Appendices
Appendix I — Physical Characteristics
Physically, as may be judged from the accompanying tables, there is a wide margin for dissimilarity among these tribes. Their appearance is nearly as varied as their speech, more so in fact, in that there is much diversity of type even among individuals of the same speaking-group. I have seen a Boro as dark as a Witoto, while his fellow-tribesmen may be yellow as a Chinaman. It is, of course, possible that the darker Boro are sons of Witoto women. The custom prevalent in all the tribes of adopting the young children captured from their enemies, makes of necessity for great changes in type even in one household, so that despite the preference for group endogamy that undoubtedly exists there are few households where cross-breeding is not in evidence.
In stature the Indian is small, which I take to be a result of depression due to his forest environment; but the body is well-balanced and upright. Among the tribes I visited the Andoke as a speaking-group were, so far as I could observe, the largest in build and the tallest. The Okaina may possibly come into the same scale. The Karahone represent the mean, while the Maku are invariably small, a low class and badly-fed people. The average measurements of the tribes are best gathered from the types tabulated. I made the average height to be for men 5 feet 6 inches; and for women 4 feet 10 inches.417 I certainly remember one case of a man among the Andoke nearly 6 feet high, but can recall no other. The women were never much over the average of the female type. I give my measurements for what they are worth, but unfortunately I did not know the correct way in which they should have been taken; they were made with a centimetre rule, but not on the correct anthropometrical principles. The Indians stood against the side of the house to be measured, and I registered their height by the simple process of placing the ruler on the head and measuring its distance from the ground.418
The bone of the Indian’s skull is thick, and both dolichocephalic and brachycephalic types are in evidence.419
The Indian does not run to fat, rather is he inclined to be thin, but strong, muscular and healthy, with rounded outline and finely-developed chest. The Witoto, however, though broad and strong, fail in the limbs, their legs especially lack development. On this point my observations tally with Robuchon’s notes. The Tukana have a magnificent physique. The Andoke, though some are tall, with large frames, as a group incline more to breadth of both face and figure. The tribes of the Tikie are of a low grade.
The Indians as a rule, have hands of an average size, with stumpy fingers, and short, spatulate nails. Constant manual labour of some sort would seem to keep the nails naturally of a normal length. I never remember seeing an Indian pare his nails, but fear this is a point that may have escaped my observation. The men’s arms are frequently distorted, and the shoulders gain an artificial breadth by the use of ligatures to swell the muscles of the upper arm by means of constriction.
The natural symmetry of the Indian’s person is further enhanced by slight hips, flat buttocks. The abdomen seldom protrudes though the navel is prominent, but not to the same extent as is found among negroes.
The men generally have large feet,420 with long toes. Both men and women have very prehensile toes, and will pick up objects off the ground with their feet rather than trouble to stoop. They are flat-footed.
The Indian does not extend his legs when he walks, as Europeans do. He moves rather with the action of an unathletic woman. His step is on an average about two-thirds of an ordinary man’s thirty-inch pace. The foot is of necessity raised well above the ground, on account of the lianas which would trip the slovenly walker. This does not make for rapid progression. But though he walks more slowly than the white man, the Indian can keep up a jog-trot of about five miles an hour for tremendous distances. Moreover his wind is far better than any white man’s. At a push, to get away from hostile neighbours for example, he is capable of going sixty miles a day. In ordinary circumstances he walks nowhere, except about the house and compounds. Consequently he has developed a different set of muscles from the ordinary pedestrian.
As the Boro are more harassed than the Witoto they march as a rule in silence, while the Witoto are noisy generally; but a march in country that might prove hostile is done in silence by every tribe for obvious reasons. In friendly country the Indians go along chattering and joking, or in silence, just as the spirit moves them: there is no rule. The necessity for walking in single file, and the invariable difficulties of the route, do not, however, altogether encourage conversation. These restricted paths have a further influence upon the Indian. Often enough it is necessary to place one foot directly in front of the other in order to find any footway at all. This is the probable reason, or one of the reasons, why the men walk with a straight foot, a specially needed precaution on the narrow bridges, that are merely formed of single trees. The women walk in rather a stilted fashion, with the toes turned inwards at an angle of some thirty degrees, on account of the tight ligatures they wear below the knee and above the ankle, which cause the calf to swell to enormous proportions, as has been noted. This may not inconceivably have a contracting effect in the angle of the foot. It is regarded as a sign of power if the muscles of the thighs are made to come in contact with each other when walking.
That the men run and jump well is due to their good wind, but they have no pace, and could easily be outstripped over a limited course by an average white man in good condition. But the women neither run nor jump with any facility, as they all suffer from varicose veins, caused by the ligatures to some extent, but also by the burdens they carry, and from labouring in the fields when in a condition unsuited to such physical exertion. As weights are carried on the back suspended by a strap across the forehead, the tendency to stoop or grow round-shouldered is counteracted, for the pull of the strap brings the head back, and the strain is taken by the muscles of the neck.421 Water is always carried in vessels balanced on the head, and though the Amazonian Indian may not have the superb carriage of her sisters in the East, yet the young girls at least are very well set up, though with advancing age a lifetime of field work and burden-bearing may bow the elder women till they walk, as described by Robuchon, “in an inclined position.”
The Indian woman has generally a beautiful figure, well proportioned and supple, with high, straight shoulders. Untrammelled by dress she is graceful and free in her actions. Before marriage the women have very small breasts, but after they have borne a child the breasts develop considerably. Old women, probably on account of poorer nourishment, are very flat-chested, and one never sees a woman with very pendent breasts. In the older women they atrophy.422
There is great individuality in the faces of the Amazonian Indians. A tribe is no herd of sheep, differentiated only to the experienced eye of the shepherd; the dissimilarities of countenance are immediately apparent, and even to the most casual observer Indians show marked variety of face and colour and feature. Like all savages the Indians admire most the lightest coloured skins. The divergence of colour is both tribal and racial; and as a rule it will be found that the higher the type the better the physical development, and the greater the mental capacity, the lighter will be the skin. On account of the saturation of the atmosphere the Indians mostly have skins of a good texture. I never found rough skins on Indians in these districts.423 Of all the tribes the Menimehe have the lightest complexions, and they are invariably fatter and in better condition than the surrounding tribal groups.
I have mentioned the custom of covering a new-born infant with rubber milk either for warmth or to protect the skin; the women daub themselves with gum and a yellow clay because it is supposed to preserve the skin; but none of these peoples use any oil for lubricating purposes, and they are free from any noxious-smelling secretion. The smell of a negro they consider most offensive, but do not extend this dislike to the white man. The Indian owes his immunity from this unpleasant trait in part because he does not perspire at all freely, perhaps to difference of glandular secretion, and in part to frequent ablutions. Yet, though even a dirty people like the Witoto will bathe at least three times a day and most tribes far more often, these Indians, as has already been noted, are by no means free of body parasites. Head lice may be said to be universal, and in addition jiggers and the red tick that drops off leaves in the forest and burrows under the human skin, there is another burrowing parasite that invades the human body to lay its eggs, which is extremely common among these people. One is apt to be infested with these pests merely from touching an Indian, certainly by lying in an Indian hammock. The parasite causes considerable irritation, and the local remedy is to apply babasco juice.
Except in the case of a medicine-man, who never depilates, hair is looked upon as dirt; therefore it is always removed, only the hair of the head being permitted to grow. Depilation is usually done just before a dance. The method of removal adopted is to cover the hirsute parts with rubber latex. This is allowed to dry, so that a grip can be obtained and the hair removed simply with the forefinger and thumb or by means of two small pieces of cane. Two persons will, as far as facial hairs are concerned, depilate one another. It is universally considered a sign of cleanliness to remove all the body hairs, and even to pull out the eyebrows and eyelashes.424 That the eyebrows are not removed for æsthetic purposes is proved by the fact that the effect is promptly reproduced with paint. It is not easy to get information with regard to the removal of body hair,425 but I was able to obtain a little from a Karahone slave boy who was with an Andoke tribe I met. He told me that the Karahone did not depilate the hair of the face. This is the one exception among these tribes.
On the authority of Schomburgh, im Thurn states that occasionally when there is great demonstration of grief at a burial “the survivors crop their hair.” So far as my experience went none of the Indians of the Upper Amazons ever “crop” the hair close, except that of young girls when danger threatens. Should there be any reason to suppose that some man is inclined to steal a girl, her hair might be closely cut as a preventive measure to save the child from being kidnapped, for a hairless woman is looked upon as a social outcast among the tribes. The young Indians have long hair that often reaches to below the small of the back, but this length does not continue, and it is a varying quantity among the adults.
The hair is uniformly scattered over the scalp, and is coarse in texture, lank, and very abundant. Baldness is unknown, and greyness, as with the negroes, is very rare. I have only seen grey hair on a few people of apparently unusual age. In colour it is almost uniformly black, a red- not a blue-black, which gives it an occasional brown glint. Some of the children are lighter-haired, but such a variation as red hair is unknown, though in the sunlight the women’s hair may take a reddish gleam. Both women and children have finer hair than the men, and with young children it is often quite downy. As a rule it is straight, but among the Tukana wavy hair is more evident.
Among the greater part of these peoples the hair is not cut, either by the men or women. The Karahone men cut their hair to the shoulders; the Boro women, and in some cases the men, trim theirs round very much as is often seen among our small girls. Sometimes the Witoto women trim their lank locks. This is done with a knife if they have one, otherwise it is singed. With the Menimehe and Karahone it grows very low on the forehead. The Tikie tribes have most untidy and ill-kept hair.
Owing to race—possibly of Mongoloid origin—and to the prevalence of depilatory customs, the men have scanty beards, if any.
On the whole these Indians hold their own in the matter of good looks, even the lowest types are not repulsive in appearance. I mean, of course, to the eye of the stranger, not according to their individual standard of beauty. In feature both the various language-groups and the tribes of each group show many grades. It may be taken as usual that with a lighter skin the nose and lips are thinner than among those with darker colouring. The Boro and the Resigero, both comparatively light-skinned groups, have thin lips. This naturally follows from what I have already said as to colour and type, the higher type possessing, as would be expected, the more refined features. The Boro, taken as a group, are the best looking, many of them are very handsome, and some of the Andoke also are notably well favoured in appearance. “Noble” is Koch-Grünberg’s decision on the question of the Tukana tribesmen’s appearance. The Okaina, also, must be classed as good looking.
It seems somewhat of a contradiction after this to remark that a squint is so common a trait among these tribes that one cannot but notice immediately any one with normal eyes. This is, however, with the exception of the Tukana, very prevalent among all these tribes. The eyes are not large, and are deeply set. They are black in colour with occasional yellowness of the eyeball, but never to the degree seen in the bilious eye of the negro. Both eyesight and hearing are very acute. In the bush, or in the dark, the tribesmen have most penetrating sight, and can distinguish details at a glance where the ordinary white man can see nothing of any description. In the sun, or any strong light, their sight is inferior.
It is difficult to judge what an Indian’s ears would be like if left to Nature’s fashioning, as they are invariably distorted to more or less degree by artificial means. They are frequently prominent, and do not appear to be set close to the head in any case. The large ear-plugs will pull the lobe of the ear half-way down the neck and more. Nose-boring is not carried to so disfiguring an extent. The Boro, especially the women of those tribes, bore the wing of the nose—a custom peculiar to this people—as well as the septum, which is also bored by Muenane and Witoto women, but the nose pins are small, and do not distort the feature as the ear-plugs do the ear. The Tukana’s nose has naturally large alæ. The tribes on the Tikie also have broad noses, with prominent cheek-bones, a characteristic noted by Wallace among the Kuretu.426
The Indian’s chin is narrow, small, rounded, and, especially in the case of the women, retreating. There is no dimple or cleft. The teeth are big and even, and very rarely found projecting.
The Indian’s expression is stolid enough ordinarily, but when talking he has much play of feature, and he will gesticulate freely under the influence of coca. Among the tribes to the south of the Japura a man will look a stranger straight in the face, but north of that river the native has a more furtive glance. The Indian’s gaze is intense.
They are never demonstrative of affection, and, though they will touch a white man as a salutation, never touch each other. By this I mean that when friendlily disposed an Indian would return a white man’s salute, the offer of the hand, but no Indian would grasp a fellow-tribesman’s hand, or put an arm around his neck. Kissing is unknown among these people. Crevaux records that he saw children among the Calina kiss to show affection, but the nearest approach to an embrace I ever witnessed was a slap on the shoulder, probably under the shoulder-blade, which is the salutation between great friends. Mothers of course fondle their children, and I have even seen a woman with her arm round her husband, but such an exhibition is considered barely decent. Neither do they exhibit grief by weeping. The girl children cry occasionally, but no child ever screams; and adults may whine but never shed tears.
As regards brain-power, the Boro group are the most intelligent, with the possible exception of the Menimehe. I invariably found the Boro exceedingly anxious to learn from me anything they judged might be of utility to themselves. They evinced a definitely intelligent interest, not to be confounded with the ordinary curiosity of the untaught. Among all these peoples the power of mental development ceases after they have attained puberty.
One limitation that is to be noticed with all of them is their inability to grasp any chronological data. They have nothing in the way of a tally of any description, and in speaking use the vaguest expressions only for reckoning. It is my opinion, based on observation of the number of generations still living at any one time, that these people live to an advanced age. They grow elderly at from twenty-five to thirty years, and may, under favourable conditions, live another half-century or more. This is borne out by the fact that I found occasionally a man with grey hair—a sign in all coloured peoples, and I believe in Mongoloid peoples, of great age. But no Indian can give any information as to his own age, or the age of his children. For him age is non est, time of little value. He cannot tell you when he came to the neighbourhood in which you find him, though obviously only a year or two may have been passed there. His day is regulated to some extent by the rising and the setting of the sun, portioned only by its height in the heavens. If but occasion serve, one or other of the warriors, drunk with coca, will talk the whole night through, excitedly recounting some folk-tale, or endlessly boasting his feats in the hunt or on the war-path. The interruption is not resented by his comrades, nor does it seem to interfere with their slumber. Indians, in fact, never appear to sleep much, or rather they sleep little and often, as chance offers. Night is no more the time of repose than day, except in so far as darkness puts a stop to certain of their avocations. When sleeping on the ground an Indian curls up on one side with his knees to his chin, or he sleeps on his stomach, seldom lying on the back.427
Though, as has been noted, they sleep with no wrap or covering, these Indians are most sensitive to climatic changes. They are decidedly susceptible to a difference of locality, and, more than this, in a land where the extreme contrast of temperature is no more than twenty degrees throughout the year, with an average of half that total, they are affected by even slight variations of temperature. They fear the cold of the early morning, and, accustomed as they are to the half-lights of the forest, they dislike sunshine, and prefer to keep in the shade, fearful of sun-sickness if exposed to the sun.
It has been suggested by some travellers that the curious habit of the Indians of inducing sickness every morning by means of a feather was based on the idea that any food which was retained in the stomach all night must be unwholesome and ought to be removed immediately.428 I have often seen the Indians do this, but always put it down to a desire to rid the stomach of the non-absorbent constituents of the coca powder, as only the men, who alone may take coca, resort to this practice. The Indian in the early morning drinks an infusion of herbs, as I have already mentioned, which induces the removal of such substances by vomiting, although not taken primarily for this purpose.
Sickness is also secured with the fingers after a prohibitive quantity of cahuana has been drunk, as afore noted, during a big dance. Having imbibed to his utmost capacity, the Indian adopts this simple expedient to enable him to drink again.
The tribes of the upper Amazons are, comparatively with others, very cleanly. But it is only comparatively. The Boro are the cleanest, and the Witoto unquestionably the most dirty. Immediately on rising all Indians resort to the river, but except among the Boro and the Resigeros, who rub themselves with sand, the performance can hardly be called washing, it is simply bathing. The Nonuya and Muenane are cleanly, like the Resigero. Even the Andoke, though they use no sand, are cleaner than the Witoto, for this tribe never wash, and only take a dip two or three times a day, while at least five times is the ordinary rule with the majority.429
The first duty of the morning is a visit, as has been said, to the bathing-place. Thither troop the old and the young, both male and female, to wash and revive in the water. They do not attempt to rub their bodies dry, but are content to let the moisture evaporate when they emerge from the stream. When on a march or out hunting Indians will always bathe in any water available on the route. They go in streaming with perspiration, but seem to suffer no ill-effects. Bates has described them as “taking merely a sitz-bath” like a dog,430 but they seemed to me to bathe as any ordinary person would who went into the water to get cool.
After returning from war the Indians bathe scrupulously before they re-enter the house. It is in the nature of a ceremonial washing, and possibly is a subconscious act of purification, though the Indians, when asked the reason, told me only that it was pia, our custom. In fact lustration with the Indian is too frequent an action to keep any ceremonial significance it may ever have had.
It follows as a matter of course with people so familiar with water that one and all are expert swimmers. The Indian of the Amazons invariably swims as naturally as he walks, and with as little tuition. From the hour of his birth he has been conversant with the river, and in a climate where the temperature of the water varies but little from 75° to 80° or more, he regards a dip as his chief solace. He never passes a stream without taking advantage of its proximity to bathe, and the fact that he may have recently fed, or that he is perspiring freely, does not hinder him from a plunge, and makes no difference to his enjoyment.
In swimming the Indian paddles like a dog, and does not attempt to attain to anything approaching the breast-stroke of the European, nor does he extend the legs widely. He flexes the legs sharply upon the trunk, and, suddenly stretching them in a straight line, drives the body forward. The stroke is not a tiring one, and the native is capable of undergoing long immersion without suffering exhaustion, but the speed he can acquire is not remarkable. For that matter there are no reasons why the Indian should desire to make rapid progression. Swimming to him is an adjunct to bathing, or a means to cross a stream; its finer developments trouble him not at all. In the muddy rivers of the Amazons there is nothing to tempt the native to dive, nor are there suitable places to jump off the banks. The Indian slips in as best suits the occasion, and does not aspire to exhibition feats, or to water games.
When bathing the Indian is exposed to a certain element of danger from fish that inflict varying degrees of injury. There is the stinging eel, and skate of some sort and another stinging fish,431 the caneiro, and the piranha. Electric fish are less common in the upper rivers than in the main streams, and I never noticed one Indian of the Issa-Japura tribes take any special precaution against them, though elsewhere the natives will beat and prod the water with rods before they bathe, to discover, if possible, whether any eels are lurking in the vicinity. The caneiro’s method of attack is by suction, not shock. They are very plentiful in all these rivers, and their power of suction is most extraordinary. I am not likely to forget the first time I made acquaintance with one of these voracious little fish. It suddenly attacked, or rather attached itself with its sucker-like mouth, to the inner side of my leg. The sensation was most alarming. I made with all possible speed to land. The caneiro certainly sucks up the flesh rapidly and painfully, but I am doubtful if it really “tears off pieces of the skin and flesh,” as it is said to do.432 The piranha, though quite a small fish,433 is even more ferocious. It will attack anything, and is said to be capable of reducing a large animal to a skeleton in the space of a few minutes. There is a story, repeated elsewhere, that one very small fish is actually a human parasite. The Indians aver that it will enter the body of a man when bathing. Orton mentions this fish, which according to him is “a slender silurid fish (Vandellia)” but remarks that he never met “with one confirmatory case.”434 Neither did I. But I found that all Indians take precautions against it when bathing.
Appendix II — Mongoloid Origin
On the vexed question of original Asiatic extraction what little evidence I have to offer is in general support of the theory that some at least of the ancestral stock probably found their way hither from Asia, or—what is more in accordance with the laws of migration as so far ascertained—spread from the American to the Asiatic continent. There is undeniably a marked prevalence of what are recognised as Mongoloid traits among these peoples. I fully accept Ratzel’s dictum, “We may hold firmly to the relationship of the Americans with the East Oceanic branch of the Mongoloid race.”435 To quote another writer, “As Burton remarks, this strain demonstrates itself in big round Calmuck skulls, flat faces, with broad, prominent cheek-bones, oblique oriental eyes, rather brown than black. They have also dark thick eyebrows, and thin moustaches fringing large mouths, with pointed teeth and sparse beards hardly covering the long pointed chin.”436 The truth of this description can be judged from the illustrations in this volume. The most casual observer must notice the prevalence of Mongoloid facial characteristics prevalent among the South American Indians, such as obliquity of eye, prominent cheek-bones, broad flat nose. My own observations led me to conclude that the Mongoloid type was very pronounced in individual cases, so much so that I estimated at least one per cent to be of a pure Chinese type, and my common name for them (vide my note on secrecy of individual names, p. 154) was Chin-Chin. I would refer to such illustrations as that facing p. 254 in the second volume of Spruce’s Notes of a Naturalist. (See again Spruce, i. 328; Orton, p. 170, for references to prevalent obliquity of eye.) On the other hand, Bates remarks of the Tupuyo that “their eyes are black and seldom oblique like those of the Tartar races” (Bates, i. 78); and Wallace remarks, “I never could discern an unusual obliquity of the eyes” (Wallace, p. 332). I cannot agree with this statement. The latter, however, noted the prominent cheek-bone among the Curetu (p. 354); and Orton refers to it and to the flat nose (Orton, p. 170).
Further characteristics in common among Mongoloid peoples and these tribes are the customs of shaving or depilating facial hair, and a prolonged period of suckling the young (vide Westermarck, p. 484).
Appendix III — Depilation
All tribes south of the Japura remove hair, except that on the head.
Tukana depilate body hair.
Tuyuha men depilate armpits, not pudenda: women depilate pudenda.
Kuretu—all depilate.
Purakato, according to Koch-Grünberg, do not depilate.
Karahone are said not to depilate. This (see text) is debatable. I believe that they pluck out the hair of the chin and whiskers, but leave eyebrows and moustache.
Bara—women only depilate.
Menimehe—all depilate, but the women are not so careful about it as the Boro.
Boro—all depilate.
Witoto—men more careless, women depilate.
Tuhana, according to Koch-Grünberg, do not depilate.
Okaina—all depilate.
Resigero—all depilate.
Muenane—all depilate.
These tribes have no body hair, except pubic hair, which is very scanty. The Indian women are most particular about the removal of all pubic hair. The men are less careful, though it is supposed to be done, but as that part of their bodies is never voluntarily exposed they are more heedless than the women.
Appendix IV — Colour Analysis and Measurements
Colour
(Vide Colour Curve. Tintometer.)
1. Menimehe—lightest.
2. Resigero.
3. Okaina.
4. Boro.
5. Nonuya.
6. Andoke.
7. Karahone.
8. Muenane.
9. Witoto.
Robuchon gives the colours of the Witotos as brown-copper colour, varying between twenty-nine and thirty of the chromatic scale of the Anthropologicas of Paris.
Colour Analysis — Unexposed Part — Armpit
| Substance examined. | Matching Standards. | Colour developed. | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Red. | Yellow. | Blue. | Black. | Orange. | Red. | |
| Witoto | 3.6 | 2.8 | 1.6 | 1.6 | .2 | .8 |
| Muenane | ||||||
| Karahone | ||||||
| Andoke | ||||||
| Nonuya | ||||||
| Boro | 3.3 | 2.7 | 1.5 | 1.5 | .2 | .6 |
| Okaina | ||||||
| Resigero | ||||||
| Menimehe | ||||||
Mean average attempted by means of colour markings and identified according to Lovibond’s tintometer scale.
There was practically no tribal differentiation of pigmentation in the units of these groups, as far as the unexposed part of the body is concerned. This is understandable. The palm of the nigger’s hand differs little from his white brother’s.
Colour Analysis — Exposed Part — Back
| Substance examined. | Matching Standards. | Colour developed. | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Red. | Yellow. | Blue. | Black. | Orange. | Red. | |
| 9. Witoto | 10.6 | 9.2 | 6.2 | 6.2 | 3.0 | 1.4 |
| 8. Muenane | ||||||
| 7. Karahone | 8.7 | 7.5 | 4.5 | 4.5 | 3.0 | 1.2 |
| 6. Andoke | ||||||
| 5. Nonuya | 8.0 | 7.0 | 4.0 | 4.0 | 3.0 | 1.0 |
| 4. Boro | 4.9 | 4.4 | 1.5 | 1.5 | 2.9 | |
| 3. Okaina | .5 | |||||
| 2. Resigero | Yellow. | |||||
| 1. Menimehe | 3.4 | 4.1 | .7 | .7 | 2.7 | .7437 |
There is here more differentiation. The tribes numbered 1-9 are in order of shade, from the lightest according to personal observation. This is borne out by data except the grouping which was not so apparent to the eye.
Apparently in one tribe only is red non-existent, free yellow taking the place—No. 1 (vide curve).
Note.—It will be seen at a glance that differentiation is caused by increased “sadness” or excess of black, and by the amount of free red. These are the two governing factors. Orange is constant throughout.
N.B.—There is extraordinary variation amongst individuals of the same tribe, as well as amongst tribes of the same language-group and language-groups themselves.
Huis’ Measurements of Samples of Women’s Hair
No. 1. Maturity.
No. 2. Ante-pubertal.
Note.—The lighter tips of latter which become eliminated after puberty, i.e. elimination of orange.
| Red. | Yellow. | Blue. Black. | Green. | Yellow. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| No. 1 | 19.5 | 31.5 | 28.0 = 19.5 | 8.5 | 3.0 |
| No. 2 | 18.5 | 26.0 | 17.0 = 17.0 | Orange. 1.5 | 7.5 |
| Light tips | 19 | 26.0 | 25.0 = 19.0 | Green. 6.0 | 1.0 |
| Dark ends |
Descriptive Characters
Eye.—1. Dark, i.e. black-brown iris. Note.—Outer angles of eyes visibly elevated; deep-set; eyeball thick; covers the caruncle; outer angle slightly compressed and pointed.
Hair.—Colours—1. Black, not coal black. 2. Children’s hair is some shade lighter than adults’, but still “black.”
Form of Face.—1. Face inclined to be square and wedge-shaped. 2. Inclined to concavity. 3. Compare photographs. 4. Chinese, Fig. 6, but not so pronounced. (N.B.—There is great variation.) 5. Chin small, round, retreating. 6. Cheek-bones broad. Face flat (inclination to, vide photographs). 7. Medium lips—great variation. 8. Ears medium-sized—flat. 9. Lobes sometimes attached.
Measurements of Types in Centimetres438
| Tribe. | Head—Round. | Head—Across. | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Male. | Female. | Male. | Female. | |
| 1. Resigero | 56 | 53 | 14 | 14 |
| 2. Nonuya | 56 | 51 | 16 | 14 |
| 3. Boro | 56 | 52 | 18 | 15 |
| 4. Andoke | 57 | 53 | 17 | 16 |
| 5. Witoto | 54 | — | 15 | — |
| Tribe. | Head-Length. | Neck. | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Male. | Female. | Male. | Female. | |
| 1. Resigero | 20 | 18 | Short | Short |
| 2. Nonuya | 21.5 | 19 | Long | Short |
| 3. Boro | 24 | 20 | Short | Long |
| 4. Andoke | 22 | 19 | Medium | Short |
| 5. Witoto | 21 | — | Short | — |
| Tribe. | Cheek-Bones. | Mouth. | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Male. | Female. | Male. | Female. | |
| 1. Resigero | High, not pronounced | High, not pronounced | Moderate | Large |
| 2. Nonuya | Very high | High, not pronounced | Large | Large |
| 3. Boro | Wide, high | Wide, high | Small | Small |
| 4. Andoke | — | — | Small | Small |
| 5. Witoto | Wide, high | — | Large | — |
| Tribe. | Teeth. | Eyes. | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Male. | Female. | Male. | Female. | |
| 1. Resigero | Large | Large | Oblique | Oblique |
| 2. Nonuya | — | — | Deep-set | Oblique |
| 3. Boro | — | — | Deep-set | Oblique |
| 4. Andoke | — | — | Slightly oblique | Oblique |
| 5. Witoto | Large, even | — | Oblique | — |
| Tribe. | Nose. | Height. | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Male. | Female. | Male. | Female. | |
| 1. Resigero | Straight | Broad, bridged | 160 | 138 |
| 2. Nonuya | Aquiline | Flat | 168 | 149 |
| 3. Boro | Depressed | Depressed | 162 | 146 |
| 4. Andoke | Aquiline | Depressed | 171 | 146 |
| 5. Witoto | Flat | — | 164 | — |
| Tribe. | Chest—Round. | Waist. | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Male. | Female. | Male. | Female. | |
| 1. Resigero | 85 | 75 | 73 | 71 |
| 2. Nonuya | 87 | 79 | 73 | 75 |
| 3. Boro | 88 | 75 | 77 | 65 |
| 4. Andoke | 89 | 82 | 76 | 76 |
| 5. Witoto | 90 | — | 77 | — |
| Tribe. | Hips—Round. | Tip Shoulder-Tip Elbow. | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Male. | Female. | Male. | Female. | |
| 1. Resigero | 82 | 79 | 35 | 28 |
| 2. Nonuya | 83 | 88 | 35 | 32 |
| 3. Boro | 87 | 81 | 34 | 30 |
| 4. Andoke | 90 | 87 | 38 | 33 |
| 5. Witoto | 84 | — | 36 | — |
| Tribe. | Elbow to Top Middle Finger. | Eminence Buttock to Tip Flexed Knee.439 | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Male. | Female. | Male. | Female. | |
| 1. Resigero | 45 | 39 | 52 | 44 |
| 2. Nonuya | 47 | 41 | 53 | 48 |
| 3. Boro | 46 | 42 | 47 | 45 |
| 4. Andoke | 48 | 40 | 53 | 48 |
| 5. Witoto | 44 | — | 52 | — |
| Tribe. | Crutch to Tip of Flexed Knee. | Eminence Knee to Ground. | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Male. | Female. | Male. | Female. | |
| 1. Resigero | 37 | 28 | 51 | 44 |
| 2. Nonuya | 40 | 31 | 53 | 45 |
| 3. Boro | 36 | 32 | 51 | 45 |
| 4. Andoke | 41 | 33 | 55 | 44 |
| 5. Witoto | 38 | — | 52 | — |
| Tribe. | Feet. | Distance between Nipples. | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Male. | Female. | Male. | Female. | |
| 1. Resigero | Broad, large | Broad, small | 20 | 23 |
| 2. Nonuya | Long | Broad | 21.5 | 23 |
| 3. Boro | Large | Small | 23 | 22 |
| 4. Andoke | Large, broad | Medium | 22 | 20 |
| 5. Witoto | Large, broad | — | 22 | — |
| Tribe. | Length from Centre Nipples to Navel. | Navel to Crutch. | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Male. | Female. | Male. | Female. | |
| 1. Resigero | 23 | 24 | 19 | 19 |
| 2. Nonuya | 25 | 22 | 24 | 20 |
| 3. Boro | 21 | 22 | 20 | 20 |
| 4. Andoke | 25 | 25 | 24 | 23 |
| 5. Witoto | 26 | 22 | — | — |
| Tribe. | Remarks. | |
|---|---|---|
| Male. | Female. | |
| 1. Resigero | Moderate | Plump |
| 2. Nonuya | Lean | Fat |
| 3. Boro | Well-nourished | Well-nourished |
| 4. Andoke | Well-nourished | Very plump |
| 5. Witoto | Well-nourished | — |
Essential Measurements — Two Cases, Women, Witoto
| Centimetres. | ||||
| 1. | Head | Maximum length | 17.3 | 18.15 |
| 2. | Maximum breadth | 13.85 | 13.9 | |
| 3. | Nose | Length from base to root | 4.3 | 4.0 |
| 4. | Breadth across nostrils | 3.0 | 3.0 | |
| 5. | Projection of head | From vertex to root of nose | 9.2 | 10.0 |
| 6. | ″ ″ mouth | 16.0 | 14.2 | |
| 7. | ″ ″ chin | 19.0 | 17.4 | |
| 8. | ″ ″ tragus of ear | 10.7 | 12.0 | |
| 9. | Bizygomalic breadth of face | 12.75 | 12.0 | |
| 9. | Face length from nasim to chin | 10.2 | 9.3 | |
| 10. | Length of upper limb | 60.0 | 440 | |
| 11. | ″ cubit | 38.0 | ||
| 12. | ″ hand along its back | 15.0 | ||
| 13. | ″ foot | 23.0 | ||
| 14. | Sitting height | 72.0 | ||
| 15. | Kneeling height | 103.75 | ||
| 16. | Standing height | 139.5 | ||
| 17. | (Obvious) height to chin | 120.5 | ||
| 18. | Height to sternal notch | 117.0 | ||
| 19. | Height from internal malleolus to ground | 6.4 | ||
| 20. | Span of arms | 140.5 | ||
Extra Notes on Two Women, Witoto (Chosen Types)
No. 1. Very short neck; short sternum; straight shoulders. When standing at ease the middle finger of hand is half-way between flexion of knee and hip-joint. Thighs short.
No. 2. Neck short; shoulders straight; good teeth—very large and even.
General Description of Two Indian Women for Evolving a Type. Both Witoto-speaking
No. 1. Woman full grown. No. 2. Still growing, of pubertal age. According to Schedule, pp. 11, Anatomical Observation.
External Characters.—General condition well nourished—healthy. No. 1. Stout. No. 2. Medium.
Descriptive Characters
| A. Colour of skin. | ||
| No. 1. | Exposed part light reddish-brown. | |
| No. 2. | Unexposed part—very much lighter, and tintometer curve, etc. | |
| B. Colour of eyes. Black. | ||
| No. 1. | Dark-brown iris. | |
| No. 2. | Black iris. | |
| C. Fold of skin at inner angle of eyes. | ||
| No. 1. | Covering the caruncle. | |
| No. 2 | ||
| D. Colour of hair. | ||
| No. 1. | Black, brown in sunlight, i.e. brown-black. | |
| No. 2. | ||
| E. Character of hair (vide Section of Hair). | ||
| No. 1. | Straight and coarse (horse hair but finer). | |
| No. 2. | ||
| F. Amount of hair. | ||
| No. 1. | Body very very scanty, depilation not recent. | |
| No. 2. | Face nil. Body nil. | |
| G. Shape of face. | ||
| No. 1. | Short. Broad. | |
| No. 2. | Pyramidal. Wedge-shaped. | |
| H. Profile of nose. | ||
| No. 1. | Chinese type. | |
| No. 2. | Chinese type, but not so pronounced, between this and European. | |
| I. Prognathism. | ||
| No. 1. | Slight. | |
| No. 2. | Very slight. | |
| J. Lips. | ||
| No. 1. | Medium—slightly everted. | |
| No. 2. | Medium European type. | |
| K. | ||
| No. 1. | Platyoprosopic not excessive. | |
| No. 2. | ||
APPENDIX V
ARTICLES NOTED BY WALLACE AS IN USE AMONG THE UAUPES INDIANS THAT ARE FOUND WITH THE ISSA-JAPURA TRIBES
Household Furniture and Utensils
Hammocks.
Baskets, flat and deep.
Calabashes and gourds.
Earthenware water-pots.
Earthenware cooking-pots.
Manioc graters.
Manioc squeezers.
Wicker sieves.
Weapons
Bows and arrows.
Quivers.
Blow-pipes.
Small pots and calabashes for poison.
Spears.
Nets.
Rods, lines, and palm-spine hooks.
Wicker fish-traps.
Musical Instruments
Fifes and flutes of reeds—Menimehe and Napo tribes.
Dress and Ornaments
Feather head-dress.
Palm-wood combs.
Necklaces of seeds, beads, and teeth.
Wooden ear-plugs.
Armlets.
Painted aprons.
Rattles and ornaments for legs.
Knitted garters.
Calabashes of red pigment.
Painted earthen pot for caapi.
Small pot of dried peppers.
Dancing rattles.
Balls of string.
Baskets for edible ants.
Small dug-out canoe.
Paddles.
Pestles and mortars.
Bombax silk-cotton for arrows.
Stone axes.
Appendix VI — Names of Deities
Many writers have stated that the Indians of the Upper Amazon forests have no words in their languages to express a Supreme Being. (See, for example, Bates, i. 162; Wallace, p. 354; Nery, p. 273; Orton, p. 316; Bates, ii. 137, 162-3; Markham.) It therefore seemed to me worth while to make the following list of words expressive of some idea of a superior, non-human being, good or bad.
| Tribe. | Good Spirit. | Bad Spirit. |
|---|---|---|
| Amazon (proper) | Curupira | |
| Diabo do mato (Spruce, ii. 437) | ||
| Atabayoo, Inivida (Orinoco tribes) | Cachimana (Humboldt, ii. 362) | Iolokiamo (Humboldt, ii. 362) |
| Baniwa | Diotso | Yenauepena (Koch-Grünberg) |
| Ienahabapen (Tavera-Acosta) | ||
| Baré | Diose (Sp. Dios.) (Koch-Grünberg, p. 92) | Iyehe (Koch-Grünberg) |
| Oayaba (Spix) | ||
| Boro | Neva441 | Navena442 |
| Bororo | Bope443 (Cook, p. 55) | |
| Casiquiari | Yamadu (Spruce, ii. 437) | |
| Equatorial Andes | Munyia (Spruce, ii. 437) | |
| Guayana | Yawahoo (Bancroft and Stedman, Spruce, ii. 437) | |
| Hypurina | Kamiri (Steere, p. 379) | |
| Imihita Miranya | Nawene (Koch-Grünberg, Z. 9081) | |
| Karutana | Inei (Koch-Grünberg, p. 93) | |
| Katapolitani | Iyemi, Koai (Koch-Grünberg, p. 93) | |
| Puru | Ara, Carimade (Clough, p. 117) | Arabuny, Camery, Mendy (Clough, p. 117) |
| Quichua | Apunchi-yaya444 (Orton, p. 628) | |
| Siusi | Yaperikuli445 Koch-Grünberg, p. 92) | Iyeimi (Koch-Grünberg, p. 93) |
| Tamanac | Amulivaca446 (Humboldt, ii. 473-474). | |
| Tariana | Yaperikuli (Koch-Grünberg, p. 93) | Iyei (Koch-Grünberg, p. 93) |
| Iapiricure (Crevaux) | Inhat (Crevaux) | |
| Ticuna | Nanuloa (Markham) | Locazy (Markham) |
| Tupi-Guarani | Tupan447 (Nery, p. 281) | Ananga448 (Nery, p. 281) |
| Uaupes | Tupanau (Wallace, p. 348) | |
| Uarekena | Kue (Koch-Grünberg, p. 92) | |
| Witoto | Usiyamoi,449 Husinaimui (Koch-Grünberg) | Taifeno, Taifa, Taegfeno (spirit), Foremo (phantom) (Koch-Grünberg) |
| Yagua | Tupana (Orton, p. 628) | |
| Yukuna | Hiya (Koch-Grünberg, p. 93) | |
| Zaparo | Piatzo450 (Orton, p. 628) | Mungia (black spectre) (Orton, p. 170) |
| Zamaro (Simson, p. 175) | ||
| Samaro (Simson, p. 263) |
Appendix VII — Vocabularies and Lists of Names
Note re Pronunciation.—Vowels as in Italian and consonants as in English. The system adopted by the Anthropological and Geographical Societies has been followed.
SOME WITOTO TRIBES OF THE ISSA-JAPURA WATERSHED
Achopego.
Aifuya.
Aiguya.
Aigwene.
Aimene.
Aiyofo.
Amenane.
Angarofo.
Aniliene.
Arama.
Aronia.
Baienise.
Chaigero.
Chepeye.
Choria.
Dedinuia.
Diguene.
Eguidafo.
Eifuya.
Eikifo.
Emerai.
Emuidifo.
Enao.
Enenea.
Enifofo
Enokaise.
Erai.
Erifo.
Fainya.
Feyagene.
Fitia.
Foetano.
Fueragero.
Futekwene.
Gidone.
Gimene.
Guidua.
Gwamareya
Hane.
Hedua.
Hegero.
Hemui.
Heone.
Heya.
Hifikuine.
Hikoniai.
Himene.
Himua.
Hipunya.
Hitamene.
Homaguya.
Huieku.
Hui-Hui.
Hurae.
Husinene.
Iagero.
Iane.
Iconya.
Ifekwene.
Ipunya.
Isikifo.
Itomangero.
Iyane.
Kaiduya.
Kaio.
Kaniane.
Kaniene.
Kitopeise.
Kokoya.
Kotuene.
Kotwine.
Kuito.
Kumaiere.
Machifuri.
Megiya.
Menia.
Merekweine.
Mereta.
Mikagwe.
Minwa.
Mofuinista.
Mokine.
Monane.
Monanisei.
Monanuise.
Monawike.
Muidofege.
Muititefa.
Muitofeiche.
Naikwene.
Naimene.
Naiuiene.
Nefesa.
Nemuigaro.
Nigwerene.
Nimaita.
Nofuinista.
Nirafo.
Nomene.
Nomuene.
Nongone.
Nonuya.
Nufuidai.
Nufuya.
Nuisai.
Nuiuene.
Owapirei.
Owapure.
Pofaito.
Pueneisa.
Puinaise.
Puineita.
Puruia.
Raikene.
Riai.
Rochegero.
Ruiraga.
Sebua.
Seguene.
Sigwene.
Sikibia.
Sikitaise.
Taigwene.
Taikebua.
Tiase.
Torifa.
Uane.
Uchopego.
Uekanise.
Uguine.
Uiguene.
Uhiya.
Urafo.
Urama.
Utiguene.
Yaaniani.
Some Tribes of the Okaina Group
Aniokasa.
Dukaiya.
Ekanocha.
Enoya.
Fatite.
Harabahanako.
Konega.
Movanio.
Netarako.
Nimone.
Ofofo.
Pikaha.
Tokoia.
Tonhanoija.
Zohonoija.
Some Boro Tribes of the Issa-Japura Watershed
Atehl.
Bachiwame.
Bakiehe.
Bakohe.
Chemaio.
Chenome.
Chibame.
Dossamehe.
Ibamahe.
Ikepake.
Imene.
Inege.
Itiage.
Ivamehe.
Kontadura.
Kugwamihe.
Kugweme.
Megwae.
Megwamehe.
Mememue.
Metakwe.
Nabeme.
Nevahe.
Nonuya.
Nuremehe.
Oha.
Okaina.
Paheime.
Pei.
Pirehamuena.
Teiere.
Tichibamuene.
Ugwame.
Uhemehe.
Uratefo.
Uwame.
Wanahe.
Warime.
Warine.
Warume.
Wawako.
Witoto Chiefs and Medicine-Men
Aikikwe.
Ainenatofe.
Amenatofe.
Amuiyena.
Bogana.
Diehi.
Diomao.
Eavama.
Echu.
Efuyaima.
Etokwenami.
Fenamena.
Forina.
Hename.
Henatoba.
Hifaro.
Hirevaina.
Huguraitoma
Husinachire.
Itomakuto.
Kaimarigero.
Kutina.
Kutofirima.
Kwegado.
Kwegare.
Magui.
Maiji.
Maiu.
Mayi.
Meinyitofo.
Monagara.
Naimekwe.
Okaima.
Okainama.
Puinanyete.
Puinayeni.
Puineima.
Riaduema.
Sekwana.
Sotaro.
Suneirokwe.
Tifecheamena.
Wamue.
Names of Boro Chiefs and Medicine-Men
Adiama.
Adiwako.
Agepa.
Akteume.
Ativa.
Ativatahe.
Bugwaheio.
Chevetahgwe.
Chiako.
Chikaho.
Darapade.
Dekio.
Dihidihe.
Ekeniba.
Evahihaia.
Evahikie.
Gwanebe.
Ibaje.
Ibapakama.
Imenepa.
Inateraka.
Kadokuri.
Katinere.
Kivape.
Magapamena.
Matremiko.
Mewago.
Mucheochime.
Muchichigwako.
Nehevaio.
Nevamarime.
Nevame.
Nipemeiwako.
Nivagwa.
Nivahna.
Poachiiba.
Rimetagwa.
Tchitchitaga.
Teripa.
Tikaame.
Tirakagwako.
Tirakawako.
Uvatipa.
Wadikova.
Witoto
| Darkness (devil) | Apuehana |
| Fire | Ireiki |
| God | Usiyamoi |
| Moon | Fuibui |
| Sky | Mona |
| Sun | Itoma |
| Water | Heinowei |
| Hunger | Ameniti, naimede |
| Laugh | Sateide, seteide |
| Metal | Okkupe |
| Paper (book) | Kwerape (literally my leaves) |
| Paper (leaves) | Rape |
| Paper, a speaking leaf | Kwede, hweyarape |
| Powder (dust) | Himuisa |
| Sleep | Inude, unyude, kwinyakate |
| Sleep, dream | Inie |
| Bush, the | Aisikumo |
| Cliff | Ifere |
| Compound | Gicheipwere |
| Palm jungle | Amena |
| Plantation | Akafo |
| River | Imane |
| River, a large | Ichue |
| Road | Io |
| Stream | Hurete |
| Streamlet | Ichemo |
| Alligator pear | Nomedo |
| Coca | Hibia |
| Cocoa | Museje |
| Fruit (general) | Rie |
| Grape fruit | Hurekoi |
| Gum (rubber milk) | Hittie |
| Leaves | Rape |
| Maize | Bechado |
| Mango palm | Himeki |
| Mango palm drink | Hayabei, hagapui |
| Manioc (poisonous) | Maika |
| Palm | Amena |
| Palm | Himepile, hitiji |
| Palm drink (pjnayo) | Himepwi |
| Palm-spines | Edo |
| Pepper | Ifigo |
| Pineapple | Rosiji |
| Plantain | Ogoda |
| Plum | Nemawsi |
| Rubber | Isire |
| Rubber latex | Hittagei |
| Sugar-cane | Kananoganei, kononga |
| Sugar-cane juice | Kananogan’heinowei, kononochiki |
| Tobacco | Deui |
| Tree | Inya |
| Trees, felled | Amena |
| Tree poles | Neda |
| Withe | Vineihi |
| Bird (small generally) | Siji |
| Bird (small unknown species) | Iguyitoi |
| Bird, cock | Eitaba |
| Birds (small game) | Ataba |
| Birds, chickens | Ataba hissa |
| Capybara | Okeina |
| Curassoa | Eifoke |
| Deer (one species) | Kito |
| Deer (generally) | Chaota |
| Eggs (generally) | Herga |
| Eggs (one kind) | Ataba hige |
| Fish (general) | Jukua |
| Jaguar | Hekko |
| Monkey (general) | Homa |
| Monkey (one species) | Hemwi |
| Monkey, small | Hidobe |
| Parrot | Kwiyoto |
| Parrot (another kind) | Kweko, Uiyike |
| Pig | Mero |
| Pig, small | Emo |
| Spider | Humakinyo |
| Tapir | Zuruma |
| Tiger, dog, etc. | Hekko |
| Turkey | Muitoka, muito |
| Turkey (another kind) | Egwe |
| Turkey Buzzard | Eifoke |
| Boy | Toii |
| Girl | Rinyosa |
| Lad | Hivisa |
| Man | Rema |
| Man, old | Weikiroma-superoma |
| Man, strong | Reima |
| Men, white (Europeans) | Riei, riama |
| People | Komweine |
| Stranger | Oikommo |
| Stranger, an enemy | Ikagmake |
| Stranger, a friend | Cheinama |
| Woman | Rinyo |
| Woman, old | Weirinyo-irokwe |
| Brother— | |
| Man speaking | Ama |
| Woman speaking | Tio |
| Brother-in-law | Oima |
| Child | Hito |
| Father | Moma |
| Grandfather | Marama |
| Grandmother | Einyoko |
| Husband | Une |
| Mother | Einyo |
| Nephew— | |
| Brother’s child | Enasai |
| Sister’s child | Komona |
| Niece— | |
| Brother’s child | Enasanyo |
| Sister’s child | Momonio |
| Sister— | |
| Man speaking | Mirinyo |
| Woman speaking | Epunyo |
| Sister-in-law | Ofanyo |
| Uncle— | |
| Father’s brother | Iso |
| Mother’s brother | Vichama |
| Wife | Ei |
| Anus | Sirafo |
| Arm | Onawji |
| Fore-arm | Onefai |
| Belly | Ero |
| Blood | Dueidi |
| Body | Namaseapwi |
| Bowels | Hepe |
| Clitoris | Hito |
| Ears | Efo |
| Eyes | Uise |
| Face | Uyeko |
| Feet | Elba, epa |
| Finger | Onoko |
| Flesh | Jukua |
| Hair | Ifoterai |
| Hair (body) | Heinektere (!), heineitere |
| Hair (face) | Eimago |
| Hair (pubic) | Hueke |
| Hand | Ono |
| Head | Ifo |
| Heart | Komeke |
| Limbs | Rueisi, reesi |
| Mouth | Fue |
| Nails | Onokobi, onopeko |
| Nails (toe) | Ekobe |
| Navel | Modda |
| Neck | Kimo |
| Nose | Dofo |
| Penis | Hechina |
| Pudenda | Jana |
| Semen | Uke |
| Skull | Ifoku |
| Teeth | Isido, isife |
| Testicles | Hinyergo |
| Tongue | Hufe |
| Urine | Poji |
| Vagina | Berirafo |
| Ague | Fuibuiko |
| Diarrhœa | Nuimuisa, Jui, chui |
| Illness | Duide, tuike |
| Small-pox | Guiyoko, tutuko |
| Bark cloth | Vinei |
| Beads | Sirie |
| Breech cloth | Mokoto, makuto iroi, hinoi-giroi |
| Clothes (general) | Uiniroi |
| Cord (belt) | Kirige |
| Feather head ornaments | Eniago |
| Necklace, dance | Chikai |
| Necklace of seeds | Imaidu |
| Necklace, of teeth | Efoke |
| Slippers, boots | Epa iko |
| Socks | Epa iko (see Feet and Cap) |
| White man’s cap | Ifoigiko, ifoiko, iko |
| White man’s shirt | Kaifofero |
| Baking-pan | Sipe |
| Cassava | Tano |
| Firewood | Rege |
| Hammock | Kunei |
| House | Hofo |
| House, large | Ejo hofo |
| Hut | Hiochupe |
| Light (artificial) | Maha |
| Lighted torch | Maha |
| Mat | Duriei |
| Pot | Inogo, ichuki |
| Thatch | Ereije |
| Tobacco-pot | Kuruke |
| Torch | Rekekawdo, rekeketo, recheki |
| Axe | Chovema |
| Blow-pipe | Obidiake |
| Fish-hook | Fakawasi |
| Knife | Chovefa, chovetera |
| Drum | Hugwe |
| Drum mallet | Quaki |
| Pan pipes | Piabami |
| Sword | Chovega |
| Trap, animal | Iregi |
| Weapons, stones, shot | Chowefi, jowefi, chowefei |
| Signal-drum | Ware |
| Afternoon | Nawipe |
| Morning | Wiremoni |
| Morning, early | Monanyeno |
| Night | Nagona |
| Night, last | Nago, hahe nago |
| Night before last | Beinawife |
| To-day | Beiruido |
| To-morrow | Wiremonei (see Morning) |
| To-morrow, day after | Dawire |
| Twilight | Naruide, nagona-yakate |
| Yesterday | Nawire |
| Yesterday, day before | Beinawire |
| All | Nana |
| Before | Fuere |
| Before (position) | Uikota |
| Before (long time) | Heiyei |
| Behind | Moina |
| Behind (position) | Moina |
| Enough | Asirete |
| Farther | Beife |
| For | Mero |
| Full, carefully, good measure | Einue |
| Full | Moniteidi, monite |
| Here | Benomo |
| How many? | Nigama? |
| How much? | Niga? |
| Much | Eijo |
| Much, enough | Monome |
| Nobody | Buna |
| Now | Monokoi |
| Only | Dama |
| Then, afterwards | Achue |
| There | Batinomo |
| This | Pie |
| Together | Fofona (?) |
| Well? | Mei? |
| What? | Nifote? |
| Where? | Ninomo? |
| Who? | Bu? |
| Why? | Nibaji, nibeiji? |
| No | Damaita |
| Not | Inyete |
| Yes | Huhh, U (ventral) |
| I | Kwe |
| Thou | O |
| He, she, him | Afima |
| We | Koko |
| You | Omei |
| They, them | Afimaki |
| Bad | Figonigete |
| Big | Eijue |
| Bitter | Neimenete |
| Black | Ituide |
| Cold | Rosirete |
| Cool | Maneide |
| Dark | Hitirite |
| Dead | Teide |
| Deeper | Nane efarite |
| Dry | Daherede |
| Good | Figora |
| Hard | Agarrite |
| Heavy | Merete |
| Hot | Usirete |
| Light (sun) | Hite |
| Light (weight) | Fekote |
| Long | Are |
| Red | Larede |
| Short | Hiannare |
| Small, little | Yewrete |
| Soft | Itieide |
| Straight | Huchinyete |
| Strong | Agarrite |
| Thick | Herie |
| Thin | Henite |
| Twisted | Huchite |
| Well (in health) | Gagritte |
| White | Userede |
| Early, soon | Ono |
| Slowly | Puiya |
| Soon | Reiri |
| To bathe | Noise |
| To bring | Ate |
| To carry | Ui |
| To come down | Anabi |
| To come up | Kifobi |
| To cool | Rosirete |
| To cry | Ede |
| To dry | Nokitenyete, nohipuinyete |
| To eat | Oko, gunyo |
| To go down | Anahei |
| To go quickly | Reiri maka |
| To go up | Kifohei |
| To hear, listen, understand | Kekate |
| To heat | Usirete |
| To hurt | Isirete |
| To like, love, desire (persons) | Dwere-uite |
| To like, love, desire (things) | Oyakate |
| To know | Onote |
| To make | Nenyo, fuiho |
| To rain | Nokitede, nokipuite |
| To sit down | Anarana |
| To sleep | Mei-ine |
| To speak | Naitode |
| To stay | Fuipire |
| To take | Gweipi |
| To urinate | Chowei, pochite |
| To wait | Anafue |
| To wash | Hokoa |
| To work | Biefono |
| I am | Iti kwe |
| Thou art | Iti-o |
| He is | Afima ite |
| We are | Iti koko |
| You are | Iti omoi |
| They are | Afimaki ite |
| I was | Kwe ia |
| Thou wert | Ia o |
| He was | Afima ia |
| We were | Koko ia |
| You were | Ia omoi |
| They were | Afimaki ia |
| One | Dahe |
| Two | Mena |
| Three | Dahe-amene |
| Four | Menahere |
| Five | Dapekwiro |
| Ten | Nagapekwiro |
| Ask me | Kwemohikka |
| Give me | Kweme |
| Give me food | Eka |
| A few days ago | Tika irue |
| It is dark | Nawite |
| It is going to rain | Teyakate |
| Puiyakate | |
| What tribe do you belong to? | O Komweine? |
| O Memeka bu? | |
| Move along! | Hei! |
| Ifo! | |
| Come! | Bi! |
| It is very far | Hikka Ite |
| Hikka Are | |
| It is near | Hiannare |
| It is very near | Hikka-iannare |
| It is very much farther | Hikka-fe |
| Be quick | Reiri |
| Be slow | Pwia hei |
| Pwia ifo | |
| You do not want me | Kwena dueruenyeteo |
| I am about to punish you | O feitakkwe |
| What do you want? | Nifote oyakateo |
| How much do you want? | Niga oyakateo |
| I want to see | Eroi yakatekwe |
| I want to eat | Okoyakatekwe |
| I want to sleep | Iniyakatekwe |
| I do not want to sleep | Iniyakanyetekwe |
| Let us sleep | Meikoko ini |
| Let us walk | Manyakoko maketchi |
| Let us bathe | Manya koko noi |
| Go and wash | Hokorise |
| What are you doing? | Nefoteo nia? |
| What are they doing? | Nefoteo nietimeke? |
| What have you done? | Nefoteo nieteo? |
| What have you others done? | Nefoteo omoi nieteo? |
| Are you sick? | O seicha? |
| Tuiko teiteo? | |
| What is the matter with you? | Neisoi o icha? |
| What pains you? | O nino isiritte? |
| He is dead | Ei e teide |
| He is well again | Ei e hichoet |
| Put water to boil | Heinoi kokoita |
| We are nearly there | Duki-eikateki |
| We have not arrived | Duki nieteke |
| It is a long way yet | Nia areiti |
| It is a very long way | Nia are are are |
| It is very short | Wei iannare |
| Put on more wood | Nane rege honne |
| Fill it full | Nue oruita |
| Be careful not to break it | Chitesai |
| Remove the leaves | Rape honne |
| Open it carefully | Nue ekonotta |
| Cook only manioc and plantains | Dama seteo meika ogoto |
| Eat the skins | Igore ine |
| Take some crushed maize | Pechato tuta hisano ui |
| How many women are there? | Niga rinyona hisa ite? |
| From what cause has your brother died? | Nipeiche tio teide? |
| Why did you leave the child outside? It will be eaten by the dogs | Nipeiche hito hino o fuaka ia daria |
| Go soon and guard the women | Mei rieri rinyona hofona ipeise |
| Do not do it again | Mene amanyete omoi |
| An unmoral Indian woman | Rinyo Rei-irage |
| An immoral Indian woman | Rinyo Kachirete |
| With whom have you been having intercourse? | Bu tika beriteo? |
| How many husbands have you had? | Nigama bettora-o? |
| Are you (a virgin) married? | Nia rutanyega-o? |
| Who ravished you? | Bu-o rutaka? |
| You are blind (a fool) | O ui nirite |
| Do not delay | Fwepi neri |
| Give me something | Feka |
| Do not give anything | Fekanyete |
| Walk | Mekkate |
| Do not walk | Mekanyete |
| I do not understand | Kehanyete |
| That’s my business (common expression without intention of rudeness) | Pia |
| My body aches | Kwe apui isirete |
| Let me go | Kwe-mosueta |
| Hold me | Kwe-mojeno |
| Turn round | Jireno |
| Do not move | Weihoi |
| Why do you shout? | Nipeiche kicheteyo? |
| It is big | Ei ichwe |
| It is small | Hurete |
| Eichonyete | |
| It is not good | Fogonyete |
| Do you like it? | Kimmarueteo? |
| Do you not like it? | Kimmaruenyeteo? |
| You are pretty | Nuen otego |
| You are ugly | Nuenonyeteo |
| You are dirty | Oapwi gagrette |
| I want you | Ona dueruetckwe |
| I do not want you | Ona dueruenetckwe |
| Tie well (the cross poles) | Nue kwina |
| Tie higher | Keifofe kwina |
| Take care not to break | Titeise |
| Well done, you thatch well | Mei omoi ita |
| Is everything clean? | Nana ganino fuinore? |
| That is dirty, I shall punish you | Vie gagrette a kioiteo o feitikwe |
| It is very sweet | Eicho nimerettega |
| I do not like it hot | Usirete ittinyetekwe |
| I like it warm | Chiei maneide ittitekwe |
| Look well in front of you | Nue oroi |
| The plantation is a good one | Nue akafo icha |
| The plantation is a bad one | Akafo fogonyete |
| Let us go and build a house | Manya ofo koko fuinoche |
| There are not sufficient palisades | Nia amena nana inyete |
| All of you bring timber | Omoi amena atiche |
| You make the thatches | Are niite omoi |
| These boys will bring canes | Bie hettanitino are gweichi |
| These others will bring palm leaves | Bimeke ererite |
| Those will make holes | Bimeichino iffweirakte |
| I do not want it there | Batinomo ittinyetekwe |
| Open it here | Benomo ekkono |
| Send me the small boy | Urettema kwemo hito |
| Go and throw away that water | Mei ba i heinoi dota |
| Wash it well | Nue hokorii |
| Do not delay | Are enyeno bi |
| You are dirty | Nia gagrette |
| Put it there | Batinomo honne |
| Put it here | Benomo honne |
| Put it yonder | One honne |
| Do not put it over there | Batinomo honne nieno |
| Why are you sad? | Nipeiche sure iteo? |
| Who hurt you? | Bu o faga? |
| When did you come? | Nirueteo viteo? |
| When did you go? | Nirueteo heito? |
| It is so firm I cannot move it | Are agagrette ekkononyette |
| Bring the wood | Itofie nue omoi ire |
| Do not throw them away | Oni tinyeno nue ofitare |
| I am going to see | A chimitekwe |
| If you do not bring them, I shall punish you | Omoi pweya fachiomoi |
| Plant them carefully | Nue omoi haire |
| Go and clean up | Mei omoi reitiseiri |
| Place all the sticks together | Reitekinyo nue omoi ofitare |
| You have left the plantation untidy | Akkafo gagritte omoi fueka |
| Why don’t you bring it? | Nipeiche atinyeta omoi? |
| Make enough cassava | Eichwe tano fuinore |
| Let it be good | Nuere finoiche |
| Bring a little | Yewre atitomoi |
| Not enough | Dutenyete |
| It is soft | Itieide |
| What are you doing? | Nifote niecomoi? |
| What are you eating? | Nifote okoteomoi? |
| Where are they—the rest of you? | Ninomo iteomoi? |
| Why have they (the others) gone without telling me? | Nipeiche kwe jonyeno heite omoi? |
| Bring it to the light | Useritenomo ate |
| To-morrow go and see the tribe and then return here together | Weirimoni dama komweine hoke teiteo nana fofona orerire |
| Split it with the knife | Chovefa do ekkono |
| Take out the cane early | Monanyano kononwe ono |
| It is rich | Kei maritte |
| Wash the pot well before boiling water in it | I chiko nue hoko heinowei hoku-itechi |
| Do not put much fruit in it | Eicho rie dotenyino |
| It is very inconvenient | Y otirette |
| I am unable | Kwe mona |
| Hitinyete | |
| I shall carry it | Diuitikwe |
| Do not carry it | Uinyetekwe |
| I am tired | Aeeiontekwe |
| You are going to carry manioc | Meika omoi ui |
Boro
| Brother | Tanyabe |
| Chief | Abihibya |
| Chief’s wife | Abihilya |
| Child | Chemene |
| Father | Iero |
| Fellow-tribesman | Miamuina |
| Husband | Tahe |
| Liar | Aliraje |
| Man | Gwapime |
| Medicine-man | Chekobe |
| Mother | Gwaro |
| People | Akime |
| Sister | Tanyali |
| Sluggard | Ubeye |
| Son | Chukije |
| Wife | Tapa |
| Woman | Gwame |
| Abdomen | Mebigwa |
| Arm | Menejeko |
| Back | Meatche |
| Belly | Epae |
| Blood | Tibune |
| Body | Kepe |
| Bone | Pukene |
| Bosom | Neghpane |
| Buttocks | Medehe |
| Cheek | Mekwa |
| Ear | Menimeo |
| Eye | Ajike |
| Finger | Utsigwako, mechiko |
| Flesh | Iyame |
| Foot | Tia |
| Hair | Nikwako |
| Hand | Meuche |
| Head | Nikwa |
| Heart | Meebe |
| Knee | Mimoko |
| Leg | Take |
| Mouth | Mehe |
| Navel | Icheba |
| Neck | Metchke |
| Nose | Metiko |
| Penis | Nomeo |
| Testicles | Domiba |
| Thigh | Kibaje |
| Tongue | Menigwa |
| Tooth | Igwahe |
| Vagina | Elyapo, diugwa |
| Ague | Chinabe |
| Prickly heat | Nikemoi |
| Smallpox | Maraipa |
| Tick | Chichihe |
| Wound | Pepene |
| Dance | Machiba |
| Falsehood | Achipe |
| Fear | Apichune |
| Grief | Abiyene |
| Ill | Chemei |
| Remedy (in general) | Tabota |
| Smell | Tukine |
| Truth | Imiane |
| Agouti | Bute |
| Anaconda | Bua |
| Ant-eater | Ehe |
| Armadillo | Tie |
| Bird | Karaha |
| Capybara | Uba |
| Deer | Nibigwa |
| Fish | Amome |
| Flea | Ikookwa |
| Frog | Nihagwa |
| Hawk | Ane |
| Head-louse | Knawni |
| Jigger-flea | Mipahe |
| Land crab | Nekwalige |
| Monkey | Kemuime |
| Mosquito | Nee |
| Paca | Tahe |
| Parrot | Yabe |
| Pig | Mene |
| Tapir | Ukahe |
| Tiger, wild dog | Wipe |
| Tucan | Neiche |
| Turkey-buzzard | Pikahe |
| Wild turkey | Imiko |
| Cane | Imuepa |
| Cassava | Mao |
| Cassava (cake) | Topohe |
| Coca | Ipe |
| Fruit | Kome |
| Grain | Tsokome |
| Guarana fruit | Inye |
| Guava | Tuche |
| Gum | Makhine |
| Leaf (letter) | Gwahake-ane |
| Lemon | Teheba |
| Maize | Ihio |
| Manioc (flour) | Chobéma |
| Manioc (Poisonous) | Pika |
| Manioc (Sweet) | Baheri |
| Millet | Matsaka |
| Palm needle | Aneto |
| Peppers | Dio |
| Pine-apple | Kitsea |
| Plantain | Uhiko |
| Plantation | Emiye |
| Stinging-herb | Ate |
| Twig | Katine |
| Withe | Ahéba, mo |
| Yam | Kate |
| Basket | Minyeba |
| Baulks of timber | Imei |
| Comb | Pidogwa |
| Cooking pot | Iguanye |
| Door | Cheugwa |
| Drinking gourd | Jirijo |
| Firewood | Kuba |
| Grater | Chilye |
| Hammock | Gwapa |
| House | Ha-a |
| Manioc squeezer | Buahe |
| Mirror | Mekeme |
| Oil | Diripa |
| Platter | Patahe |
| Salt | Kanama |
| Small timber | Igwa |
| Soap | Nishtie, tagwa |
| Spoon | Daihigwa |
| Tobacco | Banye |
| Tobacco stick-match | Kugwao |
| Torch | Diripa |
| Water jar | Ijo |
| Arrow | Beremehe |
| Arrow-poison | Bakua |
| Boat, canoe | Kihikwame |
| Blowpipe | Dodike |
| Dance rattle | Tekie |
| Fish-net | Tsene |
| Gun | Anihe |
| Head feathers | Aboka |
| Knife, sword | Nitsikwa |
| Mallet | Imepachura |
| Paddle | Bodugwa |
| Rope (vegetable cable) | Igwanye |
| Signalling drum | Kimwe |
| Sword | Pitoho |
| Whip | Gwachike |
| Beads | Ichkabe |
| Clothes | Kwaiame (loin-cloth) |
| Garment | Kameha |
| Head ornament | Gwatako |
| Loin-cloth | Ike, pakehe, kwaiame |
| Man’s bracelet | Manyame |
| Metal | Tsitsi |
| Bush, the | Bahe |
| Dawn | Tsitsibeko |
| Death | Tsihibeko |
| Devil | Navena |
| Dust | Anijio |
| Fire | Kihigwa |
| God | Neva |
| Good Spirit | Neva |
| Gunpowder | Anijio |
| Morning | Neva |
| Night | Beko |
| Plantation | Emie |
| Rain | Nihava |
| Shadow | Nave |
| Star | Mikirigwa |
| Stream | Te-e |
| Sun | Neva |
| Thunder | Tsitsi |
| Water | Nepakio |
| Now | Ikuka |
| To-morrow | Pekore |
| Yesterday | Aiupe |
| Yes | Eh |
| No | Cha |
| To call attention of a man | Mupe! |
| To call attention of a woman | Muije! |
| All | Bemere |
| Enough, much | Lirane |
| Other | Chipe |
| Same | Tedere |
| Slowly | Tsikene |
| Quickly | Chukure |
| Far | Chiejene |
| Far away | Kamine |
| Here | Iji |
| Near | Perine |
| There | Eji |
| What | Itsebane, ina |
| When | Mukoka |
| Where | Kia |
| Why | Ivekie |
| Angry | Kaiyupa |
| Bad | Nemine, imitine |
| Black | Kiribebe |
| Cold | Tsigore |
| Good | Imine |
| High | Kame |
| Higher | Kame-kame |
| Lazy | Urenere |
| Little | Neku |
| Long, big | Kameme |
| Low | Paa |
| Lower | Paa-paa |
| Old | Kieme |
| Purple | Chepanye |
| Small | Chuchine |
| Strong | Kupene |
| Thin | Arenegwe |
| Warm | Kogore |
| White | Alijimuinya |
| Young | Balyika |
| I | O |
| Me | |
| We | |
| Us, Mine | |
| Ours | |
| You | Di |
| Yours | |
| My | Ta |
| One | Tsanere, tsape |
| Two | Mieke |
| Three | Tsape-mieke |
| Four | Mieke-mieke |
| Five | Sause |
| One-half | Tiamie |
| To advance | Ikeyi |
| To bathe | Maboigete |
| To beat flat | Kihigwa |
| To bind, sew | Tsiko |
| To break wind | Nepo |
| To bring | Tsate |
| To call | Pibwa |
| To catch hold | Dekeba |
| To come | Dichabe |
| To crush | Megwasako |
| To cut, shorten | Gwatairo |
| To drink | Mado |
| To eat | Macho |
| To go | Opeko |
| To go away | Gwadipe |
| To hang | Nehigwa |
| To make, do | Mene |
| To move | Chinye |
| To open | Paiyeke |
| To rain | Nihaba |
| To rest | Paribe |
| To run away | Imiba |
| To scratch | Medonakons |
| To search | Neku |
| To see | Aktime |
| To speak | Dibaje |
| To strike | Kaboko |
| To throw | Wago |
| To tie | Chichi |
| To wait | Ubi |
| To wash | Nitie |
| To work | Wakimei |
| Where are you going? | Kia bwipe ite? |
| Where do you come from? | Kia-te itse? |
| Minekwe? | |
| Do not go away | Tsa petine |
| Stand still | Tachure |
| Sit down | Takebe |
| Bring here | Chibahe |
| Let us go | Mahu Mepei |
| Leave me alone | Ubiédere |
| Give me | Okedake |
| Where (is it?) | Kia |
| Whose (is this?) | Mu |
| There is none | Tsa ikatine |
| I do not know | Ureta |
| Tsa quaha Kétine | |
| How many? | Muitemeko? |
| What is the matter? | Ina ichabie? |
| What is hurting you? | |
| What are you called? | Muipa dimene? |
| Are you willing? | Imeje? |
| Cover it up | Gwatako |
| Hold your tongue | Kéktere |
| It is well | Imine |
| Good-bye | Opeko |
Appendix VIII
Oikommo is within the hofo,451
With our tribe there is Oikommo,
And whence cometh Oikommo,
And from where does he come?
He comes from the clouds,
From the clouds he comes;
And why does he come so far?
And why does he come?
In his land are no bread and few women
In his land is no bread;
And what is the name of the stranger,
And what is his name?
His name is Whiffena Ri-e-i,452
His name is Whiff-en-a,
And partly his name is Itoma,453
Itoma is also his name;
And what is he called by his man friends.
And what is his other name?
His privy name is Ei-fo-ke,454
Ei-fo-ke is his privy name;455
And why is he called Ei-fo-ke?
Footnotes
1 My arrival in England was postponed to some months later through an attack of beriberi.
2 It was unknown to me till afterwards that Dr. Koch-Grünberg of Berlin had, in 1904, ascended the Uaupes to, I believe, 71° west longitude.
3 A rifle, where possessed, is never used against an animal but kept for use against the white man.
4 Turtle eggs are, curiously enough, not considered fœtal.
5 For my share I had the honour to receive, through the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, the thanks of the French Government.
6 Steamers have been on the Amazon since 1853, and navigation is continuous throughout the year (cf. Brazilian Year-Book).
7 I never saw the Andes actually from these districts, but the suggestion is always there, they are seen in the mind’s eye; an ultimate, if invisible, limit to what would otherwise seem more than illimitable.
8 Wallace, p. 246.
9 Spruce, ii. 379-380.
10 Robuchon’s estimate of distances is 471 geographical miles from Iquitos to the mouth of the Issa; thence to the Cotuhe, which he places at 2° 53′ 12″ S. and 69° 41′ 10″ W., 150 geographical miles. From the Cotuhe to the Igara Parana, 252 miles, a total distance of 873 geographical miles from Iquitos to the Igara Parana.
11 Robuchon gives latitude 1° 43′ 9″ S., longitude 71° 53′ 36″ W.
12 Spruce, i. 7, ii. 100.
13 September to January is the hottest portion of the year, the heat being at its worst in December. 90° would be extreme heat, and 70° the lowest the mercury would probably reach; the average being from 75° to 85°. Robuchon is responsible for the statement that the temperature at the mouth of the Cotuhe in September was 43° Cent. in the shade, but that after a brisk shower it fell to 31°. The water of the Amazon has a temperature of 81°; the Japura is a warmer river and reaches 85°. Wallace gives the mean temperature of the Rio Negro water in September—that is, during the hot season—as 86°, and the corresponding temperature of the air as from 76° to 92.5°. The water, he considers, is probably never less than 80° at any time. The temperature of the Uaupes has been noted as invariably 76° at three to six feet below the surface (Geo. Journ., 1910, p. 683).
14 The Amazon at its mouth is 158 miles across from bank to bank.
15 This I take to be the Yacitara mentioned by Spruce, i. 30.
16 Wallace noted a butterfly frequenting “the dung of some carnivorous animal” in Malacca, and remarks that many tropical butterflies suck liquid from muddy places, “and are generally so intent upon their meal that they can be easily approached and captured” (Wallace, The Malay Archipelago, pp. 29, 114).
17 Spruce, ii. 366.
18 Bates, ii. 262.
19 Spruce, i. 49.
20 One tree is reputed to be so poisonous that no Indian will touch it. See Maw, p. 294.
21 These tribal houses differ from the communal long-houses of the Fly Delta, British New Guinea, not only in shape, but in that there are no platforms and no divisions for each family; the whole interior is open. For description of Kiwai and Daudai long-houses see Expedition to Torres Straits, iv. 112-117.
22 Maloka = Indian lodge or tribal house (lingoa-geral).
23 Manicaria saccifera (cf. Spruce, i. 56).
24 Eugene André noted that two kinds were commonly used on the Causa, the mulato, a kind of Aroideae, and the murcielago, which belongs to the Bignoniaceae family.
25 Several kinds of palm-leaves are used for this purpose, and whichever was most easily procurable in the district where the house was built would be used by the tribe. Hardenburg mentions the leaves of the Phytelephas macrocarpa, the vegetable ivory-tree, as in use among the Witoto, and the Bactris ciliata or Chonta palm for the posts and rafters (p. 135). The leaves of the Bussu palm, Manicaria saccifera, will make a thatch that lasts for ten or twelve years, by some accounts (cf. Waterton, p. 479).
26 Wallace, p. 341.
27 This is architecturally interesting in view of Foucart’s theory of the evolution of the Egyptian grooved stone pillar from wooden originals, bundles of reeds.
28 Simson mentions such a “door,” p. 237.
29 Wallace, p. 341.
30 Among the Jivaro one partitioned half of the house is kept for the women (Orton, p. 171). There is no such distinction among the Issa-Japura tribes.
31 Cf. Wallace, p. 354.
32 Crevaux has described the process. He watched an Indian “qui fait du feu en roulant vivement un roseau dans une cavité creusée dans une tige de roncon” (Voyage dans l’Amérique du sud, p. 214). Wallace mentions this method among the Kuretu, op. cit. 355.
33 If a jigger is removed at once with a needle it will not hurt, and scarcely makes a puncture.
34 Vampires in this country are few and far between, but Simson mentions them as a plague at Agnano (Simson, p. 131).
35 Bates, i. 246. For the taming of a full-grown Coita see p. 247. Another pet mentioned by Bates, a “strange kind of wood-cricket,” is also unknown to me as a pet, and though I have often heard loud-voiced insects of the cricket class they have never been in captivity (cf. Bates, i. 250).
36 Cf. Martius, P.R.G.S. ii. 192.
38 Deniker, p. 552.
39 Marriage by capture was a Carib custom (Westermarck, p. 383). It is unknown nowadays to the tribes south of the Japura.
40 Partial couvade is found also among tribes in the north of America, that is to say, certain things are tabu to the father after the child’s birth. Cf. Dorsey, Siouan Cults, p. 511; Venegas, i. 94; Tylor, pp. 294-7.
41 im Thurn, p. 173. Joyce locates the original Caribs on the upper Xingu, from whence, he considers, they spread over Guiana and the lesser Antilles (South American Archæology, p. 256). Rodway, on the authority of Spanish chronicled Arawak information, suggests they were the original inhabitants of the north-west coast, migrant from Mexico (Guiana, pp. 41, 45).
42 Ibid. pp. 171-2.
43 Crevaux, Fleuves de l’Amérique du Sud, Yapura, F. 5 et 7.
44 Crevaux, Vocabulaire français-roucouyenne.
45 Koch-Grünberg, Journal de la Société des Américainistes de Paris, tome iii. No. 2 (1906).
46 Koch-Grünberg, Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, xxxviii, 189.
47 It must be remembered that I came to all these people from the Witoto country.
48 Crevaux, Voyages dans l’Amérique du Sud, p. 368.
49 Martius, Beiträge, ii. 340.
50 The Inca were called Orejones by the Spaniards on account of the large studs they wore in the lobes of their ears. See Joyce, p. 110; Ratzel, ii. 172.
51 Simson, p. 210.
52 Koch-Grünberg, Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, xxxviii. 188 (1906).
53 Cd. 6266, pp. 9, 10, 12, 25, 26.
54 Rice, p. 690.
55 Wallace, p. 354.
57 Hardenburg, Man, p. 134.
58 This combination is of so exceptional a character that it is hardly to be recognised as a definite trait of organisation, and it follows that though such exceptional cases may point to a possible past unity of clans as a tribe, these clans are now practically small tribes, being incapable of combining for common action. The expressions language-group, tribe, and tribesman are therefore more correct than tribe, clan, and clansman would be.
59 Cf. im Thurn, p. 185.
60 This is exactly the reverse of the matrilocal customs related by Sir Everard im Thurn.
61 Or their artists and publishers.
62 “The natives are ashamed, as they say, to be clothed” (Humboldt, Travels, iii. 230; cf. also Wallace, p. 357). Clothes, in fact, are often donned by savages at periods of license only. See Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, chap. ix.
63 There are several trees in these forests that supply the needed fibrous bark. im Thurn suggests that the bark used is that of the Lecythis ollaria, but Spruce states that tauari is made from the bark of certain species of Tecoma of the Bignoniaceae order, and tururi, a thinner bark-cloth, from various figs and Artocarps. Naturally natives use the tree that is handiest when required (cf. im Thurn, pp. 194, 291; Spruce, i. 27).
64 Dr. de Lacerda in his journal for July 22, 1798, describes just such a manufacture of bark-cloth carried on by the Muizas, who traded this with their neighbours the Maraves. See Land of Carembe, R.G.S., 1873, p. 71. Loin-cloths made from the bark of the Artocarps are also found among the Semang of Kedah and other wild tribes of the Malay Peninsula. See Skeat and Blagden, i. 143-4, 157, 376, etc.
65 A similar geographical progression has been noted among the women of British New Guinea. See Williamson, The Mafulu, p. 28.
66 Sandals known as alparagatas, with soles of plaited aloe-fibre, are usually worn by travellers in the Amazons. These can be cleaned and washed in the same way. See also Simson, p. 83.
67 Wallace, p. 351.
68 Feather ruffs are worn by Napo Indians, but not by these tribes.
69 im Thurn, p. 305.
70 One feather head-dress in my possession is made with rough cotton yarn, obtained presumably by barter, for none of these tribes make cotton yarn themselves, and it is very rarely to be found among them. The feathers are bound into the hank with very fine fibre.
71 Oenocarpus distichus.
72 Wallace, p. 351.
73 According to Koch-Grünberg the Yahabana and other Kuretu-speaking tribes part the hair in the middle and plait it with bast. After bathing, the hair is dried, combed, and arranged with a bandage.
74 Red was the favourite colour for a djibbeh. White ones were not much liked.
75 This corresponds with the bead tanga described by Wallace, but the Uaupes’ apron is “only about six inches square,” and these girdles or garlands are two feet long or more (Wallace, p. 343).
76 Value, I believe, about ninepence exchange or less.
77 So uncommon is it that I was under the impression that it was entirely unknown until I examined the necklace in question very carefully after my return to England. Certainly I never saw any of these tribes preparing cotton or making use of it in any way except in its natural state to tip their blow-pipe arrows. String or yarn of any sort, except the fibre thread, I always found to be absolutely unobtainable anywhere throughout these districts.
78 Possibly one of the Histeridae mentioned by Bates, i. 211.
79 Pace Maw, p. 226.
80 Belts of apparently similar minute plaiting are worn by the Mafula of British New Guinea. These natives also wear armlets and leglets of the same material, but not tightened to swell the muscles. The thread these are made of is manufactured from vegetable fibre in the identical manner employed by the Issa-Japura Indians (Williams, The Mafula of British New Guinea, pp. 32, 53, 54).
81 Compare illustration with pictures of ligatures in D. Rannie’s My Adventures among South Sea Cannibals, pp. 80, 170, 179.
82 The Spaniards called the Inca Orejones on account of the large studs worn by them in the lobes of their ears. See Joyce, p. 110.
83 Wallace states that all the Indians “have a row of circular punctures along the arm” (Wallace, p. 345). These tribes have nothing of the sort.
84 Wallace describes the mark as “three vertical blue lines on the chin” (Wallace, p. 345). This is not correct; vide drawing.
85 Crevaux, p. 264.
86 The Bixa Orellana (Spix and von Martius, p. 228).
87 Genifa americana (Spix and von Martius, p. 228).
88 Hardenburg, p. 138.
89 “Covering, if not used as a protection from the climate, owes its origin, at least in a great many cases, to the desire of men and women to make themselves mutually attractive” (Westermarck, p. 211). “Clothing was first adopted as a means of decoration rather than from motives of decency. The private parts were first adorned with the appendages that were afterwards used by a dawning sense of modesty to conceal them” (Johnston, The River Congo, p. 418).
90 The result of this is that a traveller is forced to have women as well as men in his escort, or he would find that half the services required would not be rendered him. For instance, no male Indian will prepare food, neither will he wash clothes, nor clean the cooking vessels. This refers to the untouched districts, and must not be confused with the forced “willingness” of the Rubber Belts.
91 A. R. Wallace, p. 349.
92 E. B. Tylor notes that the savage is often skilled in map-making as a form of picture-writing (op. cit. p. 90), and quotes Prescott for the existence of maps in Peru before Europeans reached South America (Prescott, Peru, i. 116). Ancient maps or books like “rolled up palm leaves” (Ratzel, ii. 169).
93 See Chap. XVIII.
94 Pudenda maioris statuae muliebris nigra, labia maiora rubra picta sunt; sed et in maiore et in minore statua vagina tam profunde perforata est ut transitum ab vulva ad uterum suggerere videatur. Scrotum statuae virilis nigrum, praeputium rubrum, pictum est; membrum autem ipsum, quamvis quiescens, erectum tamen est et sic ad abdomen parallelum.
95 See Chap. XVII.
96 Keane tells of the Mojos valley natives that so uncommon is stone in that district that if a man set out on a journey to the uplands where stone is procurable he would be asked to bring some back as a curiosity (Keane, p. 12). For some use of stone implements of the past still employed among present-day peoples, see Mitchell, Past in the Present, p. 12, etc.; Routledge, With a Neolithic People; Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 592-4, etc.; Skeat and Blagden, Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula, i. 242, 296.
97 Spruce mentions a white pitch obtained from Icica trees, I never saw any white pitch. These Indians use only black.
98 Some tribes near the Napo also use circular shields of tapir hide, p. 116.
99 The use of the potter’s wheel was even unknown to the Incas (Joyce, p. 193).
100 Crevaux, p. 193.
101 The caraipé tree is, according to Spruce and Bentham, one of the Licania genus of the Chrysobalaneae order (Spruce, i. 13).
102 Spruce, i. 14.
103 The Cerropia peltata, according to Spix and Martius, p. 259.
104 Tylor mentions the hammock as one of “the inventions which it seems possible to trace to their original districts,” and states that it has spread from South America and the West Indies “far and wide over the world, carrying with it its Haitian name, hamac” (op. cit. p. 175). It is interesting to note in this connection that a hammock is known as a hamaka among the Yakuna; the Tariana call it hamaka or amaka; and the Yavitero Indians call it aimaiha (Koch-Grünberg, Aruak-Sprachen Nordwestbrasiliens und der angrenzenden Gebiete, p. 65). The Baré Indians call it mi; the Baniwa bidzaha or bisali; the Siusi pieta or piete; the Katapolitani change the t to d and have pieda; the Kurutana call it makaitepa; the Uarekena say soalita (Koch-Grünberg, op. cit.); while the Pioje call hammocks jangre (Simson, p. 268). The Witoto word is kinai and the Boro gwapa.
105 Hamilton Rice gives the distances between the meshes as the space of thumb to little finger stretch for the Witoto, palm-length for the Karahone, four fingers for the Cubbeo (p. 700). I knew the spacing differed, but never heard that it was a tribal distinction.
106 The palm employed is, according to Bates, an Astrocaryum (Bates, ii. 209). Wallace and im Thurn mention the Mauritia flexuosa (A. R. Wallace, p. 342; im Thurn, pp. 283, 290), which, according to Spruce, “seems confined to the submaritime region” (Spruce, i. 15). He gives Bromelia karatas, ii. 520. Spix and Martius give the Tucuma palm (Astrocaryum vulgare) and others of the same genus (Spix and Martius, p. 248).
107 “A species of Desmoncus” (A. R. Wallace, p. 336).
108 Women make both cassava-squeezers and graters. This may be a coincidence, as I have seen men making the mats for the doorways, usually women’s work.
109 Guilielmia speciosa.
110 Spruce, ii. 447.
111 Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 668-9, and Across Australia.
112 Any hard wood may be used, but cedar makes the best canoe. Hamilton Rice says cachicama (Rice, p. 691). Spruce mentions “a heavy laurel, probably Paraturi,” used by the Tussari for making their cascos (Spruce, i. 413). Bates mentions the Itauba amarello, “the yellow variety of the stone-wood” (Bates, ii. 117). But all trees will not do, for some will not open properly when they are fired (André, pp. 241-2).
113 Iriartea ventricosa.
114 This is said to be the only kind of canoe used by the Auhishiri (cf. Simson, p. 199).
115 Viz. the Maca, the Guaharibo, and the Guahibo (Spruce, i. 477).
116 Wallace, p. 358.
117 For example, the Zaparo (Simson, pp. 169, 295); the Uaupes Indians (Wallace, p. 349).
118 Among other tribes this is not always the case. Manioc and banana cultivation with the Rucuyens is carried on by the men (Ratzel, ii. 128).
119 There is a wild species on some of the rivers, but the Indians make no use of it (cf. Bates, i. 194).
120 Anauana sativa (Wallace, p. 336).
121 Spruce, i. 180-81.
122 Among the Issa-Japura tribes it is rather sustaining than stimulating, i.e. it is not fermented.
123 Theobroma, the food of the gods (Spruce, i. 79).
124 I would suggest that manioc is the true name for the plant, cassava for the “bread” made therefrom. Mandiocca is only American-Spanish for manioc.
125 Bates i. 194, n.
126 Spruce, i. 215.
127 Capsicum frutescens (Spix and Martius, p. 259). Artanthe eximia and other Artanthe and Peperomia (Spruce, ii. 283-4).
128 For processes of growing and preparation, see Markham, pp. 148-9.
129 Erythroxylon coca and E. cataractarum (Spruce, ii. 446-8).
130 Cf. E. B. Tylor, p. 170.
131 An illustration in Sir H. Johnston’s Liberia, ii. 406, shows a West African native climbing with only one ring and both arms and ankles free. Bates mentions an Indian climbing with only one ring used for the feet (Bates, ii. 196). The same method is to be found in Ceylon, among the Malays, etc. (cf. Skeat and Blagden, i. 51, 62, 85; Tennant, Ceylon, ii. 523; Partridge, Cross River Natives, p. 150, etc.).
132 This is no uncommon thing among peoples of lower culture, but that it does not of necessity follow as a corollary to life in the bush is proved by some of the West African tribes who are most indifferent sportsmen. This is the case among sundry of the peoples of the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast, where a British official has before now had to train his shikari, if he hoped for successful sport.
133 The blow-pipe, the gravitana in lingoa-geral, is known as the zarabatana among the Teffe tribes (Bates, ii. 236); the bodoquera on the Napo. Koch-Grünberg gives the following names for it: todike, Imitritä Miranya; uataha, Yavitero; uilipona, Uarekena; uapana, Yukuna; Mauipi, Katapolitani; mauipi or moipi, Siusi; mauipi or mauipi, Tariana (Aruak-Sprachen, p. 73).
134 A species of Arundinaria.
135 Bactus ciliata.
136 The wood used is paxiaba-i, the Iriartea setigera (Spruce, ii. 522). This small palm grows from ten to fifteen feet high, with a stem of an inch to two inches in diameter. When dry the soft inner pith is removed, and the bore polished with a bunch of tree-fern roots pulled up and down (Wallace, p. 147).
137 Jacitara (Bates, ii. 236).
138 From the arbol-del-lacre (Hardenburg, Man, p. 136); Pao-de-lacre, Vismia guianensis (Spruce, ii. 522).
139 Bombax (Wallace, p. 147); Eriodendron sp. (Sterculiaceae), (Spruce, ii. 523; Bates, ii. 237).
140 Oenocarpus Batawa (Spruce, ii. 522).
141 These blow-pipes appear to be similar to those still in use among the Orang Kuantan Malays, of which a specimen is to be seen in the British Museum. It is made of two grooved halves of a hard wood, bound with cane, and coated with “a gutta-like substance” (Skeat, Man, 1902, No. 108). This is, however, a shorter instrument than the Witoto or Boro use, the measurements given being only 5 feet 2 inches for total length, with an interior diameter of seven-sixteenths of an inch at the mouthpiece and three-eighths of an inch at the muzzle-end. The blow-pipe is found among all Malayan tribes. For distribution in the South Seas, cf. map in Skeat and Blagden’s Pagan Tribes, i. 254.
142 Deniker states that the Miranha hunt “like the ancient Quechuas by means of nets stretched out between the trees, into which they drive, with cries and gestures, the terrified animals” (Deniker, p. 561). I have never seen or heard of such nets among them.
143 Orton, pp. 169-70.
144 Cf. method of poisoning adopted by natives of Torres Straits (Torres Straits, iv. 159).
145 Jacquinia armillaris. According to Spix and Martius babasco poison is made from the leaves and blossom of the Budleya connata (Spix and von Martius, Reise, 1820, p. 98).
146 Simson, p. 131.
147 Paullinia pinnata (Sapindaceae) (Spruce, ii. 523; Bates, ii. 82-3). Spruce also mentions cunambi, poison obtained from the roots of Ichthyothera cunambi (Spruce, ii. 520); and Yuca-raton, the root of Gliricidiae sp. (Spruce, ii. 455).
148 The frame is made of timbo-titica, Heteropsis sp. (Spruce, ii. 523).
149 Such very hard wood is procurable, and so abundant is it that even tribes like the Botucudo, who could use shell, stone, or metal, use wood in preference, and many tribes prefer their lithic axes to metal ones. The inference is obvious—these peoples are not, and never have been, metal-using races, and poisoned wood suits sufficiently their purposes for arrow-heads.
150 Oakenfull, p. 30.
151 Compare with customs of the Mafulu in British New Guinea (Williamson, p. 179; Fiji, Thompson, p. 35).
152 Clough, pp. 104-5; Wallace, p. 353.
153 Partridge, Cross River Natives, p. 59; “Upper Congo Cannibals,” J.R.A.I., xxiv. pp. 298-9.
154 For example, Maw, p. 160.
155 Wallace, pp. 346-7.
156 Ratzel, ii. 138-9; Orton, pp. 171-2.
157 See British Museum, Cambridge Museum, Munich Museum.
158 Bates, ii. 132.
159 I was never present at a cannibal feast. This information is based on Robuchon’s account, checked by cross-questioning the Indians with whom I came in contact.
160 Johnson, Liberia, ii. 898.
161 On the other hand earth-eating is prevalent among the Torres Straits people, where salt is not rare. The pregnant woman eats it to make her infant light in colour and strong and brave (Torres Straits Exped., iv. 139).
162 Crevaux, p. 287.
163 Bates, ii. 195.
164 Ibid.
165 Some tribes, for example the Jivaro (Simson, pp. 93-4), are said to be more provident in this respect, but the Boro and Witoto groups are not among them. Occasionally a store of pines may be made in October, when pines are most plentiful, but this is all.
166 It may be noted here that all the denizens of the forest, including even the larger carnivora, are by popular report fruit-eaters, and are specially fond of the wild alligator pear (cf. Spruce, ii. 362-3).
167 Tapirus americanus.
168 All animals when wounded appear to take to water.
169 Coelogenys paca.
170 Hydrochaerus capybara.
171 Dasyprocta agouti.
172 I captured some and brought them away as pets.
173 Spruce, i. p. 182.
174 Dicotypes tajacu is the only one I observed in these parts, but D. labiatus is common in the bush. The peccary is called kairooni by the Arawak; mero and emo by the Witoto according to the species; mene by the Boro; and whinga by the Macusi.
175 See Wood’s Natural History, “Mammals.”
176 Oakenfull, p. 30.
177 Turning turtles is prohibited by law in Brazil, but no law reaches these wilds.
178 The Indians of British Guiana who eat the turtles’ and iguana eggs, also “will not touch the egg of a fowl” (im Thurn, p. 18).
179 They do not, however, object to their food being decidedly “high” (cf. Simson, p 115).
180 In this they share the tastes of the Liberian women (cf. Johnston, Liberia, ii. 954).
181 Spruce, ii. 381.
182 Manihot aypi.
183 The description given by Fr. Pinto in Dr. de Lacerda’s eighteenth-century journal of the preparation of manioc flour by the Murunda Kaffirs differs only from the Indian method in that the root is not squeezed, merely soaked till “almost rotten,” then dried and pounded (R.G.S., The Lands of Cazembe, 1873, p. 129).
184 It would seem that the Boro use what is known in Brazil as Farinha de aqua, and the Witoto make Farinha secca (cf. Spruce, i. 11-12). Brazilian arrowroot and tapioca are products of the manioc prepared in different ways. Only the Boro and Menimehe make Farinha de aqua.
185 “A mandiocca oven (called budari in Barré)” (Spruce, ii. 477-8).
186 Bates noted that he saw Indians on the Tapajos season this sauce with ants in place of fish (Bates, i. 318-19).
187 Wallace, p. 340.
188 Simson mentions salt-licks in the neighbourhood of the Rio Salado Grande (Simson, p. 238).
189 The ashes of the drum tree (Cecropia peltata) “are saline and antiseptic” (Spruce, ii. 447). “A kind of flour which has a saline taste” is extracted from the fruits of the Inaja palm (Maximiliana regia), and the Jara palm (Leopoldinia major), and the Caruru, a species of Lacis (Wallace, p. 340). Cuaruru is given by Spruce as a native name for Pogostemon sp.; when this is burnt the ashes give salt (Spruce, ii. 520).
190 Cf. Torres Straits, “The chief meal of the day is taken at night, soon after sundown; the remains are eaten in the morning,” iv. 131.
191 This is probably the puruma (Puruma Cecropiaefolia Martius) mentioned by Bates (Bates, ii. 217).
192 Yerba Luisa (Simson, p. 61).
193 This may be Mimusops sp. (Sapotacae) or Callophora sp. (Aponcynaccae) (Spruce, i. 50, 224; ii. 520). Bates, i. 69; Spruce, i. 51; Orton, pp. 288, 500, 581.
194 Caapi is known as aya-huasca, the drink of Huasca, the greatest king of the Inca, to the Zaparo and other tribes farther west (Spruce, ii. 424).
195 Spruce, ii. 419-21.
196 Banisteria Caapi (Spruce, ii. 414).
197 Haemadictyon amazonicum (ibid. p. 415). This is only added by the Uaupes tribes.
198 Both Manihot utilissima and Manihot Aypi (Spruce, ii. 414).
199 Cf. Tylor, pp. 179-80.
200 Paullinia cupana (Spruce, i. 180).
201 Guarana, “pro panacea peregrinantum habetur” (von Martius), is made from the roasted seeds. It is “almost identical in its elements with theine and caffeine” (Spruce, i. 181). It is cultivated on the Negro as an article of trade. According to Bates it is made from the seeds of a climbing plant (Paullinia sorbilis) (Bates, ii. 134).
202 Coca Erythroxylon.
203 Spix and von Martius, p. 153.
204 Joyce, p. 97.
205 Markham, Peruvian Bark, p. 151.
206 According to Bates the leaves of the candelabrum tree (Cecropia palmata) are used (Bates, ii. 211-12). Spruce has the imbauba or drum tree (Cecropia peltata) (Spruce, ii. 447). Markham gives the quinoa plant (Markham, op. cit. p. 151).
207 Re effects. Spruce notes that it had little effect on him (Spruce, ii. 448). One of my companions though “at first affected … with slight nausea … soon became accustomed to it, and found it very useful on many occasions” (Hardenburg, p. 137-8). This is interesting in relation to my own continued intolerance. “In Peru its excessive use is said to seriously injure the coats of the stomach” (Spruce, ii. 448). At Ega it was regarded as a vice only to be indulged in secretly (Bates, ii. 211). Markham, on the other hand, considers it “the least injurious, and the most soothing and invigorating” narcotic (Markham, op. cit. p. 152). He even recommends it as a preventative of loss of breath to Alpine climbers (ibid. p. 153). With this I cannot concur.
208 See Appendix for this and other notes.
209 Spruce relates that a Guahibo told him, “With a chew of caapi and a pinch of niopo … one feels so good! No hunger—no thirst—no tired!” (Spruce, ii. 428).
210 Mimosa acaciodes (Bentham). “A species of Inga” (Bates, i. 331). The seeds of Acacia Niopo (Humbolt). Piptadenia peregrina (L.) (Bentham and Spruce, ii. 427).
211 The Guahibo use no quicklime (Spruce, ii. 426).
212 This is curious, but I can advance no reason.
213 Or “a bit of the leg-bone of the jaguar, closed at one end with pitch” (Spruce, ii. 427).
214 And by the natives on the upper Orinoco (Spruce, ii. 423).
215 “Two feet long and as thick as the wrist” (Spruce, ii. 420). It “is smoked in the ordinary way”. A long cigar is also smoked on the Equatorial Pacific coast, but “held in the mouth at the lighted end” (ibid. p. 436). This is common amongst negroes.
216 Like the eyes of a cocoanut—to allow passage to the budding rootlets.
217 Spruce, ii. 413-55.
218 Bates, ii. 288.
219 Also called curari, ourali, worara, woorari, urari, ervadura. “A powerful South American arrow-poison occurring in commerce as a blackish extract, somewhat resinoid in appearance,” used for tetanus, hydrophobia, epilepsy (Dict. Mat. Med.).
220 Strychnos castelmoeana and Cocculus toxicoferus (Hardenburg, p. 136).
221 “Many ingredients are used, such as several kinds of barks, roots, peppers (Capsicum), ants, and the poison-fangs of snakes” (im Thurn, p. 311).
222 Crevaux gives a long description of the preparation of this poison (Crevaux, pp. 268-337).
223 According to Bates, salt is considered to be an antidote for this poison (Bates, i. 247).
224 Bates, ii. 200. This agrees with Darwin, Descent of Man, i. 128.
225 Dr. Galt considered “that there is no more fertile race than the pure-blooded Indian of the Marañon” (Orton, p. 465).
226 Menstruation has been known to commence in England at the age of eleven, generally in cases of well-nourished blondes, and in exceptional cases even earlier. It has been known to occur at nine years, but this was induced by a severe accident. This is unknown among the forest people. I made out the age of puberty to be not less than fifteen for girls, and eighteen for boys, among the tribes I was with.
227 Cf. Thomson, The Fijians, pp. 179-80; Codrington, The Melanesians, p. 228, etc.
228 Tapir flesh is undoubtedly rich, and over-indulgence would have evil effects upon any woman independent of other conditions, for equally it would upset a man.
229 A tribe in British Guiana, the Macusi, carry this idea even further, and impose such restriction on a man before his actual marriage (im Thurn, p. 222). I have never met with this.
230 Wallace in his account of the Uaupes Indians states that “the women are generally delivered in the house, and do no work for four or five days” (Wallace, p. 345). This does not tally with the customs among the Issa and Japura tribes, at least I never found it to be the case.
231 These Indians adopt a sitting, i.e. continental (not English left lateral) position for parturition.
232 For similar treatment elsewhere see Schomberg, Reisen in Britisch Guiana, ii. 66.
233 Hardenburg, p. 135.
234 I cannot help thinking that some infanticides may be due to the fear by the wife that the husband would refrain from the fulfilment of his debitum conjugale did he find that it resulted in his having to support an unduly increasing family.
235 Infanticide is a subject open to unlimited misapprehension and misrepresentation. Compare with the above, for instance, the statements of a missionary among some of the Indian tribes farther south. Mr. Grubb speaks of “a shrill cry of pain when a child perhaps has been cruelly murdered” (An Unknown People in an Unknown Land, p. 17). A reviewer with much knowledge and experience of Paraguay, remarks, “I never remember hearing the women’s shrill cry of lamentation. The children are killed almost immediately after birth, as secretly as possible, and no one pays much attention to the fact” (Seymour H. C. Hawtrey, for R.A.I.). This is certainly the case with the Issa and Japura groups.
236 Among the Ucayali deformed children are killed because they “belong to the devil” (Orton, p. 321).
237 A similar practice is reported among the Kuni of British New Guinea (Williamson, The Mafulu, p. 178).
238 Among Zaparo tribes also this is the case (Simson, pp. 175, 183).
239 Early History of Mankind, p. 247.
240 This is one of the many supposed indications of a possible Asiatic origin of these peoples, “remnants of a race driven into the mountains by the present dwellers in the plains,” as Tylor says of the Miau-tsze, who also practice the couvade (op. cit. p. 295). The practice is as widespread as the performance of the medicine-man or shaman, though not invariably an accompaniment of so-called shamanism or kindred performances: for example the Arunta have medicine-men but do not practise the couvade, the Basque people have couvade but no medicine-man.
241 In support of this theory note that in Melanesia proper couvade has only been observed “where the child follows the father’s kindred” (Codrington, p. 228).
242 According to one writer some Indians go so far as to remove all weapons and furniture from the house (Clough, p. 104).
243 With the Issa-Japura tribes the father is subjected to no such torturing processes at the hands of his friends as are recorded of other tribes and peoples, “in such sort that from being sick by pure imagination they often make a real patient of him” (Tylor, loc. cit. p. 288 et seq.; J.A.I. xviii. 248; cf. also Crevaux, Spix, and Martius, p. 381; Schomburg, Reisen in Britisch Guiana, ii.).
244 Bird names, as is commonly the case in South America, are attempts to repeat the cry of the birds themselves. Kweko, for instance, is a most suggestive name for a parrot. Birds, it may here be noted, very seldom sing in Amazonia.
245 See Brinton on this subject, Religions of Primitive Peoples, p. 196. Cf. Howitt, p. 739.
246 Witoto.
247 Boro.
248 Cf. Tylor, Early History of Mankind; im Thurn, p. 220; Hodson, Naga Tribes, p. 176; Spencer and Gillen, op. cit. p. 139; Brinton, p. 195, etc.; Seligmann, p. 140; André, p. 16; Lang, Origin of Religion, etc.
249 See Folklore Journal; Mitchell, Past in the Present.
250 Every Indian man has two names, his own name and his secret name (name of genitalia). The latter is generally a significant name, and is used in ribald jesting round the fire, e.g. “the Okaina (a rodent) went to the stream to bathe,” etc. etc., ad nauseam.
251 The converse of this holds good elsewhere, for the names of the dead are often tabu. See Rivers, Todas, pp. 625-6; Tylor, p. 142; Brinton, pp. 94-5.
252 Brinton, p. 197.
253 Pace Ratzel, ii. 128.
254 Simson, p. 92; Ratzel, ii. 128.
255 Markham, Clough, p. 104.
256 Wallace, p. 360.
257 According to Waitz the Carib medicine-man was accorded the jus primae noctis (Anthropologie der Naturvölker, iii. 382); Westermarck, p. 76. Von Martius also attributes this custom to certain Brazilian tribes, the chief, not the medicine-man, claiming the right (i. 113, 428, 485).
258 Letourneau, The Evolution of Marriage, p. 52.
259 Wallace, p. 355.
260 This is quite usual of course. See Westermarck, pp. 445-7.
261 Cf. custom among the Muskoks (Ratzel, ii. 125. See also im Thurn, p. 221; Westermarck, p. 18).
262 Wallace, p. 346.
263 Westermarck puts the disparity of years at from five to six among natives of Brazil (op. cit. p. 137; Spix and Martius, ii. 248).
264 This invariably takes place in the forest, for no intimacy, even between husband and wife, is ever permitted in the publicity of the house. According to Westermarck a similar custom prevailed in Fiji (op. cit. pp. 151-2), but this is denied by Thomson, The Fijians, p. 202.
265 im Thurn, pp. 186, 221.
266 As De Morgan remarked of a somewhat similar practice among the Sakai of Perak, this is a form of marriage by purchase “modified by the smallness of the price paid … a purely formal substitute” (Bulletin de la Société Normande de Géographie, vii. 422; Skeat and Blagden, ii. 60-61).
267 Or potacea, a nut of bitter taste the size of an acorn.
268 See von Martius, i. 113. For similar instances cf. Westermarck, p. 151.
269 This confirms the account given by Wallace, p. 346; von Martius, i. 600.
270 See for similar etiquette, Alcedo-Thompson, Dictionary of America and the West Indies, i. 416; E.R. Smith, The Aurocanians, p. 215; Westermarck, pp. 383-4.
271 This seems to be the same as the Hottentot custom (Kolben, Present State of the Cape of Good Hope, i. 157).
272 These are, I believe, the same ants that are used in the manufacture of the curare poison. They are fairly common. In lingoa-geral they are called tucaudera.
273 “The Carayas maintain quasi-husbands for widows at the public cost, lest they should be a source of disturbance to the general peace” (Ratzel, ii. 126). Widows are repi, prostitutes among some Melanesians (Codrington, p. 235).
274 See, for similar belief among the Zaparo, Simson, p. 174.
275 For example, among the Bororo when the medicine-man has announced that the patient will die in a given time, “if at the end of this time he still lives, the executioner, sent of course by the priest, will suddenly appear in the hut, sit astride his stomach, and strangle him to death” (Cook, p. 55).
276 See Joyce, p. 249.
277 See supra, p. 151.
278 The idea of blood crying for vengeance is familiar enough, and the most universally-known example is that of the fratricide Cain informed that his brother’s blood cried for vengeance from the ground (Gen. iv. 10).
279 See supra, p. 31.
280 “A microscopic scarlet Acarus” (Orton, p. 485).
281 “To an Indian smallpox is certain death—the most dreaded enemy, who has over and over again swept off entire tribes, and the name or passing suspicion of which from youth up has always been trembled at and fled from as from death itself” (Simson, p. 142).
282 There are many varieties of this complaint. In one kind the patient wastes away. With another it assumes the characteristics of elephantiasis, the legs swell, the flesh becomes soft and podgy, the skin unhealthy and white. It is said by the rubber-gatherers that a cure can only be effected when the patient sees the sea, in other words through complete change of air.
283 Simson speaks of a “skin-disease common amongst all Indians of the higher Marañon, called ‘carata.’ The skin is ‘scaly and blotched all over with black’” (Simson, p. 178). This seems to be similar to the “cutaneous disease” mentioned by Bates, except that he explicitly mentions “the black spots were hard and rough but not scaly” (Bates, ii. 382). The Purupura Indians have also a skin complaint that causes them to be “spotted and blotched with white, brown, or nearly black patches” (Wallace, p. 357).
284 I did myself, and so did my boy Brown and others of the party.
285 André, pp. 16-110.
286 Spix and Martius, p. 31.
287 Simson, pp. 148, 194. A very common practice among Indians.
288 Koch-Grünberg, pp. 134, 165.
289 I do not mean the body of an infant killed at birth, which, as I have said, is done as quietly and secretly as possible.
290 “Primary urn-burial is characteristic in the main of the Tupi-Guarani family” (Joyce, p. 270).
291 For the same reason that prompted similar proceeding among the Norsemen, an influence still alive in many parts of our own country. Cf. Mitchell, Past in the Present. An instance is reported from Hampshire within the last few years of a child’s toys being broken on its grave. (Read, Folklore Journal, vol. xxii. p. 322.)
292 Ratzel, ii. 155.
293 Shaman is in more general use among Americans. It should be remembered that the Zaparo, with whom Simson mentions the shimano (Simson, pp. 174-5, 177), have had considerably more intercourse with western civilisation than the tribes away from the Napo line of communication.
294 Vol. xxiv.
295 “The chief ‘medicine’ of the Payes on the affluents of the Amazon, both northern and southern, and on the Orinoco” (Spruce, ii. 436).
296 Crevaux, p. 300.
297 im Thurn, p. 312; Wallace, p. 347; Crevaux, p. 299.
298 im Thurn, p. 368.
299 Spruce mentions Barré Indians “sucking out the rheumatism” from each other’s shoulders (Spruce, ii. 435).
300 I am unable to say whether the medicine-man believes that an actual stick has been literally in the patient’s flesh, or whether he believes that the stick concealed in his mouth becomes a habitation for the supernatural power causing the sickness, or if he merely does the whole thing to impress his audience, and confirm their belief in his magical powers. Quite possibly all these reasons combined in varying degrees are present in any case. See Marett, Anthropology, p. 247.
301 A boy “with epileptic tendency being preferred,” as im Thurn noted was the case in British Guiana (im Thurn, p. 334).
302 Waterton, p. 449.
303 Cf. im Thurn, p. 349.
304 Cf. Westermarck, p. 152.
305 Spruce, ii. 430-31.
306 I have never seen the medicine-man’s palm-leaf boxes mentioned by Spruce, ii. 431.
307 Among the Mungaberra the medicine-men “can and often do assume the form of eagle-hawks,” and thus attack other tribes (Spencer and Gillen, p. 533). It may be that the medicine-men of Indian tribes nearer the mountains, where these birds have their habitat, assume the form of a condor, as the medicine-man of the forest districts does that of the jaguar, for the condor is “sacred throughout practically the whole of the Andean region.” See Joyce, p. 175.
308 The jaguar and the anaconda are both magical beasts. See Chap. XIX.
309 Note: Among the Arunta the medicine-man has “a particular kind of lizard distributed through his body, which endows him with great suctional powers” (Spencer and Gillen, p. 531).
310 See im Thurn, pp. 329-31.
311 Spruce, ii. 432. Cf. Rochfort, Histoire naturelle et morale des Isles Antilles, p. 472.
312 Spruce, ii 431.
313 That the words are now incomprehensible may have arisen from the fact that the songs were originally intended only to recall things to those already instructed, in the same way that Mexican picture records “do not tell their stories in full, but only recall them to the minds of those who are already acquainted with them” (E. B. Tylor, p. 96). As instruction and memory lapsed the words would become mere gibberish. Certainly all these tribes appear to have songs they can no longer interpret. La danse est accompagnée des chantes; je regrette de n’avoir pu saisir le sens de leurs paroles (Crevaux, p. 104). There are old dances with words no longer understood among the Tukano (Koch-Grünberg, p. 254). This is, of course, by no means peculiar to the Amazonian Indians. Some of the singing games played by children in British New Guinea have words whose meanings are either obscure or lost (Barton, J.R.A.I., p. 269). Among the Naga tribes the language of the songs “is known in many cases to be now unintelligible to those who sing them” (Hodson, Naga Tribes, p. 68). Corrobborees are passed from one tribe to the other among the Australian natives, “the result is that the words are, as a general rule, quite unintelligible to the performers” (Spencer and Gillen, Central Australia, p. 281). Zulu charm songs are said to be incomprehensible to the singers (Callaway, Religious System of the Amazulu, p. 413). These instances might be multiplied, but they suffice to show that this survival of words with lost meanings is world-wide.
As a curious contrast to this we find that the Spanish missionaries in South America complained that they had great difficulty in getting their converts to remember the Ave Maria and the Paternoster “seeing that the words were mere nonsense to them” (Tylor, p. 96). It should not be forgotten though, in this connection, that the potency of a word is in inverse ratio to its incomprehensibility. Cf. Brinton, Religions of Primitive Peoples, p. 92.
314 Possibly there may be a second pine harvest and dance, but the great feast takes place in October.
315 Koch-Grünberg mentions the same among the Opaina.
316 Koch-Grünberg.
317 Maw describes quite a different arrangement in a dance at Tabitinga. “The dancers were usually linked three together, one principal character supported by two others, one on each side; and there were generally two sets dancing at the same time, each set being followed by women and children dancing or jumping in the similar manner” (Maw, p. 220).
318 Koch-Grünberg mentions a dance among tribes north of the Japura where the men and women dance together in pairs. The women do not wear aprons, and at the end of the figure they disappear.
319 Spruce, i. 313.
320 One is irresistibly reminded of the clown, especially of the comic man who usually puts in an appearance at military sports. It is possible that this custom of dressing-up to secure attention when airing a grievance is what has been mistaken by some writers for a part of the dance. Sir Roger Casement, quoting Maw in the Contemporary Review, September 1912, talks of “the masked men” as “a necessary part of each performance.” It is certainly quite unknown to me, for I never saw or heard of anything of the kind, though in the first edition of Bates’s Naturalist on the River Amazon the frontispiece of the second volume gives a masked dance of the Tukuna, so I do not suggest that masked dancers do not exist, only that they are not known among the tribes of the Issa-Japura valleys.
321 It must be remembered that Indians are extraordinarily generous, or improvident, in the matter of food. I should never hesitate to join a family party when feeding, without waiting for an invitation. The complaint in question probably refers to a whole basket of manioc bartered in the plantation, which transaction would belong to quite another category.
322 Crevaux gives an account of an initiation dance where the torture applied is by means of the application of stinging ants to the naked bodies of the neophytes (Crevaux, pp. 245-50).
323 Koch-Grünberg, p. 188. The German doctor also gives an account of a dance where boys and girls perform in couples. When the figures are ended the couples withdraw into the forest, and night covers subsequent proceedings. This takes place among the Yahuna of the Kuretu group. The men of these tribes when summoned by drum to a dance leave their women behind them.
324 Bates, ii. 207.
325 Manioc.
326 Plantation.
327 Manioc root.
328 Cassava.
329 What is it? what is it?
330 It is good.
331 As proof that this dance is borrowed, and not common to all the tribes that dance it, is the fact that all tribes, whatever their language-group, use the Muenane words for the answer.
333 The individual in question was labouring under the most extraordinary sexual excitement. This may have been due to coca influence, to the lubricity of the song words, or to the intoxication due to rhythmic movement. The first two possible causes are eliminated by the fact that Indians are almost continually under the influence of the drug, and that no song could be more lewd than the ordinary conversation of these people.
334 These Muenane riddle dances somewhat resemble the Pirapurasseya, or fish dance, seen by Bates at Ega. The performers joined hands in a ring and questioned the leader in the centre, who finally might try to rush the ring, and when successful was succeeded by whoever might be responsible for his escape (Bates, ii. 276). im Thurn’s description of a Guiana animal dance also tallies more or less with these dances. See im Thurn, p. 324.
335 R. L. Stevenson, In the South Seas (Pocket Edition, 1908), p. 100.
336 “Dancing to the accompaniment of the human voice only. The word ballad is derived from this.” Ital. ballare = to dance. See Games, Sports, and Pastimes, by D. H. Moutray Read, in the new Folklore Handbook.
337 North of the Japura the tribes use what are known as Yapurutu pan-pipes, which are usually played in pairs. The Tukana call them bupupo or yapurato (Koch-Grünberg, p. 300).
338 Cf. Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia, p. 345, chap. xi., etc. Bull-roarer too sacred for women to see in Muralug Island, Torres Straits (Expedition Torres Straits, iv. 276; v. 217).
339 Cf. Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia. Sound supposed by women and children to be the voice of the great spirit assisting at the boy’s initiation.
Also Howitt, pp. 594-5; Andrew Lang on “the Bull-roarer” in Custom and Myth; Haddon, Study of Man, p. 309.
340 See Koch-Grünberg; Humbolt, ii. 363; Nery, p. 261; Spruce, ii. 416; Wallace, pp. 348-9.
341 There are two in the British Museum on the top shelf in the South American room.
342 Mauritia flexuosa.
343 Cf. Spencer and Gillen, op. cit. p. 517.
344 The one exception being where parturition is imminent, and no helpmate is available.
346 Compare with identity of the white culture-hero of the higher South American cultures, Quetzalcoatl of the Nahua, Uiracocha of Peru, Tsuma of Venezuela. Note this being came from the East. See Joyce, p. 12. He is in fact the Atahocan of the Algonquin “remote from the world, to whom no worship was paid”(Ratzel, ii. 144).
347 According to the Malays’ anthropomorphic ideas concerning the tiger, “the tiger-folk … have a town of their own, where they live in houses, and act in every respect like human beings” (Skeat, Malay Magic, p. 157). In Perak tigers with human souls live in similar villages (Sir W. E. Maxwell, J.R.A.S., No. vii. p. 22). The natives of Korinchi in Sumatra are credited with the power to assume tiger form at will (Sir H. Clifford, In Court of Kampong, pp. 65-6).
348 When Markham says of the Ticuna that “they fear the evil spirit, and believe of the good one that, after death, he appears to eat fruit with the departed and takes them to his home, this would seem to be a distinct survival of missionary teaching, for these Indians were preached to between 1683 and 1728.” Christian influence is also shown in their naming ceremonies (Markham, p. 200).
349 These holes in the heavy mould of the forest are caused by subsidences. The Indians do not understand how they came to be, and explain the fact by asserting they are the work of devils.
350 Among the Kuretu the soul is believed to hover near the body for one day after death, and then to flit away, and finally to retire to a beautiful house at the source of a mysterious river.
351 Skeat, Malay Magic, p. 52.
352 im Thurn, p. 343. Cf. also Skeat, Pagan Malay, p. 47.
353 See Simson, p. 175; Orton, p. 170.
354 Cf. Spencer and Gillen, p. 498.
355 This is so frequently the case among primitive peoples as hardly to need amplifying. It is very general among the Indian races. See André, p. 16; im Thurn, pp. 158, 220.
The Algonquin hold that the mention of a man’s name offends his personal deity (H. R. Schoolcraft, Oneota, pp. 331, 456; Indian Tribes of the U.S. ii. 65). Australian natives only mention secret names in a whisper (Spencer and Gillen, p. 139). See also note on names in Chap. XI.
356 This belief is also held by the Dyaks. “Their theory is that during sleep the soul can hear, see, and understand, so what is dreamt is really what the soul sees. When any one dreams of a distant land, they believe that his soul has paid a flying visit to that land” (E. H. Gomes, Seventeen Years among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo, p. 161). Howitt writes of the South Australian native: “While his body lies motionless, his spirit goes out of him on its wanderings” (Howitt, pp. 410-11). See also Seligmann, p. 191.
357 im Thurn, pp. 329, 343.
358 See im Thurn, p. 349. In Australia “one black fellow will often tell you that he can and does do something magical, whilst all the time he is perfectly well aware that he cannot, and yet firmly believes that some other man can really do it” (Spencer and Gillen, p. 130).
359 Spruce relates a custom unknown to me practised by some tribes when astray in the bush. The Indian when lost “names the Curupira, and … twists a liana into a ring … throws it behind him … follows the direction in which it has fallen” (Spruce, ii. 437-8). The Bororo use a bull-roarer to drive the bad spirits off (W. A. Cook, The Bororo Indians of Matto Grosso, p. 55).
360 The Caribs of the Pomeroon river actually attempt to counter the attack of epidemic sickness by blocking the forest tracks “to stop the passage of the spirits” (im Thurn, p. 356). In Guiana disease is regarded as an evil spirit that prowls around (Brett, Indian Tribes of Guiana, p. 225).
361 Bates, ii. 115.
362 Jurupari is unknown south of the Japura. I can therefore give no particulars or description from personal investigation and knowledge of aught concerning this all powerful demoniac deity of the northern tribes.
363 J. D. Pfleiderer, Die Genesis des Mythus der indogermanischen Völker, p. 48.
364 Elsewhere this appears not to be the case. See Bates, ii. 114.
365 Yacu = water, mama = mother, Mai d’agoa (Tupi). Pachamama, the earth, was worshipped in Peru, and the Inca also reverenced Mamaccocha, the sea mother (Joyce, pp. 154, 225).
366 Bates mentions a boy at Ega being devoured by one of these huge creatures (Bates, ii. 113-15).
367 Clough, p. 60.
368 For description see Wallace, pp. 127-8.
369 Bates, ii. 264.
370 For dance at tiger’s “wake” see Skeat, Malay Magic, p. 169.
371 Cf. Darwin, p. 64.
372 “They consider the sun as the fountain-head of majesty and power and even of beneficence, and as the abode of the Great Priests who have passed to the spirit world and fear him” (W. A. Cook, op. cit. p. 55).
373 Occidente is on the left bank of the Igara Parana, a tributary of the Issa.
374 Folklore Journal, 1912, p. 314.
375 Casement, Contemporary Review, September 1912, p. 325.
376 Indians on the main river, however, according to Dr. Silva Coutinho, “not only give names to a great number of celestial bodies [stars], but they have legends about them” (Nery, p. 252).
377 Markham, pp. 93-4.
378 Poison.
379 Narcotic.
380 Spruce, i. 314. In South America manihot is propagated by means of slips or cuttings; but in the Torres Straits the manihot sp. introduced by the white man is grown from pieces of the old roots (Exped. Torres Straits, iv. 149).
381 Clough, p. 212; Humboldt, ii. 182; Oakenfull, pp. 34-5; im Thurn, p. 375; Joyce, p. 167.
382 im Thurn, p. 375.
383 Humboldt, ii. 400-1; Chanoine Bernadino de Souza, Para e Amazon; see Nery, pp. 8-9.
384 Humboldt, pp. 88, 400.
385 Spruce, ii. 561.
386 Spruce wisely remarks on this point, “that the Spaniards had been for two whole years among Indians who wore their hair long,” and therefore were not likely to mistake men for women (Spruce, ii. 459).
387 Nery, p. 6.
388 The French traveller rejects the ἀ-, μαζός theory in favour of the ἄμα ζώνη—bound with a belt (Nery, p. 2).
389 Wallace, p. 343.
390 “I have myself seen that Indian women can fight.… The women pile up heaps of stones, to serve as missiles for the men” (Spruce, ii. 457-8). This, vide “stones,” is not possible in the Issa-Japura district.
391 Where tribal differentiation of colour is so marked as among these people it is only natural that tales should be told of some mythical “white” folk.
392 Crevaux, Voyages dans l’Amérique du Sud, p. 284.
393 Komuine = monkey (Boro).
394 “So high”—demonstrated with the hand.
395 These would be her natural protectors.
396 Rubber latex. See Depilation.
397 To hide the unsightliness.
398 Of the chief’s daughter.
399 This may be a folk-tale of the monkey-people stealing Indian women for their mates. Cf. Skeat, Malay Magic, p. 185; Clifford, Studies in Brown Humanity, p. 243.
But it should not be overlooked that the Boro depile most carefully, while the Andoke medicine-man does not depile at all, and the Andoke are mortal foes of the Boro. The Karahone also are said not to depile, and on this score would be regarded by the Boro as no better than brute beasts. So this story may be a traditional account of the actual rape of a chief’s daughter by a hostile tribe, the Amazonian version of Helen and Troy.
400 Simson, p. 168.
401 Spruce, i. 332. im Thurn relates of the Arawak Indians that “each family is descended—their fathers knew how, but they themselves have forgotten—from its eponymous animal, bird, or plant” (im Thurn, pp. 184, 376).
402 The general principle is well known, and is now used both by the authorities of the United States and of Great Britain. It consists in giving to the vowels in native words their Italian significance, and to the consonants that which they have in the English language.
403 Notes and Queries on Anthropology (1912), pp. 187-96.
404 Simson, p. 94.
405 Tylor, p. 25.
406 Koch-Grünberg transliterates it as ingetā, or ingétā; and gives marā for good, maringetā, marinyetā, bad; faréti, fat; faré ingetā, thin (Die Uitóto Indianer, pp. 10-11).
407 Orton stated that the Zaparo “have no words for numbers above three, but show their fingers” (Orton, p. 170). Simson gives words for four and five as in use among those tribes, and after that manunu, meaning “many-many” (Simson, p. 179).
408 The reference to monkey or beast is due to the fact that the Karahone do not depilate all body and face hair.
409 Spencer and Gillen, Across Australia, ii.
410 Cf. Ratzel, ii. 125.
411 For example the Maca, the Guaharibo, and the Guahibo (Spruce, i. 477).
412 Vide Chap. VI. p. 101, where it is stated that the dug-out is not the autochthonic boat of this country.
413 These canoes, it must be remembered, are not affairs of everyday manufacture. They are tribal possessions, not many in number, and needing time, skill, and, above all, experience, to make successfully.
414 For instance the wrong wood might have been chosen; some trees will not open when heated (cf. André, pp. 241-2).
415 The Decadence of Useful Arts.
[416] There are no stones in this region it should be remembered.
417 Wallace gives 5 feet 9 inches or 5 feet 10 inches as not uncommon for the height of a Uaupes man (Wallace, pp. 335, 353), and the Isanna as very similar. The Bugre are shorter, 5 feet 4 inches, and misshapen in the leg (Oakenfull, p. 33). The Tukana, 160 to 170 centimetres (Koch-Grünberg).
418 I had no calipers, and the breadth in all cases is approximate only, taken from point to point where it was individually greatest, not where, as I subsequently discovered, scientific measurement decrees.
419 Tukuya, two types dolichocephalic. Koch-Grünberg. Napo, brachycephalic (Orton, p. 166). According to Orton the “long-headed hordes” came from the south (Orton, p. 316).
420 Bates noted that the Tapuyo have “small hands and feet” (i. 78), and Orton mentions it as a characteristic of races of Tupi origin (Orton, p. 316).
421 The women are muscular in the neck, and will carry considerable weights in baskets slung on a band passed round the forehead. They will carry through the thickest bush as much as sixty pounds and more in the same manner, their strength in lilting and carrying weights being confined to the neck.
422 Robuchon states that the women’s mammae are pyriform, and the photographs show distinctly pyriform breasts with digitiform nipples. I found them resembling rather the segment of a sphere, the areola not prominent, and the nipples hemispherical.
423 Orton and Galt, however, note that “one will sometimes find the skin of the Indian rough, hard, and insensible, like the skin of the larger lower animals” (Orton, p. 591). Skin—Colour and Texture.—“Je remarque que ces Indiens, comme les Roucouyennes et les Oyampis, out les plis de la peau beaucoup plus saillants que chez les races blanches et noires. Les plis du genou resemblent à une peau d’orange. Je voudrais représenter exactement ces détails, qui m’intéressent au point de vue anthropologique, mais je trouve la difficulté insurmontable. Il me vient toutefois une idée; je fais barbouiller un Indien avec du roucou des pieds à la tête, et, à moyen d’un papier mince que j’applique avec la main, j’obtiens tous les détails de structure. Le roucou agit comme de l’encre d’imprimerie. Avec un pen d’exercice je recueille les détails anatomiques de toutes les parties du corps, et particulièrement des pieds, des mains, du genou et des coudes. Il est à noter que la peau d’enfant à la mamelle présente des plis aussi accentués que ceux d’un blanc à l’âge adulte. La peau d’un jeune homme vue à l’œil me semble grossie trois fois à la loupe” (Crevaux, p. 303). We have already noted that there Issa-Japura tribes are free from the skin diseases that Napo and other Indians frequently develop. This probably accounts for the contradiction of my observances with the notes of other writers.
424 See note on Depilation, p. 282.
425 According to Wallace, though the Uaupes Indians remove facial or body hair the Isanna tribes do not (Wallace, pp. 353, 356).
426 Wallace, p. 354.
427 I have found this amongst all people who sleep on the ground, I take it, for obvious buffer reasons.
428 Simson, p. 93.
429 During menstruation women wash more frequently, with intent to arrest as well as to hide their condition. A girl at such times will bathe as often as twenty times in a day. The cold water acts as a styptic.
430 Bates, i. 200.
431 Simson, p. 234.
432 Simson, p. 235.
433 Four inches to fourteen inches in length (Keane, p. 551).
434 Orton, pp. 482-3.
435 Ratzel, ii 170.
436 Oakenfall, p. 26.
437 The only yellow free colour.
438 Approximate measurements.
439 Outer measurements not, as they should have been, from head of fibula to top of great trochanter.
440 N.B.—As Case 2 was growing, further measurements will be useless if not misleading. These were taken with the help of a medical man and are therefore more correct than other measurements.
441 Neva = also sun, morning.
442 Navena = ghost, devil.
443 Bope = also disembodied soul.
444 Yaya = father.
445 Yaperikuli = heroes.
446 Originally father or creator, not Great Spirit.
447 Soul of father or parents.
448 Soul of Evil.
449 Heroes of the tribe.
450 Also great-great-grandfather.
451 House.
452 Ri-e-i, white man.
453 Itoma, sun.
454 Ei-fo-ke, Turkey-buzzard.
455 Privy name. Reference to the fact that all Indians have two names. See p. 154 for note on nomen penis sui.