ireland “until they reached Kerry, and they left not a cave there under ground that they did not explore.” In the same work cap. LXIX, we are told that—
Never was there a fortress, or a fastness, or a mound, or a church, or a sacred place, or a sanctuary, when it was taken by that howling, furious, loathsome crew, which was not plundered by the collectors and accumulators of that wealth. Neither was there in concealment under ground in Erin, nor the various solitudes belonging to Fians or to Fairies, anything that was not discovered by these foreign, wonderful Denmarkians, through paganism and idol worship.
Finally in the Annals of Ulster we read (sub anno 862) that
The cave of Achadh-Aldai (i.e. probably New Grange, near Dublin) and [the cave] of Knowth, and the cave of Fert-Boadan over Dowth, and the cave of the smith’s wife were searched by the foreigners (i.e. Norsemen, etc.) which had not been done before.
And in England as late as 1344 Thomas of Walsingham records the slaying of the dragon that guarded a barrow, and the recovery of a great treasure of gold by the retainers of the Earl of Warrenne.
Popular imagination believed that barrows were occupied by a ghostly inhabitant ‘haugbui,’ who guarded the treasure. This was sometimes a dragon, as in Beowulf, or a reanimated corpse, as in our saga; but whatever he was, he inspired the outside world with such fear that the breaking into a grave-mound came to be regarded as a deed of the greatest courage and prowess. The ‘hogboy’ (haugbui) of Maeshowe, a barrow in the Orkneys, is still a living reality in the imaginations of the country people1.
Unfortunately The Saga of Hromund Greipsson is preserved only in late paper mss., of which none apparently are earlier than the seventeenth century. None of the verses of which the notice in the Saga of Thorgils and Haflithi speaks (cf. p. 58 above) have been preserved. There is, however, a rhymed version of the saga known as Gríplur, dating apparently from about the year 1400 and evidently taken from a better text than any of those which have come down to us. A short extract from these rhymed verses will be found on pp. 173-75. For a full discussion of the relationship of the Gríplur to the extant texts of the saga and to the later ballads, the reader is referred to Kölbing, Beiträge zur Vergleichenden Geschichte der Romantischen Poesie und Prosa des Mittelalters (Breslau, 1876), pp. 181-83, and to Andrews, Studies in the Fornaldarsögur Northrlanda2 in Modern Philology, 1911, 1912.
A full bibliography of texts, translations and literature relating to this saga will be found in Islandica, Vol. v, p. 30.
Footnote 1: Cf. Joseph Anderson, Scotland in Pagan Times: The Bronze and Stone Ages, pp. 278-279 (publ. by Douglas, Edinburgh, 1886).
Footnote 2: It is pointed out by Andrews, p. 2, that the form Lara (which appears in Rafn’s and Ásmundarson’s editions, ch. 7) is due to a misreading. The mss. have Cara.]