The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell

APPENDIX V.

A List of the Governors of Angola, 1575-1702.

The date of arrival and departure are given, unless stated otherwise.

1. Paulo Dias de Novaes, February, 1575; October,1589.

2.513 Luiz Serrão, captain-major, 1589-91.

3.513 André Ferreira Pereira, 1591, to June, 1592.

4. D. Francisco d’Almeida, June 24th, 1592, to April 8th, 1593.

5.513 D. Jeronymo d’Almeida, 1593-4.

6. João Furtado de Mendonça, August 1st, 1594, to 1602.

7. João Rodrigues Coutinho, appointed January 23rd, 1601; arrived in 1602.

8. 513 Manuel Cerveira Pereira, 1603-7.

9. D. Manuel Pereira Forjaz, end of 1607; died April 11th, 1611.

10.513 Bento Banha Cardoso, captain-major, elected April 15th, 1611 to 1615.

11. Manuel Cerveira Pereira, second term of office, 1615 to 1617.

12. Luiz Mendes de Vasconcellos, November, 1617, to 1621.

13. João Corrêa de Souza, September, 1621; departed 1623.

14.513 Pedro de Souza Coelho, captain-major, during five months, 1623.

15.513 D. Simão de Mascarenhas, Bishop of Kongo and Angola, 1623 to 1624.

16. Fernão de Souza, appointed October 21st, 1623; in possession February, 1624, to 1630.

17. D. Manuel Pereira Coutinho, 1630 to 1634.

18. Francisco de Vasconcellos da Cunha, 1634 to 1639.

19. Pedro Cezar de Menezes, 1639 to 1645.

20. Francisco de Sotto-maior, September, 1645, to May, 1646.

21.513 Bartholomeu de Vasconcellos da Cunha, Antonio Texeira de Mendonça, and João Juzarte de Andrada, the captains-major, 1646 to 1648.

22. Salvador Corrêa de Sá Benevides, August, 1648 to 1651.

23. Rodrigo de Miranda Henriques, October, 1651; died 1653.

24.513 Bartholomeu de Vasconcellos da Cunha, captain-major, 1653 to 1655.

25. Luiz Martins de Souza Chichorro, October, 1655 to 1658.

He was killed in an engagement with a Dutch corsair, on the voyage to Brazil.

26. João Fernandez Vieira, 1658 to 1661.

27. André Vidal de Negreiros, May 10th 1661, to August, 1666.

28. Tristão da Cunha, August, 1666, to January, 1667; when the people compelled him to depart in the vessel in which he had come.

29.513 Antonio de Araujo e Azevedo, president of the Camara of Luandu, 1667 to 1669.

30. Francisco de Tavora, August 26th, 1669, to 1676.

31. Ayres de Saldanha de Menezes e Souza, August 25th, 1676, to 1680.

32. João da Silva e Souza, September 11th, 1680, to 1684.

33. Luiz Lobo da Silva, September 12th, 1684, to 1688.

34. D. João de Lencastre, September 8th, 1688, to 1691.

35. Gonçalo da Costa de Alcaçova Carneiro de Menezes, November 1st, 1691, to 1694.

36. Henrique Jaques de Magalhães, November 3rd, 1694, to 1697.

37. Luiz Cezar de Menezes, November 9th, 1697, to 1700.

38. Bernardo de Tavora Souza Tavares, September 5th, 1700, to 1702.

MAP OF KONGO & ANGOLA
illustrating their
HISTORY TO THE CLOSE OF THE 17^TH CENTURY

MAP OF NDONGO (ANGOLA)

Footnotes:

1 Battell tells us (p. 7) that he and Thomas Turner were transported to Angola in the same vessel (1590). Purchas conferred with Turner after he had returned to England, and obtained from him an account of his travels, he having “lived the best part of two years in Brazil” (lib. vi, c. 8). Elsewhere we learn that he “had also been in Angola” (see p. 71).

This apparently straightforward information is quite irreconcilable with what we are told by Knivet; for Knivet says he met Turner at Pernambuco (about 1598); that he advised him to go to Angola; that Turner acted on this advice, and “made great profit of his merchandise, for which he thanked me when we met in England.” Concerning Knivet, see post, p. 89.

2 This description does not, of course, apply to his “Voyage to the East Indies,” but it does to his “Description of the whole Coast of Guinea, Manicongo, Angola, etc.”

3 His Schifffarten was first published at Basel in 1624. On this traveller, see an Abhandlung by D. G. Henning (Basel, 1900), who rather absurdly calls him the “first German scientific traveller in Africa.”

4 Vijf verscheyde Journalen... Amsterdam [1620].

5 Subsequent editions appeared in 1614, 1617, and 1626.

6 Battell’s narrative was reprinted in Astley’s New General Collection of Voyages, vol. iii (1746), and Pinkerton’s Collection, vol. xvi (1813). Translations or abstracts were published in the Collections of Pieter van der Aa (Leiden, 1706-07); of Gottfried (Leiden, 1706-26); of Prévôt (Paris, 1726-74); in the Allgemeine Historie der Reisen (Leipzig, 1747-77), in the Historische Beschrijving der Reisen (The Hague, 1747-67), and by Walckenaer (Paris, 1826-31).

7 See “The Lake Region of Central Africa: a Contribution to the History of African Cartography,” by E. G. Ravenstein (Scottish Geogr. Mag., 1891).

8 Among documents, the publication of which seems desirable are Don G. Abreu de Brito’s Summario e Descripção do Reino de Angola, 1592; and Cadornega’s Historia (at least, in abstract).

9 Abraham Cocke had been in the Brazils before this voyage, for we learn from Purchas (bk. vi, Pt. IV, London, 1625, p. 1141) that George, Earl of Cumberland, who had left Gravesend on June 26, 1586, with three ships and a pinnace, fell in, on January 10, 1587, with a Portuguese vessel, a little short of the River Plate, and in her found “Abraham Cock, of Leigh, near London,” whom he brought home with him.

10 Pinnace: formerly applied to any small vessel, usually schooner-rigged; at present limited to a large rowing-boat carried by great ships.

11 Santa Cruz de Tenerife, Canary Islands.

12 Light-horseman: a pinnace, a rowing-boat.

13 Vessels bound for Brazil usually cross the Equator about long. 22° W. If Captain Cock really intended to go direct to Brazil, he had no business at Cabo das Palmas. Can his voyage to S. Thomé really have been, as he says, an involuntary deviation from his direct course?

14 The island of S. Thomé was discovered by the Portuguese about 1472, and received its first settlers in 1486. In the course of the sixteenth century it suffered much from the depredations of French, English, and Dutch pirates, as also (1574) from a revolt headed by the Angolares: that is, the descendants of Angolan slaves who had swum ashore when the vessel which carried them was wrecked, in 1544, on the Sette Pedras, and had fled to the woods near. The Fortaleza de S. Sebastião was intended to defend the capital against piratical attacks. It was completed in 1575; but the Dutch, under Admiral Van der Dam, nevertheless sacked the city in 1600. Only four years before the author’s arrival, in 1485, the city had been destroyed by fire.

15 The Ilhéo das Rôlas (Turtle-dove Island) lies about a mile off the southern extremity of S. Thomé. It is of volcanic origin, rises to a considerable height, and is densely wooded. The inhabitants (about 100) are dependent upon the rain for their drinking water, for there are no springs. The chief articles of export are cacao and coffee.

16 That is, the Povoação of early days, on the Bahia de Anna de Chaves, incorporated in 1535 as the Cidade de S. Thomé.

17 Cabo de Lopo Gonçalves, thus named after its discoverer, Cape Lopez of our charts, in lat 0° 36´ S.

18 The “dolphin” of British sailors is the doirada, or gilthead, of the Portuguese (Coryphaena hippurus), and delights to swim in the shadow of the vessel.

19 The Ilha Grande lies in lat. 23° 10´ S., sixty miles to the west of Rio de Janeiro. It is about seventeen miles in length, lofty, and shelters a safe bay, surrounded with magnificent scenery.

20 S. Salvador, on the Bahia de todos os Santos, lat. 13° S.

21 That is, one of the “degradados” or convicts, whom it is even now customary to banish to the Colonies.

22 The Isla de Lobos Marinos (Seal Island) lies off Maldonado Point, and forms a conspicuous landmark for vessels approaching the Rio de la Plata.

23 The Seal (phoca vitulina, Linn.) and Otary (Otaria jubata, Desm.) have become very rare. The morse or walrus is found only in the Northern hemisphere.

24 These south-westerly winds are known as Pamperos. They are more frequent in winter. In summer they blow with greater force, but generally cease sooner.

25 Isla Verde can be no other than Flores, a small island further west than the Isla de Lobos.

26 The Ilha de São Sebastião, in lat. 23° 50´ S.

27 Espirito Santo, a town on the coast of Brazil, in lat. 20° 20´ S.

28 This capture must have happened at the end of 1589, or, at latest, early in 1590, yet Thomas Knivet, who only left England with Cavendish in August 1591, gives an account of the capture of five Englishmen (Purchas iv, 1625, p. 1220) which at the first glance seems to be a different version of this very incident. Knivet professes to have been at Rio de Janeiro at the time, two months after his return from Angola in 1598. He says: “There came a small man-of-war to Great Island [Ilha Grande, 70 miles west of Rio]; the captain’s name was Abram Cocke; he lay in wait for the ships on the River of Plate, and had taken them if it had not been for five of his men that ran away with his boat that discovered his being there; for within a sevennight after he was gone three caravels came within the same road where he was. These five men were taken by a Friar who came from S. Vincent, and were brought to the river of Janeiro. I being at this time in some account with the Governor favoured them as well as I could.” In the further course of his narrative Knivet names two of these five men, namely, Richard Heixt and Thomas Cooper. Thomas Turner is referred to elsewhere, but not under circumstances which would lead one to assume that he was one of the five. Battell is not mentioned at all.

Are we to suppose, then, that Captain Cocke was heard of once more, and that in 1599 he lost five men on the Ilha Grande, just as nine years before he had lost five on the island of San Sebastian? Such a coincidence is possible, but most improbable.

29 This Thomas Turner, or Torner, subsequently returned to England, and Purchas had speech with him.

30 São Paulo de Loanda, the capital of Angola, 8° 48´ S.

31 The Kwanza, the most important river of Angola, navigable from the sea as far as the rapids of Cambambe. The “town of garrison” was Masanganu, founded in 1582.

32 João Furtado de Mendonça only arrived at Loanda on August 1, 1594. He remained Governor until early in 1602, when he was succeeded by João Rodriguez Coutinho.

33 That is, the two incisors of the upper jaw, commonly known as “tusks.”

34 Battell’s “wheat” is masa-mamputo, or zea mayz. Elsewhere he speaks of “Guinea wheat,” and this might be sorghum or millet; but as he says that the natives call the grain “mas impoto,” there can be no doubt about its identity with masa-mamputo, the grão de Portugal, or maize, which, according to Ficalho, was imported from America.

35 The River of Congo is known to the natives as “Nzadi,” or “Nzari,” which merely signifies “great river “(Bentley’s Dictionary of the Congo Language). For Isle de Calabes we ought perhaps to read Ilha das Calabaças (Calabash Island). The position of this island I am unable to determine. Perhaps it is the same as an Ilheo dos Cavallos Marinhos (Hippopotamus Island), described by Pimentel as lying within the Cabo do Padrão, Congo mouth. Duarte Lopez (A Report of the Kingdom of Congo, drawn out of the Writings of Duarte Lopez, by F. Pigafetta, 1591. Translated by Margareta Hutchinson. London, 1881) says it was the first island met with on entering the Zaire, and that, although small, the Portuguese had a town upon it.

36 Palm cloth is made from the fronds of the ntera, or fan palm (Hyphæne Guineensis).

37 Dapper (Africa, Amsterdam, 1670, p. 520) tells us that the hairs from an elephant’s tail were highly valued by the natives, who wove them into necklaces and girdles; fifty of these hairs or bristles were worth 1000 reis! Duarte Lopez (Kingdom of Congo, London, 1881, p. 46) says that one such tail was equal in value to two or three slaves, and that native hunters followed the elephants up narrow and steep defiles, and there cut off the desired spoils. Battell himself (see p. 58) bought 20,000 (hairs) which he sold to the Portugals for thirty slaves.

38 The Egyptians were, of course, Ciganos, or gypsies. They appeared in Portugal in the beginning of the sixteenth century. A Royal order of 1526 ordered them to leave the kingdom, but appears to have had no more effect than a law of 1538, which, on account of the thefts of which they were accused, and their sorceries, threatened them with a flogging and the confiscation of their goods, if caught within the kingdom. This law was re-enacted in 1557, when the galleys were substituted for a flogging; and in 1592 a still more severe law was enacted, which threatened with death all those who should not quit the kingdom within four months. Battel’s associates were, no doubt, gipsies who had been sent as convicts to Angola (see F. A. Coelho, Os Ciganos de Portugal, Lisbon, 1892).

The Moriscoes are the Moors of Morocco. Early Portuguese writers refer to the men who had fought in Africa (Morocco) as Africanos, and Battell’s Moriscoes were in all probability Moorish prisoners of war, or Moors expelled from Portugal.

39 Mani or Muene, lord and even king, as Muene Putu, King of Portugal, but also applied to a mere village chief. The Cabech of Battell must have resided somewhere about Muchima, but on the right bank of the Coanza.

40 Battell’s Guinea wheat is masa-mamputo, or grão de Portugal, the zea mayz of botanists, which, according to Candolle and Ficalho, was introduced from America.

41 Kasanza’s lake can confidently be identified with the Lalama Lake of modern maps, south of the Rio Bengo, thirty-six miles due east of S. Paulo de Loanda. Ka is a diminitive; nsanza means village.

42 The river of Bengo or Nzenza, which enters the sea ten miles north-east of Loanda.

43 Mani Bangono’s district is not mentioned elsewhere. It cannot have been far from the sea.

44 Mushi or Mwishikongo, a Congo-man: plural, Eshi-Kongo.

45 Bamba, or rather Mbamba, the south-west province of Congo, extending to the lower Coanza.

46 Lamba, or Hamba, is bounded by the Bengo in the north, and by the Coanza and its tributary the Lucalla on the south. The “Governor” here referred to is João Furtado de Mendonça. Battell seems to have been among the reinforcements despatched after the disastrous campaign in the spring of 1596. The “General” of Battell was João de Velloria, a Spaniard, who was Capitâo mór do Campo.

47 The route followed by Battell is approximately indicated upon the map. Sowonso may be the same as Dapper’s Chonso or Douville’s Quionso, beyond Icolo. As to the other places along the route, I can suggest no identifications. Namba Calamba certainly has nothing to do with the Portuguese Fort Calumbu on the Coanza, built in 1571.

48 Kumba ria Kaiangu?

49 Outeiro (Portuguese), a hill.

50 Battell’s Ingasia is undoubtedly the Angazi or Engase of Duarte Lopez, a Bunda district subject to Bamba, which in Pigafetta’s map lies to the south of the river Bengo. Mendez de Castellobranco, p. 11, mentions Engombe (Ngombe). The name survives perhaps in the Ndembu Ngombe a Muquiama on the northern bank of the Bengo, who, according to J. V. Carneiro (An. do conselho ultramar., vol. ii, pp. 172 to 179, 1861), was in olden times dependent upon Congo. The name Ngombe (“ox”) is, however, a very common one.

51 The Pete, more correctly called Puita, or Kipuita, is a musical instrument described by Monteiro (Angola, vol. ii, p. 140), and in Cordeiro da Matta’s Diccionario, p. 29. It consists of a hollow wooden cylinder, one end of which is covered with sheepskin. A wooden stick is passed through the centre of this sheepskin, and a most hideous noise is produced by moving this stick to and fro.

52 The Pongo (mpunga) is an ivory trumpet.

53 Engeriay seems to be a misprint, perhaps for the Ogheghe of Duarte Lopez, which Ficalho identifies with Mung’eng’e (Spondias lutea) of Angola, called Gego by Lopez de Lima (Ensaios, vol. iii, p. 15). Dr. Welwitsch found the tree growing wild in the mountains of Benguella, whence it was transplanted to Loanda. It is valued for its wood, the shade it affords, and its fruit, which resembles a yellow plum, is of delicious flavour and esteemed as a remedy against bile (Ficalho, Plantas uteis, p. 126; Monteiro, Angola, vol. ii, p. 298). Purchas, in a marginal note, Bk. VII, c. 4, says that the Ogheghe “bears a fruit which is like a yellow plumme and is very good to eat, and hath a very sweet smell withall.” This information was given by Battell.

54 Pome-water, a kind of apple, called malus carbonaria by Coles (Nares’s Glossary).

55 Margarita is the Portuguese (and Latin) for pearl. Purchas may have suggested the word, whilst Battell simply referred to the cowrie currency of the country, or to a more valuable shell such as Cavazzi (p. 12) says was found near Cambambe, a collar of which had the value of a slave; or to a crystal found in Shela, and called “thunder-stone” by the natives. Mr. R. C. Phillips writes: “I have found that some kind of stone used to pass as money in the old slave times, say in 1850 or 1860, but I never saw one. These stones were of great value, and I have a vague idea they were called ‘agang.’”

56 The author’s “wheat” is maize (see p. 7).

57 This is undoubtedly the bay upon which Manuel Cerveira Pereira, in 1617, founded the city of S. Filippe de Benguella. The bay at that time was known as Bahia da Torre, or de S. Antonio. By its discoverers it seems to have been named Golfo de S. Maria. The “torre” is, of course, the Ponta do Sombreiro or S. Philip’s bonnet. Pimentel (Arte de Navegar, 1762, p. 276) locates a Bahia da Torre fifty miles to the south of Benguella Bay, which therefore corresponds to the Elephant Bay of modern maps, with its “mesa,” or table-mountain rising to a height of a thousand feet.

58 Cacongo (recte Kikongo), according to Welwitsch, is the wood of Tarchonanthes camphoratus. It is hard, of a greyish olive colour, and has the perfume of camphor. Its powder is esteemed as a tonic (Ficalho, Plantas uteis, p. 206).

59 Carraca, a vessel, generally of considerable burthen, and such as could be profitably employed in the Brazilian and Indian trade.

60 Ndalabondo seems to be the name of a person. The people in the interior of Benguella are known as Bi’nbundo.

61 Neither Mr. Dennett nor Mr. Phillips knows a bead of that name. Mpinda (plur. Zimpinda) means ground nut.

62 For an account of Dombe, which lies to the south of St. Filip de Benguella, see Capello and Ivens, From Benguella to the Territory of Yacca, London, 1882, vol. i, p. 308; and Serpa Pinto, How I Crossed Africa, London, 1881, vol. i, p. 46. Copper ore abounds in the district, and a mine, four miles inland, was recently worked by the Portuguese (Monteiro, Angola, London, 1875, vol. ii, p. 198).

63 That is, bark-cloth made of the inner bark of the nsanda, Banyan or wild fig-tree, or Ficus Lutata (see Pechuel Loesche, Loango Exped., vol. iii, p. 172).

64 Purchas spells indifferently Gaga, Iagge, Giagas, etc. The correct spelling is Jaga or Jaka. For a sketch of the history of these military leaders, see Appendix.

65 The Morro, or bluff, of Old Benguella, in lat. 10° 48´ S., is a conspicuous headland, presenting a perpendicular cliff towards the sea, its summit being covered with cactus trees. Here Antonio Lopez Peixoto, a nephew of Paulo Dias, in 1587, had built a presidio, which was soon afterwards abandoned.

66 The river Cuvo (Kuvu) enters the sea in 10° 52´ S.

67 In a note to Bk. VII, c. iv, § 8 (Hartwell’s translation of Pigafetta), Battell is made to say that “the Iagges came from Sierre Liona. But they dispersed themselves as a general pestilence and common scourge through most parts of Ethiopia.” But see p. 83, where Battell denies the statements made by Lopez.

Walkenaer (Histoire des Voyages, vol. xiii), says that Dapper’s Sierra Leone cannot be the place usually known by that name. The only locality in that part of Africa named in honour of a lion, as far as I know, are the Pedras de Encoge, or more correctly del nkoshi (which means Lion).

68 Ndongo is the name of the kingdom of Ngola (Angola). Its old capital was at Pungu-a-Ndongo, a remarkable group of rocks, popularly known as Pedras Negras.

69 Ngongo (plural Jingongo), in Kimbundu, means twin, and hence Ngong’e, a double bell, such as is described by Monteiro (Angola, vol. i, p. 203); in Lunda it is called rubembe (Carvalho, Exp. Port., Ethnographia, p. 369). See also note, p. 80.

70 “Gingado,” elsewhere spelt “Iergado,” is evidently a misprint for Jangada, a Portuguese word meaning “raft.” Such a raft is called Mbimba, and is made of the wood of the bimba (Herminiera Elaphroxylon, Guill. et. Perr.), which is identical with the Ambaj of the Nile, and grows abundantly on the swampy banks of the rivers. Battell himself, at a critical point of his career, built himself such a jangada (Ficalho, Plantas uteis da Africa, 1884, p. 33).

71 Tavale. Mr. Dennet suggests that tavale corresponds to the libala of Loango, a word derived from the Portuguese taboa (table), for the instrument of this name consists of a board supported by two sticks of wood, and kept in its place by wooden pegs driven into the ground. The player beats this board with his two index fingers. A. R. Neves, Mem. da Epedição a Cassange, p. 110, calls tabalha a drum, which is beaten to make known the death of a Jaga Cassange.

72 Mbala or Embala merely means town or village. Lad. Magyar (Reisen in Süd-Afrika, p. 383) has a district Kibala, abounding in iron, the chief town of which is Kambuita on the river Longa. Walckenaer’s suggestion (Histoire des Voyages, vol. xiii, p. 30) that Bambala and Bembe are identical is quite unacceptable.

73 The baobab is indifferently called by Battell alicunde, licondo, elicondi, olicandi, or alicunde, all of which are corruptions of nkondo, by which name the tree is known in Congo. The Portuguese know this characteristic tree of the coast-land and the interior as imbondeiro (from mbondo in Kimbundu). Its inner bark yields a fibre known as licomte, is made into coarse cloth, and is also exported to Europe to be converted into paper. The wood is very light. The pulp of the fruit is refreshing, and was formerly esteemed as a remedy against fever and dysentery. The seeds are eaten. The shell (macua) is used to hold water (hence the popular name of Calabash tree). Ficalho distinguishes three species, viz., Adansonia digitata, Linn., the fruit of which is longish; A. subglobosa, bearing a bell-shaped fruit; A. lageniformis, yielding a fruit shaped like a cucumber (see Monteiro, Angola, vol. i, p. 78; Ficalho, Plantas uteis, p. 100).

74 The cedar of the Portuguese is Tamarix articulata, Vahl., and resembles a cypress (Ficalho, Plantas uteis da Africa, 1884, p. 94).

75 Kizangu, in Kimbundu, means fetish. Burton (Two Trips to Gorilla Land, vol. ii, p. 120), saw a like image, also called Quesango, in a village above Boma.

76 The so-called fetishes (from feitiço, a Portuguese word meaning sorcery) are not idols, but charms and amulets, generally known as nkissi, nkishi, or mukishi. There are nkissi peculiar to a district, village, or family; charms and amulets to shield the wearer or possessor against all the evils flesh is heir to, and others enabling the priest or nganga to discover crime or the cause of disease. The idea underlying the belief in the efficacy of these charms was very prevalent among our own ancestors, and the images, rosaries, crosses, relics, and other articles introduced by the Roman missionaries are looked upon by the natives as equivalent to their own nkissi. Even at the present day, images of S. Francis and of other saints may be seen in the collection of Royal Fetishes at S. Salvador, and a cross called santu (Santa Cruz) “is the common fetish which confers skill in hunting” (Bentley, Pioneering on the Congo, vol. i, pp. 35, 36, 39). The images, according to Bentley, seen among the natives are not idols but receptacles of “charms” or medicine. As to a belief in witchcraft (ndoki, witch; Kindoki, witchcraft), it is not even now quite extinct among Christian people, boasting of their civilisation, for a reputed wizard was drowned at Hedingham in Essex in 1863, and a witch burnt in Mexico as recently as 1873. Matthew Hopkins, the famous witch-finder, cannot claim a higher rank than an African nganga, although his procedure was not quite the same. Nor can I see any difference between a fetish and the miraculous “bambino” manufactured in the sixteenth century, and kept in the church of S. Maria Aracœli, which a priest takes to the bedside of sick or dying persons, who are asked to kiss it to be cured, and whose guardians are at all times ready to receive the offerings of the faithful (see Dickens, Pictures from Italy).

77 Marginal note by Purchas:—“Of these Giagas read also Pigafetta’s Book of Congo, translated into English by M. Hartwell, and my Pilgrimage, l. 7. But none could so well know them as this author, who lived so long with them.”

78 The river Longa [Lungu] enters the sea in lat. 10° 20´ S.

79 A soba Calungo is shown on the most recent maps as residing north of the river Longa.

80 Perhaps we ought to read Tunda, the bush, the East. Lad. Magyar (Reisen, p. 378) has a chief Tunda in the country of the Sellas, and Falkenstein (Loango Expedition, p. 73) heard of a district Tunda, inland from Novo Redondo.

81 The Gonsa or Gunza (Ngunza) of Battell is undoubtedly the Coanza. A river Ngunza enters the sea at Novo Redondo.

82 Shila, nasty; mbanza, towns.

83 According to Duarte Lopez (Pigafetta, p. 55), the feathers of peacocks and of ostriches are used as a standard in battle. Hence, peacocks are reared within a fence and reserved for the king.

84 Njilo (in Kimbundu), bird; mukishi, a charm.

85 See note, p. 51.

86 Cambambe (Ka, diminutive; mbambi, gazelle), a village on the north bank of the Coanza, below the falls formed by the river in forcing its way through the Serra de Prata. Silver, however, has never been found there (at least not in appreciable quantities), nor anywhere else in Angola or Congo. Still we are told (Paiva Manso, p. 50) that the King of Congo, in 1530, sent the wife of King Manuel two silver bracelets which he had received from one of his chiefs in Matamba, and that among the presents forwarded by Ngola Nbande, the King of Ndongo, to Paulo Dias in 1576, there were several silver bracelets, which the Regent of Portugal, Cardinal Henrique, had converted into a chalice, which he presented to the church at Belem (Catalogo dos Governadores de Angola). According to Capello and Ivens (Benguella, vol. ii, pp. 58, 233), silver ore is plentiful in Matamba, although they never saw any in loco.

87 Battell’s Casama is the wide province of Kisama (Quiçama), to the south of the Coanza.

88 This Casoch (a misprint for Cafoch) is the Cafuxe (Cafuche) of the Portuguese, who defeated Balthasar de Almeida on April 22, 1594. On August 10, 1603, the Portuguese, led by Manuel Cerveira Pereira, retrieved this disaster.

89 The name Calandola is by no means rare. A Calandula Muanji resided in 1884, eight miles to the north-east of Malanje (Carvalho, Viagens, vol. i, p. 443); another resided, formerly, near Ambaca (ib., p. 230); and a third on the Lucala, south of Duque de Bragança, was visited by Capello and Ivens (Benguella, vol. ii, p. 45). A Jaga Calandula accompanied Joāo Soares de Almeida on his disastrous expedition to Sonyo (Cat. dos Gov., p. 390). Either of these may have been a descendant of Battell’s Calandula.

90 Human victims are still sacrificed by the diviner when consulting departed spirits (see A. R. Neves, Memoria, p. 119).

91 Cavazzi (Historica Descrizione de tre Regni Congo, etc., Bologna, 1687, p. 207) gives a plan of a Jaga camp, or Kilombo. It is formed of a square stockade, having in its centre the quarters of the Commander-in-chief, within a triple hedge of thorns. Between the stockade, which has only a single gate, and the inner enclosure are the quarters of the six principal officers, including the Golambolo (ngolo, strength, mbula, a blow), or Lieutenant-General, the Tendala, or Commander of the Rear-guard, and the Mani Lumbo (lumbu, a stockade), or Engineer-in-chief.

92 Tavales (see note, p. 21).

93 Bahia das Vaccas, old name for Benguella Bay. There seems to be no native name for gold; yet Dr. Francisco José Maria de Lacerda, when with the abortive expedition of 1797, which was charged with the exploration of the Kunene, met a negress whose head-dress was composed of golden laminæ, said to have been washed in that river (Burton, Lacerda’s Journey to Cazembe, London, 1873, p. 23). Ladislaus Magyar (Reisen, p. 176), says that about 1833 a Brazilian miner washed gold in the mountains of Hambo. Quite recently, in 1900, the Mossamedes Company granted a lease of the Kasinga goldfields to an English company.

94 The Imbondos are clearly the Nbundu of Angola, who draw the palm wine from the top, whilst the Jagas cut down the tree.

95 Purchas adds, in a marginal note: “Fruges consumere nati.”

96 “Flesh” in the sense of encourage.

97 Calando should be Calandola (see note on p. 28).

98 Mbamba, a whelk or trumpet-shell (Cordeiro da Matta, Dicc. Kimbundu).

99 Mr. Dennet suggests msose, a turritella, popularly known as screw-shell.

100 No ostriches are met with in Angola, and as to beads made of ostrich eggs, I can give no explanation.

101 Monteiro was told that the Sobas and their wives among the Musele only use human fat to anoint their bodies (vol. ii, p. 157).

102 The practice of wearing such nose ornaments exists to the present day in Lunda, among the Bangala and other tribes (Capello and Ivens, Benguela, vol. i, p. 265; Carvalho, Expedição Portugueza ao Muatianvua, Lingua de Lunda, p. 367; Ethnographia, p. 349).

103 Marginal note by Purchas: “They use this ceremony in Florida.”

104 Civet-cats are numerous in this part of Africa.

105 I am inclined to believe, from what we learn from Cavazzi and other missionaries, that only those children were killed which were born within the Kilombo. On the other hand, at the Court of the ferocious queen Jinga, we are told by Captain Füller, a Dutchman, that, on two days in 1648, 113 new-born infants born outside the camp were killed (Dapper, Africa, p. 545).

106 Ngunza, according to Cordeira da Matta, means all-powerful; according to Bentley a herald, who speaks on behalf of a chief.

107 See note, p. 19.

108 Human sacrifices among the Jaga are even now of frequent occurrence. They are made at the installation of a Jaga, one year after his election (when the sacrifice and its accompanying banquet are intended to conciliate the spirit of Kinguri, the founder of the Dynasty), at his death, on the outbreak of war, etc. The ceremony witnessed by Battell was an act of divination. The soothsayer summons the spirit of Kinguri, who is supposed to foretell the results of any enterprise about to be undertaken. In 1567, the Jaga Ngonga Kahanga, of Shela, having been advised by his soothsayers that he would suffer defeat in a war he was about to enter upon against the Portuguese, declined the arbitration of the sword, and submitted voluntarily. The body of the victim is cooked with the flesh of a cow, a goat, a yellow dog, a cock and a pigeon, and this mess is devoured (ceremoniously) by the Jaga and his makotas (councillors).

109 The handle of this switch contains a potent medicine, which protects the owner against death.

110 Casengula, called Kissengula, p. 86, was perhaps a trombash, for sangula means to kill at a long range (Bentley).

111 The Jagas are still buried sitting, and wives are sacrificed (Capello and Ivens, From Benguella to the Territory of the Iacca, vol. i, p. 330). In Ngois, likewise, the dead are occasionally buried in a sitting posture (Bastian, vol. i, p. 82). For a full account of a funeral, see Dennett’s Folklore, p. 11.

112 These feasts are intended to secure the goodwill of the deceased, so that he may not injure the living. Human beings are occasionally sacrificed, in addition to goats and fowls.

113 João Rodrigues Coutinho received his appointment as Governor at Madrid, on January 30, 1601 (see Appendix).

114 Ndemba, in Quissama, a territory famous for its salt mines, the chief of which was the Caculo Caquimone Casonga (Cadornega, 1702). In 1783, when P. M. Pinheiro de Lacerda invaded Quissama, a Caculo Caquimone still held the mines of Ndemba. Kakulu, the elder of twins, a title.

115 Outaba seems to be a misprint for libata (village). Tombo is on the north bank of the Coanza, almost due south of Loanda.

116 Songa, on the Coanza, below Muchima, a village in the territory of the Caculo Caquimone Casonga.

117 Machimba I believe to be Muchima or Muxima, whilst (according to Cadornega) a chief Cavao occupied a district above Lake Quizua and below Massangano.

118 According to the Catalogo dos Governadores, p. 356, the Governor died in Quissama. He was succeeded by his captain-major, Manuel Cerveira Pereira, and it was he who, on August 10, 1603, defeated Cafuxe, in the bloody battle to which reference is made in the text. Battell’s Angoykayongo is undoubtedly identical with the Agoacaiongo of an anonymous account of the Establimentos e Resgates Portuguezes (1607), published by L. Cordeira. He was a Christian chief; and a captain-major, with a detachment of cavalry, was stationed at his village to keep Quissama in order.

119 See note, p. 27.

120 Queen Elizabeth died April 3, 1603; but peace with Spain was only concluded on August 19, 1604.

121 João de Araujo e Azevedo was the officer left in command at Cambambe.

122 That is S. Salvador.

123 Ngongo, according to Cavazzi (p. 521), is a place on the road from Sundi to Batta, where Girolamo da Montesarchio destroyed the heathen images. This place possibly corresponds to the modern Gongo, a station on the Stanley Pool Railway. Cadornega has a Gongo de Bata, which figures on Dapper’s map as Congo de Bata, and lies to the west of the Mbanza of Bata. It is impossible to tell which of these places was visited by Battell; possibly he passed through both.

124 The Mbanza or chief town of Mbata, or Batta, still exists in 8° S., long. 15° E. Bentley (Pioneering, vol. ii, p. 404) passed through it, and discovered a huge wooden cross, a relic of the ancient missionaries.

125 D. Manuel Cerveira Pereira had assumed government at the beginning of 1603, and three years would conveniently carry us to 1606. The “new” Governor, D. Manuel Pereira Forjaz, was, however, only nominated on August 2, 1607.

126 See note, p. 11.

127 Nkoko, a large grey antelope.

128 Impalanca, Palanga, or Mpalanga, an antelope (Hippotragus equinus).

129 This is an electric silurus called nsõmbo, plur. sinsombo, by the natives. Fishermen dread its electrical discharges, but value its flesh (Pechuel-Loesche, Die Loango Expedition, vol. iii, p. 282). This fish, Mr. Dennett tells me, is the “xina” (taboo) of women, generally speaking, which may account for the word becoming a generic name for fish, as in Unyamwezi, Ugogo, and other countries, if vocabularies can be trusted.

130 See note, p. 21.

131 This is Red Point, or Ponta Vermelha, where there is a grove of palms.

132 Kabinda, 5° 31´ S., on a fine bay.

133 The river Kakongo, or Chiloango, enters the sea in lat. 5° 9´ S. to the north of Landana. It is a very considerable river, and its waters discolour the sea for seven miles.

134 Mbale, according to Bentley, is the coast region between the Congo and Ambrisette; but on Pigafetta’s map (1591) a town, Monbales, is shown to the south-east of the chief place of Sonho (Sonyo).

135 Pinda, or Mpinda, in Sonyo, is below the Mbanza of Sonyo, which on modern maps figures as St. Antonio.

136 The Luiza Loango, or Massábi, river enters the sea in lat. 5° 1´ S. Its depth across the bar is only 2 ft., but once within, it presents a fair waterway for over a hundred miles. Kaia is about ten miles up it.

137 The Golfo das Almadias, or Canoe Bay, as described by Battell, corresponds to Black Point Bay, 4° 48´ S., the inner bay of which, less than half a mile across, had become all but silted up by 1884.

138 No logwood is found in Loango, and Purchas points out in a note (post, p. 82), that Battell’s dyewood must be Red Sanders (Pterocarpus tinctorius), the tacula of Angola, and identical with the tavila of D. Lopez (Ficalho, Plantas uteis, p. 207). Pechuel-Loesche (Loango Exp., vol. iii, p. 190), on the other hand, states that the dye known as tacula is camwood (Baphia nitida, Afz.), and Bentley (Dict. of the Kongo Language), who calls the dye nkula, is of the same opinion. Another red dye is obtained from the Njilla sonde (Pterocarpus erinaceus, Poir.).

139 Nlunga (Bentley) or malungu (Cordeira da Matta) is the native word for bracelet.

140 The Maloango (ma, a contraction of mani or mwanu, son; mfumu, chief) or king is selected by the Mamboma (see p. 59) and the princes, and must be a nephew (sister’s son) of his predecessor. On his election he takes the title of Nganga nvumbu (Nganga, priest; nvumbu, benevolent spirit, breath), but only proceeds to that of Maloango when rich enough to summon the whole country to a great feast, when declaration is made for the first time officially of the death of the former Maloango, and he is buried. As these festivities are very expensive, they are often deferred for years, and many a Nganga nvumbu has died without even troubling about the higher title. The successors of the Maloango Njimbi of Loango, of Battell’s time, according to Mr. Dennett, have been: 1. Maloango Tati of Kondi; 2. Mani Puati of Chibanga; 3. Mani Yambi; 4. Man’anombo; 5. Mani Makosso Matukila of Kondi; 6. Mani Makosso Manombo; 7. Mani Makosso Masonga; 8. Mani Puati. Nos. 3 to 8 never assumed the title of Maloango. Mani Puati very much disgusted the people with his cruelty (he had killed his own daughter because she refused to cohabit with him); and when the French, in 1898, called upon the Mamboma and the princes to produce a Maloango, they ignored the existence of Puati, and elected his nephew, Mani Luemba. This list, however, is evidently imperfect.

141 Mr. Dennett, whose long residence at Loango and thorough knowledge of the languages entitle him to speak with authority, finds this passage unintelligible, but ventures to suggest the following:—

Baliani (my companion) ampembe (white) mpolo (face), muenyeye (Boio, the underground nkishni), ke zinga (not live long)!

Freely translated, it would mean “My companion, the white face, has risen from underground, and will not live long.” This is a curious greeting, but it fairly represents native ideas: for the white man, as long as he keeps to his ship (supposed to rise from the bottom of the ocean), is believed to live long; whilst, once he comes to stay ashore, he is condemned to an early death.

142 In a marginal note, Purchas says that the King’s wives are called Macomes. Such a title is known neither to Mr. Dennett nor to Mr. Phillips. Macome is probably a misprint for Maconda, the title borne, according to Dapper, p. 522, by the king’s “mother.” Nkondi, according to Bentley, is a title of nobility.

143 Mr. Dennett informs me that, still at the present day, when the King (Maloango) or rather Nganga nvumbu, drinks in state, he covers his head with a cloth, so that the public may not see him drink. On ordinary occasions, however, this custom is no longer observed.

144 The heads of all families eat alone; that is, they eat first, and their wives and children afterwards. Maloango still observes the same custom, with his ma sa vi, or house-steward, as the sole attendant (Dennett).

145 Bensa may be a corruption of the Portuguese banca, a table. Mr. Dennett does not know the word.

146 Not Sambe and Pongo, but Nzambi-ampungu! Nzambi is the name by which God is known; Nzambi-ampungu means the Most High (Supreme) God (Bentley, Life on the Congo, 1887, p. 62).

147 The rains begin in October and last till April, being heaviest from November to March. They are very irregular. Thus, in February 1874, 2.2 ins. fell at Chinchosho; in the same month, 1875,12.0 ins.; but in 1876 only 0.2 ins.

148 Ensaka, according to D. Lopez (Pigafetta), a stuff resembling velvet.

149 The Ndamba is no drum, as understood by Purchas, but a musical instrument made out of a piece of palm stem, about 4 or 5 ft. long. This is split down one side, the soft centre is then scooped out, and the edges of the split cut into notches. By rubbing these notches energetically with a stick, a loud rasping noise is produced (Monteiro, Angola, vol. ii, p. 139: Cordeiro da Matta, Diccionario, p. 118).

150 An ivory trumpet (see note, p. 15).

151 Battell seems to be mistaken. Mr. Dennett informs me that Maloango as Ngangu nvumbu (see note 44) collects the offerings of his people, and sends them with a petition for rain to the great rain-doctor, Nganga m Bunzi, in Ngoyo. He has never heard that Maloango had usurped the functions of the great rain-doctor by shooting an arrow to the sky. Abbé Proyart (Hist. de Loango, c. 13), says that the Maloango being desirous of not committing himself, orders one of his ministers to make rain.

152 Mr. Dennett tells me that Ndundu when born are thrown into the bush. During his long residence in Africa he has only seen one, and that was at Kinsembo, eighteen years ago. Proyart (Histoire de Loango, Paris, 1819, p. 150) says that these albinos are held higher than the Gangas, are looked upon almost as “divine,” and that their hair is valued as giving protection against accidents. See also p. 81.

153 Mukishi à Loango, the fetish or “charm” of Loango. Checocke is identical with Dapper’s Kikoko (Africa, Amsterdam, 1671, p. 535). Dapper’s account is not derived from Battell.

154 According to Mr. Bentley, hysteria is very common in this country. For the account of the ravings of a witch-doctor, see Pioneering, vol. i, p. 271.

155 Mr. Dennett informs me that the underground speaking fetish in Loango is at the present time called Boio, and is found at Chilunga. He suggests that Ngumbiri may be a river spirit, or Nkishi from the country north of Mayumba. Dr. Bastian paid a visit to the holy place of the underground oracle of Ngoio near Moanda, known as Mbunzi, which only speaks on the accession of a king, whom he instructs as to his royal duties (Die Deutsche Expedition, vol. i, p. 85, 223).

156 The mami (mwana, or princes) mentioned by Battell are those of Chibanga, Selanganga (of the family of the Petra Praia of Kenga), Mbuku, and Kaya, in Chikamba. (R. E. Dennett, on the law of succession, see note on p. 44.)

157 Mani Lombe is a man’s name: at least, at the present time, and is never given to a woman. It means “One who is peaceful and quiet.” No special name or title is borne by the mother of the successors of Maloango (R. E. Dennett); but as Lumbu means stockade, palace, or chiefs house, Battell may have mistaken a word applied to this woman’s residence for that of her title. Lombo means a person supposed to be an incarnation of a shimbi, or water-fairy.

158 Palm-cloth (see note, p. 9).

159 Dr. Bastian visited the Royal graves at Loangiri, or Loangele, and found each grave marked by a tusk. The visitors pulled out grass around the tomb and poured libations of rum upon the bare ground (Die Deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Küste, Berlin, 1874, vol. i, p. 69).

160 This may be quite true of earlier times, when Europeans were looked upon as great wizards, who rose out of the sea and were returned to that element when they died. At present, however, a burial-place is set apart for them, and is looked after by the Petra Praia (Salanganga), an office created since the arrival of the Portuguese for the purpose of looking after the affairs of the white men (R. E. Dennett).

161 There is some confusion here. Angeca is evidently the Anziki or Anzique of D. Lopez and others, now represented by the Banteke, on Stanley Pool. The word may be derived from anseke, far or distant. The proper name of the tribe is Atio (A. Sims, Kiteke Vocabulary, 1886). Mococke (Makoko) is a title. Bongo is evidently the country of the Obongo of Du Chaillu, the Babongo of Lenz, Bastian, and Falkenstein: a race of dwarfs between the coast and the Banteke, varying in stature between 51 and 56 ins. Compare note, p. 59.

162 Identical with Chinkanga, on the river Juma, where the French have a post, Wemba.

163 The river Kuilu, 4° 28´ S.

164 As duas moutas (the two corpses) of Juan de la Cosa’s map (1500), near the mouth of the Kuilu.

165 Fifteen miles carry us to the Longebonda of the Admiralty Chart, 4° 20´ S.. which has very little water in it at the most favourable time of the year (Africa Pilot, vol. ii, 1893, p. 136), but the river meant is evidently the Numbi, which enters Chilunga (Kilonga) Bay in 4° 13´ S., a mere stream (Deutsche Loango Expedition).

166 Yumba is the name of the country. Mayumba (Mani Yumba) means chief of Yumba. The Bay of Mayumba, 3° 19´ S., lies about 10 miles to the south of Cape Mayumba, which is undoubtedly the Cabo Negro of Battell.

167 Dyewoods are still an article of export, but not logwood (see note, p. 43.)

168 The Banya, a lagoon extending to the south-east, parallel with the coast.

169 The Mpungu is the gorilla. For Engeco (printed Encego in the earlier editions) we ought to read Nsiku, the native name for the chimpanzi, a larger variety of which is known as Chimpenso (Pechuel-Loesche, Loango Expedition, vol. iii, p. 248). P. Du Chaillu, the first European to kill a gorilla in his native haunts (Adventures in Equatorial Africa), declares Battell’s stories to be mere traveller’s tales, “untrue of any of the great apes of Africa.” Sir R. F. Burton (Two Trips to Gorilla Land, vol. i, p. 240) suggests that as Battell had not seen a gorilla, he may have confounded gorillas with bushmen.

170 Misprint for Mayumbas?

171 Dr. Pechuel-Loesche (D. Loango Exp., vol. iii, p. 302) says that native dogs do not bark, but that they often acquire the habit when living among European dogs. Most of them are mongrels, but there are some superior breeds trained for hunting. These dogs carry a wooden bell (ndibu) round the neck, the clatter of which scares the game. When the scent grows warm, the dogs begin to whine, and when the game is in sight they give tongue. After each beat the dogs sit down apart from the hunters, raise their heads, and howl for several minutes. Mr. Dennett, in a letter to me, confirms the barking (kukula, to bark) of the native dogs.

172 See p. 82 for further information on this fetish.

173 Neither Mr. Dennett, nor one of the officials in the French Colonial Office, thoroughly acquainted with the language, has been able to make sense out of this sentence. The latter suggests Ku Kwiza bukie lika, “I come for the truth!” For another version of this appeal, see p. 83. The sentence is evidently very corrupt.

174 Circumcision is common in some districts, but no magical or mystic influence is ascribed to it (Bentley).

175 For an account of the initiation into the guild called Ndembo, see Bentley’s Dictionary, p. 506.

176 The custom of prohibiting certain food to be eaten, etc., is very common. Mpangu is the name for this taboo in the case of new-born infants; Konko, a taboo imposed in connection with an illness. The thing tabooed is called nlongo (Bentley).

177 This refers no doubt to Sette, the river of which enters the sea in 2° 23´ S. The capital of the same name being fifty miles up it. Barwood is still exported, but no logwood.

178 His modern representative seems to be the Mani Kasoche on the Upper Ngonga, who was visited by Güssfeldt.

179 Not to be taken literally, for Cão certainly touched at this bay.

180 The usual designation for “Dwarf” is mbaka or kimbakabaka (the diminutive of mbaka), but Batumba (with which Battell’s matimba seems to be identical) is likewise applied to a dwarf person or thing (Bentley). In Angola, Matumbu means a far-off, unknown country (Cordeiro da Matta). Compare note, p. 52.

181 “Marombos” seems to be a misprint for Mayumbas (see note, p. 55).

182 The Mamboma is a sort of home secretary. He buries the Maloango, and summons the princes for the election of a successor. Mboma is the black python; boma means fear. Hence the title has been translated “Lord of Terror.”

183 Mbundu, the powdered root of a species of strychnos, is administered to confessed witches accused of having caused the death of a person. If the accused be guilty, this poison causes him to lose all control over the sphincter urethræ; he discharges red urine profusely, runs a few paces, falls down and dies. An innocent person only discharges a few drops on a banana leaf (Pechuel-Loesche, Loango Exp., vol. iii, p. 188). Nkasa, prepared from the bark of Erythrophlaeum guineense, paralyses the action of the heart, but if thrown up at once, it will not kill (Dr. M. Boehr, Correspon. der Deutschen Afrik. Ges., vol. i, p. 332). It is administered to persons who deny being witches. (For a full account of such a trial, see Dennett, Seven Years Among the Fjort, p. 165.) In the case of minor offences, the ordeal of the hot matchet—bikalo, bisengo, or bau—is resorted to. The knife is passed thrice over the skin of the leg, and if it burns the accused is declared guilty (see also Dennett, Notes on the Folk-Lore of the Fjort, p. 162). The Nganga is, of course, open to a bribe, and in the case of a chief the poison may be administered to a substitute—a dog or a slave—and the penalty commuted to a fine. See also Bentley’s Pioneering on the Congo, London, 1900.

184 The poison administered in this case was nkasa, and not mbundu (see p. 80).

185 Ndoki, a witch; undoki, that which pertains to witchcraft (Bentley).

186 That is, Purchas his Pilgrimage, or Relations of the World, bk. vii, ch. 10, dealing with Loango.

187 Worthy Purchas grows quite incoherent in his indignation, but the reader will nevertheless be able to gather his meaning, and will appreciate his distinction between a Jewish priest and a heathen Nganga, both administering the same rite. He thus shares the opinion of the Roman Catholic missionaries who recognised the efficacy of native charms, but ascribed it to the Devil, whilst claiming greater potency for their crosses, relics, etc., deriving their potency from Heaven.

188 The poison ordeal, which required a woman suspected of infidelity to her husband to drink “bitter water” administered by the Jewish priest, is here referred to. This ordinance, of course, was not applicable in case of a similar offence charged against a husband (Numbers v, 12-31).

189 Valdez (Six Years in Angola, vol. ii, p. 130) calls this ordeal quirigué tubia (Kiriké tubia), and says that the hot hatchet may be applied to any part of the person. The meaning of kiri is truth; of tubia, fire. Purchas is evidently mistaken when he calls this procedure Motamba, for tambi or mutambi is a kind of funeral feast or wake. The body having been buried, and potsherds, pipes, and other articles placed on the grave, the mourners devour a roast pig, the skull of which is afterwards thrown into a neighbouring river.

190 Illness and death are frequently ascribed to witchcraft. If a disease does not yield to medical treatment by a Nganga a moko, the nganga a ngombo, or witch-doctor, is called in with his fetish. He may ascribe the death to natural causes, or to a charm worked by a person recently deceased and beyond his reach; or he may denounce one or more persons as witches. The persons thus denounced are compelled to submit to the poison ordeal (see, among others, Dennett’s Seven Years among the Fjort, and his Folk-Lore).

191 Garcia Mendes de Castellobranco, p. 33, says, in 1621, that hens abounded and also goats and sheep, but that cows were rare.

192 Zebras are still found in Benguella, but not any longer in Angola or Congo. Duarte Lopez, p. 49, speaks of a “pet zebra” (in Bamba?) which was killed by a “tiger.” Further on he says that zebras were common, but had not been broken in for riding. M. Garcia Mendez likewise mentions the “zebra.” The native name is ngolo (Kangolo). “Zebra” is a corruption of its Abyssinian appellation.

193 Tandale, in Kimbundu, means councillor or minister of a soba or kinglet; tumba’ndala was an old title of the Kings of Angola, and may be translated Emperor (Cordeiro da Matta, Diccionario).

194 All this is borne out by Portuguese documents. From the very beginning, Dias de Novaes handed over the Sovas to the mercy of his fellow-adventurers and the Jesuits. The system was still in force in 1620 when Garcia Mendez de Castellobranco proposed to King Philip a “regimen de aforamento” of the native chiefs, which would have yielded a revenue of fifteen million Reis, and would, at the same time, afforded some slight protection to the natives. Those who would have profited most largely by these “reforms” would have been the Jesuits.

195 According to Dr. Pechuel-Loesche (Die Loango Expedition, vol. iii, p. 279), this seems to be the cowfish of the whalers, or Tursions gillii, Dale. The natives call it ngulu-mputu (ngulu, hog-fish;-mputu, Portugal). He says that the natives will not suffer this fish to be injured, as it drives other fish ashore and into their nets; and that if one of these fish were to be wounded or killed they would stop away for ever so long. The Rev. W. M. Holman Bentley, in his Dictionary of the Kongo Language, says that the ngola of the natives is a bagre, or catfish. A gigantic bagre, 8 ft. in length, is found in the Upper Coanza (Monteiro, Angola, vol. ii, p. 134). Mr. Dennett suggests the Chialambu, a kind of bream, which is said to chase other fish; Mboa, Mbwa, or Imboa certainly means dog, and is not the name of a fish.

196 Massa-ngo, the Penisetum typhoideum, introduced from abroad. It is the milho, or millet, of the Portuguese (see Capello and Ivens, Benguella, vol. i, p. 103; vol. ii, p. 257).

197 Massa-mballa is sorghum (Ficalho). A white variety is known as Congo-mazzo.

198 This is luku, or Eleusine coracana, introduced from Asia. It is extensively grown in Abyssinia and among the Niamniam (Schweinfurth, The Heart of Africa, vol. i, p. 248; Ficalho, Plantas uteis, p. 41).

199 Massa-mamputo, or Grão de Portugal, is Zea mayz, introduced from America (Ficalho). See note, p. 7.

200 This is the ground-nut (Arachis hypogaea), or underground kidney bean. Its native name is nguba or mpinda. According to Ficalho, p. 142, it was introduced from America, while Voandzeia subterranea, called vielo in Angola, is certainly indigenous. The seeds of the latter are smaller and less oleaginous than those of Arachis, and hence its commercial value is less.

201 Wandu (of Congo) is the mbarazi of the Swahili, the Cajanus indicus of botanists. It is grown all over Africa, and Welwitsch considers it indigenous. In Angola a variety is known as nsonje (Ficalho, p. 143; Burton, Two Trips to Gorilla Island, vol. ii, p. 119).

202 In a marginal note to his reprint of Pigafetta’s book (p. 1005), Purchas quotes Battell as confirming Lopez when he states, with regard to the Cola (c. acuminata, R. Br.), that “the liver of a hen, or of any other like bird, which putrified and stinketh, being sprinkled over with the juice of this fruit (the Cola), returneth into its former estate, and becometh fresh and sound again.”

203 See note, p. 24. Monteiro (vol. ii, 165) confirms that hives are securely placed in the branches of a tree, the Baobab being chosen in preference.

204 A misprint from Inganda, i.e., Nsanda, banyan.

205 The three kinds of palm are, the wine-palm (Raphia); the oil-palm (Elaeis); and the date-palm (Phœnix).

206 Lubámbu (in Kimbundu); luvambu (in Congoese) means a chain. Dr. Lacerda says that a Libambo was made of sufficient length to hold twelve slaves (The Lands of Cazembe, ed. by Burton, London; 1873, p. 18).

207 For his Relations, see Purchas, lib. VI. ch. viii.

208 Domingos d’Abreu de Brito, in a memoir addressed in 1592 to King Philip, states that 52,000 slaves were exported from Angola to Brazil and the Spanish Indies between 1575 and 1591, and 20,131 during the last four years of this period (Paiva Manso, Hist. do Congo, p. 140). Cadornega, quoted by the same author, estimates the number of slaves annually exported between 1580 and 1680 at eight or ten thousand (ib., p. 287).

209 Recte, Engenho, a mill, and in Brazil more especially a sugar mill.

210 Turner says, in his Relations, p. 1243, that John de Paiis (sic) owned ten thousand slaves and eighteen sugar mills.

211 Manuel Cerveira Pereira was Governor 1603-7 (see p. 37).

212 Carvalho (Ethnographia, pp. 248, 258) describes trophies of these as also trophies of war, built up of the skulls of enemies killed in battle. Bastian (Loango Expedition, vol. i, p. 54) saw a fossil tusk, which was looked upon as a fetish, around which were piled up the horns of oxen, and the teeth and skulls of hippopotami.

213 Libations are a common practice. Dr. Bastian (Loango Expedition, vol. i. p. 70) observed libations of rum being poured on the royal graves at Loangiri; Capello and Ivens (Benguella, vol. i, p. 26) say that the Bandombe, before they drink spirits, pour a portion on the ground, as a libation to Nzambi; whilst in Congo (according to Bentley), the blood of a beast killed in the chase is poured on the grave of a good hunter, to ensure success in the future. Instances of this practice could easily be multiplied. Compare note, p. 51.

214 Wá, an interjection, O! Kizangu is a fetish image (see note, p. 24). Kuleketa, to prove, to try (Cordeiro da Matta’s Diccionario).

215 On this ordeal, as practised in Angola, see note, p. 61.

216 Nganga a mukishi.

217 See note, p. 34.

218 See note, p. 55.

219 Battell is named in the margin as authority for this paragraph, but it is not likely that he would have mentioned a lake Aquelunda, which we now know does not exist. It rather seems that Purchas got this bit of information out of Pigafetta. The Quizama here referred must not be confounded with the country of the same name, to the south of the Coanza. It was the district of the Quiluangi quia Sama (or quia Samba, according to Lopez de Lima, p. 60), the ancestor of a chief of the same name now living near the Portuguese fort of Duque de Bragança. The “commonwealth” is an evident reference to the country of the Dembos (ndembu, plural jindembu, ruler, chief), who recognise no superior chief or king.

220 It need scarcely be stated that the horse was first introduced into Angola by the Portuguese. The tails seen by the early Portuguese, and sometimes described as horse-tails, were in truth the tails of the Zebra.

221 See another version of the same story, p. 69.

222 The nsanda is the banyan, or wild fig-tree (ficus umbelata, Vahl).

223 Battell has been misunderstood by Purchas, for the manga tree is the Mangrove (Rhyzophora mangle) called Mangue in Kimbundu, which rejoices in adventitious roots, as also does the nsanda.

224 See p. 24, for note on the Nkondo or Baobab.

225 For an account of this mode of climbing a tree, see Pechuel-Lösche, Loango Expedition, vol. iii, p. 179.

226 On honey, see note, p. 68.

227 Nsanda, the banyan-tree.

228 Schuit, a boat, in Dutch.

229 This sentence is introduced on the authority of Duarte Lopez (Pigafetta, p. 22). The other tree referred to by Battell is the mfuma, or cotton-tree (see Tuckey, Narrative, p. 225). Dr. Falkenstein, however, affirms that the soft wood of the baobab is that usually employed for making canoes (“dug-outs”).

230 Battell, I have no doubt, never employed the word “Bramas” (Bramanes in Portuguese, Brahmans). D. Lopez (Pigafetta) must be held responsible for the statement that the inhabitants of Loango were originally known as Bramas. Surely this cannot be (as supposed by Degrandpré) because of the red and yellow stripes with which the women in Loango paint their foreheads in honour of a certain fetish, and the similarity of these with the marks of the votaries of Siva in India.

231 Dr. Bastian (Loango Expedition, vol. i, pp. 158, 202, 232) mentions offerings of this kind. Thus the skull of an animal killed in the chase is placed before the fetish.

232 Mbongo, cloth (Bentley’s Dictionary).

233 See note, p. 35.

234 Restrictions upon the use of certain articles of food are imposed by the doctor (nganga), even before the child is born (mpangu), and upon the sick (konko). The things forbidden to be eaten are called nlongo, and it is believed that a disregard of this taboo entails most disastrous consequences (Bentley, Dictionary, pp. 353, 389). In Loango things forbidden are called Shin, or thina (Dennett, Folk-Lore, p. 138).

235 Any place guarded by a “charm,” such as a shell, a bit of cloth, or the like, is respected by the natives as being protected by the nkishi (Dennett, Folk-Lore, pp. 6, 18).

236 See note, p. 48.

237 This bell is called Shi-Ngongo, and the Maloango alone is allowed to order it to be struck. Thus, when a messenger is sent round the town, striking this Shi-Ngongo, the people know that it is the voice of Maloango which speaketh. It is thus quite likely that a thief, under these circumstances, should be frightened into restoring stolen property. (From a letter by Mr. Dennett.) See also note, p. 20.

238 See p. 59.

239 Ndoke, or ndoki, witchcraft, sorcerer.

240 A misprint for Libata, village.

241 See p. 48.

242 Munsa, should be inzo or nzo, a house (see also note, p. 49).

243 Nkishi ngolo, a strong nkishi.

244 Marginal note by Purchas: “This seemeth to be Red Sanders. A. Battell saith it is logwood.” Purchas is right! Tacula is Red Sanders (Pterocarpus tinctorius).

245 Nkwa, the possessor of a thing or quality; akwa, possessed of.

246 Compare p. 56, where we are told that a fetish called Maramba (Morumba), stood in the town of the Mani Yumba.

247 Evidently a misprint for Mayumba.

248 Another version of this address will be found on p. 56.

249 Marginal note with reference to the existence of amazons (Pigafetta, p. 124): “Andr. Battell, which travelled near to these parts [where Amazons are supposed to exist] denieth this report of Lopez as untrue.” The Amazons of Lopez lived in Monomotapa, on the Zambezi.

250 We may presume that Purchas told his friend what was reported by Lopez (Pigafetta, vol. ii, chs. 5, 9) and others about the origin of the Jagas. Battell, upon this, not only rejects the conjecture of Lopez, but also disclaims having any knowledge of their origin himself. Elsewhere, however, Purchas makes his author responsible for the assertion that they came from Sierra Leone (see note, p. 19).

251 The Bangála (akibangála, in Kimbundu Jimbangála, sing. kibangála) are the people of the Jaga of Kasanj. The term merely means “people,” and they have absolutely nothing to do with the Bangala on the middle Kongo, still less with the Galla (see Carvalho, Exp. Port. do Muatianvua, Ethnographia, p. 85).

252 The words within asterisks are obviously a parenthesis of worthy Purchas. He speaks (p. 854) of the Gallæ [our Galla] as a “nationless nation,” either the same as or like in condition to the Giacchi or Iaggés [Jaga], and (p. 857) of the Imbij as “a barbarous nation” near Mombaza. There exists not the slightest justification for identifying the Jagas of Angola with the Sumbas of Sierra Leone, the Mazimbas of the Zambezi, or the Galla. The whole of this question is dealt with in the Appendix.

253 On infanticide, see note, p. 32.

254 In a marginal note Purchas adds: “Azimogli are the children of Christians taken from the parents by the Turke, the spawne of their Ianizaries” It should be Ajem oglan (“inexperienced boys”), the children of Christians who were handed over to Turks to be brought up as Moslims, and trained as recruits for the Yanizaries (Yeni-cheri, new troops) organised by Sultan Urkhan in 1328. This unruly force ceased to exist in 1826.

255 Elembe means pelican.

256 See notes, pp. 19, 28.

257 See note, p. 26.

258 Njilo mukisho, see p. 27.

259 Mpungi, an ivory trumpet.

260 See note, p. 34.

261 See note, p. 33.

262 Kuzambula, a soothsayer, diviner. Neves, p. 19, mentions a Mocoa-co-Zambulla as officiating among the Jagas of Cassanje.

263 See pp. 1 and 6.

264 Masanganu is the famous fort on the Kwanza built by Paulo Dias de Novaes in 1583. Anyeca, elsewhere called Ancica, Angica, Angila and Anguca, is clearly meant for Anzica, that is the country of the Nteke above Stanley Pool.

265 That is, St. Paul de Loanda, the chief town of Angola.

266 João Furtado de Mendonça was Governor of Angola (not Kongo), 1594-1601.

267 I know of no town (or even church) in the whole of Angola dedicated to St. Francis.

268 There is no such city in Angola. It seems to me that Knivet found the name in Linschoten, a translation of whose work appeared in 1698. Linschoten says here of the island of Luandu, which lies in front of the Portuguese town of S. Paul de Loanda, that “there were seven or eight villages upon it, at one of which called ‘Holy Ghost’, resides the Governor of Kongo, who takes care of the right of fishing up shells.” This “Governor” was an officer of the King of Kongo. The island, with its valuable cowrie fishery, was ceded to Portugal in 1649.

269 Ngulu, a hog.

270 Sanji, a hen.

271 I’mboa, or mbwa, dog.

272 Earlier in his narrative he mentions having seen, at the Straits of Magellan, “a kind of beast bigger than horses; they have great eyes about a span long, and their tails are like the tail of a cow; these are very good: the Indians of Brazil call them tapetywason: of these beasts I saw in Ethiopia, in the Kingdom of Manicongo. The Portugals call them gombe” (marginal note by Purchas). The gombe (ngombe) of the Portugals is undoubtedly a cow, whilst the tapetywason, called “taparussu” in a Noticia de Brazil of 1589, and tapyra, in the language of the Tupi Indians, is applied to any large beast, and even to the oxen imported by the Portuguese, which they call tapyra sobay go ara, that is, “foreign beasts,” to distinguish them from their own tapyra caapora or “forest beast.”

273 This account of a “trial by battle” does much credit to the author’s ingenuity. No such custom is referred to by any other visitor to the Kongo. The meaning of “Mahobeque” we cannot discover, but mbenge-mbenge means “principally.”

274 Nkadi, one who is, and mpungu, the highest. The usual word to express the idea of God is nzambi, or nzambi ampungu, God the most high! Nkadi ampemba, according to Bentley, means Satan. The word used in Angola is, Karia-pemba.

275 Ri-konjo, banana.

276 Mutombo is the flour from which cassava-bread is made.

277 The name for bread, both in Kimbundu and Kishikongo, is mbolo (derived from the Portuguese word for cake or bolo). Anou or auen may stand for mwan, a cassava-pudding; tala means look! kuna, here! The Rev. Thomas Lewis would say, in the Kongo language of Salvador: Umpana mbolo tambula nzimbu; literally, “Give me bread, take or receive money.”

278 The cowrie-shells fished up at Luanda Island (the old “treasury” of the Kings of Kongo) are called njimbu in Angola, but nsungu in Kongo. Njimbu in Kongo means beads, or money generally, and hence the author’s “gullgimbo” evidently stands for ngulu anjimbu, red beads.

279 Npuku, a field mouse.

280 Crimbo (kirimbo) seems to be a corruption of the Portuguese carimbo, a stamp.

281 The Rev. Thomas Lewis suggests: Mundele ke sumbanga ko, kadi wan bele-bele; that is, “The white men do not buy, but they have gone away in a hurry.”

282 Nlele, the general name for European cloth. They do make cloth from the inner bark of the banyan tree (see p. 18, note).

283 Mukaji; wife, woman, concubine.

284 The “fishes” are no doubt molluscs.

285 The King at the time of Knivet’s alleged visit was Alvaro II.

286 The Vangala, spelt Bengala lower down, seems to represent the Imbangolas of Battell, more generally known as Jagas (see p. 84, note)

287 D. Alvaro sent several embassies to Europe, but never a brother of his. The most famous of these ambassadors was Duarte Lopez, who was at Rome in 1590.

288 This certainly seems to be a misprint for Angola, for a party of Portuguese going to Masanganu would never stray so far north as Anzica. On the other hand, if Knivet was really on his way from the capital of Congo to Prester John’s country, that is, Abyssinia, he must have gone in the direction of Anzica.

289 Masanganu actually stands at the confluence of the Rivers Kwanza and Lukala!

290 That is, they suffered from elephantiasis.

291 Gold is often referred to in ancient documents, but its actual discovery (so far in unremunerative quantities) is quite a recent affair. Silver was supposed to exist in the hills of Kambambe above Masanganu, but has not as yet been actually found.

292 These Angicas are certainly identical with the Anziques or Anzicanas of Duarte Lopez, according to whom they eat human flesh and circumcise. The Angolans have at no time been charged with cannibalism.

293 Cavazzi, p. 262, calls Corimba a province of the kingdom of Coango (not Loango, as in Labat’s version) on the Zaire. Cadornega (quoted by Paiva Manso, p. 285) tells us that our river Kwangu (Coango) is called after a lordship of that name, and was known to the people as the “great” Zaire (nzari anene). On the other hand, D. Pedro Affonso II, in a letter of 1624, speaks of Bangu, which had recently been raided by the Jaga, aided by the King of Loango (sic), as the “trunk and origin of Congo” (Paiva Manso, p. 177). But then this Pedro Affonso was not of the original dynasty of Nimi a Lukeni.

294 Collectively known as Ambundu, a term applied in Angola to black men generally, but in Kongo restricted to slaves, i.e., the conquered. Bunda, in Kongo, has the meaning of “combine;” in Lunkumbi (Nogueira, Bol. 1885, p. 246) it means “family.” Cannecatim, in the introduction to his Grammar, says that Kimbundu originated in Kasanj, and that the meaning of Abundo or Bundo is “conqueror.” According to Carvalho (Exp. Port. ao Muatianvua, Ethnographia, p. 123) Kimbundu should be translated “invaders.” The derivations of the word Kongo are quite as fanciful. Bentley seems to favour nkongo, a “hunter.” Cordeiro da Matta translates Kongo by “tribute;” whilst Nogueira says that Kongo (pl. Makongo) denotes a “prisoner of war.”

295 “Palaver place” or “court,” corrupted by European travellers into “Ambasse.” Subsequently this town became known as S. Salvador.

296 Both the Rev. W. H. Bentley and the Rev. Tho. Lewis believe Sonyo to be a corruption, at the mouths of natives, of San Antonio. This is quite possible, for when the old chief was baptised, in 1491, he received the name of Manuel (after the King), whilst his son was thenceforth known as Don Antonio. Images of Sa. Manuela and S. Antonio are still in existence, and are venerated by the natives as powerful fetishes (Bastian, Loangoküste, vol. i, p. 286). Soyo, according to the same author, is the name of a district near the Cabo do Padrão. Yet Garcia de Resende and Ruy de Pina, in their Chronicles of King João II, only know a Mani Sonho, whom João de Barros calls Mani Sono. No hint of the suggested corruption is given by any author.

297 On these northern kingdoms, whose connexion with Kongo proper seems never to have been very close, see Proyart, Histoire de Loango, Cacongo, et autres royaumes d’Afrique, Paris, 1776; Degrandpré, Voyage à la côte occidentale d’Afrique, 1786-7, Paris, 1801; and of recent books, R. D. Dennett, Seven Years among the Fjort, London, 1887, Güssfeldt, Falkenstein, and Pechuel-Loesche, Die Loango Expedition, Berlin, 1879-83; and that treasury of ill-digested information, Bastian, Die Deutsche Expedition an der Loangoküste, Jena, 1874-5.

298 On the voyages of Cão and Dias, see my paper in the Geographical Journal, 1900, pp. 625-655.

299 Now Cape St. Mary, 13° 28´ S.

300 The “Cabo do Padrão” of early maps.

301 A legend on the chart of Henricus Martellus Germanus (1489), and the “Parecer” of the Spanish pilots of 1525, are our only authorities on this fact. Cão is not again mentioned in Portuguese documents (see my Essay, Geographical Journal, p. 637).

302 Nsaku was henceforth known as Don João da Silva. See Ruy de Pina, p. 149; Garcia de Resende, c. 69; and De Barros, Asia, t. I, Pt. I, pp. 177, 224.

303 On this embassy, see De Barros, Asia, Dec. I, Liv. 3; Ruy de Pina’s Chronica, pp. 174-179; Garcia de Resende’s Chronice, cc. 155-61; D. Lopez, Bk. II, c. 2; Fr. Luis de Sousa, Historia de S. Domingos, Parte II, Livro vi, c. 8; and Parte IV, Livro iv, c. 16.

304 Not Dominicans, as is usually stated. Garcia de Resende says Franciscans; and P. Fernando da Soledade, Historia Serafica, has proved the documents published by Paiva Manso in favour of the Dominican claim to be forgeries. Compare Eucher, Le Congo, Huy, 1894, p. 64.

305 Mbaji a ekongo, the palaver-place of Kongo. See Index sub San Salvador.

306 The insignia of royalty of the Kings of Kongo are the chair, a bâton, a bow and arrow, and the cap.

307 De Barros calls them Mundequetes, but D. Lopez says they should be called Anziquetes. They are the Anzicanas of later writers, about whose identity with the Bateke there can be no doubt. Their king bore the title of Makoko (Nkaka).

308Hence this, the oldest church of S. Salvador, became known as Egreja da Vera Cruz. In it the Christian kings of Kongo were formerly buried; but when the Devil took up its roof and carried the body of the unbelieving D. Francisco to hell, their coffins were removed to other churches (see post, p. 121). Other churches, subsequently built, are S. Salvador, N. S. do Socorro, S. Jago, S. Miguel, dos Santos, de Misericordia, S. Sebastian.

309 Frei João had died soon after reaching the capital.

310 Paiva Manso, pp. 2-4.

311 Paiva Manso, pp. 6-76, publishes quite a series of letters and documents bearing upon the reign of Affonso, and dated between 1512, and December 15th, 1540. Cavazzi makes him die in 1525, but in letters written between February 15th, 1539, and December 4th, 1540, the King refers to D. Manuel, who was about to go to Rome, as his “brother.” If the letters had been written by his successor Don Pedro II Affonso, Don Manuel would have been an uncle, and not a brother.

312 Cavazzi calls him Mpanzu a kitima; D. Lopez invariably Mpangu.

313 King Affonso, whose account of this battle may be read in Paiva Manso, p. 8, does not mention the flaming swords, but there can be no doubt that they were seen, for they were introduced in the coat-of-arms subsequently granted to the King. D. Lopez (p. 82) substitutes the Virgin for the white cross seen during the battle. Cavazzi (p. 273), and others, down to Father Eucher (Le Congo, Huy, 1894, p. 36), unhesitatingly accept this miracle. The Rev. W. H. Bentley most irreverently suggests a solar halo; but such a phenomenon might account for flaming swords, but not for the Virgin and St. James.

314 On this embassy, see the documents printed by Paiva Manso, and also Damian de Goes, Chron. do Rei D. Emanuel, vol. iii, c. 37.

315 Alguns Documentos, p. 419.

316 On this mission, see Alguns documentos, pp. 277-289, for the instructions given to Simão da Silva; Paiva Manso, pp. 5-12, or King Manuel’s letter, and D. Affonso’s manifesto; and also Damian de Goes, Chronica, vol. iii, cc. 38-39.

317 This coat-of-arms is fully described by King Affonso himself (Paiva Manso, p. 11), as follows:—The field gules, and the chief of the coat azure, quartered by a cross-fleury argent. Each quarter of the chief charged with two shells, or, on a foot argent, bearing a shield azure, charged with the five plates of Portugal. The field gules is charged with five arms holding swords, or. An open helmet, or, with a royal crown surmounts the coat. Crest: the five swords. Supporters: two idols, decapitated, with their heads at their feet. The coats figured on Pigafetta’s map and by Cavazzi, p. 274, are much less elaborate, but are both charged with five swords. The arrow in the latter is one of the royal insignia.

318 In the formal documents addressed to his “brother” of Portugal, he claims to be “By the Grace of God, King of Kongo, Ibumgu, Kakongo, Ngoyo this side and beyond Zari, lord of the Ambundus, of Ngola, Aquisyma (Ptolemy’s Agisymba) Muswalu, Matamba, Muyilu and Musuku, and of the Anzicas (Bateke), and the Conquest of Mpanzu-alumbu,” &c.

319 D. de Goes, Chronica, vol. iv, c. 3.

320 Paiva Manso, pp. 15, 17.

321 Paiva Manso, p. 71. Concerning Mpanzu-alumbu, see below.

322 On this mission, see Paiva Manso, pp. 69-74.

323 On the bishops of Kongo, see Add. MS. 15183 (British Museum), and R. J. da Costa Mattos, Corographia Historica das Ilhas S. Thomé, etc. Oporto, 1842.

324 Paiva Manso, p. 31.

325 For King Affonso’s account of this event, as also for an account of a second conspiracy, apparently planned by Fernão Rodrigues Bulhão, see Paiva Manso, pp. 76-80.

326 For Mpangu-lungu, see Index and Glossary.

327 The minutes of this inquiry are printed by Paiva Manso, p. 84.

328 D. de Goes, Chron. de Rei D. Em., iv, c. 54.

329 See Index, sub Mpanzu-alumbu and Mpangu-lungu.

330 See Paiva Manso, pp. 60, 69. Later sovereigns claimed also to be kings of the Matumbulas, i.e., the spirits of their dead ancestors buried at S. Salvador, whom they pretended to be able to consult, and who were dreaded as fetishes.

331 According to a Jesuit canon, who wrote in 1624 (Paiva Manso, p. 174), these daughters were: (1) Nzinga a mbembe, the mother of D. Diego, Affonso II, and Bernardo; (2) D. Isabel Lukeni lua mbemba, the mother of Alvaro I, Alvaro II, Alvaro III, and Bernardo II; (3) D. Anna Tumba a mbemba, the mother of D. Affonso Mbikia ntumba, Duke of Nsundi, whose son was Pedro II. This genealogy does not seem to be quite trustworthy.

332 Several authors say that he came to the throne in 1525 or 1532, but the letters written by D. Affonso, and published by Paiva Manso, conclusively show that this is impossible (see supra).

333 His native name proves him to have been a son of D. Francisco. He is, however, generally described as a cousin or grandson of D. Pedro.

334 The earliest published letter of D. Diogo is dated April 25th, 1547. His death is mentioned in a letter dated November 4th, 1561 (Paiva Manso, pp. 81, 113). He may, however, have died a considerable time before that date. Lopez de Lima (An. Mar. 1845, p. 101) makes him die in 1552, after a reign of nine years.

335 This bishop was a Dominican. He entered upon his charge in 1549. The four Jesuits going in his company were Christovão Ribeira, Jacome Dias, Jorge Vaz, and Diogo de Soveral.

336 See letters in Paiva Manso, pp. 91-93.

337 He was appointed bishop in 1554, and died at S. Thomé in 1574.

338 For the minutes of an inquiry into a conspiracy planned by one D. Pedro ka nguanu of Mbemba, in 1550, see Paiva Manso, pp. 101, 110.

339 Compare D. Lopez, p. 93; Cavazzi, p. 276; a list of kings given by the Duke of Mbamba to the bishop D. Manuel Baptista in 1617 (Paiva Manso, p. 166), the statement of a Jesuit canon of S. Salvador made in 1624 (ibid., p. 174), and Christovão Dorte de Sousa’s letter to Queen Catherine of Portugal, dated (Luandu) November 4th, 1561 (ibid., p. 113); also a letter by P. Rodrigues de Pias, 1565 (Eucher, Le Congo, p. 70).

340 Printed by Paiva Manso, p. 114.

341 His letter is printed by Paiva Manso, p. 116. It was during the reign of this king, in 1563, that a “missionary” is stated to have crossed Africa (Garcia d’Orta, Coloquios dos simples e drogos. Goa, 1567).

342 Lopez de Lima, An. Mar., 1845, p. 101.

343 Duarte Lopez, p. 93.

344 Alvaro, according to Cavazzi, came to the throne in 1542 and died in 1587, whilst Lopez de Lima, quite arbitrarily, puts off his accession to 1552. These figures are absolutely incorrect, as may be seen from the date of the letter of Queen Catherine to D. Bernardo. D. Alvaro cannot possibly have ascended the throne anterior to 1568.

345 The Ayaka still inhabit a large stretch of country along the Kwangu, and are generally considered to be identical with the Jagas (Cavazzi speaks of them as Jaga, or Aiaka), an opinion which I do not share. See post, p. 149.

346 I imagine the account given by Duarte Lopez, p. 96, is much exaggerated.

347 Garcia Mendes, p. 9.

348 As a proof of vassalage we may mention that the King was denied the title of Alteza (Highness), which would have implied sovereign rights, and was only allowed that of Senhoria (lordship).

349 Duarte Lopez, p. 9. Originally, the Christian kings of Kongo were buried in this church, but upon this desecration their bodies were removed to other churches.

350 Our information concerning the reign of this king is exceedingly scanty. We think we have shown satisfactorily that he cannot have reigned from 1542 to 1587, but are unable to vouch either, for the date of the invasion of his country by the Ayaka, or for that of his death.

351 In a letter of September 15th, 1617 (Paiva Manso, p. 166).

352 Samuel Braun, who visited the Kongo in 1612, says that the fort built near the Padrão, and another on an uninhabited island, had been razed.

353 Sebastian da Costa had been sent to Kongo to announce the accession of Philip I, in 1580. He was given a letter by D. Alvaro, but died on the voyage, and Duarte Lopez, upon whose writings and discourses Pigafetta based his work on the Kongo (see p. 19), was appointed in his stead. For an account of this embassy, see Duarte Lopez, pp. 101-108.

354 Printed by Paiva Manso, p. 158.

355 This order was, as a matter of course, issued at the instance of the Council of Regency at Lisbon.

356 Paiva Manso, pp. 174-177.

357 We confess that this is unintelligible to us. Perhaps we ought to read Coango (Kwangu), instead of Loango. There is, of course, the “kingdom” of Kwangu beyond the Kwangu river, within which lies the district of Kurimba, the birthplace of the first King of Kongo (see p. 102). Bangu is evidently the district on the river Mbengu. It may have been the home of the King’s ancestors; and the Kwangu here referred to may be a neighbouring district of that name (see Index).

358 It was during the reign of this King that five Portuguese merchants crossed the Kwangu and fell into the hands of the Makoko, who made slaves of them. But upon this, his kingdom was visited by plague and famine, and his armies were beaten; and these “miracles” only ceased when, acting on the advice of his diviners, he had sent back his prisoners to S. Salvador, richly compensated for their sufferings (Cavazzi, p. 281).

359 For documents referring to the reign of this king, see Paiva Manso, pp. 187-237.

360 Whether the Dutch ambassadors prostrated themselves when presented to the king, as shown on one of Dapper’s plates, may be doubted.

361 The auxiliary force of thirty Dutchmen was commanded by Captain Tihman (Dapper, p. 541).

362 They sent, indeed, a vessel to remonstrate, but the Duke defied them to land, and they retired humbly.

363 Dapper, p. 572. Perhaps the itinerary on one of Dapper’s maps from Mpinda, by way of Mbamba, S. Salvador, Mbata and Nsundi, is supplied by Herder. The names conso, canda, quing and ensor of the map are corruptions of the names of the four week-days (konso, nkanda, nkenga and nsona), and designate places where markets are held on those days.

364 He died at S. Salvador in 1651, when about to start for Abyssinia, and was succeded by P. Giovanni Francisco of Valenza, as Prefect. For a full account of the missions of 1645 and 1648, see Pellicer de Tovar, Mission Evangelica al Reyno de Congo, Madrid, 1649; and P. Francisco Fragio, Breve Relazione, Rome, 1648.

365 Giovanni Antonio de Cavazzi, of Montecuccolo, was a member of this mission.

366 This district was invaded by Queen Nzinga, in 1649, and the missionaries, P. Bonaventura of Correglia, and P. Francesco of Veas, retired.

367 See Cavazzi, pp. 512-15.

368 Those of our readers who have no time or inclination to wade through the bulky tomes of Cavazzi and other missionaries of those days, may be recommended to read an excellent summary by the Franciscan Friar Eucher (Le Congo, Essai sur l’Histoire Religieuse de ce Pays, Huy, 1860).

369 Paiva Manso, pp. 200-229.

370 Fr. Bonaventura had left Luandu in December, 1649; in June, 1650, he was in Rome; in July, 1651, at Lisbon. He then returned to Kongo in the company of P. Giacinto Brusciotto of Vetralla (1652), but ultimately joined the mission in Georgia. To Brusciotto we are indebted for a grammar and vocabulary of the Sonyo dialect, published at Rome in 1659.

371 Paiva Manso, p. 244.

372 I have no doubt that these “Pedras” are identical with the “Pedras de Nkoshi,” or “lion rocks,” now occupied by the Presidio of Encoge.

373 Cavazzi, p. 287.

374 Published by Paiva Manso, pp. 350-355.

375 Pedro Mendes, however, only gives the names of ten Kings. If we add to these Alvaro VII, D. Rafael, and Alvaro IX, mentioned by others, we make up the number to thirteen. See Appendix III for a list and classification of these Kings.

376 Cadornega says Affonso III.

377 He had some correspondence with the Pope in 1673 and 1677.

378 Paiva Manso, p. 254.

379 See Eucher, Le Congo, p. 176. Subsequently the Capuchins returned to Sonyo (Merollo in 1683, Zucchelli in 1703).

380 Dionigi Carli paid a visit to these: see his Viaggio, Reggio, 1672.

381 See Merolla’s Relatione del Regno di Congo, Naples, 1692; and Zucchelli’s Viaggi, Venice, 1712.

382 His captain-general, D. Pedro Constantino, managed to get himself elected king, but was taken prisoner and beheaded at S. Salvador in 1709.

383 It was not unusual to make a charge for the administration of the sacraments. In 1653, the parochial priests complained that the Capuchin friars administered the sacraments without claiming an “acknowledgment;” and the authorities at Rome (1653) prohibited their doing so within five leagues of the capital (Paiva Manso, p. 233). At Mbamba, the priest had a regular scale of prices. A baptism cost 7,000 cowries, for a marriage a slave was expected, and so forth; and thus, adds the Bishop of Angola (1722): “little children go to limbo, and grown-up people to hell!”

384 Western Africa, London, 1856, p. 329.

385 Boletim, Lisbon Geogr. Society, March 1889.

386 In 1709, the Holy Office declared the slave-trade in Africa illicit. Only those persons were to be looked upon as slaves who were born such; who had been captured in a just war; who had sold themselves for money (a usual practice in Africa); or who had been adjudged slaves by a just sentence.

387 Alguns Documentos, p. 107.

388 For the instructions given to Pacheco, see Alguns Documentos, p. 436.

389 Paiva Manso, p. 55.

390 Kiluanji, nzundu, and ndambi, which are given as names of kings, are in reality only titles assumed by them.—Capello and Ivens, Benguella to the Iacca, vol. ii, p. 53. Tumba-ndala (according to Héli Chatelain) was another of these ancient royal titles.

391 Capello and Ivens, ib., vol. ii, p. 59. His proper name is Kalunga (i.e., Excellency) ndombo akambo.

392 Kabâsa, according to Cordeiro da Matta’s Diccionario, simply means “capital;” but J. V. Carneiro (An. do cons. ultram., vol. ii, p. 172, 1861) would have us distinguish between a Mbanza ia Kabasa and a Mbanza ia Kakulu; the former meaning “second,” the latter “first,” capital. This “first” or original capital of the kings of Ndongo was undoubtedly in the locality of Queen Nzinga’s kabasa; the second capital was at Pungu a ndongo.

393 Cavazzi, pp. 9, 621. The Queen was branded as a slave (a practice learnt from the Portuguese; see Marcador in the Index), and died of grief; but her daughter was received into favour, and was baptized in 1667.

394 Lopes de Lima (Ensaio, vol. iii, parte segundo), is very severe upon Cavazzi, whom he charges with having “falsified” history, but does nothing himself to throw light upon the vexed question of the names of the kings of Matamba and Ndongo. The following is a summary of Cavazzi’s very copious information (where Antonio of Gaeta gives different names, these are added within brackets). Ngola, the smith, or musuri (Ngola Bumbumbula), was the founder of the kingdom of Ndongo. Having no sons, he was succeeded by his daughter, Nzunda ria ngola, and then by another daughter, Tumba ria ngola, who married a Ngola kiluanji kia Samba, a great warrior. Their son, Ngola kiluanji, was succeeded by Ndambi ngola. Then followed Ngola kiluanji kia ndambi, another great warrior, who advanced to within ten leagues of the sea, and planted a nzanda tree (Insandeira), on the northern bank of the Kwanza, a short distance above Tombo, to mark the furthest point reached by his conquering hosts. Nzinga ngola kilombo kia kasende (Ngola kiluanji) followed next; then came Mbandi ngola kiluanji, the father, and Ngola mbandi, the brother, of the famous Queen Nzinga (Jinga) mbandi ngola (born 1582, acceded 1627, died 1663), since whose day the upper part of Ndongo, including Matamba; has been known as Nzinga or Ginga. The great queen was succeeded by her sister, D. Barbara da Silva, who married D. Antonio Carrasco nzinga a mina (she died 1666). Then followed in succession D. João Guterres Ngola kanini, D. Francisco Guterres Ngola kanini (1680-81), and D. Victoria, whom Cadornega calls Veronica.

According to Lopez de Lima, it was a Jaga of Matamba, Ngola a nzinga, who conquered Ndongo, and gave it as an appanage to his son, Ngola mbandi. It was this Ngola mbandi who invited the Portuguese in 1556, and a son of his, bearing the same name or title, who received Dias in 1560.

Cadornega (Paiva Manso, p. 281) gives the following names as the “Kings of Angola” since the arrival of the Portuguese: Ngola a kiluanji, Ngola mbandi, Ngola a kiluanji II, Queen Nzinga D. Anna de Sousa, D. Antonio Carrasco Nzinga a mina, D. Barbara da Silva, his wife; D. João Guterres Ngola kanini, D. Luis, D. Francisco Guterres Ngola kanini, D. Veronica, the wife of D. Francisco.

395 Called Ngola mbandi by Lopes de Lima.

396 Paiva Manso, p. 112.

397 The Jesuit fathers (Francisco de Gouvea and Garcia Simões) date their letters from Angoleme, and call the King’s capital Glo-amba Coamba, evidently a misprint. Sixty leagues would carry us far beyond the later capital, Pungu a ndongo, perhaps as far as the Anguolome aquitambo (Ngwalema a kitambu) of Garcia Mendes, in the district known as Ari. Another Angolome (Ngolome) lived less than twenty leagues from the coast, on the northern side of the Kwanza, and near him a soba, Ngola ngoleme a kundu. Neves (Exped. de Cassange) says the old name of Pungu a ndongo is Gongo a mboa. For the Jesuit letters of that time, see (Boletim, 1883, pp. 300-344).

398 He is referred to as Ngola Mbandi or Ngola ndambi.

399 Lopes de Lima, Ensaios, p. ix, calls him Kiluanji kia samba, an ancestor of the chief residing near the presidio of Duque de Bragança. V. J. Duarte (Annaes do cons. ultramar., vol. ii, p. 123), the commandant of that presidio in 1847, confirms that it occupies the site of a former chief of that name, who was, however, quite an insignificant personage.

400 Domingos d’Abreu de Brito, in a MS. of 1592, quoted by Lima, Ensaios, p. x. Garcia Mendes mentions seven hundred men, but these probably included the crews of the vessels.

401 F. Garcia Simões, S.J., informs us that a few days before the arrival of Dias four men had been killed at a village only six leagues from Luandu, and eaten.—Boletim, 1883.

402 Domingos d’Abreu de Brito, quoted by Paiva Manso, p. 139, informs us that in 1592 it was governed by a Muene Mpofo, M. Luandu and M. Mbumbi.

403 The King, after his defeat, is stated to have ordered the Makotas who had given him this evil counsel to be killed (Lopes de Lima, p. xiii).

404 Lima, Ensaios, vol. xi, suggests that this S. Cruz became subsequently known as Kalumbu, and that its church was dedicated to S. José. To me it seems more likely that it occupied the site of Tombo, and was subsequently abandoned.

405 This “Penedo” seems subsequently to have been named after Antonio Bruto, a captain-major.

406 Garcia Mendes, p. 19, describes Kanzele as lying half-way between the rivers Kwanza and Mbengu.

407 According to Antonio of Gaeta two leagues below Masanganu. Garcia Mendes calls this place Makumbe.

408 See his account of this battle in Boletim, 1883, p. 378. The story in the Catalogo, that Dias sent loads of cut-off noses to S. Paulo, is hardly credible.

409 So says Garcia Mendes, p. 25; whilst Duarte Lopez, p. 34, says they were sent, but being defeated on the river Mbengu, retired again to the north.

410 Diogo Rodrigues dos Colos brought three hundred men in 1584; Jacome da Cunha, nine hundred in 1586. Two hundred Flemings, who arrived in 1587, nearly all died soon after they had been landed.

411 Garcia Mendes, p. 24.

412 In 1809 his remains were transferred to the Jesuit Church at Luandu.

413 This place is said to be eighty leagues from Masanganu, a gross exaggeration. Vicente José, who was the commander of Duque de Bragança in 1848, mentions a Ngolema Aquitamboa among the chiefs of Haire da cima (An. do Conselho ultram., vol. ii, p. 123).

414 Garcia Mendes mentions the Kindas as if they were a tribe. To me they seem to be the people of the Jaga Kinda (Chinda of the Italian Capuchins), one of the chiefs killed by the famous Queen Nzinga. See Cavazzi, p. 636, and Antonio de Gaeta’s narrative in La maravigliosa conversione delle Regina Singa escritta dal. P. F. Francesco Maria Gioia da Napoli. Naples, 1669, p. 233. Emilio, a son of Count Laudati, was born in 1615; he lived a few years as a knight of Malta, and then entered a monastery of Capuchins, assuming the name of Antonio of Gaeta. He landed at Luandu in November, 1650, and died there, after an active life as a missionary, in July, 1662.

415 Called Kakalele in the Catalogo.

416 Douville, Voyage au Congo, Paris, 1832, vol. ii, p. 375; Bowdich, On the Bunda Language, p. 138, note 2.

417 See note, p. 84.

418 Breve Relação da embaixada, etc., Lisbon, 1565. Reprint of 1875, p. 98.

419 It will be remembered that Battell, p. 25, writes Gaga as an alternative form for Jaga. May Agau stand for Agaga, the Jagas collectively?

420 Relacão anuel, 1602-3. Lisbon, 1605.

421 Ginde (pronounced Jinde) may be derived from njinda, the meaning of which is fury, hostility.

422 See p. 83.

423 Expedição Portuguesa: Ethnographia, p. 56.

424 Expedição a Cassange, Lisbon, 1854.

425 Perhaps Manuel Cerveira Pereira, who founded the Presidio of Kambambe in 1604. The first Don Manuel, however, is D. Manuel Pereira Forjaz (1607-11). But as the Jaga offered to fight Queen Nzinga, who only acceded in 1627, this Don Manuel may have been D. Manuel Pereira Coutinho (1630-34).

426 A “feira” was established at Lukamba, near Mbaka, in 1623. The Kamueji is perhaps the Fumeji of Capello and Ivens.

427 The list of Neves, p. 108, begins with Kinguri kia bangala, who was succeeded by Kasanje kaimba, Kasanje kakulachinga, Kakilombo, Ngonga-nbande, etc.

428 Capello and Ivens, Benguella to Iacca, vol. i, p. 239, include Mahungo and Kambolo among the family of Ngongo, and Mbumba among that of Kulachinga.

429 Reisen in Süd-Afrika, Pest, 1869, p. 264.

430 From Mpakasa, a buffalo, and the meaning of the word is therefore originally “buffalo-hunter,” but it was subsequently applied to natives employed by government, as soldiers, etc. Capello and Ivens, From Benguella to the Yacca, vol. ii, p. 215, deny that they ever formed a secret society for the suppression of cannibalism.

431 Kichile, transgression.

432 See Cavazzi, pp. 182-205.

433 It is to him we owe several memoirs, referred to p. xviii. He did excellent service; but whilst João Velloria and others were made Knights of the Order of Christ, and received other more substantial rewards, his merits seem not to have been recognised.

434 This important MS., dated 1592, still awaits publication.

435 Lopes de Lima, Ensaios, p. 147.

436 However, there are two sides to this dispute, and it may well be doubted whether the natives would not have been better off under a Jesuit theocracy than they were under an utterly corrupt body of civil officials. See P. Guerreiro, Relação anual de 1605, p. 625, and Lopes de Lima, p. xviii.

437 Erroneously called Adenda by most authors. Battell is the first to give the correct name.

438 Garcia Mendes, p. 24.

439 They were “converts” from the Casa Pia founded by D. Maria, the queen of D. Manuel—not reformed criminals, but converted Jewesses.

440 Battell gives some account of this campaign. See also Garcia Mendes, p. 11. Ngombe a Mukiama, one of the Ndembu to the north of the Mbengu, may be a descendant of this Ngombe (see Luis Simplico Fonseca’s account of “Dembos” in An. do conselho ultram., ii, p. 86).

441 Upon this Spaniard was conferred the habit of the Order of Christ, he was granted a pension of 20,000 reis, and appointed “marcador dos esclavos,” an office supposed to yield I,000 cruzados a year (Rebello de Aragão, p. 23).

442 Luciano Cordeiro (Terras e Minas, p. 7), says that, according to local tradition, the first presidio of that name was at Kasenga, a village which we are unable to discover on any map.

443 See Battell’s account of this campaign, p. 37.

444 See note, p. 37.

445 See Glossary, Museke.

446 Others call him Paio d’Araujo.

447 Estabelecimentos, 1607.

448 A. Beserra Fajardo, in Producçoes commercio e governo do Congo e de Angola, 1629, one of the documents published by Luciano Cordeiro in 1881.

449 Near where the railway now crosses that river.

450 Rebello de Aragão, p. 15.

451 It seems that the explorer considers Kambambe to lie eighty leagues inland (P. Guerreiro—Rel. an., 1515, f. 126—estimated the distance from S. Paulo to Kafuchi’s at sixty leagues). Accepting this gross over-estimate in calculating his further progress, and assuming him to have gone to the south-east, which was not only the shortest route to Chikovo and Mwanamtapa, but also avoided the country of the hostile Ngola, he cannot even have got as far as Bié. As to a “big lake,” he heard no more than other travellers have heard since, only to be disappointed. The natives certainly never told him that one of the rivers flowing out of that lake was the Nile. This bit of information he got out of a map. His expedition may have taken place in 1607—he himself gives no date. Perhaps Forjaz had given the instructions, which were only carried out in 1612, when Kambambe was in reality threatened by the natives.

452 Rebello de Aragão, p. 14, calls him Manuel da Silveira.

453 A Kakulu Kabasa still lives to the north-east of Masanganu, in 9° 4´ S., 14° 9´ E.

454 The territory of a chief of that name is on the upper Mbengu, to the north of Mbaka. The Catalogo calls him Kakulu Kahango.

455 See Benguella e seu sertão, 1617-22, by an anonymous writer, published by Luciano Cordeiro in 1881.

456 This bay is known by many aliases, such as S. Maria, S. Antonio, do Sombreiro, and da Torre.

457 The anonymous MS. already cited by us is, however, silent on this subject.

458 Antonio Diniz, who wrote in 1622 (Producções do Congo e de Angola, Lisbon, 1881, p. 14), charges Pereira with having sent, without the King’s knowledge, three shiploads of salt to Luandu, which he exchanged for “Farinha de guerra” (Commissariat flour), with which to feed his men.

459 That is a district called Kakonda, for the old fort of that name (Caconda velha), sixty miles from the coast, was only built in 1682. Letters from Pereira, dated September 9th, 1620, and January 23rd, 1621, in Egerton MS. 1133 (British Museum), ff. 357-361.

460 I do not know whether oxen were employed as beasts of burthen (bois cavallos) in these early days.

461 Reckoning the cruzado at 2s. 8d.

462 Published by Luciano Cordeiro.

463 Dapper, p. 592, regrets that these exactions ceased on the occupation of the country by the Dutch (not from love of the native, we may be sure), and that, as a consequence, his countrymen were little respected.

464 Antonio Diniz, Producçoes, commercio e governo do Congo e de Angola, 1516-19, published by Luciano Cordeiro in 1881.

465 Luiz de Figuerido Falcão, Livro em que se contem toda a Fazenda, etc. Lisbon, 1855, p. 26. I reckon 400 reis to a cruzado worth 2s. 8d.

466 The Capitão-mor do Campo, who was the chief officer next to the Governor, was paid £67; the ouvidor (or judge), £34; the sergeant-major, £34; the principal financial officer (provedor da Fazenda), £27: a captain of infantry, £40; a private, £18. There was a “marcador dos esclavos,” who branded the slaves. He received no pay but levied fees which brought him in £140 a year (see Estabelecimentos, p. 21).

In 1721 the Governor’s salary was raised to 15,000 cruzados (£2,000), but he was forbidden to engage any longer in trade.

467 Called Nzinga mbandi ngola, or Mbandi Ngola kiluanji, by Cavazzi, pp. 28, 601; Ngola akiluanji by Cadornega; and Nzinga mbandi, King of Ndongo and Matamba, in the Catalogo.

468 Called Ngola mbandi by Cavazzi, Cadornega, and in the Catalogo; Ngola-nzinga mbandi by Lopes de Lima, Ensaios, p. 95.

469 This removal seems to have taken place immediately after the Governor’s arrival. The site chosen was that of the Praça velha of modern maps, to the south of the present Ambaca.

470 D. João de Souza Ngola ari was the first King of Angola (Ndongo) recognised by the Portuguese. He only survived a few days, and was succeeded by D. Felippe de Souza, who died in 1660; and by D. João II, the last of the line, who was executed as a traitor in 1671.

471 Livingstone, Missionary Travels, 1857, p. 371, calls this a law dictated by motives of humanity.

472 He was appointed April 7th, 1621, took possession in September 1621, and left in 1623 (see Add. MS. 15, 183, I. 5).

473 Literally “mother priest.” It is thus the natives of Angola call the Roman Catholic priests, because of their long habits, to distinguish them from their own Nganga.

474 Ndangi (Dangi), with the royal sepultures (Mbila), was two leagues from Pungu a ndongo (according to Cavazzi, p. 20).

475 Bento de Benha Cardozo was originally given the command, but died before operations were begun.

476 The Queen was in the habit of consulting the spirits of the Jagas Kasa, Kasanji, Kinda, Kalandu and Ngola mbandi, each of whose Mbila (pl. Jimbila), or sepulture, was in charge of a soothsayer or Shingiri (Cavazzi, p. 656).

477 The Catalogo is provokingly obscure with respect to the pursuit of the Queen. Malemba (Lemba) is known to be above Hako, to the west of the Kwanza, whilst Ngangela (Ganguella) is a nickname applied by the Binbundo to the tribes to the east of them. “Little Ngangela,” according to Cavazzi, is identical with the country of the Bangala, or Kasanji, of modern maps. Kina (quina) simply means “sepulture” or “cavern,” and A. R. Neves (p. 103) tells us that Kasanji, on first arriving in the country where subsequently he settled permanently, took up his quarters at Kina kia kilamba (“Sepulture of the exorcist”). The mountain mentioned by Cavazzi (p. 770), as abounding in caverns full of the skulls of Kasanji’s victims, may be identical with this Kina.

478 Cavazzi, pp. 9, 622. In one place he calls her the dowager-queen, in the other the daughter of Matamba Kalombo, the last King of Matamba. J. V. Carneiro (An. do cons. ultram. 1861), asserts that Matamba was the honorary title of the great huntsman of Ngola.

479 D. Simão de Mascarenhas had been appointed bishop of Kongo on November 15th, 1621, and provisionally assumed the office of Governor at the urgent request of the captain-major Pedro de Souza Coelho. He was a native of Lisbon and a Franciscan. On the arrival of his successor, Fernão de Souza, in 1624, he proceeded to his See at S. Salvador, and died there in the following year under mysterious circumstances. Under his successor, D. Francisco Soveral (1628, d. 1642) the See was transferred to S. Paulo de Luandu. (Add. MS. 15,183). The dates given by Lopes de Lima (Ensaio, iii, p. 166a) are evidently corrupt.

480 This Kafuche appears to have been a descendant of the warlike soba of that name. Another Kafuche, likewise in Kisama, asked to be baptised in 1694 (see Paiva Manso, p. 332).

481 Dapper, p. 579. This first attempt to cultivate the soil was undertaken very reluctantly, but the profits derived therefrom soon converted both banks of the Mbengu into flourishing gardens.

482 The Catalogo, p. 366, calls him Alvares, but Paiva Manso, p. 182, Gaspar Gonçalves (see also Eucher, p. 83).

483 This seminary was never founded, notwithstanding repeated Royal reminders of 1684, 1686, 1688, and 1691 (Lopez de Lima, Ensaio, iii, p. 149).

484 S. Braun, Schifffarten, Basel, 1624; and P. van der Broeck, Journalen, Amst., 1624.

485 Jacome Ferreira, in command of these patrol ships, was killed in action in 1639, when the command devolved upon Bartholomeu de Vasconcellos.

486 N. G. van Kampen, Geschiedenes der Nederlanders buiten Europa, Haarlem, 1831, vol. i, p. 436, asks his readers to decide upon the morality of this proceeding, when negotiations were actually in progress, and in the case of Portugal, which had only recently thrown off the yoke of Spain, the common enemy.

487 Catalogo, p. 375.

488 Cavazzi, p. 626.

489 He was a son of the valiant Martim de Sá, the Governor of Rio de Janeiro. Previously to sailing up to Luandu, he erected a factory on Kikombo Bay.

490 This envoy likewise visited the Jagas Kasanji, Kalungu and Kalumbu for the purpose of persuading them to abolish infanticide; and they promised to shut an eye if the old practice was not followed.

491 In 1652 two years’ grace for the payment of all debts incurred anterior to the invasion of the Dutch was granted to all inhabitants of Angola.

492 Cavazzi vouches for this (p. 637).

493 She was conducted back by José Carrasco.

494 This may have been Kasanji ka kinjuri, born in 1608, and baptised by Antonio of Serraveza in 1655, and named D. Pasquale (Cavazzi, p. 784).

495 Lopes de Lima, Ensaio, iii, p. xxxii, says he was assassinated by a Portuguese soldier.

496 All the successors of the famous Queen, as also her people and country, are called Nzinga (Ginga) by Portuguese authors.

497 Lopes de Lima, Ensaio, iii, p. 117, and parte segunda, p. 18, calls them Quinalonga, and there can be no doubt of their identity with the Quihindonga (Kindonga) islands of Cavazzi. The Catalogo does not mention this cession.

498 He had arrived on August 26th, 1669, and spite of his prudence must be held responsible for this disastrous Sonyo campaign.

499 See Paivo Manso, p. 255, who quotes an anonymous Relação, published at Lisbon in 1671; also Cadornega.

500 Cavazzi, who accompanied this expedition as chaplain, gives a full account of it, without naming the Portuguese commander. His geographical data, as usual, are exceedingly vague: a circumstance all the more to be regretted, as even now we know very little about this part of Angola.

501 This soba had been baptised. In 1684, a brother of his expelled him, but he was reinstated by João de Figueireda e Souza.

502 From a letter published by Paiva Manso (p. 316), we learn that Mbuilu had begged the King of Kongo to receive him as a vassal.

503 For King Pedro’s letter of thanks for this victory, see Catalogo, p. 401. In 1693, massacres of prisoners were strictly prohibited.

504 He died in prison at Luandu.

505 The author of a Report referred to below admits that they had many detractors who were envious of their success.

506 Seventeen Capuchins, eight Jesuits, seven Franciscans, and four Carmelites.

507 In 1709 there were seven million reis in its treasury.

508 Ensaio, iii, p. 149.

509 The testoon was a coin of 100 reis, worth about 8d.

510 The assumed value of the makuta was 50 reis; its actual value, in silver, only 30 reis. There were pieces of half makutas and of quarter makutas, popularly called paka.

511 Zucchelli (p. xvii, § 11), tells us that when Luiz Cerar de Menezes returned to Rio, in 1701, he carried away with him 1,500,000 crusados (£200,000), realised in the slave trade.

512 Ensaio, iii, p. xxxiv.

513 Provincial Governors not appointed by the King, but elected by the local authorities or the troops.