Analysis of the World Encompassed Account
On June 17 (Old Style), Drake’s ship entered “a conuenient and fit harborough.” The next day, “the people of the countrey shewed themselues; sending off a man with great expedition to vs in a canow.” On the 21st, the ship was brought near shore, her goods were landed, and defense works were erected. Numbers of natives made their appearance for a brief time, then returned to their homes in a near-by village. At the end of two days (June 23), during which no natives had been seen, there appeared “a great assembly of men, women, and children.” As the narrator says, the local people seen on the 23d had probably “dispersed themselues into the country, to make knowne the newes....” There follows in the narrative a long and detailed account of the activities of the natives who remained assembled near the camp of the English. Finally, after three more days (the account says June 26), word of the strange newcomers had spread even further, and there “were assembled the greatest number of people, which wee could reasonably imagine, to dwell within any conuenient distance round about.” Among these were the “king,” the Hioh of the Indians, and “his guard, of about 100 tall and warlike men.”
This sequence of visits is of some interest. If Drake landed at Drake’s Bay, the natives seen by him on June 18 and 21 were certainly local Coast Miwok living close at hand around the bay. The influx of people on the 23d probably means that they were drawn from relatively near-by Coast Miwok villages—from near Olema, or from both shores of Tomales Bay. But even larger crowds of natives came on the 26th, and among them were the Hioh and his retinue. The group arriving on the 26th probably came from some distance. If this crowd gathered at Drake’s Bay, they could well have been recruited from Bodega Bay, and possibly included a number of Southern Pomo neighbors. The elapsed time (i.e., between June 21 and June 26) can be readily accounted for by two factors: (1) time for communication to be established from Drake’s to Bodega Bay and for the return of the Bodega people, and (2) time for convocation of the group, decision on a plan of action, and preparation for the elaborate ceremony performed at the English camp on the 26th.
If, however, Drake landed in Bodega Bay, the situation would be somewhat different. The visitors of the 18th and 21st would be Bodega Coast Miwok. Those arriving on the 23d could have been Tomales Bay or Olema Coast Miwok, and the arrival on the 26th of the Hioh with his retinue and followers might mark the presence of Southern Pomo, or, less probably, Central Pomo who were concentrated in the interior some fifty miles north of Bodega Bay.
It is credible, then, that Drake landed in either Drake’s Bay or Bodega Bay, since the native words listed by Fletcher and Madox all belong to the Coast Miwok language and not to any Pomo dialect.39 It is improbable that the ceremonies, customs, and material culture forms described by Fletcher can be specifically attributed to the Pomo, as intimated by Wagner,40 for at least three reasons: (1) Northern Coast Miwok and Southern Pomo cultures are practically indistinguishable; (2) the words Hioh and Gnaah seem to be Coast Miwok words rather than words of Pomo attribution; and (3) if Drake landed in Coast Miwok territory it is unlikely that the Pomo would be permitted to enter the territory of their southern neighbors and to perform a ceremony which the Coast Miwok themselves were as well able to do.
Following is an examination of the day-by-day account of Fletcher.
June 18.—A single man in a “canow” (probably a tule balsa) came out to the ship and delivered an oration. The canoeman also brought with him, and threw into the ship, a bunch of black feathers tied in a round bundle, and a small basket filled with an herb (“Tobah”), both of which were tied to a short stick.
In 1595, Sebastián Cermeño noted almost exactly the same thing in Drake’s Bay,41 and something very similar was observed by Francisco Mourelle in Bodega Bay in 1775.42 Cermeño says: “On the day on which the ship anchored in the bay, about four o’clock in the afternoon, many Indians appeared on the beach and soon one of them got into a small craft which they employ like a çacate of the lake of Mexico. He came off to the ship, where he remained quite a time talking in his language, no one understanding what he said.” Mourelle’s statement is similar: there is no mention of a speech by the Indians in “tule canoes,” but they presented the Spanish with plumes of feathers, “bone rosaries” (shell bead necklaces?), garlands of feathers which they wore around their heads, and a canister of seeds which tasted like walnuts.
The feather bundle cannot be specifically identified, but it may be the ceremonial black feather bundle (pl. 18, b) most often associated with the central California Kuksu cult. Some of these have been illustrated by Professor Kroeber43 and R. B. Dixon.44 The small basket filled with the herb called Tobah or Tabah has led some students to identify this herb as tobacco (Nicotiana sp.) John P. Harrington quotes the sections from The World Encompassed which contain mention of Tabah or Tobah, and assumes that the word has reference to tobacco (Nicotiana bigelovii).45 Upon what grounds he identifies the herb mentioned by Fletcher as tobacco is not stated, since the local words for tobacco are different,46 nor is it stated in the account that the herb was smoked. Wagner doubts that the herb called Tobah was tobacco, and in this he and I are in agreement. It cannot be determined whether or not a Nicotiana was referred to by Fletcher, nor is it likely that this question will ever be settled. What does seem clear is that “Tobah” is not an Indian word, but the name applied to the herb by the English narrator.47 This supposition is enhanced by the fact that The Famous Voyage mentions the herb by the name “tabacco,” a word already known in England before Drake started on his voyage around the world.48 It may be concluded that Fletcher’s word “Tobah” or “Tabah” comes from the English word “tabacco,” “tobacco,” “tabaco,” and is not a California Indian word. In this conclusion I am in agreement with Professor Kroeber.49
June 18-21.—There is no mention of Indians between the 18th and the 21st of June. After referring to the man in the “canow,” Fletcher continues, “After which time, our boate could row no way, but wondring at vs as at gods, they would follow the same with admiration.” This would indicate that June 19 and 20 were spent exploring the bay in a small boat to discover a proper spot for careening the treasure-laden ship, which had sprung a leak at sea.
June 21.—On this day the ship was brought near shore and anchored. Goods were landed, and some sort of stone fortification was erected for defense. The Indians made their appearance in increasing numbers until there was a “great number both of men and women.” It is clearly apparent that the natives were not simply curious, but acted, as Fletcher points out, “as men rauished in their mindes” and “their errand being rather with submission and feare to worship vs as Gods, then to haue any warre with vs as with mortall men.” It would seem that the natives demonstrated clearly their fear and wonderment at the English, and it is certain that they behaved as no other natives had done in the experience of the chronicler. The English gave their visitors shirts and linen cloth, in return for which (as Fletcher thought) the Indians presented to Drake and some of the English such things as feathers, net caps, quivers for arrows, and animal skins which the women wore. Then, having visited for a time, the natives left for their homes about three-quarters of a mile away. As soon as they were home, the Indians began to lament, “extending their voices, in a most miserable and dolefull manner of shreeking.” Inserted between the passages dealing with the departure of the Indians to their homes and their lamenting is a description of their houses and dress. The houses are described as “digged round within the earth, and haue from the vppermost brimmes of the circle, clefts of wood set vp, and ioyned close together at the top, like our spires on the steeple of a church: which being couered with earth, suffer no water to enter, and are very warme, the doore in the most part of them, performes the office of a chimney, to let out the smoake: its made in bignesse and fashion, like to an ordinary scuttle in a ship, and standing slopewise: their beds are the hard ground, onely with rushes strewed vpon it, and lying round about the house, haue their fire in the middest....” The men for the most part were naked, and the women wore a shredded bulrush (tule? Scirpus sp.) skirt which hung around the hips. Women also wore a shoulder cape of deerskin with the hair upon it.
From the foregoing facts some important conclusions can be drawn. First, the wonderment of the natives is but an extension of attitudes they had daily shown from the 17th to the 20th; and similar manifestations continued throughout the long stay of the English.50 The English were looked upon as unusual, perhaps supernatural, visitors, since nothing is more clear than the fact that they were not treated as ordinary mortals. Kroeber has suggested that the Indians regarded the English as the returned dead, and there is much to be said for this view, as will be shown later. The doleful shrieking, weeping, and crying are evidence sui generis that the presence of the English was in some way associated with ghosts or the dead.51
The circular semisubterranean house, roofed over with poles and earth-covered, is also characteristic of a wide area of central California. The Coast Miwok of Drake’s Bay and Bodega Bay52 used these houses, as did the Pomo.53 It is clearly not a temporary brush-covered house like those seen in the Bodega-Tomales Bay region.54 The “caules of network” undoubtedly refer to the well-known net caps of central California,55 a type so widespread that exact localization or provenience is impossible.
The Fletcher account is fairly specific on particulars of dress—women wore shredded bulrush skirts and deerskin shoulder capes, and men were ordinarily naked. The bulrush or tule-fiber clothing is attested for Bodega Bay56 and Drake’s Bay,57 but it is also found generally throughout central California. Men were generally naked in California, so Fletcher does not note here a distinctive cultural trait. The wearing of deerskin capes by the women is not strictly substantiated by the observations of later explorers, although Cermeño (1595) said that the women in Drake’s Bay “covered their private parts with straw and skins of animals.”58 Archibald Menzies noted that the women in Tomales Bay wore a deerskin wrapped around their middle and reaching to the knees,59 and Francisco Eliza said that near Bodega Bay “the women cover themselves from the waist down with deer skins.”60 Colnett mentions the Indian dress of deerskins in Bodega Bay.61
June 23.—On this day, after a two-day absence, “a great assembly of men, women, and children” appeared at the camp of the English. The Indians stopped at the top of the hill at the bottom of which Drake’s camp was pitched, and one man made “a long and tedious oration: deliuered with strange and violent gestures, his voice being extended to the vttermost strength of nature....” At the conclusion of the speech or oration, all the other Indians reverently bowed their bodies “in a dreaming manner” (?) and cried “Oh” in approbation. Then the men, leaving their bows, women, and children behind them, came down to the English with presents and gifts. While the men were gift giving, the women cried and shrieked piteously, tore their cheeks with their fingernails until the blood flowed, tore off the single covering from the upper parts of the body, and, holding their hands high, cast themselves on the ground with great violence, regardless of consequences. The English, grieved at this spectacle of sacrifice, attempted to dissuade the Indians by praying and indicating by signs that their God lived above. During this “performance” (prayers, singing Psalms, and reading chapters of the Bible), the Indians “sate very attentiuely: and obseruing the end of euery pause, with one voice still cryed, Oh, greatly reioycing in our exercises.” The natives were watching with great interest what seemed to them a ceremonial performance (which it actually was, but not in the sense in which the Indians understood it). The singing of Psalms interested the Indians most, and whenever the natives came, says Fletcher, their first request was Gnaah, an entreaty that the English should sing. After the Indians and English had exchanged ceremonial performances of a religious nature, the Indians again departed, giving back to the English everything they had received.
The oration by the man at the top of the hill may perhaps be likened to a speech that Cermeño made note of, when, in 1595, he was at Drake’s Bay: “... Indians from near by kept coming and the chief talked a long time.”62 It is not improbable that the speaker mentioned by Fletcher was a messenger dispatched to announce the later coming of the big chief.63 Or, the orator may simply have been a local village chief who delivered a long address or salutation to the English. The existence, at least, of such orators is known.64 The signal of approbation, “Oh,” has already been remarked upon by S. A. Barrett: “The expressions of assent and pleasure which are here noted are those commonly used not only by the Moqueluman Coast Miwok peoples of this region but by the Pomo to the north where such expressions as o, yo, iyo, varying with the locality, are heard, as evidences of approval of the sentiment expressed by the speaker, or of satisfaction with the performance of a dance.”65 When the preliminaries were over, the men came down the hill, and the women remained behind, lamenting, and lacerating their flesh. Crying and tearing the cheeks with the fingernails, as an ethnographic practice in connection with mourning, is documented for the Coast Miwok66 and Pomo.67 The word Gnaah, by which (so Fletcher states) the Indians asked the English to sing, can possibly be likened to the Coast Miwok koyá, “sing.”68 If it is granted that Gnaah is equivalent to koyá, there is good reason to believe that Coast Miwok were the main frequenters of Drake’s camp, since Fletcher says, “... whensoever they resorted to vs, their first request was Gnaah, by which they intreated that we would sing.” The words for “sing” in neighboring Indian tongues are so unlike Gnaah that no idea of connection can be entertained.
June 26.—After three days, there “were assembled the greatest number of people which wee could reasonably imagine to dwell within any conuenient distance round about.” Included in the crowd were the “king” and his “guard” of about one hundred men. Before the king showed himself, two “Embassadors or messengers” appeared, to announce his coming and to ask for a present “as a token that his comming might be in peace.” Drake complied, and soon the “king with all his traine came forward.” The king and his retinue “cryed continually after a singing manner” as they came, but as they approached nearer they strove to “behaue themselues with a certaine comelinesse and grauity in all their actions.” In the front of the procession came a man bearing the “Septer or royall mace,” a black stick about four and a half feet long, to which were tied long, looped strings of shell disk beads, and two “crownes,” a larger and a smaller, made of knitwork and covered with a pattern of colored feathers. Only a few men were seen to wear the disk bead necklaces (“chaines”). Fletcher observes that in proportion to the number of “chaines” a man wears, “as some ten, some twelve, some twentie, and as they exceed in number of chaines, so are they thereby knowne to be the more honorable personages.” Next to the scepter bearer was the king (Hioh), surrounded by his guard. On his head he wore a net cap (“cawle”) decorated with feathers in the same manner as the “crownes” described above, “but differing much both in fashion and perfectness of work.” From the king’s shoulders hung a waist-length coat of the skins of “conies.” Members of his guard each wore a coat of similar cut, but of different skins. Some of the guard wore net caps “stuck with feathers,” or covered with a light, downy substance, probably milkweed down. Only those persons who were close to the king wore the down-filled or down-covered net caps and feather plumes on their heads.
Following the procession of the king and his guard came the “naked sort of common people.” Their long hair was gathered behind into a bunch in which were stuck plumes of feathers, but in the front were only single feathers which looked “like hornes.” Every Indian had his face painted in black or white or other colors, and every man brought some sort of gift. The procession was brought up behind by the women and children. Each woman carried against her breast a round basket or so, filled with a number of articles such as bags of Tobah; a root called Petah, which was made into meal and either baked into bread or eaten raw; broiled pilchard-like fishes; and the seed and down of milkweed (?). The baskets are carefully described by Fletcher as “made in fashion like a deep boale... [and] about the brimmes they were hanged with peeces of shels of pearles, and in some places with two or three linkes at a place, of the chaines aforenamed: thereby signifying, that they were vessels wholly dedicated to the only vse of the gods they worshipped: and besides this, they were wrought vpon with the matted downe of red feathers, distinguished into diuers workes and formes.”
As the crowd of people came near, they gave a general salutation and were then silent. The scepter bearer, prompted by another man who whispered, delivered in a loud voice an oration which lasted half an hour. When the oration was ended, “there was a common Amen, in signe of approbation giuen by euery person....” Then the company, leaving the little children behind, came down to the foot of the hill where the English had their camp. Here the scepter bearer began to sing and danced in time to the song. The king, his guard, and all the others joined in the singing and dancing, except the women, who danced but did not sing. The women had torn faces, their bodies showed bruises and other lacerations which had been self-inflicted before the Indians had arrived. After the assembly of natives had concluded their dance, they indicated by signs that Drake should be seated. This done, the king and several others delivered orations to Drake, and, concluding with a song, placed the crown upon his head and hung all the shell disk bead necklaces around his neck. Many other gifts were tendered to Drake, and the name Hioh was bestowed upon him. Fletcher interpreted this ceremony as the giving up of the kingdom to Drake, a thought hardly ascribable to the Indians. It is quite clear, however, that Drake was individually and specially honored by the leader of the California natives, and was invested with a name, Hioh.
After the “crowning” was concluded, the common people, both men and women, dispersed among the English, “taking a diligent view and survey of every man.” When a native found an Englishman who pleased his fancy, and the youthful Englishmen were preferred, a personal “sacrifice” in the form of weeping, moaning, shrieking, and tearing of the face with the fingernails was offered. As might be expected, such a scene was embarrassing and uncomfortable to the English, and the strongest efforts were of no avail in disabusing the Indians of their “idolatry.” After a time the Indians quieted down and began to show to the English “their griefes and diseases which they carried about with them, some of them hauing old aches, some shruncke sinewes, some old soares and canckred vlcers, some wounds more lately receiued, and the like, in most lamentable manner crauing helpe and cure thereof from vs: making signes that if we did but blowe vpon their griefes, or but touched the diseased places, they would be whole.” The English applied various unguents to the affected places, continuing the treatment as the natives resorted to the camp from time to time.
Now to analyze the happenings of June 26. The “Embassadors or messengers” of Fletcher are probably correctly identified, since the custom of having messengers who announce the coming of a chief and his party is known to have existed at least among the Pomo69 and probably among the Coast Miwok, although there is no specific mention of such a practice among the latter. Even the custom that messengers should ask for a present for the “king” (i.e., chief) is known to have been observed by the Pomo.70 It is impossible to identify the man who bore the “scepter” or “mace,” a black stick about four and a half feet long, but the scepter itself seems identifiable with the staff known ethnographically to have been used in the central California Kuksu or ghost ceremony.71
The assemblage of the black stick with pendant “feathered crowns” and clamshell disk beads has not been noted by any modern ethnographer, but the flat, circular, centrally drilled white beads of clamshell are familiar (pl. 18, c). They were made from clamshells dug at Bodega Bay, the source of these beads for most of the Indians of central California.72 It is of some interest to note that in later times the beads have been very abundant, and that in the last 350 years the manufacture and use of clamshell disk beads have been much increased. The net “crownes” covered with a pattern of colored feathers are described by Fletcher in terms so general that exact identification is difficult. They may have resembled some of those illustrated by Dixon, who collected them from the Northern Maidu.73 At least, net caps with feather decorations were commonly used in Coast Miwok74 and Pomo75 ceremonies. The king’s guard was probably composed of a number of male initiates of a secret society who naturally would separate themselves from the women and children when engaged in ceremonial duties.76 The net cap of the king or Hioh was different from that of the others, and it is not improbable that it was one of the flicker-quill headbands so well known for the area (pl. 18, a).77 This identification is at best tentative, however, since there was in this area a bewildering array of types of feather-decorated ceremonial headgear. The king’s coat of conyskins seems to have been distinguished from those of his guard. The guards’ coats may have been made of pocket gopher or mountain beaver skins, and the king’s coat was possibly of woven rabbitskin blankets, common to both the Pomo and the Coast Miwok.78 What seems unusual is that there is no mention in Fletcher’s account of the feather cloaks or skirts used in later times on ceremonial occasions. I have been unable to find any ethnographic data on a special skin coat for chiefs or ceremonial leaders. The down-filled head net undoubtedly refers to the central Californian net cap.79 The feather plumes mentioned by Fletcher as worn on the head by persons close to the king may have been of several of the numerous types used in central California. Examples are illustrated by Dixon80 and Kroeber.81 The repeated mention by Fletcher of the use of feathers indicates clearly that their ceremonial use was highly developed at this period. The single feathers resembling “horns” are an ethnographic feature of the costume of the ghost dancer among the Pomo,82 and although there is no documentary evidence that the Coast Miwok wore feathers in such a manner, it seems likely, in view of the very close correspondence between Pomo and Coast Miwok ceremonial features, that they did so. The practice of painting the body is an almost invariable feature of Coast Miwok83 and Pomo84 ceremonies.
The gifts brought by the women in round baskets included bags of Tobah (already discussed), broiled fish, the seed and down of some plant (milkweed?),85 and a root called Petah or Patah. Neither the Pomo nor the Coast Miwok remember today any root or bulb with a name resembling Petah or Patah. Elmendorf and I have agreed with Kroeber that Petah is probably to be linked with the word “potato” in one or another of its various forms. Kroeber thinks that the description indicates the wild onion (Brodiaea), called putcu in Coast Miwok, and this is not improbable. However, soaproot (Chlorogalum), which was sometimes baked into a bread, would also fill the description. It is called haka by the Coast Miwok, and it is barely possible, though hardly probable, that haka could have been heard and recorded as Patah or Petah. Since Fletcher speaks of Petah as a root, it seems improbable that he was describing acorns (called ümba in Coast Miwok); yet even this remote possibility may be entertained, since Madox recorded cheepe as bread, and Coast Miwok tcipa means acorn bread. The word Petah, and botanical identification, must remain in limbo until further data are at hand.
The feather-decorated baskets offer evidence, as Barrett and Kroeber have indicated, that Drake landed on the coast immediately north of San Francisco Bay. The baskets (pl. 19) are described as shaped like a deep bowl, covered with a matted down of red feathers worked into various patterns, and further embellished with pendant drops of pearl shell (Haliotis) and two or three disk beads in various places. Such baskets were made only by the Coast Miwok,86 Pomo,87 Lake Miwok, and Wappo. Kroeber states that these baskets “served as gifts and treasures; and above all they were destroyed in honor of the dead.”88 It is clear that, in 1579, feathered baskets similar in manufacture and use to the native baskets of today were known in this Coast Miwok area.
The scepter bearer, prompted in a low voice by another man, delivered a long oration. The Coast Miwok have such orators; among those Indians the office of speechmaker is a special one.89 The Pomo have orators,90 as do most other central Californians. The Amen, or sign of general approbation, following the oration has already been commented upon. Then the natives performed a dance to the accompaniment of a song led by the scepter bearer (or orator)91 and joined in by the men, while the women danced but remained silent. Among the Pomo and Coast Miwok each ceremony has a song in connection with its observance. 92
The episode of the crowning has no parallel in native custom or ceremonial behavior, probably because “crowning” was a unique experience for the Indians as well as the English. This fact should be kept in mind in judging and estimating the natives’ actions and reactions—they were as puzzled as the English. Drake was specifically honored by the Indians, and there is no reason to doubt Fletcher when he states that the name Hioh was given to him. It has been suggested that Hioh was a term of salutation or an interjection,93 but there is no reason to believe that this was so. The word finds possible equivalents in Coast Miwok for chief, hoipu, hoipa, or friend, oiya.94 Since the Interior Miwok word for chief is haiapo, there is a bare possibility that the hoi of today may have been rendered hai in 1579, though there is no direct evidence to support this suggestion. It should be mentioned here that the Madox account independently verifies Fletcher’s remarks on the episode of the crowning, as well as the word for “king” (chief?), which Madox renders as Hioghe.95
The close scrutiny of the English by the Indians following the “crowning” ceremony indicates that the main business of the day (i.e., the ceremonial crowning by secret society initiates) was over, and that the general public could now take part in the festivities. Of great interest are Fletcher’s statements to the effect that the most youthful Englishmen were repeatedly selected as recipients of personal sacrifice and adoration which took the form of lamenting, moaning, weeping, wailing, and self-lacerating. Only one conclusion can be drawn: the Indians supposed that they were looking upon relatives returned from the dead, and hence performed the usual mourning observances.
After all these ceremonies were concluded, the Indians showed the English their infirmities, aches, sores, and wounds, and it was made clear that if the English would but blow upon them they would be made well. This accords fairly well with the curing aspect of certain local ceremonies. For example, the Kuksu doctor of the Pomo might cure by blowing “his whistle over the various parts of his body, particularly those recognized by the patients as the seats of pain.”96 There is no mention of the use of whistles in connection with the ceremony enacted by the Indians. Whistles are so commonly used in local ceremonies that their omission is noteworthy. The detailed nature of the account indicates that this feature was not so strongly developed in 1579 as it is today in local native custom.
General observations, and occurrences from June 27 to July 23.—The natives were almost constant visitors, and it is noted that ordinarily every third day they brought their “sacrifices” (?). From this and other indications it seems possible that the ceremonial number of the Indians was three. The ceremonial number of the adjoining Pomo is four.97 The Coast Miwok ceremonial number was probably four, though there is no direct evidence to support this supposition. The Indian bow is spoken of as weak and “more fit for children than for men,” a remark to be expected from the English, who were even then employing the famous longbow. The English were impressed with the strength of the natives, but, for Indians accustomed to transporting everything on their backs, their feats of strength seem not surprising. It is also noted that the natives were good at running and that this was the ordinary means of travel. The English admired the native surf fishing. Kroeber has interpreted the passage, “if at any time, they chanced to see a fish, so neere the shoare, that they might reach the place without swimming, they would neuer, or very seldome misse to take it,” as signifying diving for fish in the surf. Since this unusual practice is not otherwise recorded ethnographically for any coastal Californian tribe, some other explanation may be in order, and I suggest that Fletcher may have had reference to surf fishing with a round hand net, a practice known to have been followed by the Coast Miwok.98 One gets the impression that the English found much to admire in their native friends.
Drake, his gentlemen, and others of the ship’s company made an expedition into the interior to see the native villages and the country round about. The houses were all of the semisubterranean, circular type discussed previously. Two animals were seen, as also herds of deer and great numbers of “conies,” a name which, as used by Fletcher, seems to fit no known animal living today in this coastal area.99
The country was named Albion “in respect of the white bancks and cliffes, which lie toward the sea...,” and a post was set up with an engraved brass plate nailed to it. The white cliffs are one of the most conspicuous features of Drake’s Bay.100 That the plate of brass has been found at Drake’s Bay is a fact of the greatest significance.
Upon the departure of the English, the Indians were sorrowful, and they burned a “sacrifice” of a string of disk beads and a bunch of feathers. The burning of shell beads in memory and honor of the dead, a custom which Fletcher may have described, is known for the Coast Miwok,101 Pomo,102 and neighboring groups.103
Aside from those actions of the natives which are usually associated with their attitudes toward the dead (weeping, moaning, self-laceration, use of feathered baskets, sacrifice of shell beads and feathers in the fire), there are other evidences that the English were regarded as the returned spirits of the dead. First is Fletcher’s observation that the Indians were “standing when they drew neere, as men rauished in their mindes, with the sight of such things as they neuer had seene, or heard of before that time: their errand being rather with submission and feare to worship vs as Gods, then to haue any warre with vs as with mortall men. Which thing as it did partly shew it selfe at that instant, so did it more and more manifest it selfe afterwards, during the whole time of our abode amongst them.” Except for the sole occasion, at the conclusion of the ceremony on June 26, when the Indians embraced the youthful Englishmen, the natives seem to have avoided touching the whites. This is most understandable if it is believed that they looked upon the English as the dead returned,104 for bodily contact with a dead person or spirit was certain, in their minds, to have disastrous results. Further evidence of this may be contained in the statement: “Our General hauing now bestowed vpon them diuers things, at their departure they restored them all againe; none carrying with him any thing of whatsoeuer hee had receiued....” There is one more bit of inferential evidence along this line which comes from the Madox account. This is the phrase Nocharo mu, “touch me not” (i.e., notcáto mu, “keep away”). It may be asked why Madox recorded this particular phrase out of the many his informant must have heard. The answer is perhaps to be found in the simple fact that the English heard this phrase uttered a great many times, and it stuck in their memory. In view of the fact that the natives held the English in fear as dead people, the phrase “touch me not” might often have been used toward amorous sailors, or against any form of bodily contact.