Appendix II — Extract from “The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake”
London: Printed for Nicholas Bovrne, 1628. “Carefully collected out of the Notes of Master Francis Fletcher Preacher in this employment, and diuers others his followers in the same.” (Pp. 64-81.)[B-1]
In 38 deg. 30 min. we fell with a conuenient and fit harborough, and Iune 17. came to anchor therein: where we continued till the 23. day of Iuly following. During all which time, notwithstanding it was in the height of Summer, and so neere the Sunne; yet were wee continually visited with like nipping colds, as we had felt before; insomuch that if violent exercises of our bodies, and busie imployment about our necessarie labours, had not sometimes compeld vs to the contrary, we could very well haue beene contented to haue kept about vs still our Winter clothes; yea (had not necessities suffered vs) to haue kept our beds; neither could we at any time in whole fourteene dayes together, find the aire so cleare as to be able to take the height of Sunne or starre.... [Omitted here is a lengthy discourse on the weather.]
The next day after our comming to anchor in the aforesaid harbour, the people of the countrey shewed themselues; sending off a man with great expedition to vs in a canow. Who being yet but a little from the shoare, and a great way from our ship, spake to vs continually as he came rowing on. And at last at a reasonable distance staying himselfe, he began more solemnely a long and tedious oration, after his manner: vsing in the deliuerie thereof, many gestures and signes, mouing his hands, turning his head and body many wayes; and after his oration ended, with great shew of reuerence and submission, returned back to shoare againe. He shortly came againe the second time in like manner, and so the third time: When he brought with him (as a present from the rest) a bunch of feathers, much like the feathers of a blacke crow, very neatly and artificially gathered vpon a string, and drawne together into a round bundle; being verie cleane and finely cut, and bearing in length an equall proportion one with another; a speciall cognizance (as wee afterwards obserued) which they that guard their kings person, weare on their heads. With this also he brought a little basket made of rushes, and filled with an herb which they called Tabah. Both which being tyed to a short rodde, he cast into our boate. Our Generall intended to haue recompenced him immediately with many good things, he would haue bestowed vpon him: but entring into the boate to deliuer the same, he could not be drawne to receiue them by any means: saue one hat, which being cast into the water out of the ship, he tooke vp (refusing vtterly to meddle with any other thing, though it were vpon a board put off vnto him) and so presently made his returne. After which time, our boate could row no way, but wondring at vs as at gods, they would follow the same with admiration.
The 3. day following, viz. the 21. our ship hauing receiued a leake at sea, was brought to anchor neerer the shoare, that her goods being landed, she might be repaired: but for that we were to preuent any danger, that might chance against our safety, our generall first of all landed his men, with all necessary prouision, to build tents and make a fort for the defence of our selues and goods: and that wee might vnder the shelter of it, with more safety (what euer should befall) end our businesse; which when the people of the country perceiued vs doing, as men set on fire to war, in defence of their countrie, in great hast and companies, with such weapons as they had, they came downe vnto vs; and yet with no hostile meaning, or intent to hurt vs: standing when they drew neare, as men rauished in their mindes, with the sight of such things as they neuer had seene, or heard of before that time: their errand being rather with submission and feare to worship vs as Gods, then to haue any warre with vs as with mortall men. Which thing is it did partly shew it selfe at that instant, so did it more and more manifest it selfe afterwards, during the whole time of our abode amongst them. At this time, being willed by signes to lay from them their bowes and arrowes, they did as they were directed, and so did all the rest, as they came more and more by companies vnto them, growing in a little while, to a great number both of men and women.
To the intent therefore, that this peace which they themselues so willingly sought, might without any cause of breach thereof, on our part giuen, be continued; and that wee might with more safety and expedition, end our businesses in quiet; our Generall with all his company, vsed all meanes possible, gently to intreate them, bestowing vpon each of them liberally, good and necessary things to couer their nakednesse, withall signifying vnto them, we were no Gods but men, and had neede of such things to couer our owne shame; teaching them to vse them to the same ends: for which cause also wee did eate and drinke in their presence, giuing them to vnderstand, that without that wee could not liue, and therefore were but men as well as they.
Notwithstanding nothing could perswade them, nor remoue that opinion, which they had conceiued of vs, that wee should be Gods.
In recompence of those things which they had receiued of vs, as shirts linnen cloth, &c. they betsowed vpon our generall, and diuerse of our company, diuerse things, as feathers, cawles of networke, the quiuers of their arrowes, made of fawne-skins, and the very skins of beasts that their women wore vpon their bodies. Hauing thus had their fill of this times visiting and beholding of vs, they departed with ioy to their houses, which houses are digged round within the earth, and haue from the vppermost brimmes of the circle, clefts of wood set vp, and ioyned close together at the top, like our spires on the steeple of a church: which being couered with earth, suffer no water to enter, and are very warme, the doore in the most part of them, performes the office of a chimney, to let out the smoake: its made in bignesse and fashion, like to an ordinary scuttle in a ship, and standing slopewise: their beds are the hard ground, onely with rushes strewed vpon it, and lying round about the house, haue their fire in the middest, which by reason that the house is but low vaulted, round and close, giueth a maruelous reflexion to their bodies to heate the same.
Their men for the most part goe naked, the women take a kinde of bulrushes, and kembing it after the manner of hempe, make themselues thereof a loose garment, which being knitte about their middles, hanges downe about their hippes, and so affordes to them a couering of that, which nature teaches should be hidden: about their shoulders, they weare also the skin of a deere, with the haire vpon it. They are very obedient to their husbands, and exceeding ready in all seruices: yet of themselues offring to do nothing, without the consents, or being called of the men.
As soone as they were returned to their houses, they began amongst themselues a kind of most lamentable weeping & crying out; which they continued also a great while together, in such sort, that in the place where they left vs (being neere about 3-quarters of an English mile distant from them) we very plainely, with wonder and admiration did heare the same; the women especially, extending their voices, in a most miserable and dolefull manner of shreeking.
Notwithstanding this humble manner of presenting themselues, and awfull demeanour vsed towards vs, we thought it no wisedome too farre to trust them (our experience of former Infidels dealing with vs before, made vs carefull to prouide against an alteration of their affections, or breach of peace if it should happen) and therefore with all expedition we set vp our tents, and entrenched ourselues with walls of stone: that so being fortified within ourselues, we might be able to keepe off the enemie (if they should so proue) from comming amongst vs without our good wills: this being quickly finished we went the more cheerefully and securely afterward, about our other businesse.
Against the end of two daies (during which time they had not againe beene with vs) there was gathered together a great assembly of men, women, and children (inuited by the report of them which first saw vs, who as it seemes, had in that time, of purpose dispersed themselues into the country, to make knowne the newes) who came now the second time vnto vs, bringing with them as before had beene done, feathers and bagges of Tobah for presents, or rather indeed for sacrifices, vpon this perswasion that we were Gods.
When they came to the top of the hill, at the bottome whereof wee had built our fort, they made a stand; where one (appointed as their cheife speaker) wearied both vs his hearers, and himselfe too, with a long and tedious oration: deliuered with strange and violent gestures, his voice being extended to the vttermost strength of nature, and his words falling so thicke one in the neck of another, that he could hardly fetch his breath againe: so soone as he had concluded, all the rest, with a reuerend bowing of their bodies (in a dreaming manner, and long producing of the same) cryed Oh: thereby giuing their consents, that all was very true which he had spoken, and that they had vttered their minde by his mouth vnto vs; which done, the men laying downe their bowes vpon the hill, and leauing their women and children behinde them, came downe with their presents; in such sort, as if they had appeared before a God indeed: thinking themselues happy, that they might haue accesse vnto our generall, but much more happy, when they sawe that he would receiue at their hands, those things which they so willingly had presented: and no doubt, they thought themselues neerest vnto God, when they sate or stood next to him: In the meane time the women, as if they had been desperate, vsed vnnaturall violence against themselues, crying and shreeking piteously, tearing their flesh with their nailes from their cheekes, in a monstrous manner, the bloode streaming downe along their brests; besides despoiling the vpper parts of their bodies, of those single couerings they formerly had, and holding their hands aboue their heads, that they might not rescue their brests from harme, they would with furie cast themselues vpon the ground, neuer respecting whether it were cleane or soft, but dashed themselues in this manner on hard stones, knobby, hillocks, stocks of wood, and pricking bushes, or whateuer else lay in their way, itterating the same course againe and againe: yea women great with child, some nine or ten times each, and others holding out till 15. or 16. times (till their strengths failed them) exercised this cruelty against themselues: A thing more grieuous for vs to see, or suffer could we haue holpe it, then trouble to them (as it seemed) to do it.
This bloudie sacrifice (against our wils) beeing thus performed, our Generall with his companie in the presence of those strangers fell to prayers: and by signes in lifting vp our eyes and hands to heauen, signified vnto them, that that God whom we did serue, and whom they ought to worship, was aboue: beseeching God if it were his good pleasure to open by some meanes their blinded eyes; that they might in due time be called to the knowledge of him the true and euerliuing God, and of Iesus Christ whom he hath sent, the salutation of the Gentiles. In the time of such prayers, singing of Psalmes, and reading of certaine Chapters in the Bible, they sate very attentiuely: and obseruing the end at euery pause, with one voice still cryed, Oh, greatly reioycing in our exercises. Yea they tooke such pleasure in our singing of Psalmes, that whensoeuer they resorted to vs, their first request was Gnaah, by which they intreated that we would sing.
Our General hauing now bestowed vpon them diuers things, at their departure they restored them all againe; none carrying with him any thing of whatsoeuer hee had receiued, thinking themselues sufficiently enriched and happie, that they had found so free accesse to see vs.
Against the end of three daies more (the newes hauing the while spread it selfe farther, and as it seemed a great way vp into the countrie) were assembled the greatest number of people, which wee could reasonably imagine, to dwell within any conuenient distance round about. Amongst the rest, the king himselfe, a man of goodly stature and comely personage, attended with his guard, of about 100. tall and warlike men, this day, viz. Iune 26. came downe to see vs.
Before his coming, were sent two Embassadors or messengers to our Generall, to signifie that their Hioh, that is, their king was comming and at hand. They in the deliuery of their message the one spake with a soft and low voice, prompting his fellow; the other pronounced the same word by words after him, with a voice more audible: continuing their proclamation (for such it was) about halfe an houre. Which being ended, they by signes made request to our Generall, to send something by their hands to their Hioh, or king, as a token that his comming might be in peace. Our Generall willingly satisfied their desire; and they, glad men, made speedy returne to their Hioh: Neither was it long before their king (making as princely a shew as possibly he could) with all his traine came forward.
In their comming forwards they cryed continually after a singing manner with a lustie courage. And as they drew neerer and neerer towards vs, so did they more and more striue to behaue themselues with a certaine comelinesse and grauity in all their actions.
In the forefront came a man of a large body and goodly aspect, bearing the Septer or royall mace (made of a certaine kind of blacke wood, and in length about a yard and a halfe) before the king. Whereupon hanged two crownes, a bigger and a lesse, with three chaines of a maruellous length, and often doubled; besides a bagge of the herbe Tabah. The crownes were made of knitworke, wrought vpon most curiously with feathers of diuers colours, very artificially placed, and of a formall fashion: The chaines seemed of a bony substance: every linke or part thereof being very little, thinne, most finely burnished, with a hole pierced through the middest. The number of linkes going to make one chaine, is in a manner infinite: but of such estimation it is amongst them, that few be the persons that are admitted to weare the same: and euen they to whom its lawfull to vse them, yet are stinted what number they shall vse; as some ten, some twelue, some twentie, and as they exceed in number of chaines, so are they thereby knowne to be the more honorable personages.
Next vnto him that bare this Scepter, was the king himselfe with his guard about him: His attire vpon his head was a cawle of knitworke, wrought vpon somewhat like the crownes, but differing much both in fashion and perfectnesse of worke; vpon his shoulders he had on a coate of the skins of conies, reaching to his wast: His guard also had each coats of the same shape, but of other skins: some hauing cawles likewise stucke with feathers, or couered ouer with a certaine downe, which groweth vp in the country vpon an herbe, much like our lectuce; which exceeds any other downe in the world for finenesse, and beeing layed vpon their cawles by no winds can be remoued: Of such estimation is this herbe amongst them, that the downe thereof is not lawfull to be worne, but of such persons as are about the king (to whom it is permitted to weare a plume of feathers on their heads, in signe of honour) and the seeds are not vsed but onely in sacrifice to their gods. After these in their order, did follow the naked sort of common people; whose haire being long, was gathered into a bunch behind, in which stuck plumes of feathers, but in the forepart onely single feathers like hornes, euery one pleasing himselfe in his owne deuice.
This one thing was obserued to bee generall amongst them all; that euery one had his face painted, some with white, some with blacke, and some with other colours, euery man also bringing in his hand one thing or another for a gift or present: Their traine or last part of their company consisted of women and children, each woman bearing against her breast a round basket or two, hauing within them diuers things, as bagges of Tobah, a roote which they call Petah, whereof they make a kind of meale, and either bake it into bread, or eate it raw, broyled fishes like a pilchard; the seed and downe aforenamed, with such like:
Their baskets were made in fashion like a deepe boale, and though the matter were rushes, or such other kind of stuffe, yet was it so cunningly handled, that the most part of them would hold water; about the brimmes they were hanged with peeces of the shels of pearles, and in some places with two or three linkes at a place, of the chaines aforenamed: thereby signifying, that they were vessels wholly dedicated to the onely vse of the gods they worshipped: and besides this, they were wrought vpon with the matted downe of red feathers, distinguished into diuers workes and formes.
In the meane time our Generall hauing assembled his men together (as forecasting the danger, and worst that might fall out) prepared himselfe to stand vpon sure ground, that wee might at all times be ready in our owne defence, if anything should chance otherwise than was looked for or expected.
Wherefore euery man being in a warlike readinesse, he marched within his fenced place, making against their approach a most warlike shew (as he did also at all other times of their resort) whereby if they had beene desperate enemies, they could not haue chosen but haue conceiued terrour and feare, with discouragement to attempt anything against vs, in beholding of the same.
When they were come somewhat neere vnto vs, trooping together, they gaue vs a common or a generall salutation: obseruing in the meane time a generall silence. Whereupon he who bare the Scepter before the king, being prompted by another whom the king assigned to that office, pronounced with an audible and manly voice, what the other spake to him in secret: continuing, whether it were his oration or proclamation, at the least halfe an houre. At the close whereof, there was a common Amen, in signe of approbation giuen by euery person: And the king himself with the whole number of men and women (the little children onely remaining behind) came further downe the hill, and as they came set themselues againe in their former order.
And being now come to the foot of the hill and neere our fort, the Scepter bearer with a composed countenance and stately carriage began a song, and answerable thereunto, obserued a kind of measures in a dance: whom the king with his guard and euery other sort of person following, did in like manner sing and daunce, sauing onely the women who danced but kept silence. As they danced they still came on: and our Generall perceiuing their plaine and simple meaning, gaue order that they might freely enter without interruption within our bulwarke: Where after they had entred they yet continued their song and dance a reasonable time: their women also following them with their wassaile boales in their hands, their bodies bruised, their faces torne, their dugges, breasts, and other parts bespotted with bloud, trickling downe from the wounds, which with their nailes they had made before their comming.
After that they had satisfied or rather tired themselues in this manner, they made signes to our Generall to haue him sit down; Vnto whom both the king and diuers others made seuerall orations, or rather indeed if wee had vnderstood them, supplications, that hee would take the Prouince and kingdome into his hand, and become their king and patron: making signes that they would resigne vnto him their right and title in the whole land and become his vassals in themselues and their posterities: Which that they might make vs indeed beleeue that it was their true meaning and intent; the king himselfe with all the rest with one consent, and with great reueuerence, ioyfully singing a song, set the crowne vpon his head; inriched his necke with all their chaines; and offering vnto him many other things, honoured him by the name of Hyoh. Adding thereunto (as it might seeme) a song and dance of triumph; because they were not onely visited of the gods (for so they still iudged vs to be) but the great and chiefe god was now become their god, their king and patron, and themselues were become the onely happie and blessed people in all the world.
These things being so freely offered, our Generall thought not meet to reiect or refuse the same: both for that he would not giue them any cause of mistrust, or disliking of him (that being the onely place, wherein at this present, we were of necessitie inforced to seeke reliefe of many things) and chiefely, for that he knew not to what good end God had brought this to passe, or what honour and profit it might bring to our countrie in time to come.
Wherefore in the name and to the vse of her most excellent majesty, he tooke the scepter crowne and dignity, of the sayd countrie into his hand; wishing nothing more, than that it had layen so fitly for her maiesty to enioy, as it was now her proper owne, and that the riches and treasures thereof (wherewith in the vpland countries it abounds) might with as great conueniency be transported, to the enriching of her kingdome here at home, as it is in plenty to be attained there: and especially, that so tractable and louing a people, as they shewed themselues to be, might haue meanes to haue manifested their most willing obedience the more vnto her, and by her meanes, as a mother and nurse of the Church of Christ, might by the preaching of the Gospell, be brought to the right knowledge, and obedience of the true and euerliuing God.
The ceremonies of this resigning, and receiuing of the kingdome being thus performed, the common sort both of men and women, leauing the king and his guard about him, with our generall, dispersed themselues among our people, taking a diligent view or suruey of euery man; and finding such as pleased their fancies (which commonly were the youngest of vs) they presently enclosing them about, offred their sacrifices vnto them, crying out with lamentable shreekes and moanes, weeping, and scratching, and tearing their very flesh off their faces with their nailes, neither were it the women alone which did this, but euen old men, roaring and crying out, were as violent as the women were.
We groaned in spirit to see the power of Sathan so farre preuaile, in seducing these so harmelesse soules, and laboured by all means, both by shewing our great dislike, and when that serued not, by violent with-holding of their hands from that madnesse, directing them (by our eyes and hands lift vp towards heauen) to the liuing God whom they ought to serue; but so mad were they vpon their Idolatry, that forcible with-holding them would not preuaile (for as soone as they could get liberty to their hands againe, they would be as violent as they were before) till such time, as they whom they worshipped, were conueyed from them into the tents, whom yet as men besides themselues, they would with fury and outrage seeke to haue againe.
After that time had a little qualified their madnes, they then began to shew and make knowne vnto vs their griefes and diseases which they carried about them, some of them hauing old aches, some shruncke sinewes, some old soares and canckred vlcers, some wounds more lately receiued, and the like, in most lamentable manner crauing helpe and cure thereof from vs: making signes, that if we did but blow vpon their griefes, or but touched the diseased places, they would be whole.
Their griefes we could not but take pitty on them, and to our power desire to helpe them: but that (if it pleased God to open their eyes) they might vnderstand we were but men and no gods, we vsed ordinary meanes, as, lotions, emplaisters, and vnguents most fitly (as farre as our skills could guesse) agreeing to the natures of their griefes, beseeching God, if it made for his glory, to giue cure to their diseases by these meanes. The like we did from time to time as they resorted to vs.
Few were the dayes, wherein they were absent from vs, during the whole time of our abode in that place: and ordinarily euery third day, they brought their sacrifices, till such time, as they certainely vnderstood our meaning, that we tooke no pleasure, but were displeased with them: whereupon their zeale abated, and their sacrificing, for a season, to our good liking ceased; notwithstanding they continued still to make their resort vnto vs in great abunddance, and in such sort, that they oft-times forgate, to prouide meate for their owne sustenance: so that our generall (of whom they made account as of a father) was faine to performe the office of a father to them, relieuing them with such victualls, as we had prouided for our selues, as, Muscels, Seales, and such like, wherein they tooke exceeding much content; and seeing that their sacrifices were displeasing to vs, yet (hating ingratitude) they sought to recompence vs, with such things as they had, which they willingly inforced vpon vs, though it were neuer so necessarie or needfull for themselues to keepe.
They are a people of a tractable, free, and louing nature, without guile or treachery; their bowes and arrowes (their only weapons, and almost all their wealth) they vse very skillfully, but yet not to do any great harme with them, being by reason of their weakenesse, more fit for children then for men, sending the arrow neither farre off, nor with any great force: and yet are the men commonly so strong of body, that that, which 2. or 3. of our men could hardly beare, one of them would take vpon his backe, and without grudging carrie it easily away, vp hill and downe hill an English mile together: they are also exceeding swift in running, and of long continuance; the vse whereof is so familiar with them, that they seldom goe, but for the most part runne. One thing we obserued in them with admiration: that if at any time, they chanced to see a fish, so neere the shoare, that they might reach the place without swimming, they would neuer, or very seldome misse to take it.
After that our necessary businesses were well dispatched, our generall with his gentlemen, and many of his company, made a journy vp into the land, to see the manner of their dwelling, and to be the better acquainted, with the nature and commodities of the country. Their houses were all such as wee haue formerly described, and being many of them in one place, made seuerall villages here and there. The inland we found to be farre different from the shoare, a goodly country, and fruitful soyle, stored with many blessings fit for the vse of man: infinite was the company of very large and fat Deere, which there we sawe by thousands, as we supposed, in a heard: besides a multitude of a strange kind of Conies, by farre exceeding them in number: their heads and bodies, in which they resemble other Conies, are but small; his tayle like the tayle of a Rat, exceeding long; and his feet like the pawes of a Want or Moale; vnder his chinne, on either side, he hath a bagge, into which he gathereth his meate, when he hath filled his belly abroade, that he may with it, either feed his young, or feed himselfe, when he lifts not to trauaile from his burrough: the people eate their bodies, and make great account of their skinnes, for their kings holidaies coate was made of them.
This country our generall named Albion, and that for two causes; the one in respect of the white bancks and cliffes, which lie toward the sea: the other, that it might haue some affinity, euen in name also, with our owne country, which was sometime so called.
Before we went from thence, our generall caused to be set vp, a monument of our being there; as also of her maiesties, and successors right and title to that kingdome, namely; a plate of brasse, fast nailed to a great and firme post; whereon is engrauen her graces name, and the day and yeare of our arriuall there, and of the free giuing vp, of the prouince and kingdome, both by the king and people, into her maiesties hands: together with her highnesse picture, and armes in a piece of sixpence currant English monie, shewing it selfe by a hole made of purpose through the plate: vnderneath was likewise engrauen the name of our generall &c.
The Spaniards neuer had any dealing, or so much as set a foote in this country; the vtmost of their discoueries, reaching onely to many degrees Southward of this place.
And now, as the time of our departure was perceiued by them to draw nigh, so did the sorrowes and miseries of this people, seeme to themselues to increase vpon them; and the more certaine they were of our going away, the more doubtfull they shewed themselues, what they might doe; so that we might easily iudge that that ioy (being exceeding great) wherewith they receiued vs at our first arriuall, was cleane drowned in their excessiue sorrow for our departing: For they did not onely loose on a sudden all mirth, ioy, glad countenance, pleasant speeches, agility of body, familiar reioycing one with another, and all pleasure what euer flesh and bloud might bee delighted in, but with sighes and sorrowings, with heauy hearts and grieued minds, they powred out wofull complaints and moanes, with bitter teares and wringing of their hands, tormenting themselues. And as men refusing all comfort, they onely accounted themselues as cast-awayes, and those whom the gods were about to forsake: So that nothing we could say or do, was able to ease them of their so heauy a burthen, or to deliuer them from so desperate a straite, as our leauing of them did seeme to them that it would cast them into.
Howbeit seeing they could not still enjoy our presence, they (supposing vs to be gods indeed) thought it their duties to intreate vs that being absent, we would yet be mindfull of them, and making signes of their desires, that in time to come wee would see them againe, they stole vpon vs a sacrifice, and set it on fire erre we were aware; burning therein a chaine and a bunch of feathers. We laboured by all meanes possible to withhold or withdraw them but could not preuaile, till at last we fell to prayers and singing of Psalmes, whereby they were allured immediately to forget their folly, and leaue their sacrifice vnconsumed, suffering the fire to go out, and imitating vs in all our actions; they fell a lifting vp their eyes and hands to heauen as they saw vs do.
The 23. of Iuly they tooke a sorrowfull farewell of vs, but being loath to leaue vs, they presently ranne to the tops of the hils to keepe vs in their sight as long as they could, making fires before and behind, and on each side of them, burning therein (as is to be supposed) sacrifices at our departure.
Not farre without this harborough did lye certain Ilands (we called them the Ilands of Saint Iames) hauing on them plentifull and great store of Seales and birds, with one of which wee fell Iuly 24. whereon we found such prousion as might serue our turne for a while.
Footnotes
1 Alfred L. Kroeber, Handbook of the Indians of California, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 78 (Washington, D.C., 1925).
2 Robert F. Heizer and William W. Elmendorf, “Francis Drake’s California Anchorage in the Light of the Indian Language Spoken There,” Pacific Historical Review, XI (1942), 213-217.
3 George C. Davidson, “Directory for the Pacific Coast of the United States,” Report of the Superintendent of the Coast Survey... 1858 (Washington, D.C., 1859). App. 44, pp. 297-458.
4 George C. Davidson, “An Examination of Some of the Early Voyages of Discovery and Exploration on the Northwest Coast of America from 1539 to 1603,” Report of the U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey... June, 1886 (Washington, D.C., 1887), App. 7, pp. 155-253; and Identification of Sir Francis Drake’s Anchorage on the Coast of California in the Year 1579, California Historical Society Publications (San Francisco, 1890).
5 George C. Davidson, “Francis Drake on the Northwest Coast of America in the Year 1579. The Golden Hinde Did Not Anchor in the Bay of San Francisco,” Transactions and Proceedings of the Geographical Society of the Pacific, ser. 2, Bull. 5.
6 Henry R. Wagner, “George Davidson, Geographer of the Northwest Coast of America,” California Historical Society Quarterly, XI (1932), 299-320. The idea that Drake entered San Francisco Bay was held by others than Davidson. See, for example, J. D. B. Stillman, “Did Drake Discover San Francisco Bay?” Overland Monthly, I (1868), 332-337. See also Henry R. Wagner, Sir Francis Drake’s Voyage around the World (San Francisco, 1926), chaps. vii and viii, and notes on pp. 488-499, esp. pp. 495-496.
7 J. W. Robertson, The Harbor of St. Francis (San Francisco, 1926).
8 Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of California, Vol. I: 1542-1800 (San Francisco, 1884), pp. 81-94.
9 Edward Everett Hale, in Justin Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of the United States, Vol. III, pp. 74-78.
10 Alexander G. McAdie, “Nova Albion—1579,” Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, n. s., XXVIII (1918), 189-198. R. P. Bishop, “Drake’s Course in the North Pacific,” British Columbia Historical Quarterly, III (1939), 151-182.
11 F. P. Sprent, Sir Francis Drake’s Voyage round the World, 1577-1580, Two Contemporary Maps (London, 1927), pp. 10-11, map 2.
12 Samuel A. Barrett, The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo and Neighboring Indians, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. 6, No. 1 (Berkeley, 1908), pp. 28-37.
13 Ibid., n. 7, pp. 36-37.
14 Kroeber, Handbook, pp. 275-278.
15 J. W. Robertson (Francis Drake and Other Early Explorers along the Pacific Coast, San Francisco, 1927), in discussing Kroeber’s analysis of the Fletcher account (op. cit., p. 177), says: “There seems to be no proof either that Drake landed at any particular harbor, or that anything can be adduced so specific as to establish his residence on this coast.” The latter part of this statement cannot be maintained seriously in the face of Kroeber’s presentation of direct evidence to the contrary.
16 Heizer and Elmendorf, “Francis Drake’s California Anchorage.”
17 The words recorded by Fletcher are in The World Encompassed. The Madox vocabulary was printed by E. G. R. Taylor, “Francis Drake and the Pacific,” Pacific Historical Review, I (1932), 360-369. Madox’s account has been further discussed by Wagner in the California Historical Society Quarterly, XI (1932), 309-311.
18 See Barrett, Ethno-Geography, map facing p. 332, and Kroeber, Handbook, fig. 22, p. 274, for the area held by the Coast Miwok.
19 For details see California Historical Society Quarterly, XVI (1937), 192.
20 For particulars see Drake’s Plate of Brass: Evidence of His Visit to California in 1579, California Historical Society, Special Publication No. 13 (San Francisco, 1937).
21 See R. B. Haselden, “Is the Drake Plate of Brass Genuine?” California Historical Society Quarterly, XVI (1937), 271-274. Haselden’s queries have been answered already. W. Hume-Rotherby (review of Drake’s Plate of Brass Authenticated, in Geographical Journal, CXIV [1939], 54-55) points out that the letters engraved on the plate (B, N, M) are not paralleled by other sixteenth-century inscriptions, and that the form of the numeral 5 is suspect. These and other problems which he poses have the effect of creating a smokescreen of doubt without contributing anything new. Wagner is skeptical of the date on the plate (June 17) and of the fact that the plate is of brass rather than lead (“Creation of Rights of Sovereignty through Symbolic Acts,” Pacific Historical Review, VII [1938], 297-326).
22 Allen L. Chickering, “Some Notes with Regard to Drake’s Plate of Brass,” California Historical Society Quarterly, XVI (1937), 275-281, and “Further Notes on the Drake Plate,” ibid., XVIII (1939), 251-253.
23 Herbert E. Bolton, “Francis Drake’s Plate of Brass,” in Drake’s Plate of Brass, California Historical Society, Special Publication No. 13 (San Francisco, 1937).
24 C. G. Fink and E. P. Polushkin, Drake’s Plate of Brass Authenticated... California Historical Society, Special Publication No. 14 (San Francisco, 1938).
25 Wagner’s theory is not stated explicitly in any one place, hence specific reference is impossible. See his Sir Francis Drake’s Voyage around the World (San Francisco, 1926), pp. 156-158, 169.
26 This is shown even more clearly on the Hezeta map of 1775 reproduced by Herbert E. Bolton, Historical Memoirs of New California by Fray Francisco Palóu, 4 vols. (Berkeley, 1926), Vol. IV, facing p. 16. George C. Davidson in his Identification (pp. 17-18, 34, 39) made a similar identification of the Indian village site at the Limantour Estero in Drake’s Bay.
27 Bolton, op. cit., n. 19. See also L. L. Loud, Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. 14, No. 3 (Berkeley, 1918), p. 243.
28 H. R. Wagner, Spanish Voyages to the Northwest Coast of America, California Historical Society, Special Publication No. 4 (San Francisco, 1929), p. 158.
29 For details see Kroeber, Handbook, pp. 78-79, pl. 9; and Loud, Ethnogeography, pp. 243, 244.
30 Wagner, Drake’s Voyage, pp. 157, 158.
31 “Fray Benito de la Sierra’s Account of the Hezeta Expedition to the Northwest Coast in 1775,” trans. by A. J. Baker, introd. and notes by H. R. Wagner, California Historical Society Quarterly, IX (1930), 218.
32 See T. A. Rickard, “The Use of Iron and Copper by the Indians of British Columbia,” British Columbia Historical Quarterly, III (1939), 26-27, where the Hezeta finds are expressly discussed. Rickard’s opinion also differs from Wagner’s.
33 Francisco Eliza in 1793 said: “The Puerto de Trinidad is quite small; no vessel can be moored so as to turn with the wind or tide. The bottom for the most part is rock. The land consists of quite high and extended hills full of pines and oaks” (H. R. Wagner, “The Last Spanish Exploration of the Northwest Coast and the Attempt to Colonize Bodega Bay,” California Historical Society Quarterly, X [1931], 335). For photographic views of Trinidad Bay see Thomas T. Waterman, Yurok Geography, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XVI, No. 5 (Berkeley, 1920), pls. 1, 16.
34 Kroeber, Handbook, p. 278, inferentially concurs with this conclusion.
35 Reprinted in Drake’s Plate of Brass, pp. 32-46.
36 Reprinted in Drake’s Plate of Brass, pp. 27-30, and by Wagner in Drake’s Voyage, pp. 274-277.
37 Printed in Zelia Nuttall, New Light on Drake, Hakluyt Society, ser. 2, Vol. 34 (London, 1914), pp. 50-51.
38 As Barrett (Ethno-Geography, map at end), Kroeber (Handbook, pp. 272-275), and C. H. Merriam (“Distribution and Classification of the Mewan Stock in California,” American Anthropologist, IX [1907], 338-357), show, the Coast Miwok inhabited both Bodega Bay and Drake’s Bay territory. Thus the language (except for minor dialectic differentiation) and culture are undoubtedly very similar at both bays. This makes the problem of exclusive selection somewhat difficult. The Madox vocabulary (see below, p. 282) was first presented in E. G. R. Taylor, “Francis Drake and the Pacific: Two Fragments,” Pacific Historical Review, I (1932), 360-369.
39 The Fletcher-Madox vocabulary list does not resemble the Yurok words for the same items or phrases.
40 Wagner, Drake’s Voyage, p. 147. B. Aginsky (“Psychopathic Trends in Culture,” Character and Personality, VII [1939], 331-343) quotes Fletcher’s description of Indian weeping and self-laceration, and calls them Pomo, asserting that Drake landed in their territory and that the ceremonies given in honor of the English exemplify the “Dionysian” phase of Pomo culture.
41 Wagner, Spanish Voyages, p. 158.
42 Don Francisco Mourelle, “Journal of a Voyage in 1775 to explore the Coast of America, Northward of California...,” in Miscellanies of the Honorable Daines Barrington (London, 1781), pp. 471*-534*. See also Wagner, Drake’s Voyage, p. 158.
43 Kroeber. Handbook, fig. 21.
44 Roland B. Dixon, “The Northern Maidu,” Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XVII, Pt. III (1905), fig. 19.
45 John P. Harrington, “Tobacco among the Karuk Indians,” Bureau of American Ethnology, Bull. 94 (1932), 17-18, 40.
46 The Coast Miwok word for tobacco is kaiyau. For the North, Central, Eastern, and Northeastern Pomo it is saxa, saka, sako: for the Southern, Southwestern, and Southeastern Pomo it is kawa, tom-kawa (Roland B. Dixon, “Words for Tobacco in American Indian Languages,” American Anthropologist, XXIII [1921], 30).
47 See discussion in Heizer and Elmendorf, “Francis Drake’s California Anchorage.”
48 Berthold Laufer, “Introduction of Tobacco into Europe,” Field Museum of Natural History Anthropological Leaflet No. 19 (1924), pp. 6 ff.
49 Handbook, p. 277.
50 Compare Fletcher’s statements of the attitude of the Indians with that of Cermeño, who was in Drake’s Bay in 1595 and said, “... the other Indians approached in an humble manner and as if terrorized, and yielded peacefully” (Wagner, Spanish Voyages, p. 159).
51 This custom is a general central Californian cultural feature. See E. M. Loeb, Pomo Folkways, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XIX, No. 2 (Berkeley, 1926), pp. 286, 287, 291; R. B. Dixon, “The Northern Maidu,” pp. 242, 252; A. L. Kroeber, The Patwin and their Neighbors, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XXIX, No. 4 (Berkeley, 1932) p. 272; C. Purdy, “The Pomo Indian Baskets and Their Makers,” Overland Monthly, XV (1901), 449. See also below, notes 56 and 57.
52 Dixon, “The Northern Maidu,” fig. 33.
53 Fritz Krause, Die Kultur der Kalifornischen Indianer (Leipzig, 1921), map 4.
54 A rather lengthy digression must be made here since the details are involved. S. A. Barrett (“Pomo Buildings,” Holmes Anniversary Volume, Washington, D.C., 1916, p. 7) states that semisubterranean, earth-covered houses were used about 1900 by men of means (chiefs, good hunters, lucky gamblers, and medicine men). This house was a small edition of the larger dance house (described by Barrett, Ethno-Geography, p. 10). Fletcher’s description says that in the majority of houses the combined roof entrance and smoke hole was present. This qualification does not exclude the possibility that some houses had the ground-level tunnel entrance which should be expected in the area. In historic times the Pomo seem, in large part, to have given up making these permanent dwellings in favor of less permanent mat- or grass-covered houses, which were inexpensive and more convenient to erect. The same process of loss seems to have occurred among the Coast Miwok, since Dr. Kelly’s informants did not remember such houses. Archaeological sites in the Point Reyes-Drake’s Bay region show numerous circular depressions which are clearly the remains of such houses. A further indication of their presence at an earlier time can be gained from “linguistic archaeology.” The Sierra (Interior) Miwok use the word kotca for the earth-covered, underground house with combined roof entrance and smoke hole (S. A. Barrett and E. W. Gifford, “Miwok Material Culture,” Bulletin of the Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee, Vol. II, No. 4 [1933], p. 198). The same word for house (i.e., dwelling) is present among the Coast Miwok (Barrett, Ethno-Geography, word no. 64, p. 71), who once had a similar house, as is shown by archaeological remains, but abandoned it in ethnographic times. It is not unreasonable on these grounds to assume the presence in Coast Miwok territory of the type of house described by Fletcher.
55 Wagner, “The Last Spanish Exploration of the Northwest Coast and the Attempt to Colonize Bodega Bay,” California Historical Society Quarterly, X (1931), 331.
56 Bolton, Historical Memoirs of New California by Fray Francisco Palóu, Vol. IV, p. 48.
57 I. T. Kelly, “Coast Miwok Ethnography.” (MS).
58 Wagner, Spanish Voyages, p. 158. J. Broughton, in his Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean... in the Years 1795... 1798 (London, 1804), said that the Drake’s Bay Indian men whom he saw were naked, but that the women were clothed “in some degree.”
59 “Menzies’ California Journal,” ed. by Alice Eastwood, California Historical Society Quarterly, II (1924), 302-303.
60 Wagner, “The Last Spanish Exploration,” p. 331.
61 James Colnett, The Journal of Captain James Colnett aboard the “Argonaut” from April 26, 1789 to November 3, 1791, ed. by F. N. Howay, Champlain Society, Publ. No. 26 (Toronto, 1940), p. 175.
62 Wagner, Spanish Voyages, p. 159.
63 Exact documentation is impossible here, but such an explanation would fit the facts, and the custom of sending a messenger to announce a visit was a feature of the whole area (Loeb, Pomo Folkways, p. 49).
64 See E. W. Gifford and A. L. Kroeber. Culture Element Distributions, IV: Pomo, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XXXVII, No. 4 (Berkeley, 1937), elements nos. 805-807, p. 154.
65 Barrett, Ethno-Geography, p. 415.
66 Kelly, “Coast Miwok Ethnography.”
67 Stephen Powers, Tribes of California (Washington, D.C., 1877), pp. 165, 169, 170, 181; Loeb, Pomo Folkways, pp. 286, 287; Barrett, “Pomo Buildings,” p. 11. See also above, p. 261, n. 42. I can see no possible relationship between the clear account by Fletcher of self-laceration and Wagner’s discussion of tattooing (Drake’s Voyage, p. 494, n. 49). As the comparative notes cited clearly show, the tearing of the flesh by the California Indians is no “story” which needs an involved, roundabout, and improbable explanation.
68 For the Coast Miwok and Pomo words for “sing” see Barrett, Ethno-Geography, word no. 265, pp. 67, 79. The Pomo words are totally unlike Gnaah or koyá. See also Heizer and Elmendorf, “Francis Drake’s California Anchorage,” pp. 214, 216. There is a logical possibility of a copying error in Gnaah from Fletcher’s manuscript notes. If it had originally been written Guaah or Gyaah, it would be very close indeed to koyá.
69 E. M. Loeb, The Western Kuksu Cult, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XXXIII, No. 1 (Berkeley, 1932), p. 49, and Pomo Folkways, p. 192; S. A. Barrett, Ceremonies of the Pomo Indians, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch, and Ethn., Vol. XII, No. 10 (Berkeley, 1917), p. 402, and “Pomo Buildings,” p. 11.
70 Barrett, Ceremonies, p. 403.
71 Gifford and Kroeber, Culture Element Distributions, IV: Pomo, pp. 207-208; Loeb, Pomo Folkways, p. 366; Barrett, Ceremonies, p. 425. The Kuksu staff was feathered on the end, whereas that of Calnis was somewhat shorter and did not have the feather tuft. Kroeber, Handbook, pp. 261-262; Loeb, The Western Kuksu Cult, pp. 110, 128.
72 They were manufactured chiefly by the Pomo and Northern Coast Miwok. See E. W. Gifford, Clear Lake Pomo Society, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XVIII, No. 2 (Berkeley, 1926), pp. 377-388; Kroeber, Handbook, p. 248; Kelly, “Coast Miwok Ethnography”; Gifford and Kroeber, Culture Element Distributions, IV: Pomo, (pp. 186-187).
73 Dixon, “The Northern Maidu,” figs. 29, 30, Pl. XLIX.
74 Kelly, “Coast Miwok Ethnography.”
75 Barrett, Ceremonies, p. 433; Loeb, Pomo Folkways, p. 178.
76 Cf. Barrett, Ceremonies, pp. 405, 438-439.
77 Illustrated in Kroeber, Handbook, fig. 20. See also Gifford and Kroeber, elements 88, 89; Barrett, Ceremonies, p. 432; Kelly, “Coast Miwok Ethnography.” And see Dixon, “The Northern Maidu,” Pl. XLVIII, fig. 25.
78 Gifford and Kroeber, element no. 4. Kelly, “Coast Miwok Ethnography.”
79 Illustrated and described by Kroeber, Handbook, pl. 55, a, and pp. 264, 269, 388, and illustrated by Dixon, “The Northern Maidu,” fig. 33. See also Gifford and Kroeber, elements nos. 81 ff.; Barrett, Ceremonies, pp. 407, 432; Loeb, Pomo Folkways, p. 200. The down-filled net cap was used by the Coast Miwok in the Kuksu and other ceremonial performances.
80 Dixon, “The Northern Maidu,” figs. 19-21.
81 Kroeber, Handbook, fig. 21.
82 Barrett, Ceremonies, p. 407, n. 12.
83 Kelly, “Coast Miwok Ethnography”; Wagner, Spanish Voyages, pp. 158, 159 (Drake’s Bay).
84 Loeb, Pomo Folkways, p. 158; Barrett, Ceremonies, pp. 407, 433; Gifford and Kroeber, Culture Element Distributions: IV, Pomo, element no. 96, pp. 207-208.
85 I can find no record that the down of milkweed (or of any other plant) was used. Most ethnographic accounts (see n. 79) above list the use of eagle down. That Fletcher was probably correct in attributing the source of the downy substance to a plant is shown by his reference to the seeds of the same plant. There is also the probability that he saw the plant itself on the journey into the interior. From my own observation I know that at least three different plants producing such down grow on Point Reyes.
86 Kelly, “Coast Miwok Ethnography.” Dr. Kelly’s informants at Bodega in describing just such baskets said, “They were just for show”—i.e., had no practical or utilitarian use. Her San Rafael informant also knew of such baskets.
87 For illustrations and description see J. W. Hudson, “Pomo Basket Makers,” Overland Monthly, ser. 2, XXI (1893), 571, and C. Purdy, “The Pomo Indian Baskets and Their Makers,” ibid., XV (1901), 438, 446. O. M. Dalton (“Notes on an Ethnographical Collection from the West Coast of North America... Formed during the Voyage of Captain Vancouver, 1790-1795,” Internationale Archiv für Ethnographie, Vol. X [Leiden, 1897]), shows (fig. f, p. 232; Pl. XV, fig. 4) several Pomo baskets which might as well have been the ones described by Fletcher. It seems possible that these were collected at Bodega Bay, since some of the Vancouver party visited there, but this is not certain. In Mission times many Coast Miwok and even some Pomo were brought to San Francisco and San Jose as neophytes. These individuals might well account for the Pomo-Coast Miwok type of feathered baskets collected there in the early nineteenth century by von Langsdorff or Chamisso, both of whom illustrate such pieces in their published accounts. Barrett, Pomo Indian Basketry, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. VII, No. 3 (Berkeley, 1908), discusses at length (pp. 141-145, 168) feather and shell materials used in the manufacture of these decorated baskets. A number of examples are shown in Barrett’s plate 21. The same anthropologist (“Pomo Buildings,” pp. 1-17) mentions the use of feather-decorated baskets among the Pomo as sacrifices to the dead.
88 Kroeber, Handbook, p. 245.
89 Kelly, “Coast Miwok Ethnography.”
90 Gifford and Kroeber, Culture Element Distributions, IV: Pomo, element no. 807, p. 197, n.
91 Barrett, Ceremonies, p. 400, mentions a principal singer who started and led the air of the songs, but does not indicate whether he might be identifiable with the “scepter bearer.”
92 See Barrett, Ceremonies, passim; Loeb, The Western Kuksu Cult and Pomo Folkways, passim; Kelly, “Coast Miwok Ethnography” passim.
93 Wagner, Drake’s Voyage, p. 492, n. 37. Wagner says that this word “sounds” to him like an exclamation. To Elmendorf and me it “sounds” like the Coast Miwok word for chief or friend. The latter proposal rests upon both phonetic and semantic resemblances.
94 For the Coast Miwok words for “chief” and “friend” see Barrett, The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo Indians, words nos. 62, 64, pp. 70, 71. The Pomo words (p. 58) are totally unlike those of the Coast Miwok. Barrett, Ceremonies, mentions a Kuksu curing call, hyo, which was repeated four times. Although the call is phonetically similar, the context is so unlike, that a correspondence with Fletcher’s word for chief or king is improbable.
95 Taylor, loc. cit., p. 369.
96 Barrett, Ceremonies, pp. 412, 431; Loeb, The Western Kuksu Cult, p. 118.
97 Kroeber, Handbook, table 10, p. 876.
98 Kelly, “Coast Miwok Ethnography.”
99 The ground squirrel and Point Reyes mountain beaver have been variously identified as Fletcher’s “conies.” See Wagner, Drake’s Voyage, p. 492-493, n. 42.
100 See photograph in McAdie, “Nova Albion—1579,” fig. 1.
101 Kelly, “Coast Miwok Ethnography.”
102 Kroeber, Handbook, p. 277.
103 These “burnt offerings” are ascribed to the Trinidad Bay Yurok by Wagner (Drake’s Voyage, p. 157), but there is no need to look so far afield for parallels when the Coast Miwok-Pomo area fits the case so well.
104 Memorial ceremonies for the dead are a characteristic feature of central California culture; see Loeb, The Western Kuksu Cult, p. 117 (Coast Miwok).
105 Heizer and Elmendorf, “Francis Drake’s California Anchorage.”
106 For evidence of this, using the words on Drake’s plate of brass, see Allen Chickering, “Some Notes with Regard to Drake’s Plate of Brass” and “Further Notes on the Drake Plate.”
107 Powers, Tribes of California, p. 171. Cf. the Huchnom song facing p. 144.
108 Loeb, The Western Kuksu Cult, pp. 103, 127, 128.
109 Loeb, Pomo Folkways, pp. 374, 392, 393. See also Barrett, Ceremonies, pp. 409, 413.
110 Because of the high degree of similarity between all phases of Pomo and Coast Miwok ceremonies, a close correspondence, or even identity, in the songs connected with these ceremonies may safely be assumed.
111 Davidson, “Identification of Sir Francis Drake’s Anchorage,” p. 35.
112 J. P. Munro-Fraser, History of Marin County (San Francisco, 1880), pp. 96-97.
113 Wagner, Drake’s Voyage, pp. 148, 167, 494.
114 Wagner, “The Last Spanish Exploration,” p. 334.
115 Wagner, Drake’s Voyage, p. 167.
116 A. L. Kroeber, Culture Element Distributions, XV: Salt, Dogs, Tobacco, Univ. Calif. Anthro. Rec., Vol. VI, No. 1 (Berkeley, 1941), pp. 6 ff., map 5.
117 Kelly, “Coast Miwok Ethnography.”
118 Powers, Tribes of California, p. 200.
119 Kelly’s informant did say that “before steamers used to travel along the coast” certain occurrences in connection with this belief in the land of the dead took place. This may be a memory of an incident which once was more specifically remembered. At best, however, it is improbable that there would be any tradition of Drake’s visit per se.
120 Such incidents are not uncommon in California. Note, for example, the legendary significance of Mount Diablo to the Indian tribes of central California.
121 I disagree with Wagner’s statement (Drake’s Voyage, p. 169): “The truth probably is that Drake stopped at two or three different places on the coast [Trinidad Bay, Bodega Bay] and the writer of the original narrative or the compilers who worked on it embodied in one description those of all the Indians he met.” The part of the World Encompassed account treated here has shown itself to be a homogeneous description, interspersed with some naïve interpretation of west-central California coast Indian culture, and cannot be looked upon as a composite description. To believe otherwise would seriously distort the facts. This conclusion I submit as one of the most important results of the present inquiry.
122 Wagner, Drake’s Voyage, pp. 492-495, does select the Pomo as having the customs and manners described by Fletcher. In this he was inevitably guided by the more abundant Pomo data. Kroeber’s selection of Drake’s Bay as the site of the anchorage (Handbook, p. 278) rests upon the same grounds as my conclusion. Wagner (Drake’s Voyage, p. 497, n. 10) takes issue with Kroeber and raises several objections without answering them satisfactorily.
123 Wagner is concerned over this fact. He says (Drake’s Voyage, p. 498, n. 24) that a reference to Drake’s Estero should have been included in the narrative “since the Indian villages were almost entirely located upon it.” In answer it may be observed that the Indian villages of Drake’s time were situated sporadically around the shore of Drake’s Bay as well as on the estero. One might as well ask at the same time why Fletcher did not mention Tomales Bay if Drake were at Bodega?
124 Wagner, Drake’s Voyage, p. 151.
125 And, significantly, the Drake plate of brass uses the words “Nova Albion.” This is independently attested by John Drake in his first declaration.
126 See Francisco de Bolaños’ explicit mention of the white cliffs in Drake’s Bay as prominent landmarks (Wagner, Drake’s Voyage, p. 498, n. 19). See also Davidson, “Identification of Sir Francis Drake’s Anchorage,” p. 31. Richard Madox refers to the California anchorage as “Ships Land,” perhaps the name given to the place by the sailors themselves.
FOOTNOTES TO APPENDIX I.:
[A-1] Henry R. Wagner, Sir Francis Drake’s Voyage around the World (San Francisco, 1926), p. 241.
[A-2] Ibid., pp. 287, 289.
[A-3] The World Encompassed account of Drake in California is reprinted in Appendix II, below. It is printed in full in Volume XVI of the Hakluyt Society publications (ed. W. S. Vaux; London, 1854). The Famous Voyage is easily accessible in Drake’s Plate of Brass, California Historical Society, Special Publication No. 13 (San Francisco, 1937), pp. 27-30.
[A-4] Wagner, Drake’s Voyage, pp. 229 ff., n. 1.
[A-5] Ibid., pp. 61, 147, 245, 290.
[A-6] O. M. Dalton, “Notes on an Ethnographical Collection... Formed during the Voyage of Captain Vancouver, 1790-1795,” Internationale Archiv für Ethnographie, Vol. X. (Leiden, 1897), p. 235. A. L. Kroeber says, “The passage is a somewhat prolix mixture of narration and depiction....” (Handbook of the Indians of California, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bull. 78 [Washington, D. C., 1925], pp. 275-276).
[A-7] For details see Zelia Nuttall, New Light on Drake, Hakluyt Society, ser. 2, Vol. 34 (London, 1914), pp. 18-23. See also Wagner, Drake’s Voyage, pp. 328-334.
[A-8] Nuttall, New Light on Drake, pp. 50-51.
[A-9] For details see E. G. R. Taylor, “Francis Drake and the Pacific: Two Fragments,” Pacific Historical Review, I (1932), 360-369.
[A-10] For details see ibid., pp. 363-365; Henry R. Wagner, “George Davidson, Geographer of the Northwest Coast,” California Historical Society Quarterly, XI (1932), 309-311; and Nuttall, New Light on Drake, pp. 19-20.
[A-11] Wagner, “George Davidson,” pp. 310-311.
[A-12] S. K. Lothrop, “Aboriginal Navigation off the West Coast of South America,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, LXII (1932), 235-238, figs. 9a, 9b, 10.
[A-13] Reprinted from Taylor, loc. cit., p. 369.
FOOTNOTES TO APPENDIX II:
[B-1] As printed in Drake’s Plate of Brass, California Historical Society, Special Publication No. 13 (San Francisco, 1937) pp. 32-46.