Letters Respecting Africa, From J.G. Jackson and Others
On the Plague.
To JAMES WILLIS, Esq. late Consul to Senegambia.
London, October 30, 1804.
My dear Sir,
Your letter reached my hands yesterday; but I am afraid I shall not be able to satisfy you in every enquiry which you have made relative to the plague in Barbary in 1799. I have, however, no doubt but the plague which has prevailed in Spain has originated from it. Some of the following observations may probably be of service to you.
It does not appear to be ascertained how the plague originated in Fas in the year 1799. Some persons have ascribed it to infected merchandise received at Fas from the East; whilst others maintain that the locusts which had infested Western Barbary during seven years, destroying the crops, the vegetables, and every green thing, even to the bark of the trees, produced such a scarcity, that the poor could obtain scarcely any thing to eat but the locusts; and living on them for several months, till a most abundant crop enabled them to satisfy the cravings of nature, they ate abundantly of the new corn, which producing a fever, brought on the contagion. At this time the small-pox pervaded the country, and was generally fatal. The small-pox is thought to be the forerunner of this species of contagion, as appears by an ancient Arabic manuscript, which gives a full account of the same disorder having carried off two-thirds of the inhabitants of West Barbary about four hundred years since; but, however the dreadful epidemy originated, the leading features of the disorder were novel, and more dreadful than the common plague of Turkey, or that of Syria or Egypt, as the following observations will demonstrate.
In the month of April, 1799, a plague of the most dreadful kind manifested itself at the city of Old Fas, which soon after communicated itself to the new city. About this time the Emperor Muley Soliman ben Muhamed was preparing a numerous army, and was on the eve of departure to visit his Southern dominions, and to take possession of the province of Abda, which had not acknowledged him as Emperor, but was, as well as the port of Saffy, in a state of rebellion. The Emperor left Fas early in the summer, and proceeded to Sallee, Mazagan, and Saffee; thence to Marocco and Mogodor. Now the plague began to kindle in all the Southern provinces, first carrying off one or two the first day, three or four the second day, six or eight the third day, and increasing progressively till it amounted to a daily mortality of two in a hundred of the whole population; continuing with unabated violence, ten, fifteen, twenty days, being of longer duration in old than in new towns; then diminishing in a progressive proportion from one thousand a-day, to nine hundred, to eight hundred and so continuing to decrease till it disappeared.
When it raged at the town of Mogodor, a small village (Deabet) situated two miles South-east of Mogodor remained uninfected, although the communication was open between these two places. On the thirty-fourth day after its first appearance at Mogodor, this village received the infection, where, after committing dreadful havock among the human species for twenty-one days carried off one hundred persons out of one hundred and thirty-three, the population of the village before the plague visited it. After this, none died; but those who were infected recovered, some losing the use of a leg, or an arm, or an eye.
Many similar circumstances might be mentioned relative to the numerous villages scattered about the extensive province of Haha, all which shared the like, or a worse fate. Travelling through this province after the plague had disappeared, I saw many ruins, which had been flourishing villages before the plague. Making enquiry concerning the population of these dismal remains of the pestilence, I was informed, that one village contained six hundred inhabitants; that only four had escaped. Others, which had contained four and five hundred, had left seven or eight to lament the calamities they had suffered.
Whenever any families retired to the country, to avoid the infection; on returning to town, when apparently all infection had disappeared, they were generally attacked, and died. The destruction of the human species in the province of Upper and LowerSuse was much greater than elsewhere. The capital city of this province (Tarodant) lost, when the infection was at its acmé, about eight hundred each day; the city of Marocco lost one thousand each day; the cities of Old and New Fas from twelve to fifteen hundred each day; insomuch, that, in these large towns, the mortality was such, that the living had not time to bury the dead: they were therefore thrown altogether into large holes, which were covered over when full of dead bodies.
Young and healthy robust persons were generally attacked first; then women and children; lastly, thin, sickly, and old people. After the plague had totally subsided, we saw men, who had been common labourers, enjoying their thousands, and keeping horses, without knowing how to ride them. Provisions became extremely cheap, for the flocks and herds had been left in the fields, and had nobody now to own them. Day-labour increased enormously. Never was equality in the human species more evident than at this time. When corn was to be ground, or bread made, both were done in the houses of the rich, and prepared by themselves; for the very few poor people whom the plague had spared were insufficient for the wants of the affluent, and they were consequently obliged to work for themselves. The country being now depopulated, vast tribes of Arabs from the Desert poured into Suse and Draha; settling themselves on the river Draha and in Suse, and wherever they found little or no population.
The symptoms of the disorder varied in different patients; in some it manifested itself by a sudden shivering, in others by delirium, succeeded by a violent thirst. Cold water was drank eagerly by the imprudent, and generally proved fatal. Some had one, two, or three, some more biles, generally in the groin, under the arm, or near the breast; some had more. Some had no biles, nor any outward disfiguration; these were invariably carried off in less than twenty-four hours. I recommended Mr. Baldwin’s remedy 235, applied according to his directions; and I do not know one instance of its failing, when properly applied, and sufficiently persevered in.
I have no doubt but the epidemy, which has been ravaging Spain lately, is the same disorder with the one above described. We have been told that it was communicated originally to Spain by two infected persons, who went from Tangier to Estapona, and eluded the vigilance of the guards. We have been assured that it was communicated by some persons infected, who landed in Spain from a vessel that had loaded produce at Laraich, in West Barbary. We have also been informed that a Spanish privateer, which had occasion to land its crew for water in some part of West Barbary, caught the infection, and afterwards went to Cadiz and communicated it to the town.
James G. Jackson.
Death of Mungo Park.
May, 1812.
The doubts which may have existed of the fate of this eminent man are now removed, by the certain accounts lately received from Goree, of his having perished, through the hostility of the natives, on one of the branches of the Niger. The particulars have been transmitted to Sir Joseph Banks, by Governor Maxwell, of Goree, who received them from Isaco 236, a Moor, sent inland by the Governor, for the purpose of enquiry. In a letter to Mr. Dickson, of Covent-garden, brother-in-law to Mr. Park, Sir Joseph thus writes:—
“I have read Isaco’s translated journal; by which it appears, that the numerous European retinue of Mungq Park quickly and miserably died, leaving, at the last, only himself and a Mr. Martyn. Proceeding on their route, they stopped at a settlement, from which, according to custom, they sent a present to the chief whose territory they were next to pass. This present having been treacherously withheld, the chief considered it, in the travellers, as a designed injury and neglect. On their approaching, in a canoe, he assembled his people on a narrow channel of rocks 237, and assailed them so violently with arrows, that some of the rowers were killed. This caused Mr. Park and Mr. Martyn to make an effort by swimming to reach the shore; in which attempt they both were drowned. The canoe shortly afterwards sunk, and only one hired native escaped. Every appurtenance also of the travellers was lost or destroyed, except a sword-belt which had belonged to Mr. Martyn, and which Isaco redeemed, and brought with him to Goree.”
Death of Mr. Rontgen, in an Attempt to explore the Interior of Africa.
May, 1812.
The young German gentleman of the name of Rontgen, who left England about a twelve-month since for Africa, in order to prosecute discoveries in the interior of that country, has, it is said, been murdered by the Arabs, before he had proceeded any great distance from Mogodor, where he spent some time perfecting himself in the Arabic language. He was a promising young man, and an enthusiast in the cause in which he was lost, and supposed to understand the Arabic language better than any European who ever before entered Africa. At an early age he formed the plan of going to that country, and gave up his connections and a competency in Germany, to prosecute his intentions. His father was a character well known in Europe, who raised himself from obscurity to the greatest celebrity by his talent for mechanics. He was at one time worth a million, but was ruined by the French revolution.
The following Letter from James Willis, Esq. late Consul to Senigambia, is extracted from the Gentleman’s Magazine for May, 1812.
COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE WITH AFRICA.
May 5. 1812.
At a time when our ancient rivals and enemies are exerting all their powers to destroy the British commerce, and have nearly effected their gigantic schemes of cutting off all communication between Great Britain and the various ports, states, and kingdoms of Europe; at such a time when we are in imminent danger of losing the markets of a quarter of the globe, it becomes essentially important to discover other channels for our commerce, and other markets for our manufactures.
In this point of view, the information lately communicated to the public by Mr. James Grey Jackson, in his “Travels in Africa,” becomes highly interesting to the statesman as well as to the merchant. From the account which he has given of the city of Timbuctoo, and its commercial relations, there is great reason to conclude, that if we could find means to open and maintain a safe and easy communication with that great emporium, and with the rich, fertile, and populous regions in its vicinity, we might acquire a market for our manufactures, that would in time compensate for the loss of that of Europe.
In the warehouses of Timbuctoo, are accumulated the manufactures of India and of Europe; and from thence the immense population that dwells upon the banks of the Niger is supplied. There is no doubt that we could furnish the articles they want, upon much lower terms than they can obtain them at present; and, in return, we should furnish the best market they could have for their gold, ivory, gums, and other rich products, and raw materials.
Now, it certainly appears to me, and I think it must appear to every man who takes the trouble of investigating the subject, that, provided Government would give proper support to the enterprise, this important communication might easily be established. For this purpose, nothing more is necessary than to take a fortified station upon the African coast, somewhere about the 29th degree of north latitude, near the confines of the Marocco dominions, to serve as a safe magazine or emporium for merchandize. From this station it would be easy to maintain a direct correspondence with the opulent merchants of Timbuctoo; regular caravans might be established to depart at fixed periods; the protection of the Arabs can at all times be purchased at stipulated prices, which may be considered as premiums of insurance, or as a tax for convoy, and thus in a little time these caravans might carry out merchandize, to and from Timbuctoo, with as much regularity and safety, and with less expense, than our fleets convey our goods to and from the West Indies.
The expense of such a fortified station as is here proposed, would be very moderate, in comparison with the advantages it would produce; and it would be easy to draw out a plan for it; but I do not think it would be proper to go into a detail here,—“non est hic locus.”
It has been well observed, that commerce is the key of Africa; and I shall only add, that if the plan I have suggested were carried into execution, these interesting regions of Africa, that have heretofore baffled the attempts of curiosity and enterprise, and remained for so many ages a “sealed book” to the inhabitants of Europe, would soon be explored and laid open. This is an object that cannot be indifferent to a prince, who has so evidently evinced a desire to patronise science, and who is undoubtedly desirous to encourage, to facilitate, and to increase, still further the vast geographical discoveries which have added such lustre to the reign of his august father.
To return to Mr. Jackson’s book. This work contains, besides the information that more directly concerns the statesman and the merchant, much interesting matter for the natural and moral philosopher, as well as for the general reader. The author makes no pretension to fine writing; his style is plain, unaffected, and perspicuous, and there is as much new, authentic, and important matter in the book, as in the hands of the French writers of African travels, (Golberry, Vaillant, and Savary, for instance,) would have been spread over three times the space. Upon the whole, it is the most valuable work of the kind that has appeared for many years. I hope the author will reap the reward which his labours have so well deserved.
James Willis.
Of the Venomous Spider.—Charmers of Serpents.—Disease called Nyctalopia, or Night-blindness.—Remedy for Consumption in Africa.—Western Branch of the Nile, and Water Communication between Timbuctoo and Egypt.
Sir,
The venomous spider (Tendaraman). This beautiful reptile is somewhat similar to a hornet in size and colour, but of a rounder form; its legs are about an inch long, black, and very strong; it has two bright yellow lines, latitudinally crossing its back; it forms its web octagonally between bushes, the diameter being two or three yards; it places itself in the centre of its web, which is so fine, as to be almost invisible, and attaches to whatever may pass between those bushes. It is said to make always towards the head, before it inflicts its deadly wound. In the cork forests, the sportsman, eager in his pursuit of game, frequently carries away on his garments the tenderaman, whose bite is so poisonous, that the patient survives but a few hours.
Charmers of serpents (Aisawie).—These Aisawie have a considerable sanctuary at Fas. They go to Suse in large bodies about the month of July to collect serpents, which they pretend to render harmless by a certain form of words, incantation, or invocation to Seedy ben Aisah, their tutelary saint. They have an annual feast, at which time they dance and shake their heads quickly, during a certain period, till they become giddy, when they run about the towns frantic, attacking any person that may have a black or dark dress on; they bite, scratch, and devour any thing that comes in their way. They will attack an unjumma, or portable fire, and tear the lighted charcoal to pieces with their hands and mouths. I have seen them take the serpents, which they carry about, and devour them alive, the blood streaming down their clothes. The incredible accounts of their feats would fill a volume; the following observations may suffice to give the reader an idea of these extraordinary fanatics. The buska and the 238el effah are enticed out of their holes by them; they handle them with impunity, though their bite is ascertained to be mortal; they put them into a cane basket, and throw it over their shoulders: these serpents they carry about the country, and exhibit them to the people. I have seen them play with them, and suffer them to twist round their bodies in all directions, without receiving any injury from them. I have often enquired how they managed to do this, but never could get any direct or satisfactory answer; they assure you, however, that faith in their saint, and the powerful influence of the name of the divinity, (Isim Allah,) enables them to work these miracles: they maintain themselves in a miserable way, by donations from the spectators before whom they exhibit. This art of fascinating serpents was known by the ancient Africans, as appears from the Marii and Psilii, who were Africans, and showed proofs of it at Rome.
Bu Telleese (Nyctalopia).—This ophthalmic disease is little known in the northern provinces; but in Suse and Sahara it prevails. A defect of vision comes on at dusk, but without pain; the patient is deprived of sight, so that he cannot see distinctly, even with the assistance of candles. During my residence at Agadeer, a cousin of mine was dreadfully afflicted with this troublesome disease, losing his sight at evening, and continuing in that state till the rising sun. A Deleim Arab, a famous physician, communicated to me a sovereign remedy, which being extremely simple, I had not sufficient faith in his prescription to give it a trial, till reflecting that the simplicity of the remedy was such as to preclude the possibility of its being injurious, it was applied inwardly; and twelve hours afterwards, to my astonishment, the boy’s eyes were perfectly well, and continued so during twenty-one days, when I again had recourse to the same remedy, and it effected a cure, on one administration, during thirty days, when it again attacked him; the remedy was again applied with the same beneficial effect as before.
Offer to discover the African Remedy for Nyctalopia, or Night Blindness.
(TO THE EDITOR OF THE LITERARY PANORAMA.)
Sir,
Having read your animadversions on the additional matter introduced in my second edition of an “Account of Marocco, Timbuctoo,” &c. (see Literary Panorama for April last, p. 713.) wherein you conceive that I am reprehensible for not having discovered publicly the remedy alluded to as an infallible cure to the Butellise or Nyctalopia, I should observe that I was not apprised, (till I read those animadversions,) that this was a disorder incident to the inhabitants in Europe, or that it affected our seamen on the Mediterranean station. But, if that be the case, and it should be found expedient and beneficial to the interests of Great Britain, that this remedy should be divulged for the alleviation of our meritorious seamen in His Majesty’s service, I am willing to make the discovery to any respectable medical man who may be appointed by Government as physician or surgeon on the Mediterranean station.
James G. Jackson.
May 18. 1812.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE LITERARY PANORAMA.
Circus, Minories, June 21. 1815.
Sir,
I request you will contradict in your next publication the assertion of my decease, which is calculated to injure considerably my interests abroad as a merchant. (Vide your Review of Parke’s Travels, page 377.) In answer to this unfounded information, which has been propagated in your review of last month, I have to acquaint you that I am not only in the land of the living, but in excellent health, and waiting to hear the testimony of some stranger or European traveller (since the Africans are not to be relied on), who shall establish the fact of the junction of the Nile of Sudan with that of Egypt; or at least, the approximation of these two mighty streams. And notwithstanding the insidious reflections and censures passed on the native Africans, from whom I gathered much of the information communicated to the public in my account of Marocco, it must be allowed by all liberal-minded men, that a native is more likely to give an accurate account of his country than a foreigner; and a residence of sixteen years in a country may be allowed to give a man of common observation experience enough to select judiciously such intelligence as might be relied on; and I have no hesitation in declaring it to be my unalterable opinion, that so soon as a traveller shall have returned from the interior of Africa, many of my assertions respecting those regions will be confirmed, and that information founded on the testimony of unprejudiced and disinterested Africans, will be found not so contemptible as some learned persons have imagined.
James G. Jackson.
Critical Observations on Abstracts from the Travels of Ali Bey, and Robert Adams, in the Quarterly Journal of Literature, Science, and the Arts, edited at the Royal Institution of Great Britain, Vol. I. No. II. page 264.
London, Dec. 19. 1817.
In the discussion on Aly Bey’s Travels, in the Journal of Science and the Arts, above mentioned, p. 270. are the following words:—
“Aly Bey has added, in a separate chapter, all the information he received, respecting a mediterranean sea, from a merchant of Marocco, of the name of Sidi Matte Buhlal, who had resided many years at Timbuctoo, and in other countries of Sudan or Nigritia, the most material of which was, that Tombut is a large town, very trading, and inhabited by Moors and Negroes, and was at the same distance from the Nile Abid, (or Nile of the Negroes, or Niger,) as Fez is from Wed Sebu, that is to say, about three hundred English miles.”
As this passage is quoted from Aly Bey, by the first literary society of Great Britain, and is, therefore, calculated to create a doubt of the accuracy of what I have said, respecting the distance of the Nile El Abeed from Timbuctoo, in the enlarged editions of my account of Marocco, &c. page 297. I consider it a duty which I owe to my country and to myself, not to let this sentence pass through the press without submitting to the public my observations on the subject.
Sidi Matte Buhlal is a native of Fas: the name is properly Sidi El Mattie Bû Hellal. This gentleman is one out of twenty authorities from whom I derived the information recorded in my account of Marocco, respecting Timbuctoo and the interior of Africa; his whole family, which is respectable and numerous, are among the first Timbuctoo merchants that have their establishments at Fas. I should, however, add, that among the many authorities from whom I derived my information relative to Timbuctoo, there were two muselmen in particular,—merchants of respectability and intelligence, who came from Timbuctoo to Santa Cruz, soon after I opened that port to Dutch commerce, in the capacity of agent of Holland, by order of the then Emperor of Marocco, Muley Yezzid, brother and predecessor of the present Emperor Soliman. These two gentlemen had resided at Timbuctoo, and in other parts of Sudan, fifteen years, trading during the whole of that period with Darbeyta, on the coast of the Red Sea, with Jinnie, Housa, Wangara, Cashna, and other countries of the interior, from whom, and from others, equally intelligent and credible, I procured my information respecting the mediterranean sea in the interior of Africa, called El Bahar Assudan, i.e. the Sea of Sudan, situated fifteen days’ journey east of Timbuctoo. These two muselmen merchants had amassed considerable fortunes at Timbuctoo, and were on their journey to Fas, their native place; but in consequence of a civil war at that time raging throughout West Barbary, particularly in the province of Haha, through which it was indispensable that they should pass, on their way to Fas, they sojourned with me two months; after which they departed for Fas with a caravan.
These intelligent Moors gave me much information respecting Timbuctoo, and the interior countries where they had resided; they sold me many articles of Sudanic manufacture, among which were three pieces of fine cotton cloth, manufactured at Timbuctoo, and some ornaments of pure gold in or molu, of exquisite workmanship, of the manufacture of Jinnie; one of these pieces of Timbuctoo manufacture, of cotton interwoven with silk, of a square blue-and-white pattern, dyed with indigo of Timbuctoo, I had the honour to present to the British Museum, in April, 1796 239, where it is now deposited.
I have been led into this digression from certain insinuations that have been 240 insidiously propagated, reflecting on the accuracy of my statements respecting the interior of Africa; and I must add, that I always have felt, and still feel confident, that in proportion as we shall become more acquainted with the interior of this unexplored continent, my account will be so much the more authenticated: my confidence in this opinion, (however dogmatical it may appear,) is founded on the original and intelligent sources of my information; on a long residence and general acquaintance with all the principal inhabitants of West Barbary, whose connections lay in Sudan, and at Timbuctoo; in a competent knowledge and practical acquaintance with the languages of North Africa, and a consequent ability to discriminate the accuracy of the sources of my intelligence.
This being premised, I now proceed to offer to the public my animadversions on the above quotation from the Journal of Science and the Arts.
I have actually crossed the Wed Sebu, or the River Sebu, alluded to in the above quotation, which passes through the Berebber Kabyl of Zimure Shelleh; I have crossed the same river several times at the city of Mequinez, and also at Meheduma, where it enters the Atlantic Ocean, in lat. 34° 15’ north, and from this experimental knowledge of the course of that river, I can affirm, with confidence, that it is not inaccurately laid down in my map of West Barbary 241, and that it is not three hundred English miles from Fas, but only six English miles from that city. I can also assert, from incontestable testimony, that Tombut, or Timbuctoo, is 242 not three hundred miles from the Nile El Abeed, but only about twelve English miles from that stream, the latter being south of the town.
Respecting the following passage in the above quoted Journal of Science and the Arts, p. 272, “This river contains the fierce animals called Tzemsah, which devour men,” I shall only observe, that Tzemsah is the word in Arabic which denominates the crocodile. Farther on, in the same page, we have the words,—“We must suppose that the Joliba makes at this spot a strange winding, which gives to the inhabitants of Marocco the opinion they express.” This supposed winding is actually asserted to exist, and is denominated by the Arabs 243 El Kose Nile, i.e. the arch or curve of the Nile, and is situated between the cities of Timbuctoo and Jinnie.
I should here adduce some further testimony respecting the course of the Nile El Abeed; but as the quotation from Aly Bey in the above Journal of Sciences and the Arts, page 271. asserts it to be towards the east, and again, in page 272. declares it to be towards the west, such incoherence, I presume, requires no confutation. I consider that it originates from Moorish inaccuracy.
The La Mar Zarak of Adams, if any such river exists, may be a corruption of Sagea el Humra, i.e. the Red Stream, a river in the southern confines of Sahara, nearly in the same longitude with Timbuctoo. This river the late Emperor of Marocco, Muley Yezzid, announced as the southern boundary of his dominions; but from the accounts which I have had of it, it was not of that magnitude which Adams ascribes to the Mar Zarak, nor was it precisely in the neighbourhood of Timbuctoo, when I was a resident in South Barbary: rivers, however, which pass through sandy or desert districts, often change their courses in the space of twenty-four hours, by the drifting of the moving sands impelled by the wind; instances of which I have myself often witnessed.
If this river proceeded from the Desert, it might have had the name of El Bahar Sahara, i.e. the River of Sahara; the word La Mar is a lingua franca, or corrupt Spanish word, signifying the sea, and might have been used to this poor sailor by a native to make it the more intelligible to him. Many Spanish words having crept into the Arabic vocabulary, and are occasionally used by those Africans who have had intercourse with Europeans.
The next passage for animadversion is as follows:—
“The state in which he represented Timbuctoo, and its being the residence of a Negro sovereign, instead of a muselman.”
The state in which he has represented Timbuctoo, is, I think, extremely inaccurate; and being a slave, it is more than probable, that he was placed in a Fondaque 244, or Caravansera, belonging to the King, which he mistook for his palace; but that his narrative should be deemed inaccurate, because he has described the town of Timbuctoo to be under the sovereignty of a Negro prince, is to me incomprehensible.
The various sources of information that I have investigated, uniformly declare that sovereign to be a Negro, and that his name in the year 1800, was Woolo. This account, it appears, is confirmed by Adams, who says, 245 Woolo was King of Timbuctoo in 1810, and that he was then old and grey-headed. Some years after the above period, Riley’s Narrative, epitomised in Leyden’s Discoveries and Travels in Africa, vol. i., speaking of the King of Timbuctoo, says, this sovereign is a very large, old, grey-headed black man, called Shegar, which means Sultan. This, however, I must observe is a misinterpretation of the word Shegar, which is an African-Arabic word, and signifies red or carrotty, and is a word applicable to his physiognomy; but certainly not to his rank:—Abd Shegar, a carrotty or red Negro. If these two testimonies, since 1800, be correct, then the anachronism of which I am accused in the New Supplement to the Encyclopedia Britannica, (title Africa,) is misapplied.
Many of this king’s civil officers, however, in 1800, were muselmen; but the military were altogether Negroes.
However fervent the zeal of Muhamedanism may be at Timbuctoo, it is not, I imagine, sufficient to convert the Negroes, who have not the best opinion of the Muhamedan tenets. The Negroes, however, are disposed to abjure idolatry for any other form of religion that they can be persuaded to think preferable, or that holds out a better prospect; a convincing proof of which has been seen by the readiness of the Africans of Congo and Angola, to renounce their idolatry for the Christian faith, by the conversion of thousands to that faith by the indefatigable zeal of the catholic missionaries, when the Portuguese first discovered those countries, and which, if the Sovereign of Portugal had persevered with that laudable zeal with which he began to promote the conversion of the Africans, the inhabitants of those extensive and populous countries might, at this day, have been altogether members of the Christian church!!
On the Junction of the Nile of Egypt with the Nile of Timbuctoo, or of Sudan.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE MONTHLY MAGAZINE. 246
London, Jan. 25. 1817.
Sir,
Having read some annotations, in the Journal of a Mission to the Interior of Africa, by Mungo Park, in 1805, which are calculated to persuade some persons, that my Account of the Interior of Africa is not altogether authentic, I feel myself called upon to offer some cursory observations to the public, in refutation of those aspersions. (Vide Appendix, No. IV. to Mungo Park’s Second Journey, in 1805, pages 114. and 115.)
Although I assert, on the concurrent testimony of the best informed and most intelligent natives of Sudan, that there exists a 247water communication between Timbuctoo and Cairo, I do not maintain that the 248Nile of Sudan falls into the 249Nile of Egypt, but that it hath a communication with it, or with some river that connects itself with the Nile of Egypt, which opinion is confirmed by Mr. Hornemann, on African authority.
It is very probable that this junction is formed by a stream that flows westward towards Wangara through the country called 250 Bahar Kulla, and Lake Dwi, from the source of the Nile of Egypt, or from that part of the Jibbel Kumri, or Lunar Mountains, which form the southern boundary of Donga.
If this be so, the junction of the Nile el Abeed, of Timbuctoo, and the Bahar el Aheäd of Donga 251, (or more properly the Bahar el Abeed,) is established, and the water communication between Timbuctoo and Cairo is proved; admitting, however, that the Negroes reported by me to have performed the 252 voyage by water, took their boat or canoe ashore, to ascend the cataracts, in the country between Wangara and Donga.
Mr. Park’s annotator, in the spirit of controversy with which he appears to be endued, may say, the fact of this stream running to the west towards Wangara, cannot be admitted, because Mr. Browne saw a ridge of mountains extending in that direction; but Mr. Browne did not ascertain that this was an uninterrupted ridge; the river might therefore pass through some chasm similar to that which I have seen in crossing the Atlas Mountains, or through some intermediate plain.
The annotator further says 253, “It is needless to comment upon such hearsay statements, received from an African traveller.” This assertion being calculated to impress on the public mind, that I founded my hypothesis respecting the junction of the Niles of Africa on the simple and single statement of one individual African traveller; I feel it incumbent on me thus publicly to declare, that the junction alluded to is founded on the universal and concurrent testimony of all the most intelligent and well informed native African travellers (for the most part natives of Sudan), not one of whom differed in this opinion, but unanimously declared it to be an uncontroverted fact, that the waters of the Nile of Egypt joined the waters of the Nile el Abeed, which passes near Timbuctoo to the east; and that there exists, without a doubt, a water communication between Cairo in Egypt, and Timbuctoo in Sudan. Now, if, as M. de Bailly observes, “la vérité se fait connaître par le concours des témoignages,” it must be admitted, by men of liberal sentiments, that it is somewhat more than a hearsay statement; and what better foundation can there possibly be for the truth of any geological fact, than the concurrent testimony of the best-informed natives of the country described?
With respect to precision being unfavourable to authenticity 254, I consider this a new dogma; and if I were disposed to confute it, (but it carries with it its own confutation,) I should point out many hearsay evidences, precisely recorded in my Account of Marocco, which have been confirmed already by Ali Bey (El Abassy) and many others; but “non est hic locus.”
J.G. Jackson.
Strictures respecting the Interior of Africa, and Confirmation of Jackson’s Account of Sudan, annexed to his Account of the Empire of Marocco, &c.
London, 16th Jan, 1818.
It is a satisfaction to perceive (after a lapse of eight or nine years since the publication of my account of Marocco and the interior of Africa), that in proportion as we are becoming better acquainted with the interior of that continent, my account becomes more authenticated, notwithstanding the attempts that have been so insidiously made to invalidate it.
The various hypotheses, for the most part founded in theory, that have within the last seven years, been adopted respecting the course of the Nile el Abeed (Niger), are beginning now to fall to the ground, and the learned and judicious editor of the Supplement to the New Encyclopedia Britannica, founding his opinions, as it should seem, upon the facts that have been corroborated respecting the interior of Africa, has actually adopted my opinion; 255 viz.
That there is an union of waters between the Nile of Egypt, and that of Sudan 256; where the common receptacle is, I have not ventured to declare, but it is probable that it may be in the Bahar Kulla 257, in Wangara, or in the 258Sea of Sudan; the opinion that the junction is formed in the Sea of Sudan is supported by the Shereef Imhammed, who saw the Nile at Cashna, and declared that it was so rapid there from east to west, that vessels could not stem it.
Again: Parke’s intelligence, in his second journey, demonstrates an union of waters in the (Baseafeena 259) Sea of Sudan; for he says, the current was said to be sometimes one way, and sometimes another; which I will take the liberty to interpret thus:—
That the current from the Eastern Nile, was westward into the Sea of Sudan, and the current of the Western Nile was eastward into the same sea of Sudan: thus the current would be sometimes one way, and sometimes another, making the Sea of Sudan the common receptacle for the Eastern as well as for the Western Nile.
Ptolemy’s Sea of Nigritia is undoubtedly the same with my Sea of Sudan; Lybia Palus 260 being the Latin denomination, as Bahar Sudan is the Arabic for the interior lake called the Sea of Sudan; but whether this sea of Sudan will ultimately prove to be situated 261 as I have described it, fifteen journies 262 east of Timbuctoo, or 450 English miles, or as Ptolemy has described it, or in the intermediate distance between the two extremes, must be left for future travellers to ascertain.
The enterprising and indefatigable, the patient and persevering genius of Burkhardt, deriving incalculable advantages from a long residence in the eastern regions of Africa, may probably decree him to be the person to clear up this long-contested geographical point, unless the fascination of Arabian manners, or some Utopia in the interior regions of that continent, should wean him from the desire to re-visit his native country.
This intelligence of Park may be considered some corroboration of what I have maintained respecting the union of waters between the Eastern and Western Niles. 263
The following testimonies are some confirmation of my report respecting decked vessels, &c. in the interior of Africa. 264
Dr. Stetzen, a German physician residing at Alexandria 265, says, that he has received intelligence from a pilgrim, on his way to Mecca, a native of Ber Noh, or Bernou 266, that the river within a mile of the city is as large as the Egyptian Nile, and overflows its banks; it is navigated by vessels of considerable dimensions, carrying sails and oars.
Mr. Barnes states, that the Niger discharges itself into a large lake; that he has heard from the Black traders that there are white inhabitants upon the borders of this lake; and has been told, by people who have seen them, that they dress in the style of Barbary Moors, and wear turbans, but do not speak Arabic. See Report of Committee of Council. 267
Park, in his second journey, was informed, that “one month’s travel south of Baedo, through the kingdom of Grotto, will bring the traveller to the country of the Christians, who have their houses on the banks of the Ba Seafeena 268, which they describe as incomparably larger than the lake Dehebby (Dibbie).”—This is another corroboration of the accuracy of my account of the interior of Africa; but before I dismiss this subject, I should observe, that from the general ignorance of the African Arabic, an important circumstance respecting this Ba Seafeena, is not yet (it appears) discovered. It is this:—the words Ba Seafeena, or, according to the correct Arabic orthography, Bahar Sefeena, literally translated into English, signifies the Sea of Ships, and is evidently only another name for the Sea of Sudan, declaring it to be a sea wherein ships are found!
Here then are two topographical facts first asserted by me, among the moderns, to exist in the heart of Africa, and since confirmed by Ali Bey, Park, and Dr. Sietzen, or, as the enlightened editor of the Supplement to the New Encyclopedia Britt. observes,
“We have thus three independent testimonies 269 from opposite quarters, meeting exactly in the same point; nor does there, as far as we know, exist any evidence at all respectable to the contrary.”
It now remains for me to declare (that as opinions have been industriously propagated tending to discredit my account of Marocco, and the interior of Africa,) that nothing has been set down therein, until I had previously investigated the qualifications of the narrators, their means of knowledge, and whether the respective vocations of the several narrators made it their interest to disguise or misrepresent the truth of their communications; and, after ascertaining these important points, I have generally had recourse to other testimonies, and have seldom recorded any thing until confirmed by three or four concurrent evidences: on this pyramidical basis is founded the intelligence in my account of Marocco, and of the interior of Africa, annexed to that account.
This assertion is to be understood in respect to intelligence that I could not ascertain by ocular demonstration.
Finally, my description of the black heartheaded serpent, called Bouska 270, has been doubted; but a late traveller 271 has confirmed the accuracy of my account; even of this extraordinary animal.—In Riley’s Narrative of his Shipwreck on the Coast of Sahara is given an account of an exhibition by two Isawie 272, who do not appear to have been adepts in the art of fascinating these serpents; for I have frequently seen them manage and charm the Bouska much more adroitly than those who exhibited at Rabat before Riley, although its bite is more deadly, and its strength considerably greater, than that of the El Effah!
“A wooden box, about four feet long and two wide, was placed near the door, with a string fastened to a slide at one end of it; this string went through a hole in the door. The two serpent-eaters were dressed in haiks only, and those very small ones. After they had gone through their religious ceremonies most devoutly, they appeared to take an eternal farewell of each other: this done, one of them retired from the room, and shut the door tight after him. The Arab within seemed to be in dreadful distress. I could observe his heart throb, and his bosom heave most violently: and he cried out very loudly, “Allah houakiber,” three times; which is, as I understood it, God have mercy on me. 273
“The Arab was at the farthest end of the room: at that instant the cage was opened, and a serpent crept out slowly; he was: about four feet long, and eight inches in circumference; his colours were the most beautiful in nature, being bright, and variegated with a deep yellow, a purple, a cream colour, black and brown, spotted, &c. As soon as he saw the Arab in the room, his eyes, which were small and green, kindled as with fire; he erected himself in a second, his head two feet high; and darting on the defenseless Arab, seized him between the folds of his haik, just above his right hipbone, hissing most horribly; the Arab gave a horrid shriek, when another serpent came out of the cage. This last was black, very shining, and appeared to be seven or eight feet long, but not more than two inches in diameter: as soon as he had cleared the cage, he cast his red fiery eyes on his intended victim, thrust out his forked tongue, threw himself into a coil, erected his head, which was in the centre of the coil, three feet from the floor, and flattening out the skin above his head and eyes, in the form, and nearly of the size of a human heart, and springing like lightning on the Arab, struck its fangs into his neck near the jugular vein, while his tail and body flew round his neck and arms in two or three folds. The Arab set up the most hideous and piteous yelling, foamed and frothed at the mouth, grasping the folds of the serpent, which were round his arms with his right hand, and seemed to be in the greatest agony, striving to tear the reptile from around his neck, while with his left he seized hold of it near its head, but could not break its hold: by this time the other had turned itself around his legs, and kept biting all around the other parts of his body, making apparently deep incisions: the blood, issuing from every wound (both in his neck and body,) streamed all over his haik and skin. My blood was chilled in my veins with horror at this sight, and it was with difficulty my legs would support my frame.
“Notwithstanding the Arab’s greatest exertions to tear away the serpents with his hands, they turned themselves still tighter, stopped his breath, and he fell to the floor, where he continued for a moment, as if in the most inconceivable agony, rolling over, and covering every part of his body with his own blood and froth, until he ceased to move, and appeared to have expired. In his last struggle, he had wounded the black serpent with his teeth, as it was striving, as it were, to force its head into his mouth, which wound Footnote: seemed to increase its rage. At this instant I heard the shrill sound of a whistle, and looking towards the door saw the other Arab applying a call to his mouth: the serpents listened to the music, their fury seemed to forsake them by degrees, they disengaged themselves leisurely from the apparently lifeless carcase, and creeping towards the cage, they soon entered it, and were immediately fastened in.
“The door of the apartment was now opened, and he without ran to assist his companion: he had a phial of blackish liquor in one hand, and an iron chissel in the other: finding the teeth of his companion set, he thrust in the chissel, forced them open, and then poured a little of the liquor into his mouth; and holding the lips together, applied his mouth to the dead man’s nose, and filled his lungs with air: he next anointed his numerous wounds with a little of the same liquid, and yet no sign of life, appeared. I thought he was dead in earnest; his neck and veins were exceedingly swollen; when his comrade taking up the lifeless trunk in his arms, brought it out into the open air, and continued the operation of blowing for several minutes before a sign of life appeared; at length he gasped, and after a time recovered so far as to be able to speak. The swellings in his neck, body, and legs gradually subsided, as they continued washing the wounds with clear cold water and a sponge, and applying the black liquor occasionally; a clean haik was wrapped about him, but his strength seemed so far exhausted that he could not support himself standing, so his comrade laid him on the ground by a wall, where he sunk into a sleep. This exhibition lasted for about a quarter of an hour from the time the serpents were let loose until they were called off, and it was more than an hour from that time before he could speak. I thought I could discover that the poisonous fangs had been pulled out of these formidable serpents’ jaws, and mentioned that circumstance to the showman, who said, that they had indeed been extracted; and when I wished to know how swellings on his neck and other parts could be assumed, he assured me, that though their deadly fangs were out, yet that the poisonous quality of their breath and spittle would cause the death of those they attack; that after a bite from either of these serpents, no man could exist longer than fifteen minutes: and that there was no remedy for any but those who were endowed by the Almighty with power to charm, and to manage them; and that he and his associates were of that favoured number! The Moors and Arabs call the thick and beautiful serpent El Effah, and the long black and heartheaded one El Bouskah.
“I afterwards saw engravings of these two serpents in Jackson’s Marocco; which are very correct resemblances. They are said to be very numerous on and about the south foot of the Atlas mountains and border of the Desert, where these were caught when young, and where they often attack both men and beasts.”—Vide Riley’s Shipwreck and Captivity in the Great Desert, p. 550.
Animadversions on the Orthography of African
Names.
(TO THE EDITOR OF THE MONTHLY MAGAZINE,
INSERTED MAY, 1818.)
Bennet’s-hill, Feb. 1818.
Sir,
I should be much surprised to find that Jackson’s account of what he has heard is doubted, if I did not remember that Bruce’s account of what he had seen was disbelieved. Nothing human can appear to me more deserving of implicit credit than the intelligence the former of these writers gives respecting Timbuctoo. He has not seen it, it is true. I have not seen Lisbon; but, if I had, and were to sit down to write an account of it, some things would be necessary to be described, with regard to which I should feel a degree of uncertainty; and, having given an account of Lisbon, if I were to visit it again, I should find others on which I had been mistaken. But let me arrange in my own mind the information I want respecting Lisbon; let me make enquiries of twenty intelligent persons who have resided there; let me carefully compare their different accounts, and who shall doubt the accuracy of the result?
Mr. Jackson has had an opportunity of acquiring information respecting Timbuctoo that no other European ever had, by having the direction of commerce in a city frequented by Timbuctan merchants; a city, the port of which is called, in Arabic, Bab Sudan, the Gate of Sudan. Mr. Jackson was qualified to make use of this advantage to an extent that no other European ever was, by a practical, and even critical knowledge of the general language of the country,—the African Arabic. To these Mr. Jackson added an ardent spirit of research, an industry which neglected no opportunity, a caution to compare, a judgment to discriminate, and a firmness to decide. Who, that weighs these things, can doubt the accuracy of his intelligence respecting Sudan? I even regard his orthography as the standard of correctness, and am surprised that any person should continue to write Timbuctoo instead of Timbuctoo, or Fez instead of Fas.
I am inclined to believe that Adams has been at Timbuctoo, though I do not consider it as proved; but, supposing that he has, and that I wished to become acquainted with that city, would I apply for information to an illiterate slave, who was confined within narrow precincts? Or would I rely upon the united testimony of twenty persons of education, who had each a wider field of observation?
I have read “Jackson’s Account of Marocco” twice through, at different periods, with great attention; and I do most heartily join in the confidence expressed by the enlightened and judicious author, that, in proportion as the interior of Africa shall be more known, the truth of his account of it will be made evident.
Catherine Hutton.
Hints for the Civilisation of Barbary, and Diffusion of
Commerce.
March 16, 1818.
Algiers, and the territory belonging to it, is governed by despotic Turks, the refuse of the Ottoman troops; who maintain their power over the Moors and Arabs of the plains (who are the cultivators of the country), and over the Berebbers (who are the aborigines of the country), or inhabitants of the mountains of Atlas, which terminate this sovereignty on the south, and divide Algiers from Bled-al-Jereed. The first principle of this barbarous and sanguinary government, according io an African adage, is to “Maintain the arm of power, by making streams of blood flow, without intermission, around the throne!” This country,—the government of which reflects disgrace on Christendom, which has been, during many ages the scourge of Christian mariners, and of all who navigate the Mediterranean Sea,—has often been conquered. The Romans reduced Numidia and Mauritania into Roman provinces. This beautiful garden of the world was afterwards conquered by the Vandals; then by the Greeks, during the reign of Justinian, under Belisarius; and, finally, three times by the Arabs, viz. in the 647th year of Christ, by Abdallah and Zobeer; in the year 667, by Ak’bah for the Kalif Moawiah; and in the year 692, by Hassan, the governor of Egypt, for the Kalif Abd Elmelik. Not one of the armies of these warriors ever exceeded 50,000 men.
After these general conquests, the partial conquests of the Portuguese and Spaniards, about the end of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth century, were effected by a mere handful of men; and, in 1509, the latter rendered the kingdom of Algiers tributary to them: but, afterwards, they lost it by the ferocity of their chiefs, and by the fanaticism of their soldiers and priests; and, finally, by their perfidy and intolerance, they made themselves enemies to the various (Kabyles) tribes of Mauritania, and thereby lost their conquest.
The repeated insults, offered by these ruffians to civilised Europe, cannot be efficiently punished by a bombardment; a measure which punishes many innocent subjects for the insults offered by their government. No one acquainted with the character of the natives of Barbary will maintain, that the destruction of a few thousands of the peaceable inhabitants, or the burning of many houses, is a national calamity in the eyes of a Muselman chief; who would himself commit the same ravage and destruction that was so gallantly effected by the British fleet, under Lord Exmouth, for half the money it cost to accomplish it.
When Lord St. Vincent was off Cadiz with the British fleet, and could not obtain the object which he sought of the Emperor of Marocco; his Lordship, after refusing to comply with the Emperor’s request, communicated to his Lordship by the Emperor’s envoy, or agent, Rais Ben Embark, told the Rais to inform his Emperor, that, if he did not change his conduct very soon, he would begin a war with him, and such a war as he had neither seen nor read of before. When the Rais reported this to the Emperor Soliman, he enquired what kind of war an admiral could wage against him; some one of the divan observed, that he would destroy the ports on the coast; adding, that it would cost a certain large sum of money to effect that destruction. Upon which the Emperor exclaimed, that, for half that amount, he would himself destroy all these ports.—This affair happened in September, 1798.
There is a prophecy in Barbary, that, from time immemorial, has been generally credited by the inhabitants. It has been transmitted to them by some fakeer, that the land of the Muselmen will be wrested from them by the Christians; and there is an impression, that the period when this event will take place is not far distant. They also believe that this event will happen on a Friday (the Muselman Sabbath), whilst they are occupied at their devotions at the Dohor, service of prayer. Accordingly, at this period,—viz. from twelve till half-past one o’clock,—the gates of all the town’s on the coast are shut and bolted every Friday. This attack, forsooth, is to happen whilst they are occupied at prayer, because they are so infatuated with an opinion of their own valour, that they will not believe that Christians would presume to attack them openly, when armed and prepared for the combat. It should seem that these people begin now seriously to anticipate the near approach of this predestined conquest, and have accordingly entered into a kind of holy alliance, offensive and defensive: to which, it is said, the Emperor of Marocco, and the Deys of Tunis and Tripoli, have acceded; and that this holy alliance is crowned by the Ottoman Emperor.
It is more than probable, that the Dey of Algiers, goaded by the blow inflicted by Lord Exmouth,—which has increased his hatred to Christians, and has inflamed his desire of revenge,—will not fail to seek every opportunity (according to the known principles of Muhamedanism), of retaliating and insulting the Europeans, whenever a favourable opportunity may offer, even at the risk of another bombardment. This opinion has been confirmed by his late conduct; and by the activity that has been manifested in the fortifications, in increasing their military force, in building and equipping new vessels, to infest the Mediterranean with their abominable piracies; all which proceedings demonstrate the hostile intentions of the Dey beyond all doubt.
Plan for the Conquest of Algiers.
The inhabitants of the plains are bigoted to the Muhamedan tenets; but they would readily exchange the iron rod that rules them for a more mild and beneficial form of government. A well-disciplined European army of 50,000 men, would assuredly effect their complete conquest without much difficulty: such an army, directed by a Wellington, would perform wonders, and astound the Africans. After the conquest, an energetic, decisive, but beneficent form of government, would be necessary, to retain the country, and to conquer and annihilate the repugnancy which these people entertain to our religious tenets. A system of rule formed on the principles of the English constitution,—directed by good policy, benevolence, and religious toleration,—would not fail to reconcile these hostile tribes, and attach them to rational government. The Berebbers would readily assimilate to such a government; and, although by nature a treacherous race, they would rejoice to see the country in possession of a government which, they would perceive, strove to promote the welfare and prosperity of the mountaineers, as well as the inhabitants of the plains; and their own interest would thus gradually subdue the antipathy resulting from religious prejudices.
A general knowledge of the African Arabic would be essentially necessary; and I think a school might be established in England, on the Madras system, for initiating youths (going out to Africa) in the rudiments of that language. This would be attended with most important advantages; and might be accomplished in a very short time. The conquest of Algiers being thus effected, that of the neighbouring states would follow, without difficulty, by a disciplined army of European troops; keeping the principle ever in view, of conciliating the natives, without swerving from an energetic and decisive mode of government.
The advantages that would necessarily result from a successful attack upon Africa, would be—
1. An incalculable demand for spices, and East India manufactures of silk and cotton.
2. A similar demand for coffees, and for sugars, manufactured and unmanufactured; as well as for other articles of West India produce.
3. An incalculable demand for all our various articles of manufacture.
On the other hand, we should obtain from this fine country,—
1. An immense supply of the finest wheat, and other grain, that the world produces.
2. We should be able to open a direct communication with the interior regions of Africa,—which have baffled the enterprise of ancient and modern Europe: the fertile and populous districts which lie contiguous to the Nile of Sudan, throughout the whole of the interior of Africa, would become, in a few years, as closely connected to us, by a mutual exchange of benefits, as our own colonies; and such a stimulus would be imparted to British enterprise and industry, as would secure to us such stores of gold as would equal the riches of Solomon, and immortalize the prince who should cherish this great commerce to its maturity.
Vasco De Gama.
(TO THE EDITOR OF THE EUROPEAN MAGAZINE.)
Liverpool, Dec. 17. 1818.
Sir,
In “The Portfolio,” a Monthly Miscellany for May, 1817, published at Philadelphia, there is rather an interesting review of Ali Bey’s travels. The writer says, “Ali Bey has rectified various errors in the common maps of Marocco. The river Luccos, for instance, flows to the South, and not to the North of Alcasser; and the city of Fas, according to Ali Bey, is situated in 34° 6’ north latitude, and not as laid down in the Maps of Arrowsmith, Rennell, Delille, Golberri, &c.”—If, however, he had given himself the trouble to consult the map of West Barbary, in Jackson’s Account of Marocco, &c. &c. (which is by far the most accurate extant, and whose geographical orthography has been adopted in all the best modern English maps,) he would have seen that Fas is in 34° north latitude; that the river Elkos, or Luccos, is described in that map, (which was published several years before Ali Bey’s travels,) as running south of Alcasser.
In describing the funeral cry at Marocco, the editor, or reviewer, impresses his reader with an idea that this funeral cry is that of the Moors, whereas it is no such thing: it is the practice of the Jews only in West Barbary to cry “Ah! Ah!” and lacerate their faces with their finger nails; after which they wash, drink brandy, and enjoy themselves.
The large sea in the interior of Africa, described by Ali Bey to be without any communication with the Ocean, had been described (years before Ali Bey’s travels were published) by Jackson, in his Account of Marocco, &c. &c. third edition, p. 309, and called first by him Bahar Sudan, and represented as a sea having decked vessels on it. Mr. Park, in his Second Journey, calls this sea the Bahar Seafina, without, however, informing the public, or knowing, that the Bahar Sefeena is an Arabic expression implying a sea of ships, or a sea where ships are found; and the situation he places it in coincides exactly with Jackson’s prior description. There are thus three concurrent testimonies of the situation of the Bahar Sudan, or Sea of Sudan, first noticed by Jackson, and since confirmed by Ali Bey and Park. 274
El Hage Hamed El Wangary.
On the Negroes.
(TO THE EDITOR OF THE EUROPEAN MAGAZINE.)
Eton, 5th Dec. 1818.
Sir,
Many maintain that the Negroes are a docile and tractable race, and more easily to be governed than Europeans; others maintain, that they are liars, thieves, vindictive, and a demoralised race. That they are vindictive, no one who is acquainted with their character will deny; but are not most barbarous and uncivilised nations the same? What are the Muhamedans and Pagans? The latter, who form nearly two-thirds of the population of the earth, are generally of the same character, and the vindictive character of the former is notorious.
Propagate among the Negroes the benign principles of the Christian doctrine, and they will gradually (as those principles are inculcated) become good subjects, and useful members of society. It is that religion which will bring forth their latent and social virtues—a religion, the moral principles of which are the admiration even of its enemies, the Muhamedans themselves: a religion which exalts the human character above the brutes, and brings forth its beauties as the brilliancy of the diamond is brought forth by the hand of the polisher.
Destroy their witchcraft and idolatry, and on their ruins inculcate the divine doctrines of Christ, and we shall soon see that they will possess sentiments that exalt the human character, and that nothing has contributed more to their mental degradation than the cruel treatment of their masters in the European colonies of the West.
Vasco De Gama.
Cursory Observations on Lieutenant-Colonel Fitzclarence’s Journal of a Route across India, through Egypt, to England.
Eton, 7th May, 1819.
It is remarkable, that in proportion as our mass of information respecting the interior of Africa increases, the truth of Mr. James Grey Jackson’s account of that country, in the appendix to his account of Marocco, &c. receives additional confirmation. Some literary sceptics have been so far prejudiced against this author’s report as to doubt its veracity altogether; but let us see how far the interesting report of Lieut.-Colonel Fitzclarence, in his journal of a route across India, through Egypt, to England, lately published, corroborates Mr. Jackson’s description of Timbuctoo, published so long since as 1809.
It is to be lamented, that Jackson’s African orthography is not altogether adopted: with the superior and practical knowledge which he evidently possesses of the African Arabic language, it cannot, I presume, be doubted by the learned and impartial, that his orthography is correct; and, judging from what has already transpired, I do not hesitate to predict, that his African orthography, from an evidence of its accuracy, will, in a few years, be adopted throughout; although the learned world have been ten years in correcting Tombuctoo into Timbuctoo; the latter being Mr. Jackson’s orthography in his account of Marocco, Timbuctoo, &c. published in 1809.
The late account of Mr. Bowdich’s mission to Ashantee has been the first to corroborate this author in this respect; and Lieut.-Colonel Fitzclarence has confirmed it with this additional observation, in his Journal of a Route, &c. page 493: “Upon enquiring about Timbuctoo the Hage laughed at our pronunciation, the name of the city being Timbuctoo.” The next improvement in African geographical orthography, will probably be the conversion of Fez into Fas (for there is absolutely no more reason for calling it Fez than there has been for calling Timbuctoo, Timbuctoo), this word being spelled in Arabic with the letters Fa, Alif, and Sin, which cannot be converted into any other orthography but Fas; the same argument would hold with various other words spelled correctly by this author, an accurate elucidation of which might encroach too much upon your valuable pages. I shall therefore briefly state, that in page 480 of Colonel Fitzclarence’s Journal, the name of the Moorish gentleman to whose care the sons of the Emperor of Marocco, Muley Soliman, were confided, is stated to be El Hadge Talib ben Jelow: this is incorrect orthography, there is no such name in the Arabic language as Jelow, it is a barbarism; ben Jelow signifies ben Jelule, and the proper name is El Hage Taleb ben Jelule.
Page 494. Behur Soldan is evidently another barbarism or corruption of the Arabic words Bahar Sudan: vide Jackson’s Account of Marocco, Timbuctoo, &c. page 309, published by Cadell and Davies.
It has been observed by an intelligent French writer, that “Le pluspart des hommes mesurant leur foi par leur connoissance acquise croyent fort peu de choses.” In confirmation of this opinion, many intelligent men, at the time of the publication of Jackson’s Account of Marocco, Timbuctoo, &c. doubted the existence of the Heirie, as described by him; but in proportion as our knowledge of Africa improves, we see that the truth of these wonders is confirmed: and Colonel Fitzclarence mentions one that travelled four days in one; but we should not be surprised to hear, before this century shall terminate, that an Englishman had travelled from Fas to Timbuctoo on a Heirie, accompanied by an accredited agent of the Emperor of Marocco, in ten or fifteen days!
It appears by this ingenious traveller’s Journal of a Route, &c. page 493, that all religions are tolerated at Timbuctoo. This is a confirmation of what is reported by Jackson, in the Appendix annexed to his Account of Marocco, &c. page 300.
The fish in the river of Timbuctoo, the Neel El Abeed or Neel of Sudan, is described by Colonel Fitzclarence as resembling salmon: this is a corroboration of Jackson, who says, the shebbel abound in the Neel of Sudan, and the shebbel is the African salmon. See appendix to Jackson’s Account of Marocco, &c. page 306.
In page 494, Colonel Fitzclarence says, the Nile at Kabra is a quarter of a mile wide; Jackson says it is as wide as the Thames at London. See Appendix to Jackson’s Marocco, &c. page 305.
In page 496 of the Colonel’s narrative, an account is given of the rate of travelling through the Desert; which, allowing for an arbitrary difference, in the resting days, corroborates Jackson’s Account, page 286.
In page 497, El hage Taleb ben Jelule’s report to the Colonel, of an account of two white men, (undoubtedly Mungo Park and another,) who were at Timbuctoo in 1806, is a remarkable confirmation of the account brought by Mr. Jackson from Mogodor in January, 1807, and reported by him to the Marquis of Hastings, to Sir Joseph Banks, and to Sir Charles Morgan, which is inserted in the Morning Post and other papers, about the middle of August, 1814.
I am, Sir, Your most obedient servant,
VASCO DE GAMA.
On the Arabic Language, as now spoken in Turkey in Europe, in Asia, and in Africa.
London, May 10, 1819.
In this enlightened age, when our intercourse is increasing with nations remote from our own, and possessing different religions, languages, laws, and customs; when the ambassadors of the Muhamedan potentates of Europe, Asia, and Africa, are resident in our metropolis, all understanding the Arabic language; when, with a knowledge of this language, a person may travel and hold colloquial intercourse with the inhabitants of Turkey, with the greater part of Asia, and with Africa; and, lastly, when we consider the valuable and immense stores of Arabian literature, of the best periods which still remain unexplored, is it not remarkable under all the exciting circumstances above enumerated, that in this powerful and opulent country, there should not be found, with all our boasted learning and eagerness of research, three or four Englishmen capable of writing and conversing intelligibly in that beautiful and useful language? The extent of this disgraceful ignorance would be scarcely credible, were there not proofs beyond doubt, that our principal seats of learning are as deficient in this knowledge as the public in general 275, and that letters or public documents written in that language, have been in vain sent to them for translation. What I have long considered as chiefly tending to diminish the desire of acquiring this language, is an opinion dogmatically asserted, and diligently propagated, that the Arabic of the East and West are so different from each other, as almost to form distinct languages, and to be unintelligible to the inhabitants of either of those regions respectively; but, having always doubted the truth of this assertion, I have endeavoured, from time to time, during the last ten years, to ascertain whether the Arabic language spoken in Asia be the same with that which is spoken in Africa, (westward to the shores of the Atlantic ocean,) but without success, and even without the smallest satisfactory elucidation, until the arrival in London last winter, of the most Reverend Doctor Giarve, Bishop of Jerusalem, who has given such incontestible proofs of his proficiency in the Arabic language, that his opinion on this important point cannot but be decisive; accordingly, on presenting to the reverend Doctor some letters from the Emperor of Marocco to me, desiring that he would oblige me with his opinion, whether the Arabic in those letters was the same with that spoken in Syria, the Rev. Doctor replied in the following perspicuous manner, which, I think, decides the question: “I can assure you, that the language and the idiom of the Arabic in these letters from the Emperor of Marocco to you, is precisely the same with that which is spoken in the East.”
It is, therefore, thus ascertained, that the Arabic language spoken in the kingdom of Tafilelt, of Fas, of Marocco, and in Suse or South Barbary, is precisely the same language with that which is now spoken in Syria, and Palestine in Asia; countries distant from each other nearly 3000 miles, and from information since obtained, there appears to be no doubt that the Arabic language spoken by the Arabs in Arabia, by the Moors and Arabs in India and Madagascar, by the Moorish nations on the African shores of the Mediterranean, are one and the same language with that spoken in Marocco, subject only to certain provincial peculiarities, which by no means form impediments to the general understanding of the language, no more, or not so much so, as the provincial peculiarities of one county of England differ from another!!
Unwilling to encroach too much on your valuable pages, I will leave, for the subject of my next letter, the inconceivable misconstructions and errors into which the ignorance of this language has led European travellers in Africa, of which I shall state some examples in a recent publication respecting Africa.
I am, Sir,
Your most obedient Servant,
James G. Jackson.
Cursory Observations on the Geography of Africa, inserted in an Account of a Mission to Ashantee, by T. Edward Bowdich, Esq. showing the Errors that have been committed by European Travellers on that Continent, from their Ignorance of the Arabic Language, the learned and the general travelling Language of that interesting part of the World.
June 17, 1819.
The Niger, after leaving the lake Dibber, was invariably described as dividing in two large streams.—Vide “Bowdich’s Account of a Mission to Ashantee,” p. 187.
The Lake Dibber is called in the proceedings of the African Association Dibbie, but the proper appellation is El Bahar Tibber, or El Bahar Dehebbie. The Bahar Tibber signifies the sea of gold dust; the Bahar Dehebbie signifies the sea or water abounding in gold. Jinnee, which is on or near the shore of this lake, (I call it a lake because it is fresh water,) abounds in gold, and is renowned throughout Africa for the ingenuity of its artificers in that metal, insomuch that they acknowledge the superiority of Europeans in all arts except that of gold work. There are some specimens of Jinnee gold trinkets, very correctly delineated in the recent interesting work of “Lieutenant-Colonel Fitzclarence’s Journal of a Route across India, through Egypt to England,” p. 496.
Page 187, “Yahoodie, a place of great trade.”
This place is reported to be inhabited by one of the lost tribes of Israel, possibly an emigration from the tribe of Judah. Yahooda, in African Arabic, signifies Judah. Yahoodee signifies Jew. It is not impossible, that many of the lost tribes of Israel may be found dispersed in the interior regions of Africa, when we shall become better acquainted with that Continent; it is certain, that some of the nations that possessed the country eastward of Palestine when the Israelites were a favoured nation, have emigrated to Africa.
An emigration of the Amorites 276 are now in possession of the declivity of the Atlas Mountains, westward of the sanctuary 277 of Muley Driss, and in the neighbourhood of the ruins of Pharaoh; they live in encampments, consisting of two, three, or four tents each: they resemble the Arabs of the Desert in their predatory excursions. I speak from practical knowledge, having twice travelled through their country, and visited their encampments.
Page 189. “Mr. Beaufoy’s Moor says, that below Ghinea is the sea into which the river of Timbuctoo discharges itself.”
This might have been understood to signify the Sea of Sudan, if the Moor had not said below Ghinea, (by which is meant Genowa, or as we call it Guinea,) which implies, that the Neel El Abeed (Niger) discharges itself in the sea that washes the coast of Guinea; this, therefore, corroborates Seedi Hamed’s, or rather Richard’s hypothesis.
Page 190. “This branch of the Niger passing Timbuctoo, is not crossed until the third day going from Timbuctoo to Houssa.”
This quotation from “Dapper’s Description of Africa,” is corroborated by L’Hage Abdsalam, Shabeeni, whose narrative says, “Shabeeni, after staying three years at Timbuctoo, departed for Houssa, and crossing the small river close to the walls, reached the Neel in three days, travelling through a fine, populous, and cultivated country.”
The confusion of rivers, made mere equivocal by every new hypothesis, receives here additional ambiguity. If there were (as Mr. Bowdich affirms) three distinct rivers near Timbuctoo; viz. the Joliba, the Gambarro, and the Niger, (i.e. the Neel El Abeed) how comes it that they have not been noticed by Leo Africanus, who resided at Timbuctoo; by Edrissi, who is the most correct of the Arabian geographers; or whence is it, that these rivers have not been noticed by the many Moorish travelling merchants who have resided at Timbuctoo, and whom I have repeatedly questioned respecting this matter 278, or whence is it that Alkaid L’Hassen Ramy, a renowned chief of the Emperor of Marocco’s army, with whom I was well acquainted, and who was a native of Houssa, knew of no such variously inclined streams. This being premised, I am certainly not disposed to relinquish the opinion I brought with me from Africa in the year 1807, viz. that the Neel El Abeed is the only mighty river that runs through Africa from west to east; but I admit that its adjuncts, as well as itself, have different names; thus, in the manuscript of Mr. Park’s death, a copy of which is inserted in “Mr. Bowdich’s Account of Ashantee,” it is called Kude; many hundred miles eastward it is called Kulla, from the country through which it passes; but Kude and Kulla are different names, and ought not to be confounded one with the other; neither ought Quolla (i. e., the Negro pronunciation of Kulla) to be confounded with Kude, the former being the Negro term for the same river, in the same manner as Niger is the Roman name for the Neel Elabeed, which is the Arabic name for the same river. There is a stream which proceeds from the Sahara, the water of which is brackish; this stream hardly can be called a river, except in the rainy season. It passes in a south-westerly direction near Timbuctoo, but does not join the Neel Elabeed. I could mention several intelligent and credible authorities, the report of respectable merchants, who have resided, and, who have had establishments at Timbuctoo, in confirmation of this fact; but as the authorities which I should adduce would be unknown, even by name, to men of science in Europe, I would refer the reader to the interesting narrative of an intelligent Moorish merchant, who resided three years at Timbuctoo, and who was known to the committee of the African Association; this travelling merchant’s name is L’Hage Abdsalam Shabeeny, and his narrative, a manuscript of which (with critical and explanatory notes by myself) I have in my possession, has the following observation: 279—“Close to the town of Timbuctoo, on the south, is a small rivulet in which the inhabitants wash their clothes, and which is about two feet deep; it runs into the great forest on the east, and does not communicate with the Nile, but is lost in the sands west of the town: its water is brackish; that of the Nile is good and pleasant.”
Page 199. Mr. Murray recently observes, “Joliba seems readily convertible into Joli-ba, the latter syllable being merely an adjunct, signifying river; this I was also given to understand.”
This is an etymological error. The Joliba is not a compound word, if it were it would be Bahar Joli, not Bajoli, or Joliba; thus do learned men, through a rage for criticism, and for want of a due knowledge of African languages, render confused, by fancied etymologies, that which is sufficiently clear and perspicuous.
Page 191. “The river of Darkulla mentioned by Mr. Brown.”
This is evidently an error: there is probably no such place or country as Darkulla. There is, however, an alluvial country denominated Bahar Kulla, (for which see the map of Africa in the Supplement of the Encyclopaedia Britannica, p. 88. lat. N. 8°, long. E. 20°). I apprehend this Darkulla, when the nations of Europe shall be better acquainted with Africa and its languages, will be discovered to be a corruption of Bahar Kulla, or an unintelligible and ungrammatical term: Dëaar Kulla is grammatical, and implies a country covered with houses! Dar Kulla is an ungrammatical and an incorrect term, which being literally translated into English, signifies many house. This being premised, we may reasonably suppose, that Bahar Kulla is the proper term which, as I have always understood, forms the junction of the Nile of the west with the Nile of the east, and hence forming a continuity 280 of waters from Timbuctoo to Cairo.
191. In this geographical dissertation the word Niger is still used, which is a name altogether unknown in Africa, and calculated to contuse the geographical enquirer. As this word is unintelligible to the natives of Africa, whether they be Arabs, Moors, Berebbers, Shelluhs, or Negroes, ought it not to be expunged from the maps?
P. 192. In the note in this page, “Jackson’s Report of the source of the Neel el Abeed, and the Source of the Senegal,” is confirmed by the Jinnee Moor.—See Jackson’s Appendix to his Account of Marocco, enlarged edition, p. 311.
“It is said, that thirty days from Timbuctoo they eat their prisoners!” Does not this allude to Banbugr 281, and has not this word been corrupted by Europeans into Bambarra. See Mr. Bowdich’s MS. No. 3, p. 486; Banbugr, who eat the flesh of men. Jackson’s translation.
Page 193. The government of Jinnee appears to be Moorish; because Malai Smaera, which should be written Mulai Smaera, signifies in the Arabic language, the Prince Smaera: the term does not belong to Negroes, but exclusively to Muhamedans. Malai Bacharoo is a Negro corruption of the word; it should be Mulai, or Muley Bukaree; i.e. the Abeed Mulai Bukaree, or Abeed Seedi Bukaree. They are well known among the Negroes of Sudan; the Negroes of this race form the present body-guard of the Emperor of Maroceo’s troops, consisting of 5000 horse. They are dexterous in the management of the horse, are well-disciplined troops, and are the only military in the Emperor’s army that can cope with the Berebbers of the Atlas.
Note, p. 194. Dapper’s description of Africa is here quoted in confirmation of the decay of Timbuctoo; and Jackson is accused of extravagance. The latter I shall pass over, it being an assertion unsupported by any substantial testimony; but immediately afterwards is the following passage.
“The three last kings before Billa (i.e. Billabahada) were Osamana, (i.e. Osaman; Osamana being the feminine gender,) Dawoloo, and Abass. Mr. Jackson says there was a King Woolo reigning in 1800; and a Moor who had come from Timbuctoo to Comassee ten years ago (viz. about 1807, or ten years before Mr. Bowdich visited Ashantee), did not know King Woolo was dead, as he was reigning at the time he left Timbuctoo.”
With regard to Dapper’s assertion, it should be remembered, that if Timbuctoo was decaying in his time, that is about the period that Muley Ismael ascended the throne of Marocco, viz. in 1672; it revived very soon after, that is before the close of the 17th century. This powerful and warlike prince had the address to establish and to maintain a very strong garrison at Timbuctoo; and accordingly, during his long reign of fifty-five years, viz. from 1672 to 1727, Timbuctoo carried on a constant, extensive, and lucrative trade with Marocco, Tafilelt, and Fas, in gold dust, gum-sudan, ostrich-feathers, ivory, and slaves, &c. Akkabahs 282, and cafilahs, or caravans, were going continually from Timbuctoo to Tafilelt, Marocco, Fas, and Terodant. Travelling across the Desert was then as safe as it is now in the plains of Marocco, or on the roads in England; the only months during which the caravans did not travel were July and August, because the Shûme, or hot wind of the Desert, prevails during these two months. It is reported, that Muley Ismael was so rich in gold, that the bolts of the gates of his palaces, and his kitchen utensils, were of pure gold. Timbuctoo continued to carry on a most lucrative trade with Marocco, &c.; during the Feign of the Emperor Muley Abd Allah, son and successor of Ismael, and also during the reign of Seedy 283 Muhamed ben Abd Allah, who died about the year 1795, a sovereign universally regretted, and hence aptly denominated the father of his people: since the decease of Seedy 284 Muhamed ben Abd Allah, the father of the reigning emperor, Muley Soliman, the trade of Sudan has rapidly decreased, because the policy of the present emperor is, to discourage commerce, but to encourage the agriculture and the manufactures of his own country, so as to make them sufficient for itself, and independent of foreign supplies!
Da Woolo is a reverential term, and is synonymous with Woolo, signifying King Woolo.
Park says, Mansong was king of Timbuctoo in 1796, and in 1805, implying that he reigned from 1796 to 1805. The Moor before mentioned, who came from Timbuctoo to Comassie in 1807, told Mr. Bowdich, that Woolo was then reigning at Timbuctoo. Isaaco says, Woolo was predecessor to Mansong; consequently, according to this Jew, Woolo was king before the year 1796; therefore, if Mr. Park’s testimony be correct, Woolo must have been predecessor and successor to Mansong; otherwise, Mr. Park was incorrect in saying that Mansong was king of Timbuctoo in 1796, and in 1805. Adams says, Woolo was king of Timbuctoo in 1810, and was old and grey-headed. Riley’s narrative also confirms his age and grey hairs. With regard to my testimony, viz. that Woolo was king 285 of Timbuctoo in 1800, I had it from two merchants of veracity, who returned from Timbuctoo in 1800, after residing there 14 years: they are both alive now, and reside at Fas; their names I would mention, were I not apprehensive that it might lead to a reprimand from the emperor, and create jealousy for having communicated intelligence respecting the interior of the country. I should not have entered into this detail in confirmation of my assertion that Woolo was king of Timbuctoo in 1800, if the editor of the Supplement to the Encyclopedia Britannica (article Africa), had not asserted, that I have committed an anachronism in asserting, that he was king in that year; thereby insinuating that Park was right, and that I was wrong.
Page 195. The Editor of Adams’s Narrative is, I apprehend, incorrect in asserting, that the name Fatima affords no proof that the queen, or the wife of Woolo, was a Muhamedan. Fatima is incontestably an Arabian proper name; and it would be considered presumption in a Negress unconverted to Muselmism, to assume the name of Fatima. She must, therefore, have been necessarily a Mooress, or a converted Negress; the name has nothing to do with a numeral, as Mr. Bowdich suggests, and above all not with the numeral five, for that is a number ominous of evil in Africa, and as such, would never have been bestowed as a name on a beloved wife.
Page 196. Note of W. Hutchison, “The four greatest monarchs known on the banks of the Quolla, are Baharnoo, Santambool, Malisimiel, and Malla, or Mallowa.”
Baharnoo should be written Ber Noh; i.e. the country of Noah the patriarch; it is called in the maps Bernoo, and the whole passage is calculated greatly to confuse African geography. The information is unquestionably derived from Negro authority, and that not of the most authentic kind. Santambool is the Negro corruption of Strambool, which is the Arabic name for Constantinople: Malisimiel is the Negro corruption of Muley Ismael. 286 The first signifies the empire of Constantinople; the second signifies the empire of Muley Ismael, who was emperor of Marocco in the early part of the 18th century, and whose authority was acknowledged at Timbuctoo, where he maintained a strong garrison, and held the adjacent country in subjection, where his name is held in reverence to this day. This being premised, it follows of course, that one of these four great monarchies here alluded to, viz. that of Santambool is certainly not on the Quolla, unless the Quolla be considered the same river with the Egyptian Nile, and that Egypt be considered a part of the empire of Santambool; then, and then only, can it be said, that the empire of Santambool is situated on the Quolla.
Page 198. Two large lakes were described close to the northward of Houssa; one called Balahar Sudan, and the other Girrigi Maragasee; the first of these names is a Negro corruption, or an European corruption of the term Bahar Sudan 287; the other is a Negro name of another, if not of the same lake or sea. The situation of the Bahar Sudan is described by me in the 13th chapter, in my account of Marocco, to be fifteen journeys east of Timbuctoo, and the Neel El Abeed passes through it. I had this information from no less than seven Moorish merchants of intelligence and veracity; the same is confirmed by Ali Bey 288, the Shereef Imhammed, Park, and Dr. Seitzen; all these authorities must therefore fall to the ground if Mr. Bowdich’s report is to overturn these testimonies, which has placed it three degrees of latitude north of the Neel El Abeed, or 289Neel Assudan, and in the Sahara 290, unconnected with any river! I doubt if any, but a very ignorant Pagan Negro (for the Muhamedan Negroes are more intelligent), would have given the Sea of Sudan this novel situation.
Page 200. The Quolla appears to be the Negro pronunciation of the Arabic name Kulla; i.e. the Bahar Kulla, to which the Neel Assudan is said to flow. Bahar Kulla is an Arabic word signifying the sea altogether, or an alluvial country. The Neel Assudan here joins the waters of a river that proceed westward from the Abysinian Nile, and hence is formed the water communication between Cairo 291 and Timbuctoo.
Page 201. Quolla Raba, or Kulla Raba, signifies the Kulla forest, as the Negroes express it; the Arabs call it Raba Kulla, i.e. the forest of Kulla, If any further proof of the accuracy of this interpretation be necessary, it maybe added, that the position agrees exactly with Major Rennell’s kingdom of Kulla, for which see the Major’s map in proceedings of the African Association, vol. i. page 209, lat. N. 9°, long. W. 10°.
Page 203. The lake Fittri is a lake, the waters of which are said to be filtered through the earth, as the name implies. The Nile is here said to run under ground. The Arabs and Moors have a tradition, that the waters of Noah’s flood rested here, and were absorbed and filtered through the earth, leaving only this large lake. I never understood this sea to be identified with the Bahar Heimed 292; i.e. the Hot or Warm Sea. The Hot Sea and the Filtered Sea are distinct waters; the former lies about mid-way, in a right line between Lake Fittri and Lake Dwi. (See Laurie and Whittle’s Map of Africa, published in 1813.) This is another inaccuracy of Mr. Hutchison; who appears, indeed, to have collected information from natives, without considering what title they had to credibility. Another error is added to the note in page 203 and 204, viz. what he calls sweet beans are unquestionably dates, which have not the least affinity in taste, shape, growth, or quality, to beans. The Arabic name correctly converted into European letters, is timmer, not tummer. The Arabic words designating sweet beans, is Elfool El Hellue. The passage signed William Hutchison here alluded to, is this: “The Arabs eat black rice, corn, and sweet beans called tummer.”
Note, page 204. I do not know whence the Quarterly Review has derived its information respecting the derivation of the word Misr (a corruption of Massar); the word Massar is compounded of the two Arabic words Ma and Sar; i.e. Mother of Walls. Possibly some Arabic professor versed in bibliographic lore, to favor a darling hypothesis, has transmuted Massar into Misr, to strengthen the plausibility of the etymology of Misr from Misraem!!
Note, page 205. Bahar bela ma is an Arabic expression, importing it to be a country once covered with water, but now no longer so. In the note in this page, I recognise the word Sooess to designate the Isthmus of Suez. The Bahar Malee, and the Sebaha Bahoori, are Negro corruptions of the Arabic words Bahar El Maleh, and Seba Baharet: the former does not apply particularly to the Mediterranean, but is a term applicable to any sea or ocean that is salt (as all seas and oceans assuredly are); the latter term signifies literally, the Seven Seas or Waters: neither is this a term applicable to the Mediterranean, but to any sea supplied by seven rivers, as the Red Sea: these, therefore, are evidently other inaccuracies of Mr. Hutchison. I apprehend Mr. Hutchison’s Arabic tutor at Ashantee was not an erudite scholar. The term, and the only term in Africa, applicable to the Mediterranean Sea, is the Bahar Segrer (literally the Small Sea); and El Bahar El Kabeer (is the Atlantic Ocean, or literally the Great Sea); the latter is sometimes figuratively called the Bahar Addolum, i.e. the Unknown Sea, or the Sea of Darkness.
Note, p. 206. Is it possible that the author doubts that Wangara is east of Timbuctoo? It should seem that he did, as he quotes Mr. Hutchison as authority for making it to contain Kong, a mountainous district many journeys south of the Neel Assudan. Mr. Park’s testimony is also called in support of this opinion, but they are both erroneous. Wangara is as well known in Africa to be east of Timbuqtoo, as in England York is known to be North of of London.
Oongooroo is a barbarous Negro corruption of Wangara; therefore, this note, if suffered to pass through the press unnoticed, would be calculated to confuse, not to elucidate, African geography; neither can it be called, according to Mr. Horneman’s orthography, Ungura: the name is Wangara which cannot be converted accurately into any word but Wangara. Ungura Oongooroo, &c. are corruptions of the proper name, originating in an imperfect, and but an oral knowledge of the African Arabic.
Page 210. I apprehend the reason why Wassenah was not known at Ashantee by the traders, is because it was out of their trading track. I have no doubt of the existence of Wassenah or Massenah (for when the names of African towns and countries are recorded, we should not be particular about a letter or two, when we find so many orthographical variations are made by different authors); neither is there any reason (that I know of) to doubt the description of Wassenah given in Riley’s Narrative; but it is not extraordinary, that this place should be unknown at Ashantee, if there were no commerce or communication between these countries respectively; it is certain, that the Africans neither know, seek, or care, for places or countries with which they have no trade or communication.
It appears well deserving of observation (for the purpose of rendering Arabic names intelligible to future African travellers), that Mr. Bowdich has demonstrated that, what is called in our maps, 1. Bambarra, 2. Gimbala, 3. Sego, 4. Berghoo, 5. Begarmee, being written in the Arabic language, with the guttural letter grain, would be quite unintelligible, if pronounced to an African as they are written by our letters, the nearest approximation to the Arabic words would be as follows, taking Gr for the nearest similitude that our alphabet affords to the guttural letter [Arabic غ ] grain.
Correct Pronunciation. African Orthography. Called in the Maps.
1. Banbug’r
2. Grimbala
3. Shagr’u
4. Bergr’u
5. Bagrarmee
Bambara.
Gimbala.
Sego.
Berghoo.
Begarmee.
The African traveller should be precise in his attention to the sound of these words, otherwise he will be quite unintelligible to the Africans, and to the Muhamedans.
Richardson, in his Arabic Grammar, is certainly incorrect, when he says, the letter غ grain should be pronounced gh. No one acquainted practically with the Arabic language, could possibly be of this opinion; gh having no more resemblance to the sound of the letter غ grain, than g has to h: and every traveller going to Africa with this erroneous opinion, will, undoubtedly, be unintelligible to the Africans.
Finally, the Arabic document, if it may be permitted to call it Arabic, facing page 128 of this interesting work of Mr. Bowdich, is a most miserable composition of Lingua franca, or corrupt Spanish, of unintelligible jargon, consisting of many words quite unintelligible to the Africans, whether Negroes or Moors, or others. The language of this document, although it has some Arabic words in it, is worse, if possible, than the scrawl in which it is written; neither is it a correct translation of the English which precedes it. But purporting to be a letter issued from the accredited servants of the King of the English, it is certainly a disgrace to the country from whence it issues, and a rare specimen of our knowledge of the Arabic language.
James Grey Jackson.
Commercial Intercourse with the Interior of Africa.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE JOURNAL OF TRADE, &c.
Eton, June 30, 1818.
Sir,
The last expedition from Sierra Leone, in addition to many others sent out for the purpose of exploring the interior of Africa, having failed, and the enterprising and persevering Mr. Burckhardt, having frustrated the well grounded hopes of the African Association, by his having paid the debt of nature, it is not improbable that His Majesty’s government will now direct their attention with energy to the only plan that can possibly make that interesting and extraordinary country a jewel in the British crown.
This important discovery, which would immortalise the prince, who should cherish it to its maturity, can be effected only through the medium of commerce. But it should be attempted not only with energy and decision, but with dispatch, before the enterprising and commercial spirit of a foreign power (seeing how abortive our efforts have been), shall snatch from us the glorious opportunity now offered of laying open the interior regions of Africa to the commercial enterprise of Great Britain.
I am, Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
Vasco de Gama.
The following curious Memoir was composed by Edmund Hogan, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and lately found amongst the papers of one of his descendants.
(A TRUE COPY.)
“The Embassage of Mr. Edmund Hogan, one of the Sworne Esquires of her Ma’t’s Person, from her Highnesse to Muley Abdelmelech, Emperour of Morocco, and King of Fes and Sus, in the Yeare 1577. Written by himselfe.
“I Edmund Hogan, being appointed Embassadour from the Queens Ma’tie to the above-named Emperour and King Muley Abdelmelech, departed with my company and servants from London the 22d April, 1577, being imbarked in the good ship called the Gallion, of London, and arrived in Azafi, a port of Barbary, the 21st of May next following. Immediately I sent Leonell Egerton ashoare with my letters directed to John Williams and John Bampton, who dispatched a courier to Morocco to know the Kings pleasure for my repaire to the court, which letters came to theire hands on the Thursday night. They with all speed gave the King understanding of it, who being glad thereof, speeded the next day certaine captaines, with souldiera and tents, with other provision, to Azafi; so that upon Whitsunday at night, the said captaines, with John Bampton, Robert Washborne, and Robert Lion, and the Kings officers, came late to Azafi. In the meane time I remained aboard, and caused some of the goods to be discharged, for lightning of the ship; and I wrote in my letter that I would not lande ’till I knew the Kings pleasure. The 26th day, being Saturday, the Mark-speed arrived in the roade about two of the clock in the afternoone. The 27th day, being Whitsunday, came aboard the Gallion, John Bampton, and others, giving me to understand how much the King rejoyced of my safe arrivall, coming from the Queens Ma’tie; and how that for my safe conduct to the court he had sent four captaines, and an hundred souldiers well appointed, with a horse furnished, which he used himself to ride on, with all other furniture accordingly; they wished me also to come on land in the best order I could, as well for my self as my men, which I did, having to the number of ten men, whereof three were trumpeters. The ships being four, appointed themselves in the best order they could, for the best shew, and shott off all theire ordinance to the value of twenty marks in powder. At my coming, ashoare, I found all the souldiers well appointed on horseback, the captaines and the Govern’r of the towne standing as neer the water side as they could, with a jennet of the Kings, and rec’d me from the boate, declaring how glad his Ma’tie was of my safe arrivall, coming from the Queens Ma’tie my Mistresse, and that he had sent them to attend upon me, it being his pleasure that I should tarrie there on shoare five or six dayes for my refreshing; so being mounted upon the jennet, they conducted me through the towne into a faire fielde upon the sea side, where there was a tent provided for me, and all the ground spread with Turkie carpets, and the castle discharged a peale of ordinance, and all things necessarie were brought into my tent, where I both tooke my table and lodging, and had other convenient tents for my servants. The souldiers inviron’d the tents, and watched about us day and night as long as I lay there, altho’ I sought my speedier dispatch. On the Wednesday towards night, I tooke my horse, and travelled ten miles to the first place of water that wee could finde, and there pitched our tents ’till the next morning, and so traveled till ten of the clock, and then pitched our tents ’till four, and so traveled as long as day light would suffer, about twenty-six miles that day. The next day being Fryday, I traveled in like order but eight and twenty miles at the most; and by a 293river, being about six miles within sight of the Citty of Morocco, wee pitched bur tents. Imediately after came all our English Merchants, and the French, on horseback, to meete me; and before night there came an Alcayde from the King with fiftie men, and divers mules laden with victuall and banket for my supper, declaring unto me how glad the King shewed himselfe to hear of the Queens Ma’tie, and that his pleasure was I should be received into his countrey as never any Christian the like; and desired to know what time the next day I would come into his Citie, because he would that all the Christians, as also his Nobilitie, should meete me; and willed John Bampton to be with him early in the morning, which he did. About seven of the clock, being accompanied with the French and English Merchants, and a great number of souldiers, I passed towards the Citie, and by that time I had traveled two miles, there met me all the Christians of the Spaniards and Portugals to receive me, which I know was more by the Kings commandment then of any good wills of themselves; for some of them, although they speake me faire, hung downe theire heads like dogs, and especially the Portugals; and I countenanced them accordingly. So I passed on, ’till I came within two English miles of the Citie; and then John Bampton returned, shewing me that the King was so glad of my coming, that he could not devise to doe too much, to shew the good will that he did owe to the Queens Ma’tie and her Realme; His counsellors met me without the gates; and at the entrie of the gates, his footmen and guard were placed on both sides of my horse, and so brought me to the King’s palace. The King sate in his chaire, with his Counsell about him, as well the Moores as the Alkaids; and, according to his order given unto me before, I there declared my message in Spanish, and made deliverie of the Queens Ma’t’s letters, and all that I spake at that present in Spanish, he caused one of his Alkaids to declare the same to the Moores present in the Arabic tongue; which done, he answered me againe in Spanish, yeelding to the Queens Ma’tie great thankes, and offering himselfe and his countrey to be at her Graces comandment; and he comanded certaine of his counsellors to conduct me to my lodging, not being farr from the Court. The house was faire, after the fashion of that countrey, being dayly well furnished with all kinde of victuall at the Kings charge. The same night he sent for me to the court, and I had conference with him about the space of two houres; where I throughly declared the charge co’mitted unto me from her Ma’tie, finding him conformable, willing to pleasure, and not to urge her Ma’tie with any demands, more then conveniently she might willingly consent unto, hee knowing that out of his countrey the Realme of England might be better served with lackes, then he in comparison from us. Further, he gave me to understand, that the King of Spain had sent unto him for a licence that an Embassadour of his might come into his countrey, and had made great meanes, that if the Queens Ma’tie of England sent any unto him, that he would not give him any credit or entertainment; albeit (said he) I know what the King of Spaine, and what the Queene of England and her realme is; for I neither like of him, nor of his religion, being so governed by the Inquisition, that he can doe nothing of himselfe. Therefore, when he cometh upon the licence which I have granted, he shall well see how little account I will make of him and Spaine, and how greatly I will extoll you for the Queenes Ma’tie of England; he shall not come to my presence as you have done, and shall dayly, for I minde to accept of you as my companion, and one of my house, whereas he shall attend twentie dayes after he hath done his message. After the end of this speech, I delivered Sir Thomas Gresham’s letters; when as he tooke me by the hand, and led me downe a long court to a palace, where there ranne a faire fountaine of water, and there sitting himselfe in a chaire, he comanded me to sitt downe in another, and there called for such simple musicians as he had. Then I presented him with a greate base lute, which he most thankfully accepted, and then he was desirous to hear of the musicians; and I tolde him, that there was great care had to provide them, and that I did not doubt but upon my returne they should come with the first ship. He is willing to give them good entertainment, with provision of victuall, and to let them live according to theire law and conscience, wherein he urgeth none to the contrary. I finde him to be one that liveth greatly in the fear of God, being well exercised in the Scriptures, as well in the Old Testament, as also in the New, and he beareth a greater affection to our nation then to others, because of our religion, which forbiddeth worship of idols; and the Moores called him the Christian King. The same night, being the first of June, I continued with him till twelve of the clock, and he seemed to have so good likeing of me, that he tooke from his girdle a short dagger, being sett with 200 stones rubies and Turkies, and did bestowe it upon me; and so I, being conducted, returned to my lodging for that time. The next day, because he knew it to be Sunday, and our Sabboth day, he did let me rest; but on the Monday in the afternoone he sent for me, and I had conference with him againe, and musick. Likewise on the Tuesday, by three of the clock, he sent for me into his garden, finding him layed upon a silk bed, complaining of a sore leg; yet, after long conference, he walked into another orchard, whereas having a fair banketing house, and a great water, and a new gallie in it, he went aboard the gallie, and tooke me with him, and passed the space of two or three houres, shewing the great experience he had in gallies, wherein (as he said) he had exercised himselfe eighteene yeares in his youth. After supper he shewed me his horses, and other co’modities that he had about his house; and since that night I have not seene him, for that he hath kept in with his sore legg; but he hath sent to me dayly. The 18th of June, at six of the clock at night, I had againe audience of the King, and I continued with him, till midnight, having debated, as well for the Queenes co’mission, as for the well-dealing with her merchants for their traffick here in these parts, saying, he would do much more for the Queenes Ma’tie and the Realme; offering that all English ships with her subjects may with good securitie enter into his ports and dominions, as well in trade of merchandize, as for victuall and water, as also in time of warr with any of her enemies, to bring in prizes, and to make sales as occasion should serve, or else to depart againe with them at theire pleasure. Likewise for all English ships that shall passe along his Coast of Barbary, and threw the Streights into the Levant seas, and so to the Turks dominions, and the King of Algiers, as his owne; and that he would write to the Turke, and to the King of Algiers, his letters for the well using of our ships and goods. Also, that hereafter no Englishman that by any meanes may be taken captives, shall be sold within any of his dominions; whereupon I declared that the Queenes Ma’tie, accepting of these his offers, was pleased to confirme the intercourse and trade of our Merchants within this his countrey, as also to pleasure him with such commodities as he should have need of, to furnish the necessities and wants of his country in trade of merchandize, so as he required nothing contrary to her honour and law, and the breach of league with the Christian Princes her neighbours. The same night I presented the King with the case of combes, and desired his Ma’tie to have speciall regard that the ships might be Iaden back againe, for that I found little store of salt-peter in readinesse in John Bampton’s hands; he answered me, that I should have all the assistance therein that he could, but that in 294 Sus he thought to have some store in his house there, as also that the Mountainers had made much in a readinesse; I requested that he would sende downe, which he promised to doe. The eighteenth day I was with him againe, and so continued there till night; and he shewed me his house, with pastime in ducking with water spaniels, and baiting bulls with his English doggs. At this time I moved him againe for the sending downe to Sus, which he granted to doe; and the 24th day there departed Alcayde Mammie, with Lionell Egerton, and Rowland Guy, to Sus; and carried with them, for our accounts and his company, the Kings letters to his brother Muly Hammet, and Alcayde Shavan, and the Viceroy. The 23d day the King sent me out of Morocco to his garden called Shersbonare, with his guard and Alcayde Mamoute; and the 24th at night I came to the Court to see a Morris-dance, and a play of his Alkaids; he promised me audience the next day, being Tuesday, but he putt it off ’till Thursday; and the Thursday at night I was sent for to the King after supper, and then he sent Alcayde Rodwan and Alcayde Gowry to conferr with me; but, after a little talk, I desired to be brought to the King for my dispatch. And being brought to him,. I preferred two bills of John Bampton’s, which he had made for provision of salt-peter, also two bills for the quiet traffique of our English Merchants, and bills for sugars to be made by the Jewes, as well for the debts past, as hereafter, and for good order in the Ingenios. Also I moved him againe for the salt-peter, and other dispatches, which he referred to be agreed upon by the two Alcaydes. But the Fryday, being the 20th, the Alcaydes could not intend it, and upon Saturday Alcayde Rodwan fell sick; so on Sunday wee made meanes to the King, and that afternoone I was sent for to conferre upon the bargaine with the Alcaydes and others; but did not agree. Upon Tuesday I wrote a letter to the King for my dispatch; and the same afternoone I was called againe to the Court, and referred all things to the King, accepting his offer of salt-peter. That night againe the King had me into his gallie, and the spaniels did hunt the duck. The Thursday I was appointed to weigh the 300 quintals grosse of salt-peter,, and that afternoone the Tabybe came unto me to my lodging, shewing me that the King was offended with John Bampton for divers causes. The Sunday night late, being the 7th July, I got the King to forgive all to John Bampton, and the King promised me to speake againe with me upon Monday. Upon Tuesday I wrote to him againe for my dispatch, and then he sent Fray Lewes to me, and said, that he had order to write. Upon Wednesday I wrote againe; and he sent me word that I should come and be dispatched, so that I should depart upon Fryday without faile, being the 12th July. So the Fryday after, according to the Kings order and appointment, I went to the Court; and whereas motion and petition was made for the confirmac’on of the demands which I had preferred, they were all granted, and likewise which were on the behalfe of our English Merchants requested, were with great favour and readinesse yeilded unto. And whereas the Jewes there resident, were to our men in certaine round sum’es indebted, the Emperor’s pleasure and co’mandment was, that they should without further excuse or delay pay and discharge the same. And thus at length I was dismissed with great honour and speciall countenance, such as hath not ordinarily bene shewed to other Embassadors of the Christians. And touching the private affairs intreated upon betwixt her Ma’tie and the Emperour, I had letters from him to satisfie her Highnesse therein. So to conclude, having received the like honourable conduct from his Court, as I had for my part at my first landing, I imbarked myself with my foresaid company; and arriving not long after in England, I repaired to her Ma’ties Court, and ended my embassage to her Highnesses good liking, with relation of my service performed.”
Letter from the Author to Macvey Napier, Esq. F.R.S.L. and E.
Sir, London, 17th January, 1818.
Having read, with considerable satisfaction, your very able and judicious dissertation respecting Africa, in the new Supplement to the Encyclopedia Britannica, I will take the liberty to offer some animadversions that have occurred to me in the perusal of that very interesting article.
Bahr Kûlla I conceive to be an immerged country, of considerable extent, similar to Wangara; for the name, which is Arabic, implies as much. The correct orthography, translated literally into English is Bahr Kûlha, which signifies the sea, wholly or altogether, implying, therefore, an alluvial country.
Respecting goat-skins dyed red or yellow, these are not brought by caravans from central Africa to Marocco, but are manufactured at Marocco, Fas, Mequinas, and Terodant the metropolis of Suse, from which manufactories they are conveyed to the interior regions for sale. Goat-skins, with the hair, in the raw state only, are exported from Mogodor to England.
When Moore asserted that there was no such river as the Niger, he evidently meant that the natives of Africa knew it not by that name; which is undoubtedly correct; for the word being an European word, it would not be known in Africa: but its translation into Arabic is Bahar El Abeed, i. e. the river of Negroes. Edrissi called it Niger, from the same motive, viz. because it was so named by Europeans, and by them only.
I conceive that the hypothesis which has been credited by some, viz. that there is no receptacle for the two Niles, between Cashna and Timbuctoo, must now necessarily fall to the ground; since the sea of Sudan, first declared by me to be between Cashna and Timbuctoo, and since confirmed by Ali Bey, and by Park, in his second journey, can (as I apprehend) no longer be doubted: and it is not improbable that this is the common receptacle of the Nile of the West and the Nile of the East. This hypothesis is strengthened by the testimony of the Shereef Imhammed, who has said, that he himself saw the Nile, at Cashna, flowing so rapidly westward, that vessels could not stem the current. If this be true, the 295Ba Sea Feena of Park, which is only another name for the Sea of Sudan, must lie west of Cashna, and, probably, about the same point that it is stated by me to be situated, viz. fifteen journeys of horse-travelling, or from 400 to 450 British miles east of Timbuctoo.
The word Djinawa is the African word that denominates Guinea, but I cannot imagine that it was ever intended to signify Gana. (See Supplement to Encyclopædia Britannica, p. 104.)
You say there are, in Africa, two rivers to which the name of Niger has been given: this is evidently an error, but possibly of the press only. There are, however, two rivers in Africa to which the name of Neel has been given.
The Proceedings of the African Association, vol. i. p. 540, declare that the Nile is a name applied in Africa to any great river; but as this assertion is calculated to produce confusion in the geographical elucidation of the interior of that continent, and as it certainly is not the fact, I must here beg leave to contradict it, and declare that there are absolutely but two rivers in Africa, that bear the name Neel or Nile, viz. the Neel El Kabeer, Neele Sudan, or Neel El Abeed, i.e. the great Nile, the Nile of Sudan or the Nile of the Negroes; and Neele Masser, i.e. the Nile of Egypt. 296
If my knowledge of the African Arabic can be of any service in giving you the signification or correct orthography of African words, in the event of your favouring the public with a future edition of your New Supplement to the Encyclopædia Britannica, any information that I can communicate to you will be very much at your service; and you may in this and in any other respect that regards Africa freely command my services.
Observations on an Historical Account of Discoveries and Travels in Africa, by the late John Leyden, M.D., by Hugh Murray, Esq. F.R.S.E.
TO HUGH MURRAY ESQ. F.R.S.E.
London, Feb. 1818.
Sir,
You have certainly rendered to your country a service, in the publication of “The Travels and Discoveries in Africa, of the late John Leyden,” the perusal of which has been to me a fund of instruction and entertainment; it is a most valuable work, and such a one as was wanted by the literary world, inasmuch as the judicious collection of the matter forms a most valuable epitome of African knowledge, collecting what was before distributed into many folios.
I anticipate that the information in this work, communicated to the public, will soon be circulated, and you will be called upon to supply a second edition. In the mean time, I take the liberty of submitting to your perusal a few cursory observations which I have made during the perusal of it, on the accuracy of which you may assuredly rely. These apply for the most part to Arabian words, which have been by the moderns, as well as the ancients variously corrupted and mutilated. Desirous (for the information of those who really seek after African knowledge) that this book will pass through many editions. I am, &c.
James Grey Jackson.
Cursory Observations.
“The Ludaia, are not inhabitants of Ludama, they are a very numerous and warlike tribe of Arabs, inhabiting the Sahara, of which there are two or three emigrations or encampments in different and distant parts of Sahara; the Emperor of Marocco has some thousands of them in his army, and they are esteemed (next to the negroes, called Abeed Seedy Bukaree) his best troops. See the Map of the tracts from Fas and Arguin to Timbuctoo, facing page 1. Lat. N. 24°. long. W. 3°.
“This serpent is the Bûska, described in Jackson’s enlarged Account of Marocco, &c. p. 109. Providence has afforded to man an opportunity of evading the attack of this deadly animal; for when it coils itself up, and by the strength of its tail darts forward fifteen or twenty yards at once, the person attacked, by watching vigilantly its motions, evades the attack, by moving only a short distance from the right line, in which it is prepared to dart forwards; neither can the Bûska govern itself in the extent of its movement, but necessarily goes as far as its strength will permit, and then coils itself up again in a circular form, again erects its head, and darts a second time to its object. I have conversed with Arabs, who have been attacked by this monster, and they have assured me, that, by vigilantly watching its motion, and the direction of its head, when preparing to dart forward, they may escape its attack. 297
“It is not correct to assert that Nasari is a general term, applied to infidels in Muhamed; it is applied to Christians only. Kaffer is the general term applied to all who have not faith in the Arabian Prophet. 298
“That which you call the Talk Tree, is the tree which produces the Barbary gum; the name is talh. 299”
“The Keydenah.—This is the Sudanic name for the tree which produces the Argan nut, or olive, the kernel of which resembles a bitter almond, and from it, not from the shell, they extract the oil, so celebrated for frying fish, and for burning; a pint of which will afford light as long as two pints of olive oil.
“The She plant, or properly Sheh is not wild thyme, nor does it resemble it, it is the wormseed plant, the seed of which is an article of exportation, from the ports of Marocco, The sheh resembles the absynthum. The wild thyme is called zatar, also an article of exportation from the ports of the Marocco empire. 300
“The Alsharra signifies the Book of Laws of Muhamed. 301
“Gebel Ramlie should be written Jibbel Rummelie, i.e. the Sandy Mountain. 302
“The Elwah 303Elgarbie is inhabited by the Maggrebee Arabs. My late friend, Muley Abd Salam, elder brother to Muley Soliman, the reigning Emperor of Marocco, had a very large estate in this Wah, called Santariah. In the 1793d year of the Christian era, he sent his friend and servant Alkaid Muhammed ben Abd Saddack, late governor of Mogodor, to effect the sale of this estate. He was absent on this embassy two years and three months. 304
“Sheb is the Arabic for alum, the correct orthography is Shib. 305
“Marybucks should be Marabet, i.e. Priests, or Holy Muhamedans. 306
“The primitive plough is used in all the African countries inhabited by the Arabs, or their descendants; the negroes, however, use the hoe.” 307
“The Mouselmines is a French corruption of the term Muselman, i.e. Mohamedans.
“Mongearts, i.e. Moguert, the g guttural.
“Ouadelim, i.e. Wooled Deleim, or the sons of Deemy.
“Labdessebah, i.e. Woled Abbusebah, ‘the sons of Abbusebah.’ 308
“Wed de Non, i.e. Wedinoon.
“The herb, with a decoction of which they dye their nails and hands, is called by the Arabs El Henna: it imparts a coolness and softness to the hands, and diminishes the excessive perspiration incident to warm climates. 309
“Hooled ben Soliman ought to be Woled ben Soliman, ‘the sons of the sons of Soliman;’ and Benioled, should be Ben El Waled, ‘the sons of Elwaled.’ 310
“The small beautiful species of deer, is the El Horreh: it is an inhabitant of the confines of the Saharah; it is said never to lie down. It produces the anti-poison called bezoar stone, (called in the Arabic Bide El Horrek, i.e. the testicle of the Horreh.) This is an article of commerce at Santa Cruz, and Wedinoon. The back and sides of the skins of these animals are of a red brown, and of a vivid white underneath.” 311
Notes
235 Of unction of the body with olive oil.
236 Isaco was a Jew, not a Moor.—J.G.J.
237 There is a remarkable confirmation of this quotation from Sir Joseph’s letter in Mr. Jackson’s translation of the Arabic manuscript of Mungo Park’s death, for which see Bowdich’s Account of a Mission to Ashantee, p. 480.; also Annals of Oriental Literature, No. I.
238 For a description of these deadly serpents, see Jackson’s Account of Marocco, &c. chapter on Zoology.
239 This piece of cloth, about two yards wide and five long, I had the honour of offering to Sir Joseph Banks, who declined receiving it; but at the same time suggested that it was a manufacture deserving public notice, and would be considered an acceptable present by the British Museum.
240 See my letter to the editor of the Monthly Magazine, for March, 1817; page 125.
241 For which see page 55.
242 Vide Jackson’s enlarged Account of Marocco, &c. p. 297.
243 Idem, note, p. 305.
244 Vide Jackson’s enlarged Account of Marocoo, &c. p. 298.
245 Since publishing this letter, Mr. Bowdich, in his Account of Ashantee, pages 194, 195, says, Woolo was King of Timbuctoo in 1807, or ten years before Mr. Bowdich was at Ashantee.
246 Inserted in March, 1817.
247 Vide Jackson’s Marocco, second or third edition, page 310.
248 (Nile el Kabeer) the Great Nile, (Bahar el Abeed, or Nile el Abeed) the Nile of Slaves or Negroes, (Nile Sudan) the Nile of Sudan or Nigritia, are the various names applied to the river that passes by Timbuctoo, and through the interior of Sudan, from west to east.
249 Nile Masser is the name applied to the Nile of Egypt.
250 Bahar Kulla is an Arabic term, signifying the sea altogether, implying an alluvial country, (probably forming a part of the mediterranean sea of central Africa). See Major Rennel’s Map in the Proceedings of the African Association, vol. i. 8vo. page 209. lat. N. 10°, long. 18°.
251 Vide Major Kennel’s Map in the Proceedings of the African Association, 8vo. edition, vol. i. page 209.
252 Vide Jackson’s Marocco, second or third edition, page 312.
253 Vide Appendix, No. IV. to Park’s Second Journey page 115.
254 Vide Appendix, No. II. to Park’s Second Journey page 103.
255 See my letter to the Editor of the Monthly Magazine, vol. xliii. March, 1817, page 125.
256 It is incorrect to say, that the word Nile is applied, in Africa, to any great river: the name, I can with confidence declare, is never applied to any river in North Africa, except the Nile of Egypt, and that of Sudan; whoever has propagated this opinion has mistaken the matter altogether. See Proceedings of the African Association, vol. i. page 540.
257 See Major Rennell’s Map of North Africa, lat. north 6°, long, west 18°, &c.
258 See Jackson’s enlarged Account of Marocco, Timbuctoo, &c. page 310.
259 Another name for the Sea of Sudan, as will hereafter appear.
260 See Ptolemy’s Map of North Africa.
261 See Jackson’s enlarged Account of Marocco, page 310.
262 Fifteen journies horse travelling, which are the journies here alluded to, at thirty miles a-day, is 450 British miles.
263 See Monthly Magazine, March, 1817, page 125.
264 See Jackson’s enlarged Account of Marocco, &c. page 309.
265 For full particulars, see New Supp. to Ency. Brit. article “Africa.”
266 This Bernou, or according to the Arabic orthography, Ber Noh, is asserted by the Arabs to be the birth-place of the Patriarch Noah.
267 See Jackson’s enlarged Account of Marocco, &c. p, 309.
268 See New Supp. to Ency. Brit. article “Africa.”
269 The testimonies here alluded to are Hornman, Park, and Jackson.
270 See Jackson’s enlarged Account of Marocco, &c. p. 109.
271 “I paid two dollars for a station, and I looked into the room without interruption. It was about twenty feet long, and fifteen broad, paved with tiles and plastered within. The windows had also been secured by an additional grating made of wire, in such a manner as to render it impossible for the serpents to escape from the room: it had but one door, and that had a hole cut through it six or eight inches square: this hole was also secured by a grating. In the room stood two men, who appeared to be Arabs, with long bushy hair and beards; and I was told they were a particular race of men, that could charm serpents.
272 Disciples of Seedy ben Isa, whose sanctuary is at Fas, and who possess the art of fascinating serpents.
273 N.B. This is a misinterpretation of the Arabic words here used, which, literally translated, signify, God alone, is great!—J.G.J.
274 There is an able discussion of this subject in the New Supplement to the Encyclopedia Britannica, article “Africa,” p. 104, and 105.
275 See page 408. respecting a letter sent to our late revered Sovereign, by the Emperor of Marocco. In consequence of the inattention to that letter, the Emperor determined never to write again to a Christian king in the Arabic language; and, with regard to Great Britain, I believe he has faithfully ever since kept his word! Some time before this letter was written, I being then in Marocco, the Emperor’s minister asked me if the Emperor his master were to write an Arabic letter to the Sultan George Sultan El Ingleez, (these were his expressions,) whether there were persons capable of translating it into English: I replied, that there were men at the Universities capable of translating every learned language in the known world; and accordingly the letter above alluded to was written in Arabic, and addressed to His Majesty. This letter was written by the Emperor himself, which I am competent to declare, having letters from him in my possession, and being acquainted with his hand-writing and style.
276 They are called Ite-amor, Amorite.
277 Vide Jackson’s Account of Marocco, chap. viii. enlarged edition.
278 The Arabs who conduct the cafelahs or caravans across the Sahara, are often seen at Agadeer or Santa Cruz, and sometimes even at Mogodor; and if there was a river penetrating to the north through the Sahara, would it not have been noticed by them? Is it possible that such a prominent feature of African geography, as a river of sweet water passing through a desert, could fail of being noticed by these people, who are, in their passage through the Desert, continually in search of water?
279 See page 8.
280 See my letter in the Monthly Magazine for March, 1817, page 128.
281 The Gr in Banbugr, is the Arabic letter, grain. Richardson, in his Arabic Grammar, renders this letter gh; which demonstrates, that his knowledge of the Arabic was only scholastic, not practical. It has no resemblance or affinity to gh, and would be unintelligible if so pronounced to an Arab.
282 An Akkabah is an accumulation of many cafilahs or caravans.
283 It should be observed, that an emperor having the name of the Arabian prophet, is called Seedy; but having any other name, he is called Muley; the former signifies master, the latter, prince.
284 If therefore the trade with Timbuctoo declined in Leo’s time, i.e. A.D. 1570, it unquestionably revived in Ismael’s reign, and also continued with but little diminution during the reign of his son Abd Allah, and his grandson Muhamed.
285 See my Letter on the Interior of Africa, in the Anti-Jacobin Review for January, 1818, p. 453.
286 See Jackson’s Marocco, chap. xiii. p. 295, and note, p. 296.
287 See Jackson’s Marocco, chap. xiii.
288 For an elucidation of these opinions, see my Letter on the Interior of Africa, in the European Magazine, Feb. 1818, page 113.
289 Neel Sudan and Neel Assudan are synonymous, the as being the article.
290 See Mr. Bowdich’s Map, in his Account of a Mission to Ashantee.
291 See Jackson’s Account of Marocco, enlarged edition, p. 313. See also his Letter to the Editor of the Monthly Magazine for March, 1817. p. 125.
292 Heimed is an Arabic term, signifying that degree of heat which milk has when coming from the cow or goat.
293 The Tensift.
294 Great quantities of superior saltpetre are produced at Terodant in Suse.
295 The Arabic orthography is Bahar S’feena which being literally translated into English, signifies the Sea of Ships.
296 Nile is a French term, and loses its proper pronunciation and is unintelligible when pronounced by an Englishman to an African; but if written Neel, and pronounced by an Englishman, it is intelligible.
297 Vide Leyden’s Africa, p. 306.
298 Ibid, p. 429.
299 Ibid. 204.
300 Vide Leyden’s Africa, p. 312.
301 Ibid, p. 334.
302 Ibid, p. 398.
303 Let the African traveller be careful to pronounce these g’s guttural خ
304 Ibid, p. 399.
305 Ibid. ibid.
306 Ibid. p. 225.
307 Ibid. p. 227.
308 Vide Leyden’s Africa, p. 262.
309 Ibid. p. 291.
310 Ibid. p. 299.
311 Ibid. p. 303.