Chapter IX In the Olden Time
The physical features of Central America are rich and varied; but the story of the races which have peopled it is tinged with a romance and clouded with a mystery which accord intimately with the cloud-capped summits, the impenetrable forests, and the earth-fires. Stories written in stone, whose authors no man knows, whose meaning none can read, carry us back beyond history and beyond legend; and until patient study unravels the enigma, as it must in time, our vision of the aborigines is illumined only by those legends which beautify and corrupt all history. We may treat all legendary lore as mythic if we are willing to forget that a myth is the creation of an advanced thought and civilization which we do not usually concede to the long-perished races who have preceded us; or we may simply accept what has been preserved for us, smile at its simplicity, wonder at its beauty, or puzzle our brains to connect and classify it with similar matter from other sources and of other times. In an uncontroversial spirit I would accept the slight glimpses of early human races which have lived upon this continent, and leave to others the task, agreeable to their tastes, of weighing, measuring, and analyzing these stories of a simple people who can no longer speak for themselves.
In most ancient times Votan31 came to the coast now known as Tabasco, found savages inhabiting the country, whom by patient labor he civilized, thus founding the Empire of Xibalbay32 and the dynasty of the Votanides. He or his immediate descendants built Nachan or Culhuacan, whose ruins at Palenque in Yucatan have astonished all travellers and students since their discovery.33 Similar ruins, inscribed with the same hieroglyphic characters, are found at Copan in Honduras, Quirigua, Tikal, and other places; and the arts of architecture and sculpture show in these remains a development not attained by any succeeding inhabitants of this continent until the present century. While Xibalbay was still extending its empire over portions of Mexico and Central America, another leader brought with him from the North a people called Nahoas, who founded a city not far from Palenque, towards the southwest, naming it Tula (whence this people are often called Tultecas). The chief bore a symbolic name, as is even now usual with the Indian tribes of North America, and Quetzalcoatl (serpent with the plumes of the quetzal), or Gucumatz,—as he is known in the Guatemaltecan legends,—by his superior ability (called magic by the people), brought his power to such a height as wholly to overshadow the flourishing Xibalbay, whose conquered inhabitants were scattered in various directions. Some went northward to Mexico and founded a monarchy (according to Clavigero, in the seventh century of our era), which after four hundred years of prosperity was destroyed by famine; and the survivors, led by their king, Topiltzin Acxitl, returned to the fruitful lands of Central America, and in Honduras founded the kingdom of Hueytlat, with the principal city of Copantl, now known by the wonderful ruins of Copan.
Other immigrations are mentioned by tradition, but no definite account of their origin is given. It seems probable, however, that certain tribes, called Mam34 or Mem, came from the North and destroyed both Tula and Nachan. Another inroad, led by the four chiefs Balam Agab, Balam Quitze, Mahucutah, and Iq Balam, advanced as far as Mount Hacavitz in Verapaz, north of Rabinal; and here these chiefs remained as freebooters and founded that tribe known as the Quichés. They constantly attacked their neighbors, and offered the captives taken in these encounters to their god Tohil, who, with Avilitz and Hacavitz, formed the trinity in the Quiché cult. Force and stratagem proving of no avail against them, the surrounding tribes gradually submitted; and when peace was established, the four captains conveniently disappeared, leaving the government in the hands of three sons, Iq Balam having no offspring. And now we have the curious account given by the unknown author of the “Popul Vuh,” or sacred book of the Quichés, of which two translations exist, one in Spanish by Ximenes, the other in French by the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg. The annalist tells us that before the departure of the four chiefs they charged their sons to undertake a journey to the East; and the new rulers, in obedience to this command, passed the sea easily (Lago de Izabal?) and came to the city of a great lord called Nacxit,35 who instructed them in the art of government and invested them with the feather umbrellas,36 throne, and other symbols whose Indian names both translators fail to interpret.
On their return all their subjects received them with joy; but so numerous had the people become that Mount Hacavitz could no longer contain them, and now began the dispersion of the tribes.
One branch went westward and founded Izmachi, a city some distance westward of Santa Cruz del Quiché. No rude Indios these who built Izmachi of stone and mortar.
From this centre grew the Quiché power, until it reached from the borders of Mexico to the Pacific Ocean, and eastward to the Lago de Izabal. Several tribes or feudatory monarchies owed allegiance to the ruler of Izmachi; and if we may believe the “Popul Vuh,” we must recognize a feudal system quite as elaborate as that of Europe in the Middle Ages. A line of monarchs, extending to fourteen, or even twenty-four, exercised authority; but so obscure are the accounts that the line cannot at present be followed. Only this seems clear, that there were but three great families of the Quichés, and these lived in peace for a time in their new lands, perhaps during the fifth and sixth centuries of our era. At last the jealousy of the tribe of Ilocab, or the ambitious designs of the kings Cotuha and Iztayul, kindled the first of a long series of wars that in local importance rivalled those between Rome and Carthage. In the security of a long peace the guards of Cotuha were surprised by well-armed visitors from Ilocab; but so complete was the military system of the Quichés that immediately the hosts were collected, battled with the rebels, and after utterly routing them, reduced some to slavery, and sacrificed others on the bloody altar of Tohil.
The successors of Cotuha and Iztayul were Gucumatz and Cotuha II., during whose reigns the capital was removed to the site called Utatlan or Gumarcah. On this platform, so admirably adapted for fortification, palaces and altars, as well as fortifications, were built of cut stone. Watch-towers rose high in air, and answered to those in the surrounding mountain regions. The Plaza was paved with a smooth white cement superior to the stucco of Pompeii, and the ruins so distinct forty years ago tell a plain story of an advanced civilization. It may be of interest to read what this most remarkable people say of themselves, that we may more clearly see them before us. Their greatness passed away, as did all the learning, art, and refinement of Athens and Rome, to be succeeded by ignorance, slavery, and degradation; and alas! this nation of the New World has left but few monuments to tell the story of what it once was.
So slight are the glimpses we have of that past, that the picture must be a shadowy outline at best; but it is worth while to trace even the outline, for the portrait will apply to the other inhabitants of Guatemala as well as to the Quichés. The wisdom of the kings was magic even to the Spanish annalists, and these tell of the “Rey portentoso” Gucumatz that, like the prophet Mohammed, he ascended into heaven, where he abode seven days; and that he descended into hell, where he tarried other seven days. He transformed himself into a serpent, a tigre, an eagle, and a mass of clotted blood, each change lasting seven days,—that mystic number of the Cabala and of European black art. “And surely,” says the Spaniard, “great was the respect he gained by these miracles before all the lords and all those of his kingdom.”
Nothing puzzles the student more than the duplication and interchange of names; but let it be remembered that the Quiché names that have come to us are rather titles, and this is especially the case with Gucumatz, a word equivalent to the Aztec Quetzalcoatl, which is applied to any distinguished reformer or leader of his people. Cadmus and George Washington might both claim the title.
I will translate from the “Popul Vuh,” using generally the Spanish version of Ximenes, as less influenced by the theories of the translator than the later one of Brasseur de Bourbourg. I begin with the creation of the world and of man.
“Then the word came to Tepeu Gucumatz37 in the shades of night; it spoke to Gucumatz and said to him: It is time to consult, to consider, to meet and hold counsel together, to join speech and wisdom to light the way and for mutual guidance. And the name of this is Huracan, the Voice which sounds: the Voice of Thunder is the first; the second is the Flash of Light; the Lightning is the third. These three are the Heart of Heaven, and they descended to Gucumatz at the moment when he was considering the work of creation. Know that this water will retire and give place to land, which shall appear everywhere; there shall be light in the heaven and on earth: but we have yet made no being who shall respect and honor us. They spoke, and the land appeared because of them.”
After the mountains and plains and rivers and all animals of the forest had been created, the gods proceeded to form man. First they made him of mud; but the rains descended and beat upon that being, and he dissolved. Not being able to make man according to their desires, they called to their aid the mysterious powers of Xpiyacoc and Xmucane, magic adepts, and by incantation learned that man should be made of wood, and woman of the pith of bulrush. This second edition of the human species was little better than the first, although more durable. The stiff, wooden images had neither fat nor blood; they could speak and beget children, but lacked intelligence. Their eyes were never turned to heaven, and their tongues never glorified Huracan. Then there fell from heaven a torrent of bitumen and pitch on these ungrateful children, a bird named Xecotcovuch tore out their eyes, another, named Camulotz, cut their heads, while an animal called Cotzbalam ate their flesh, and the Tucumbalam crushed their bones. The poor wretches climbed their roofs to escape the flood; but the walls crumbled beneath them, and the trees fled from them, and when they sought refuge in the caves of the mountains, the stone doors shut in their faces. Of all the numerous progeny of this wooden couple, only a few were preserved, and from them have descended the apes of the present day.
A third attempt was more successful, as maiz was used to form blood and flesh and fat. Xmucane ground the corn and cunningly concocted nine beverages, which were changed into the various humors of the body. This first successful creation was fourfold, and the names of the quartette were identical with those of the four chiefs who conducted the Quichés to Mount Hacavitz. While these primitive men slept, their wives were built,—not, however, by robbing the men, but of the remaining portion of the same meal.
The celestial powers did not, however, have everything as they wished. The man was tolerable, but by no means perfect, for his teeth were defective; and he was built too much like the apes to carry himself erect with perfect safety, hence he became ruptured. But there was no time to try again, for they had already a rival in the person of Vucub-caquix,—a sort of Lucifer who imagined himself to be the sun, moon, and all the stars. How he was punished, the “Popul Vuh” tells at length; and I am tempted to translate literally, using the text of Ximenes, that my readers may judge both of the style of this sacred book, and also of the mode of thought and the belief among the Quichés at the time when Utatlan was in all its glory.
“This is, or was, the cause of the destruction of Vucub-caquix by the two young men. Hunahpu, so was called the one, and the other was called Xbalanque: these moreover were gods, and therefore that arrogance seemed evil to them, in that it claimed superiority to the Heart of Heaven; and they said, the two young men: ‘It will not be right to let this go on, for men will not live here on earth; and so we will try to shoot him with the blow-gun (cerbatana) when he is eating: we will shoot him and disable him; and then will be dispersed his riches, his precious stones, and his emeralds, which are the foundation of his greatness;’ and so said the youths, each one with his blow-gun on his shoulder. Now, that Vucub-caquix had two sons: the elder was called Sipacua, and the second was called Cabracan, and their mother was named Chimalmat. She was the wife of Vucub-caquix. And that son of his, Sipacua, whose pasture-ground was great mountains, that one moreover in one night before dawn made the mountain called Hunahpupecul, Yaxcanulmucamob, Hulisnab, because in a night Sipacua made a mountain; and his brother Cabracan (this is, of two feet) used to move and shake the mountains both great and small. And so moreover these two sons of Vucub-caquix became proud; and thus said Vucub-caquix: ‘Know ye that I am the sun.’ ‘And I am the maker of the earth,’ said Sipacua; ‘and I,’ said Cabracan, ‘am he who moves the earth, I will demolish all the world.’ And thus the sons of Vucub-caquix became arrogant even as their father was arrogant; and this seemed evil in the sight of the two youths, Hunahpu and Xbalanque. Nevertheless our first fathers and mothers were not yet created, and thus the two youths plotted the death of Vucub-caquix, of Sipacua, and of Cabracan.
“And here follows the telling of the blow the two youths gave to Vucub-caquix, and how each one was destroyed by his arrogance.
“This Vucub-caquix had a tree of nances, because that was his only food; and every day he climbed the tree to eat the fruit. This Hunahpu and Xbalanque had observed that it was his food; and they lay in ambush, the two youths, under the tree hidden among the leaves of the grass. And then came Vucub-caquix; and while he was yet climbing the tree, Hunahpu fired a shot which was well aimed, and hit him in the jaw; then, groaning, he fell to the ground. And as soon as Hunahpu saw Vucub-caquix fall, he sprang with the greatest promptitude to catch him. Then Vucub-caquix seized Hunahpu’s arm and tore it off at the shoulder; and then Hunahpu let Vucub-caquix go; and so the youths had the best of it, for they were not beaten by Vucub-caquix, who ran home carrying Hunahpu’s arm, but holding his broken jaws.
“‘What has happened to you?’ said Chimalmat to her husband Vucub-caquix.
“‘What has happened? But two devils shot me with a blow-gun and unhinged my jaw; they knocked out all my teeth,—and how they ache! But I have here the arm of one of them. Put it in the smoke over the fire against they come for it, the two devils!’ said Vucub-caquix. And then she hung up the arm of Hunahpu.
“But in the mean while Hunahpu and Xbalanque were consulting as to what was to be done; and having taken counsel, they went to speak to an ancient man whose hair was white, and an old woman who in truth was very old; and so great was the age of the couple that they walked bent double. The old man was called Saquinimac, and the old woman was called Saquinimatzitz. And the two youths said to the old man and the old woman,—
“‘Come with us to get our arm at the house of Vucub-caquix. We will go behind you, as if we were your grandchildren whose father and mother were dead; and if they question you, say that we are in your company, and that you are travelling about extracting the maggot that eats the grinders and other teeth; and so Vucub-caquix will look upon us as mere lads, and we will advise you what to do further.’ Thus spoke the two youths.
“‘It is well,’ said the elders; and then they came to the corner of Vucub-caquix’s house, where he was reclining on his throne. And then they went on, the two elders, and the two boys playing behind them, and they went under the house of Vucub-caquix, who was groaning with the pain of his teeth. When he saw them, the elders and the boys, he asked,—
“‘Whence come you, grandparents?’
“‘We, lord, are going to seek our remedy.’
“‘How are you seeking your remedy? Are these your sons who are with you?’
“‘No, lord, they are our grandchildren; but we have had compassion on them so far as to give them a bit of tortilla,’ the elders replied.
“Just then the lord had a very sharp twinge of toothache, so that he could hardly speak; and he begged them to have pity on him.
“‘What is it that you do; what do you cure?’ said the lord.
“‘Sir, our cure,’ said the elders, ‘is to extract the maggot from the teeth; and we cure eye-troubles, and likewise broken bones.’
“‘Well, if this is true, cure my toothache; for I am without rest, and cannot sleep, and my eyes trouble me also, since the two devils shot me, and so I cannot eat. Now have compassion on me, for all my teeth are rattling about!’
“‘Surely, sir, it is a maggot which injures you; we will pull out your teeth and put others in their place.’
“‘Oh! perhaps that won’t succeed; but I can’t eat without my teeth and eyes.’
“And they replied,—
“‘We will put others in their place; we will put in ground bone.’
“But this ground bone was only white corn.
“‘It is well,’ said the lord; ‘pull them out and put them in order.’
“And then they took out the teeth of Vucub-caquix; and it was only white corn that they put in the place of teeth, and the kernels of corn shone in his mouth. And his countenance fell, and he never more appeared a lord; but they took out all his teeth, and left his mouth smarting. And when they cured the eyes of Vucub-caquix, they tore out the pupils. Then they took away all his money, and he did not know it; for he was no longer great nor arrogant. And this was done by the counsel of Hunahpu and Xbalanque.
“And Vucub-caquix died, and then Hunahpu took his arm; and also Chimalmat died, the wife of Vucub-caquix; and so was lost all the treasure of Vucub-caquix. Then the doctor took all the precious stones which had puffed him up with pride here on earth. The old man and old woman who did these things were divine; and when they took his arm, they put it in its place, and it reunited and was well. And they did these things only to cause the death of Vucub-caquix because his pride seemed an evil thing to them. So did the two youths, and it was thus done by the command of the Heart of Heaven.”
Then follows an account of the pride and evil-doing of Sipacua, and how he destroyed the “cuatrocientos muchachos” (four hundred young men); and the Chronicle continues:—
“Then follows how Sipacua was conquered and killed; how another time he was overcome by the youths Hunahpu and Xbalanque: to them he appeared contemptible because he had killed the four hundred youths. And Sipacua was alone fishing and hunting crabs on the river banks; this was his every-day diet. Days he spent seeking his food, while at night he moved mountains. Then Hunahpu and Xbalanque made an image of a crab. They made the large claws of the crab of a leaf which grows on the trees and is called ec, and the little ones of other smaller leaves called pahac; and the shell and claws they made of flat stones. And they made it and placed it in a cave under a hill called Meaban, where he was conquered. Then they went along and met Sipacua by the rivulet, and asked him where he was going. And Sipacua replied,—
“‘I am not going anywhere; I am only looking for something to eat.’
“And they asked him, ‘What is your food?’
“‘Only fishes and crabs, and I have found none; and since the day before yesterday I have not eaten, and now I cannot bear my hunger.’
“Then said they: ‘There is a crab below in the gulch; in truth it is very large: would you might eat that! We wanted to catch it, but it bit us, and we were in terror of it, or else we would have caught it.’
“‘Have pity on me and take me where it is,’ said Sipacua.
“‘We do not wish to,’ said they; ‘but go, you cannot lose your way. Go up stream, turn to the right, and you will be in front of it under a great hill; it is making a noise and making hovol: you will go straight to it,’ said Hunahpu and Xbalanque.
“‘O miserable me! if perchance you had not found it,’ said Sipacua. ‘I will go and show you where there are plenty of birds; you will shoot them with the blow-gun. I alone know where they are, and in return for them I will go under the rock.’
“‘And shall you truly be able to catch it? Do not make us return for no purpose; because we tried to catch it, and could not, because we crawled in on our bellies and it bit us; and so by a trifle we could not catch it. So it will be well for you to go in pursuit tail-end first.’
“‘It is well,’ said Sipacua.
“And then they went with him to the gulch, and the crab was lying on his side, and his shell was very bright-colored; and here under the valley was the secret of the youths. ‘Hurrah!’ said Sipacua, joyfully; and he wished to eat it, for he was dying with hunger. And he tried to enter lying down; but the crab rose up, and he at once retreated. And the youths said to him,—
“‘Didn’t you catch it?’
“‘I didn’t catch it, I just missed it; but as it has gone up high, it will be well for me to enter head first.’
“And immediately he crawled in head first; and when he had got in all but his knees, the mountain toppled down and fell quietly down upon his breast, and he returned no more. And Sipacua became stone. And thus was Sipacua conquered by the youths Hunahpu and Xbalanque; and they tell that in ancient times it was he who made the mountains, this elder son of Vucub-caquix. Under the mountain which is called Meaban he was overcome, and only by a miracle was he conquered; and now will we tell of the other who was puffed up with pride.
“The third fellow who was arrogant, the second son of Vucub-caquix, who was called Cabracan, used to say, ‘I am the one who destroys mountains.’
“And so it came to pass that Hunahpu and Xbalanque declared that they would put an end to Cabracan. Then Huracan, Chipa-caculha, and Raxa-caculha spoke unto Hunahpu and Xbalanque, saying that the second son of Vucub-caquix must be destroyed also.
“‘This have I commanded, because he does evil upon the earth; because he makes himself very great; and this ought not so to be. Arise now, and seek him towards the sunrise.’ So spoke Huracan to the two youths.
“‘It is well,’ they replied, ‘and it seems good to us to risk. There is no danger. Is not your greatness, O Heart of Heaven, above all?’ Thus spoke the two youths in reply to Huracan, and at the very time Cabracan was shaking the mountains. Hardly had he shaken them a little, kicking with his feet on the ground (then he was breaking the mountains great and small), when the two youths met him and asked,—
“‘Where are you going, boy?’
“‘I am not going anywhere,’ he replied; ‘I am only here shaking the mountains, and I shall always be shaking them.’
“Then said Cabracan to Hunahpu and Xbalanque, ‘What do you come here for? I don’t recognize you, nor do I know what you are here for. What are your names?’
“‘We have no name,’ replied they; ‘we are only hunters with the blow-gun, and we catch birds with bird-lime. We are poor and have nothing, and we are tramping over the mountains great and small. Here in the East we see a great mountain, and its sweet odor is very pleasant. And it is so lofty that it overtops all the other mountains. So we have not been able, it is so high, to catch a single bird. So if it be true that you overturn mountains,’ said Hunahpu and Xbalanque, ‘then you will aid us.’
“‘It certainly is true,’ said Cabracan. ‘Have you seen this mountain of which you speak? Where is it? I will look at it, and I will topple it down. Where did you see it?’
“‘There,’ said they, ‘it is, where the sun rises.’
“‘Very well,’ said Cabracan, ‘let us go; and it will be strange if we don’t get some birds between us. One will go on the right hand, the other on the left. We will take our blow-guns, and if there is a bird we’ll shoot him.’
“So they went on happily, shooting birds (and it should be said that when they shot, it was not with balls of clay, but only with a puff of breath did they knock down the birds), and Cabracan went on astonished. Then the youths made a fire and set about cooking the birds in the fire; and one bird they anointed with tizate, white earth they put on it. ‘This we will give him,’ said they, ‘when desire is strong upon him, smelling its savor. This our bird shall conquer him, for in conquering him he must fall to the ground; and in the ground must he be buried (wise is the Creator!) before human beings are brought to light.’ So spoke the two youths, and to themselves they said it. Great desire had Cabracan in his heart to eat of it. Then they turned the bird on the fire and seasoned it. Now it was brown, and the fat of the birds ran out, and the savor was delectable; so Cabracan was most eager to eat them, and his mouth watered, and the saliva dropped from it, because of the delicious smell the birds gave out. And then he asked them,—
“‘What is this your food? Truly it is an appetizing odor I smell; give me a bit.’
“He spoke, and then was given a bird to Cabracan for his destruction; and he quickly finished the bird. And then they went on, and came to the birthplace of the sun, where was that great mountain. But Cabracan was now sickened, and he had no strength in his hands and feet, because of that earth which they had put on the bird he ate; and now he could no longer do anything to the mountains, nor could he overturn them. So the youths tied his hands behind him, and likewise tied his feet together, and threw him on the ground and buried him. So was Cabracan conquered by Hunahpu and Xbalanque alone. It is not possible to tell the feats these youths did here on earth.”
The author of the “Popul Vuh,” however, goes on to tell of some of the wonders they did in Xibalbay,—which Ximenes considers hell,—and my readers would find the story very amusing; but I have translated perhaps enough to show the ideas of the Quichés ten centuries ago.
The Quiché kings had removed their capital from Izmachi to Gumarcah,—afterwards called Utatlan,—not far from the modern Spanish town of Santa Cruz del Quiché; and it was the poor remains of this city, destroyed three centuries and a half ago, that I visited in journeying through Guatemala. The situation was a fine one, well suited for the metropolis of an extensive kingdom; for while roads and mountain-passes gave access in all directions, the very mountains formed a wall easily guarded, and watch-towers to discover approaching danger. It was situated not unlike Granada on the Vega in the Sierras of Andalusia; and like that noble capital of the Moorish kingdom, it was well fortified, and embellished with all the knowledge and taste of the time.
On the platform where Frank and I had stumbled over the confused piles of rubbish and tried in vain to trace the buildings, so distinct only forty years before, the mighty Gucumatz had built high the altar of the bloodthirsty Tohil,—a steep pyramid in the centre of the rebuilt Gumarcah, now called Utatlan. Our knowledge of the ceremonial of that Quiché worship is but slight; but enough is known to give an air of reality to the pile of rubbish that alone marks the site of the holy place of this ancient kingdom. I sat near the base of the altar, and the city walls arose about me; the ruin of three centuries departed, and again all was new and full of busy life. Around me, but at a suitable distance from the altar-temple, were the palaces of the princes, built of cut stone and covered with the most brilliant white stucco. From the flat roofs of these massive dwellings floated banners of many colors and strange devices; arches of evergreens and flowers spanned every entrance to this Plaza, whose floor was of the smoothest, whitest stucco, and heaps of fragrant flowers were piled at the palace-doorways and about the great altar that towered like a mountain of light in the midst. All around me were the phantom forms of the Indios, clad in garments of rich colors, but silent and expectant; I seemed to know them all and understand their tongue. It was the most sacred festival of the year; the rains had ceased, and the summer was beginning,—and a summer at Utatlan was a delight unequalled in the outer world.
For many months the high priest and king had hidden himself from the sight of man, high in the mountains that overlook the Quiché plain. In his casa verde he was engaged in prayer and meditation, while his only food was fruit and uncooked maiz. His body was unclothed, but stained with dismal dyes; and twice every day, as the sun rose and set, he cut himself with an obsidian knife on his arms, legs, tongue, and genitals, that he might offer his choicest blood to the divinity he worshipped. Once only in his life must he do this; and scattered in the remote mountain-hermitages were many nobles keeping him company in the spirit. These were the fathers of the young men who had not yet offered their blood, and had been selected to be the god-children of their king and priest. In these lonely retreats the fathers taught their sons manly duties, and drew their blood from the five wounds.38
The votaries had gathered from their various cells at the sound of the drum, which was beaten only on most solemn occasions, and were marching in procession to the Plaza. I could see them as they filed on to the narrow causeway that led into the town, and then they were lost to sight as they climbed the steep ascent. In profound silence these men and youths, naked as they were born, entered the enclosure and seated themselves at the foot of the altar-steps. The solemn silence was now suddenly broken by a crash of trumpets and drums, while a procession of a different kind took up its march to the temple. Bright colors and the gleam of gold and precious stones, the clang of barbaric music and the sound of holy songs, reached the eye and ear as the idols, which had been carefully concealed since the last fiesta, were now brought to the place of sacrifice. Strange things these were,—not of “heaven above, nor the earth beneath, nor of the waters which are under the earth,” but carved from wood and stone and decked with beaten gold, hung with jewels, and borne triumphantly on the shoulders of the noblest citizens. Then all was joy and bustle in the Plaza. The hermits were clothed with new robes and welcomed back with honor, the high priest put on his robes and mitre, and for a while the people gave themselves up to music and dancing and ball-playing; it seemed as if life had no other end. But a terrible solemnity was to come. Even among the dancers I saw men clothed in a peculiar but rich garb,—generally of another people, but not always foreign; and I knew that these men had for days before the festival gone freely through the town, entered any house, even the royal palace, where the food they sought was freely given them, and they were treated with marked respect. Outside the city-walls were some of them, with collars about their necks, attended by four officers of the king’s guard. Food, drink, and even the women were free to these honored men; but they were captives taken in war, or perhaps men who were obnoxious to the king, and were to be sacrificed to Tohil. A terrible death awaited them; but they regarded their fate as a matter they could not help, and with Indian stolidity enjoyed the frolics of the people and smiled at care. It was strange to see how little any one seemed to be affected by the certainly approaching death of their fellows. Every one knew what was coming; but no dread anticipation marred the festive scene.
The music ceased in the Plaza, the chief idol was placed on the altar-top, and the priests and nobles seized the victims by the hair and passed them, struggling, one by one up the steep steps of the altar to the chief priest, who stood high on the sacrificatorio in the sight of all the people. There was no murmur, not even a shudder, among the multitude, only the involuntary shrieks of the sacrifice as the priest cut into his breast with the stone knife and tore out his quivering heart. Holding this in the golden spoon of the temple, he placed it reverently in the mouth of the idol, loudly chanting this prayer: “Lord, hear us, for we are thine! Give us health, give us children and prosperity, that thy people may increase! Give us water and the rains, that we may be nourished and live! Hear our supplications, receive our prayers, assist us against our enemies, and grant us peace and quiet!” And the people cried, “So be it, O Lord!”
The body had been extended on a rounded sacrificial stone and the neck held securely by the yoke; but now it was hurled down the side of the pyramid where there were no steps, and those appointed carried the remains to the caldron whither those who had the right came for the cooked meat, the hands and feet being reserved for the officiating priest.39 One by one the victims were offered to the idol, while the pyramid was no longer white, but crimson; and their death-shrieks were ringing in my ear, when Frank laid his hand on my shoulder and asked if I was asleep. Called back to deserted ruins and the humdrum present, I could not entirely shake off the impression of the past. On that little mound where we were sitting so peacefully, hundreds, yes, thousands, of our fellow-men had writhed in agony to satisfy the enmity of their fellows or to be an acceptable offering to the gods who were supposed to be their creators.40 Truly there are few nations whose religious history is pleasant reading; let us turn to other matters.
The more artificial civilization becomes, the weaker is the desire for offspring; and we must relegate the Quichés, by this rule, to a very primitive state, for the burden of their prayers was “Give unto us children,” and their faith was incarnate in works. They believed, with the psalmist, that “children are an heritage of the Lord; happy is the man that hath his quiver full of them.” Hence the birth of a child was a most auspicious event, to be celebrated with feasts and rejoicings, and each returning birthday was duly remembered. With the truest mercy, they put an end to all children born deformed or defective in mind or body; hence deformed or idiotic persons are exceedingly rare among their descendants.
The Quichés possessed the art of writing, though in logographs or ideographs, and they were skilled in the use of colors.41 I present some of the more common forms, traced from the copies in Kingsborough’s “Antiquities.” The first, two interlocked elbows, signifies the fourth day of the month; one of the elbows was colored red in the manuscript, while the other was green, both having an inner border of yellow. The simple hinge was of blue and red, with a yellow articulation; the hinge enclosing a dagger was yellow and green with red inner borders, and the dagger was red, yellow, and blue. The character denoting or representing a temple is readily recognized, and its usual colors are red and yellow; but it must not be supposed that these colors were always the same, they evidently depended on the taste of the scribe. A rude figure of a censer with a long handle through which the priest could blow upon the burning gum copal used as incense, always denoted a sacrifice. This art of pictorial representation could not strictly be called writing, but was a very useful substitute for it, and it was continued long after the Conquest. I have thought, after looking at some of the caricatures of the priests of the new worship which was forced upon these Indios, of the rite of baptism, and of the sacrifice of the Mass, that perhaps these unfortunate subjects had as much influence in the wanton destruction of aboriginal literature as had the alleged doctrine of devilish things with which the books were said to be imbued. The old Spanish priests ought to have felt little fear of a creature they knew so well as they knew Satan. The shaven crowns of the padres were easily represented even by less skilled draughtsmen than the Quichés, and the new doctrines gave the irreverent splendid chances for effective caricatures.
In textile work they were advanced, obtaining results with their rude hand-looms that even to-day would hold their own against the machine-made fabrics of the present day for durability and aptness of design, even as the barbaric cashmere shawl cannot be equalled by the skilled artisans of France. To-day the weavers of this region produce cloths of very attractive design and made of honest material, while their shawls or blankets are often works of art. I once watched an Indian woman weaving a girdle on a narrow loom not more than six inches wide; and without pattern before her she traced figures resembling those in the old manuscripts, though mingled with very modern-looking pictures. The country abounds in dye-stuffs, so it is not surprising that their color-sense has been well developed by use. For fibres they were limited to cotton and wool in the looms, reserving the pita and other coarser fibres for hammocks and redes.
Pottery of good shape and well baked is found among the ruins of Utatlan, and Stephens saw a figure of terra-cotta that must have required no little skill to model and bake. All the potsherds a diligent though not extended search gave us were of dark red color, hard baked, and evidently portions of spherical vessels. Not a sign of roof-tiles was seen, nor any painted fragments, although figured work was common enough.
The Quiché rivers abounded in fish, and the forests and mountains in game, while the fields produced abundant crops with little labor. No wonder the Spanish conquerors found a civilization that astonished them, a wealth which roused all their terrible cupidity, but a resistance more determined and bloody than they had found in Mexico.
It may not interest my readers to go deeply into the forms of government in those ancient times, but it may be said that it was an aristocratic monarchy hereditary in this peculiar way. When the principal king (Ahau-Ahpop) of the dual reign (there were always two kings at a time) died, the crown he had worn passed to his oldest brother, who performed the functions of Ahpop-Camhá, and as second king had share in the government. The oldest son of the Ahau-Ahpop, who during the life of his father had been Nim-Chocoh-Cawek, became Ahpop-Camhá, and his cousin (son of the king’s brother), who had been Ahau-Ah-Tohil or high priest of this god, Nim-Chocoh-Cawek, the elder son of the new sovereign taking the vacant post.
In this wise method of civil service regencies were never needed, and each king had fitted himself, by exercise of subordinate but important offices, for the supreme rule. If any one of these dignitaries proved his unfitness for advancement, he was passed over, and the next in rank chosen; and thus through a long series of offices. The corrupting influences of so-called popular elections, which are usually manipulated by a few conscienceless politicians who use the “dear people” simply as cat’s-paws, are certainly avoided; but was it not possible to hasten the succession, or to have a sort of “commission of lunacy” condemn an unpopular candidate, and so advance another unrighteously? The insignia of the four chief dignitaries were feather canopies, of which the king had four, and the others in descending series. A council of the chief families advised the monarch in his government.
The judges, who were also tax-gatherers, were appointed from the noble families, and held office during good behavior; death was the penalty for impeding these magistrates in their office. Capital punishment was rendered more bitter by the confiscation of the victim’s possessions and the enslavement of his immediate relatives. Breaches of trust ranked first among crimes, and homicide, adultery, confirmed robbery, larceny of sacred things, witchcraft, rape, were all capital crimes; and the strangers who hunted or fished in the forests or rivers of the country, as well as the slaves who ran away the second time, were punished with death.
There were laws against polygamy, and only the first wife was legitimate; but, as among the most civilized nations of modern times, there were many concubines. In Guatemala perhaps this practice was more open and honest than in modern states and times. Only the children of the lawful wife could inherit, and the man who died without lawful issue was buried with his wealth, consisting generally of cotton cloths, ornaments, feathers, and cacao, which served as money. The laws of all the Central American tribes were severe, and differed somewhat from those of the Quichés. But it has not seemed desirable to discuss these here; we will rather consider some of the customs common to most of the inhabitants of the kingdom of Guatemala, and so pass beyond the walls of Utatlan, to which, however, we shall presently return.
Agriculture among the Central American nations was mostly confined to the planting of maiz and beans (frijoles), which were staple products and served as a currency in gross, while cacao, which was said to have been first planted by Hunahpu, eighth king of Quiché, served for small change. They cultivated cotton, which furnished their clothing, and tobacco, which they smoked with moderation. Chocolate was not a common drink, but reserved for the nobles and soldiers who had distinguished themselves in battle. The cacao was planted with great ceremony. Seeds of the largest pods were selected and carefully fumigated with copal and other gums; and these seeds were then left in the open air four nights during the time of the full moon, and meanwhile the planters attended assiduously to their marital duties. Onions, plantains, potatoes, yams, chickpease, squashes of various kinds, supplied their table, and many native fruits added to their comfort. The Indios then, as now, were very fond of flowers; but whether they generally cultivated them, or found enough growing spontaneously, we do not know. Certainly there were royal gardens at Utatlan.
In manufactures, weaving was of first importance, and the threads were dyed with indigo, cochineal, or purple. Embroidery was also much used. Then from fibrous plants they plaited hammocks and nets, from reeds (junco) they wove hats of great durability, and from withes, baskets and sacks. The potter’s work was also of great importance, and the vases, bowls, and jars, often of great size, were colored with certain waters and mineral deposits. I do not know that they had any glaze, other than perhaps salt.
They had no iron, but they made tools from an alloy of copper and tin to which they gave an extraordinary hardness, and they also used obsidian for knives and cutting instruments generally. Remains of knife-factories are common enough through the country, and often, too where the raw material is not in situ. Gold was found in the streams, and the goldsmiths attained no little skill in making ornaments, which were often enriched with precious stones, especially opals from Honduras. Curious feather work was brought from Tesulutan in Verapaz.
They made paper from a bark called amatl, and also used parchment. Maps were plotted, and the scribes had books in which were entered all the divisions of the land; and to these, as to a registry of deeds, were referred all disputes about real estate. Chroniclers there were who compiled great books, many of which Las Casas saw; and these, he tells us, were burned by the early missionaries, who have thus earned the curses of succeeding generations. Superhuman must have been their good deeds to counterbalance this destruction!
The Quichés, Cakchiquels, and nearly all the other tribes divided the year into eighteen months of twenty days, adding five days (consecrated to Votan) to complete the cycle, and every fourth year still another day. There were twenty day-names, of which we have three slightly differing lists; but the month was not subdivided into weeks.
We know but little of the games and amusements of the Indios in ancient times; but Torquemada has described42 for us one national game, which seems to have required more skill and agility than the game of court-tennis (I do not speak of the effeminate lawn-tennis). The court consisted of two parallel walls very thick, and about one hundred feet apart. These walls were thirty feet high, and in each, at a height of from twenty to twenty-four feet, was a stone ring usually sculptured in some careful manner. At the open ends of the court were two little temples. A ball of rubber, large and very hard, was used by the players, who received the coming ball, not on a bat or racket, but on the padded buttock, from which the player endeavored to throw it through the ring, but without touching it with his hands. As the hole was only about eighteen inches in diameter, this was a most difficult feat, requiring great flexibility of the pelvic and thigh muscles. The victor was allowed to take the clothes of any of the spectators; so it may be supposed these went to the game in scant garb. Remains of these ball-grounds are found in many cities, and the stone ring of the illustration is at Chichen Itza; it is four feet in diameter, and decorated with the symbols of Quetzalcoatl.
A nation of warriors, it would be supposed their arts would provide arms both offensive and defensive; but there seems to have been nothing of peculiar originality. Arrows and darts, often poisoned, hatchets and wooden swords, in which were inserted obsidian teeth, were their weapons of offence, and those of defence were coats of quilted cotton, which the Spaniards were not slow to adopt, and shields of skins lined with cotton. While the generals and other officers were clothed in skins of pumas, jaguars, eagles, and other animals, it does not appear that the rank and file had any especial uniform.43 All joined battle with yells and the lugubrious blasts of the tun or teponaztles,—a sort of trumpet sounding even worse than an Alpine lure.
Let us return to Utatlan, and follow for a while the fortunes of the Quichés. Under brave kings their bounds had extended, and towns, tribes, and nations were compelled to acknowledge the kings of Utatlan as their lieges. In all this external prosperity, internal dissensions arose; and the plebs, incited by demagogues, demanded privileges which the king, Quicab, was compelled to grant after the palaces of the nobles had been sacked by the mob. Another more serious trouble arose from this mob-rule. It was the custom for the rulers of the conquered tribes to reside at court at least a part of the year; and the two kings of the Cakchiquels, Huntoh and Vucubatz, were visiting Quicab, when a street-riot, of no importance in itself, turned the mob against the Cakchiquels, and they loudly called upon Quicab to surrender the Cakchiquel kings to their fury. The wise old king warned these of their danger, and advised them to retire to Iximché, or Tecpan Quauhtemalan. They did so, and this city became their capital. Now the fortunes of the Cakchiquels wax, while those of the Quichés wane. The new capital is fortified, and its inhabitants prepare for the strife evidently impending.
The first attack is made by the Quichés, who are beaten, and for a few years remain quiet. Their king Quicab dies, and Tepepul II., the ninth king, reigns with Iztayul III. The kings of the Cakchiquels were now Oxlahuhtzi and Cablahu-Tihax, under whose reign a famine, caused by unusual cold, troubles the capital. The Quichés saw a chance again to subdue their rebellious vassals, and an army was gathered, which with great pomp set out from Utatlan, carrying the god Tohil with it. A deserter from the Quiché army warned the kings of Iximché of their peril, and they bravely prepared for the contest. In the Cakchiquel Chronicle we have this description of the battle:—
“As soon as the dawn began to brighten the mountain-tops the war-cries were heard, standards were unfurled, drums and conchs resounded, and in the midst of this clamor the rapidly moving files of the Quichés were seen descending the mountains in every direction.
“Arrived at the banks of the stream that runs by the suburbs of the city, they occupied some houses and formed in battle under the command of the kings Tepepul and Iztayul.
“The encounter was awful and fear-inspiring. The war-cries and the clangor of the martial instruments stupefied the combatants, and the heroes of both armies made use of all their enchantments. Notwithstanding, after a little the Quichés were broken, and confusion entered their ranks. The most of their army fled without fighting, and the losses were so great that they could not be calculated. Among the captives were the kings Tepepul and Iztayul, who surrendered, together with their god Tohil, the Galel-achi and the Ahpop-achi, grandfather and son of the keeper of the royal jewels, the die-cutter, the treasurer, the secretary, and plebeians without number; and all were put to the sword. Our old men tell us, my children, that it was impossible to count the Quichés who perished that day at the hands of the Cakchiquels. Such were the heroic deeds with which the kings Oxlahuhtzi and Cablahu-Tihax, also Roimox and Rokelbatzin, made the mountain of Iximché forever famous.”
After this defeat the Quiché kings appear in history only as names,—of which seven, including two appointed by the Conquistadores, complete the list. Dull as was their decline, their ending was brilliant; and none of the people of Central America made such a brave struggle for independence as this grand old tribe.
Other nations occupied portions of Guatemala; and before we follow the course of the Cakchiquels we may consider some of these. In Soconusco were several bands of Tultecs who had left the Aztec plateau, and in course of time were attacked by Olmecs and reduced to the most abject slavery. At last this became unbearable, and by the advice of their priests they decided to emigrate; and under sacerdotal guidance they journeyed twenty days along the Pacific coast, until they came to the Rio Michatoya, where the priest who had led them sickened and died. The delay and uncertainty this event caused resulted in the foundation of Itzcuintlan (Escuintla) by some who were weary of the journey. The greater part went on twenty leagues farther; and here came another halt, half remaining there at Cuscatlan (San Salvador) and Xilopanco (Ilopango), while the others went on to the Gulf of Conchagua, on the bounds of Honduras and Nicaragua. These people were called Cholutecas, or Exiles, and their descendants Pipiles.
The Cakchiquels soon got into trouble with a branch of their own people,—the Akahales, who occupied the country between the Volcan de Pacaya and the Lago de Izabal. The king of the Akahales was Ychal-amoyac,—a brave and wealthy man, whose capital, Holum, rivalled Tecpan Quauhtemalan. His wealth was coveted by the victorious Cakchiquels, and he was summoned to their court. Warned of the impending fate, he obeyed the summons, accompanied only by five of his friends. As they entered the audience chamber, in the very presence of the two kings the unfortunate Akahales were assassinated. Their riches were seized, and their towns quietly incorporated into the Cakchiquel kingdom.
Although the Akahales seem to have submitted without fighting, some of the neighboring tribes saw with concern this lawless act of the powerful kings of Tecpan, and felt that their turn might come next. Wookaok, king of the Atziquinihayi, whose country bordered on the Lago de Atitlan, and Belehe-Gih, a mountain cacique on the borders of Quiché, became leaders; and the former intrenched himself in a strong fortress which the Cakchiquels besieged for fifteen days, and on its fall they put to the sword the entire garrison.
Now the Cakchiquels were by far the most important of the ruling tribes of Central America, and it was near the close of the fifteenth century. The white men had already landed on the coast of America, and the history of the tribes was hastening to a close. Insurrections here, treasons and plots there, make the substance of what there is to tell. The attempt of Cay-Hunahpù to incite rebellion shook the kingdom, but failed in the end. Revolutions gradually loosed the feudal chains that bound the subject tribes, and several of them proclaimed their independence. Chief among these were the Sacatepequez, who chose a king from their own tribe with the title Achi-Calel, and the capital of their kingdom was Yampuk; only three kings reigned, until the Conquest. The Pokomans from Cuscatlan came to Sacatepequez seeking land, and they were well provided with lands and settlements by the Sacatepequez, that they might not ally themselves with the hated Cakchiquels.
In 1510 the king of the Cakchiquels, Oxlahuhtzi, died, and the next year his colleague, Cablahu-Tihax, died also; and Hunig and Lahuh Noh succeeded their fathers. Their reign was remarkable for an embassy sent by Montezuma to the kings of Central America. What the object of the Mexicans may have been, the Chronicles do not explain. Fuentes supposes that not Montezuma, but the eighth Mexican king Ahuitzotl was the one who tried to communicate with his southern neighbors. Certainly this king carried his arms as far as Nicaragua along the shores of the Pacific Ocean; but there is no proof that he ever penetrated the interior of Guatemala. Whatever the ambassadors wanted, whether conquest or an alliance against the coming invaders, they met with poor success. At Utatlan the Quiché king refused to listen to them, on the excuse that he could not understand what they said. They went thence to Tecpan, where they found a better reception; but we do not hear that they made any treaty. When they came to the chiefs of Atitlan they were driven away by arrow-shots; and they retreated to Utatlan, when the king warned them to leave his capital that very day, and the country within twenty suns. This is the only record we have of any communication between Mexico and Guatemala before the famous march of Cortez.
In Utatlan Vahxaki-Caam and Quicab were kings when a Cakchiquel wizard, who some say was the king’s son, came by night to the palaces of Utatlan and yelled and shouted so that the poor kings could not sleep; and as bootjacks were not yet invented, they had to listen to this ancient tomcat, who, when they put their heads out of the window, called them mama-caixon and other dreadfully opprobrious epithets. Next day the king called together all his wizards and offered large rewards for the capture of the nocturnal enemy. A Quiché wizard undertook the task, and chased the foreigner a long time, both jumping from mountain to mountain. At last he captured the Cakchiquel and brought him before the royalty he had insulted. When asked if he had made the horrid noises at night, he replied that he had. “Then,” said the king, “you shall see what a festival we will make with you.” Then the nobles began a war-dance to celebrate the capture of that wizard, and transforming themselves into eagles, lions, and tigers, they danced around and clawed the poor Indio. All things being ready for his execution, he turned to the king and all the others, crying, “Wait a bit, until you hear what I wish to say to you. Know that the time is at hand when you will despair at the calamities which are to come upon you, and that mama-caixon must die; and know that some men clothed—not naked like you—from head to foot, and armed, men terrible and cruel, sons of Teja, will come, perhaps to-morrow, perhaps the next day, and will destroy all these palaces, and will make them dwellings for the owls and wildcats, and all the grandeur of this court shall pass away.” When he had spoken they sacrificed him, and paid little attention to his prophecy. Warring here and there, suffering defeat seldom, but troubled with diseases and epidemics, a plague came at last which nearly depopulated the city of Tecpan, and was especially fatal among the nobility, both kings dying. So great was the mortality that there was not time to bury the dead, and they were often left to the vultures.
When this scourge had passed, Achi-Balam and Belehé-Qat were called to the throne, and during their reign came the news of the terrible work of the Spaniards in Mexico. These young kings decided to send an embassy to the mighty chief of the invaders, begging his protection and aid against their enemies. We have to-day the letter of Cortez to Charles V., dated in Mexico, Oct. 15, 1524, describing this embassy of Guatemalans to surrender their country and countrymen to the foreign devils who had destroyed their neighbors beyond the forests of the North. One almost feels that these wretched Cakchiquels deserved the miseries they brought upon themselves. Whether by any combination the tribes of Central America could have resisted the invaders, as did the Lacandones, no man can say. Probably their time had come, and no human or divine influence could change the event; but it is sad to see these many tribes, while the storm was gathering over their devoted heads, fighting among themselves in the most headstrong way: and so they fought until the coming of Pedro Alvarado. Guatemala held three hostile camps,—the Quichés at Utatlan; the Cakchiquels at Iximché or Tecpan Quauhtemalan; and the Tzutohiles at Atitlan.
December 6, 1523, the greatest general and most trusted friend of Cortez, Pedro de Alvarado, departed from the City of Mexico at the head of three hundred infantry (of whom one hundred and thirty were archers and gunners), and one hundred and twenty cavalry. He took four small cannon, in which were used stone balls, forty reserve horses, and his native allies were two hundred Tlaxcaltecas and one hundred Mexicans, besides a large number of tlamenes to carry the baggage. With this warlike array went two ministers of the Prince of Peace, Juan Godinez and Juan Diaz. The conquest of Guatemala was the end to be attained.
Alvarado marched south to Soconusco, and here met his first opponents. Unlike the contemptible Cakchiquels, the brave Quichés would make no terms with the invaders of their country, and as the Spaniards approached they hastened to join the men of Soconusco, and near Tonalá fought their first battle with the white men. The Indios were utterly routed; but they fell back and made preparations for a greater struggle. Oxib-Queh was then Ahau-Ahpop of the Quichés, and his fellow-king or Ahpop-Camhá was Beleheb-Tzi; Tecum-Umam and Tepepul were the other principal chiefs. Tecum, as commander-in-chief of the army, designated Chuvi-Megena (Totonicapan) as the rendezvous of the Quiché forces. His army was immense (the annalists make it equal to the enrolled army of Germany!); but no one knows the exact number of naked soldiers he brought together.
After the victory at Tonalá, Alvarado marched inland towards Zapotitlan, the capital of Suchitepequez; and as he approached the city, sent some spies he had captured in the mountains with friendly messages to their chiefs. No answer, either good or bad, was returned, but a battle was fought on the Rio Tilapa, and again the Spaniards were victorious. Some of the inhabitants of Zapotitlan called from a distance to the invaders and invited them to come into the city; but Alvarado preferred to choose his own time, and the Indios again attacked him. Desperately fighting, they were constantly driven back, and the invaders trampled over their bodies even through the streets of the city and for half a league beyond, where the battle ended; and Alvarado returned to the city and camped in the market-place. More like hungry locusts than human beings, these land-pirates went on destroying army after army in a way that is painful to read about. On the plains of the River Olintepec so great was the slaughter of the Indios that the stream was colored for days with their blood. The loss of the Spaniards was only a few men and horses wounded.
Tzakahá was occupied without resistance, and the Mexican allies changed the name to Quezaltenango. Under a canopy of branches the ambassadors of the Prince of Peace offered sacrifice to the god of battles. Here at the first mass celebrated in Guatemala these blood-stained murderers knelt. No wonder that the priests have in their turn been driven from the country!
Xelahuh was found deserted, and here Alvarado rested three days to remove the rusting blood from his arms. Then came the news that another Quiché army (Alvarado writes to Cortez that it was composed of twelve thousand men from Utatlan and countless numbers from the neighboring towns) was approaching; and the Spaniards marched out to meet them on the magnificent plain between Quezaltenango and Totonicapan. This was the decisive battle, and marvellous are the Indian legends gathering around it. Over the head of Tecum, the Quiché commander, hovered a gigantic quetzal (the nagual of the chief), who savagely attacked the Spanish general. At last the Spanish lance killed the bird, and at the same moment the unfortunate Tecum fell lifeless at the feet of the Conquistador.
In his report to Cortez, Alvarado writes: “That day I killed and captured many people, many of them captains and persons of rank.”
All the prisoners taken in this war (both men and women) were branded on the cheek and thigh and sold as slaves at public auction, a fifth of their price belonging to the King of Spain.
The last army of the noble Quichés being destroyed, and their utmost efforts being unavailing to turn aside the destroyers of their country, it is not difficult to imagine the terror in Utatlan or the hurried counsels of the two kings. In desperation they decided to sacrifice their city, if they might destroy at the same time these invincible Spaniards. The enemy was to be lured within the walls, and the only two means of entrance closed, and then the thatched and wooden roofs were to be fired, and so the imprisoned enemy destroyed. It was an effective plan, and might have been successful with a less wary general than Alvarado. He discovered the plot after he had entered Utatlan; but feigning friendship, he managed to get out of the city on the plea that his horses could not bear the paved streets, and the next morning begged the honor of a visit from the two kings. Oxib-Queh and Beleheb-Tzi came with a considerable retinue of nobles, and Alvarado received them with pretended friendship. When all the preparations were made, a party of soldiers loaded the guests with chains, and then their host bitterly reproached them (the poor heathen) for their plot. By a court-martial they were condemned to be burned alive. This horrible sentence was carried out, and during Holy Week, April, 1524, the last legitimate sovereigns of the most powerful nation in Central America perished in the flames. Bishop Marroquin named the city that succeeded Utatlan, Santa Cruz (holy cross), because the Indian capital was captured on Good Friday!
Alvarado wrote to Cortez: “That I might bring them to the service of His Majesty, I determined to burn the lords;... and for the well-being and peace of this land I burned them (yo los quemé), and commanded their city to be burned and razed to its foundations.”
The scattered Quichés, driven to fury by the awful death of their beloved monarchs, fought to the death; and Alvarado was obliged to despatch messengers to Iximché to demand aid from his Cakchiquel allies, who hastened to send four thousand warriors to crush the bleeding remains of their ancient rivals.
The reception of the Spaniards at Iximché, the fights with the Tzutohiles, and the destruction of Atitlan, seem tame enough after the martyrdom of the Quichés, the sole defenders of their country. Henceforth the rebellions and battles are only outbursts against individual oppression. Many tribes followed the Cakchiquel example, and submitted without a struggle. Itzcuintlan (Escuintla) refused; but the Spaniards entered the city on a stormy night and murdered most of the inhabitants. Alvarado marched to San Salvador in spite of considerable unorganized opposition, and returned to Iximché, where he founded on the 25th of July the capital of the kingdom of Guatemala, claiming as patron Santiago (Saint James) of Spain. This was afterwards removed to Almolonga (Ciudad Vieja).
While in Iximché, Alvarado showed his foolish Indian allies what his true character was. One of the chiefs of the Cakchiquels had just espoused the beautiful princess Xuchil; but the lustful eye of the Conquistador had fallen on her, and he sent for her on the pretext that he wished to consult her about the people to the southward whom he intended to subdue. The husband in well-grounded alarm begged the general, with tears in his eyes, to return his beloved wife, offering with his petition a rich present of gold and ornaments. “But the proud and hard-hearted Spanish knight, who thought he did honor by his passion for the bride of a Cakchiquel prince, as he had done in Mexico with the daughter of one of the lords of Tlaxcala, accepted the present, but refused with disdain the prince’s petition.” Again Alvarado called upon the kings of Iximché, Belehé-Qat and Cahí-Ymox, to bring him all the gold and silver they possessed, even to the royal insignia; and to emphasize his demand he snatched from the wretched kings their earrings, so that they shed tears at the physical pain. “If within five days all your gold is not here, woe be unto you! I know well my heart!” The kings, advised by a native priest, decided to leave the city with their wives and children, and they resolutely refused to return when Alvarado sent friendly messages and promises to them. Then the Spaniards began a war of extermination and slavery against the Cakchiquels, and the Quichés and Tzutohiles now took the side of the invaders against their hereditary enemies. All this destruction and misery had come upon Guatemala in one year, 1524. When the tribes were conquered, one by one, their sufferings only commenced; for so terrible was the slavery to which the Indian population of Guatemala was reduced that death was welcomed by the sufferers, and the Quiché nobles refused to rear children to serve their conquerors.
I do not care to follow the history of Guatemala under Spanish rule; it would be no pleasure excursion through the sloughs of deceit and over mountains of tyranny. Priests and soldiers vied with each other in iniquity; and the Indios, then as now, seem to have been the most moral part of the population.
In closing this long chapter on the early people of the kingdom, I would call the attention of my readers to the present Indians of Guatemala and their relationship, according to Dr. Otto Stoll. This learned ethnologist classifies the Indios mainly by language rather than by physical data, and I am myself sceptical of the value of linguistic distinctions. I know Bengalis who speak English most perfectly, and I can well imagine their losing their mother-tongue from disuse or disassociation with their brethren; but the Bengali does not thus become an Anglo-Saxon. I believe very little stress should be put on lingual relationships; and also do I protest against any system of classification founded on the cranium alone: the whole body, outer integuments as well as osseous frame, must be called in witness; and one day perhaps the study of human proportions and physical peculiarities will result in a classification in which language plays no part, or at least a very subsidiary one. In the mean time let us take the chart of the Swiss professor as the best thing we have at present. The nineteen tribes or families Dr. Stoll names as follows, and their location is indicated by the numbers on the chart:—
1. Mam.
2. Ixil.
3. Aguacateca.
4. Uspanteca.
5. Poconchi.
6. Quekchi.
7. Chol.
8. Mopan.
9. Quiché.
10. Tzutohil.
11. Cakchiquel.
12. Pipil.
13. Sinca.
14. Pupuluca.
15. Pokomam.
16. Chorti.
17. Alaguilac.
18. Maya.
19. Carib.
Of the Aztec stem, only the Pipiles (12) are found in Guatemala. They are probably the descendants of the Tultecs, who were subdued by the Olmecs. Of the Mije stem are the small tribe of Pupulucas (14). The Caribbean stem is represented on the coast by the Caribs (19); and of these so many differing accounts have been given that I am tempted to give a fuller description.
When the West Indies were discovered, they were peopled by several races; but among them none were so formidable as the inhabitants of the southern islands of that sea, now called, from their supposed name, Caribbean. The Caribs dwelt also in the valley of the Orinoco; but seldom chose their home far from the sea. They were understood to have the habit of eating their fellow-men; and it is from a corruption of Caribal that we have the opprobrious term “cannibal.” Whether they did limit their diet to the orthodox fare or not, is by no means clear; for the Spanish conquerors did not scruple to indict, condemn, and put to death the innocent natives who opposed them,—and no stouter opponents than the Caribs did they find. Two distinct tribes are generally included under the name,—the black Caribs, and the yellow: the latter with straight black hair; but the former are no doubt the mixed breed of the true Carib (who was generally at war with the European intruder) and the African slaves who escaped to the protection of the aborigines from their tyrannical masters. In 1796 England removed these troublesome people from St. Vincent to Roatan,—one of the Bay Islands off the coast of Honduras, whence they gradually emigrated to the mainland; and now their villages are found from Belize to Cape Gracios á Dios.
All along this coast they are of distinct and uniform character, to the casual observer differing little from the negro type; of good stature, firm, muscular build, and powerful limbs,—women as well as men. To one who is used to study the physical character of men, the outward resemblance to the negro is less marked. The hair is woolly; but the nose is less flattened, the mouth not so wide, nor are the lips so thick. The shoulders are broad, but so are the hips; and the narrow pelvis of the African is generally wanting. The fingers have large joints, and from the last all the fingers, but especially the thumb, taper sharply to the end. The heel is not so projecting, and the feet are very broad. Other differences are of interest to the student of the human form rather than to the public.
Almost all speak some English,—seldom using the baby-talk of the negro, but not always conforming to the correct idiom; more familiar still with Spanish, they always use their own language in conversation with each other. Several grammars and vocabularies of the dialects spoken by these islanders and by their namesakes in South America have been published (as may be seen in the list of books given in the Appendix), but I have not studied this language enough to learn the difference, if any, between the speech of the yellow and the black tribes. The Caribbee has a disagreeable sound,—perhaps by contrast to the Spanish; but the syllables ber and bub are frequent, and the enunciation is exceedingly rapid, making it very difficult for an alien to catch the words. Add to this the curious fact that the men and women speak a distinct language, and the obstacles a learner meets are important. To illustrate, here are a few of the man and woman words:—
| Man. | Woman. | |
|---|---|---|
| Father | yumaan | nucuxili |
| Mother | ixanum | nucuxum |
| Son | macu, imulu | nirajö |
| Daughter | niananti | nirajö |
| House | tubana | tujonoco |
| Earth | nonum | cati |
| Brother | ibuguia | (?) |
The traveller becomes familiar with such expressions as Igarybai, “let it alone;” Buraba duna nu, “bring me water;” Kimoi, “let us go;” Fagai, “paddle;” Mawèr, “O Lord!” Ih hj, “I don’t know,”—pronounced with a contemptuous nasal twang that would outdo the veriest Yankee.
Talkative beyond measure, it is difficult to quiet them in camp at night, unless they have had a hard day’s work. Good-natured when well treated, they have a very good opinion of themselves, and their self-love is easily disturbed. Superstitious to an extreme, they are not in public very religious; but there are strange stories told of human sacrifices in which a child was the victim. I have noticed that they put a rude cross on the window and door openings of an unfinished house to keep out the devils. When becalmed in a dory with Caribs, I have often heard the prayer:—
“Sopla, San Antonio, barba de oro cachimba de plata!
Blow, Saint Antony, with golden beard and silver pipe!”
And if the saint did not blow when asked repeatedly, the next proceeding was to make a cross of sticks and tow it astern; this last performance, like reading the Lord’s Prayer backwards, usually raised a breeze. The worship of Mafìa (the devil) I believe is general; but they do not like to talk about it. Caribs are less musical than any of the black races I have met; but they are fond of noisy drums, and will dance until utterly exhausted. Some of their dances last two days.
Of all the languages of Central America, no one has been more studied than the Maya. It is the language of Yucatan, and there many foreigners both speak and read it. In Guatemala it is the parent tongue of the great majority of the tribes, including the Quichés, Cakchiquels, and Tzutohiles,—those long-time enemies. The reader may see by the table of words I borrow from Dr. Berendt the similarity of certain common words in sixteen of these dialects.
Comparison of Certain Words in the Maya Dialects
| Man. | Woman. | Father. | Mother. | Water. | Blood. | Day. | Night. | Good. | Bad. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Huasteca | iník | uxúm | pailóm pap | mim | ja | xljtz | kl, aquichá | akál | alvuá | atáx |
| Maya | xib, xiblál | ch’uplál | yum | na | jaá | qu’i’c | k’in | ak’áb | utz | kas, loób |
| Chontal | vuiník | ixík | pap | naá | jaá | ch’i’ch | k’in | ak’ób | utz’án | ? |
| Tzental | vuiník | antz | tat | nan | jaá | ch’ii’ch | k’in | ajk’abál | lek | ma lek uc |
| Tzotzil | vuiník | antz | tot | me | joó | ch’i’ch | k’ak’ál | ak’ubál | lek | ma lek uc |
| Chañabal | vuiník | ixúk | tat | nan | ja | chic | k’agú | ak’uál | lek | mi lek |
| Chol | vuiník | ixík | tiát | niá | jaá | ch’i’ch | k’in | ak’ualél | utz’át | bibí |
| Quekchi | vuínk | ixk | yuvuá | na | ja | qu’iqu’él | cután | k’ojyí | us | ma us |
| Pokomchi | vinák | ixók | ajáu | tut | jotíc, jab | qu’iqu’él | k’ij | chak’áb | atób | ma atób tá |
| Pokomam | vinák | ixk’ón | tat | nan, tut | ja | qu’i’c | k’ij | chak’ám | quiró | ixc’á |
| Cakchiquel | achí, vinák | ixók | tatá | té, nan | ya | qu’iqu’él | k’ij | ak’á | utz | itzél |
| Quiché | vinák | ixók | tat | nan, chuch | ja, jorón | qu’i’c | k’ij | ak’áb | utz | itzél |
| Uspanteca | vinák | ixók | aj | xchuch | ja | qu’i’c | k’ij | ak’áb | tzi | étzel |
| Ixil | ná | ixó | bal | chuch | a | cajál | k’ij | a’kbál | ban | ycbanáx |
| Aguacateca | yáje, yaátz | xnan | ta | chu | a | chich | k’e | a’kbál | ban | yab |
| Mam | ca, íchang | ching, xuj | mán | chúy | a | chi’c | ? | ? | ban | ? |
The Lacandones, those unconquered Indios of the Usumacinta, speak a dialect cognate with that spoken in Yucatan, Campeche, and the sacred island Cozumel; and what gives additional interest to the Maya language is the fact that all the inscribed monuments of Tikal, Copan, Quirigua, and Usumacinta belong to this race, and if interpreted, this is probably the key.
The Quekchi language (6) is spoken by the Indios of Coban Cahabon, Senajú, and adjoining parts of Alta Verapaz, while close at hand (San Cristobal, Tactic, Tucurú, La Tinta, and Teleman) we have the Poconchi form. Externally both tribes are alike, although the Quekchis perhaps dress rather better.
The extant literature of the Quichés has been freely consulted in the preparation of this chapter. Would my readers like to see what the original language of the “Popul Vuh” is like?
| Are u xe oher tzih varal Quichbe u bi. | This is the beginning of the story of those who were formerly in the land that is called Quiché. |
| Varal xchekatzibah, xchikatiqiba vi oher tzih, u tiqaribal, u xenabal puch ronohel xban pa ’tinamit Quiche, r’amag Quiche vinak. | There begins and commences the knowledge of the earlier time, the origin and beginning of all done in the Quiché state in the home of Quiché men. |
Uspantán has a little dialect all to itself (4). Of the Cakchiquel language we have a most interesting remnant in the “Cakchiquel Manuscript,” next in importance to the “Popul Vuh.” In it the account of the creation is copied, as was natural, from the Quiché narrative; but the main portion of the work is a history of the revolution which led to the departure from Utatlan and the occupation of Iximché, and also of the advent of the Spaniards and the subsequent events until the establishment of Christianity as the State religion. The author was the grandson of the king who died of the pest in 1519; and his story goes to the year 1582, when another member of the same family continues it to 1597.
The Tzutohiles (10), who, it will be remembered, were a fighting tribe on the shores of the Lago de Atitlan, are still of the same spirit; and when Mr. Maudslay attempted to photograph them, the women shook their fists in his face. The unwillingness to be photographed I also found among the Quiché women (old ones) of Sacapulas; but a word from the comandante subdued their opposition.
The Ixils (1) dwell in the Sierras west of Coban, and the Mames (2) are found at San Marcos, Chiantla, and Huehuetenango, all westward to Soconusco and south to Ocós. The Aguacateca (3) occupies a small space north of Utatlan, and the vocabulary given by Stoll differs entirely from that of Dr. Berendt’s already quoted. Chorti (16) is spoken at Chiquimula and Zacapa, and in the opinion of some is the language of the sculptors of the glyphs at Copan. Sinca (13) and Alaguilac (17) are almost unknown, and Stoll cannot classify them.
The personality of these tribes is wholly absent from Dr. Stoll’s learned treatise; and my own knowledge of their appearance and way of thought is too limited to lead me to venture to fill the void. I have noticed what every one else speaks of,—the sober bearing of the Guatemaltecan Indios; but I have often seen the face of my mozo de cargo brighten as I greeted him, and I have been even led to think that his mourning expression is worn much as civilized ladies wear their black,—to save themselves trouble. It is laid aside in the family, or with a friend they can trust. Many of the men are well formed, although small, and their faces are often very attractive. I believe them to be neater in their persons and garb than the ladino population.