Chapter Twelve More Suggestions and What to Read
(1) Invite your pastor to preach against war, urge him to do so, and render him any assistance you can in the way of literature on war. Help get out an audience to hear the sermon. Urge others to do likewise.
(2) Inform your own children and other children concerning the class struggle and war, and urge them to talk about the class struggle and against war, at school. Teach them the cause of war. See also Chapter Eight, Section 20, and Index, “Recitations.” Rouse the children.
(3) Wherever possible—in colleges, high schools, labor unions, fraternal organizations, women’s clubs, churches, Sunday schools, at picnics, and so forth—have debates, declamations and essays on war. Help the debaters, writers and speakers, find literature on war, and, if possible, get the subject presented from a working-class point of view, showing especially the fundamental cause of war and what war always means for the working class. (See page 350, last two lines.)
(4) Have as many persons as possible call at your public library for books on war, and suggest books on war to be called for. Suggest books for purchase by your public library management. If the books you urge for the library are not purchased, discuss the reason. All the sociological works quoted in Chapter Eleven should be in your public library.
(5) Get articles and letters on war into your local newspapers and labor union journals.
(6) On the 30th of May, the 4th of July and other “great” days, when the blood-steaming praise of human butchery is poured forth by the noisy “patriotic” orators, pass around all possible literature helpful in counteracting the befouling suggestions commonly thrust into the minds of the people at such times. Chapter Two and other selections from War—What For? making an inexpensive sixteen-page booklet, may be had, printed separately, for such purpose.
It is possible to compel an entire community to think about the vast outrages against the working class. As long as the workers have the privilege of spreading the printed page, one of their highest pleasures and powers will be found in forcing society to consider the case of the working class. The first thing on the program in every community is to take the community by the shoulders, so to speak, and compel it to consider the most vital subject of the hour.
(7) A Ten-Dollar Cash Prize for the best essay or debate, or declamation on war as a phase of the class struggle by local school-children under eighteen years of age would create much interest in the vicious slaughter of men of the working class and in the new working class politics, if the proper literature were brought to the young people’s attention. See Chapter Eight, Section 20, Suggestion (7).
(8) It would be easy to make here a pretentious parade of a discouragingly long list of books on war. But War—What For? is primarily for the class of readers who are usually too busy in the present warlike struggle for existence to find time to read a roomful of books on war. However, it is hoped that the present volume may also have readers with opportunity to make extensive studies of the subject. Such readers will find abundant bibliographies already prepared. Excellent book lists for the student of war are as follows:
(a) The Political Science Quarterly, December, 1900: over 200 titles, at the close of an elaborate article of great worth, “War and Economics in History and in Theory,” by Edward Van Dyke Robinson.
(b) A pamphlet, International Peace, a list of Books with References to Periodicals: 600 titles with comment on contents, published by the Brooklyn Public Library, 1908.
(c) A well selected list of readings in The Arena, December, 1894.
Following is a list of pamphlets, magazine articles and books, directly or indirectly on the subject of social conflict, of which war is a phase. The list is short, tho’ sufficient, it is hoped, to make a helpful beginning, a short reading course, for any one who would understand the subject of social conflicts, that is, would understand, not the science of war, but the cause, the meaning and results of class struggles and war.
There is a vast amount of worthless, or worse than worthless, literature on war: worthless because of the writers’ neglect of the heart of the problem, namely, the industrial structure of all class-labor forms of society, with their unsocial purpose and method of production, resulting in the class struggle.
Whoever would understand war must give special attention: (1) to the economic interpretation of history; (2) to the class struggle, considered historically and currently; and (3) to surplus value, produced by the workers, but legally escaping from their control to the capitalist class—as a result of the institution of private ownership and private control of the collectively used means of production. The fact, the method, the purpose, and the result of the legal confiscation of that part of the world’s wealth which the workers produce and are not permitted to enjoy—must have careful study. In the light of such studies, national and international policies, politics and war can be understood. And as war is thus understood we can make rapid headway against war. Pretty little speeches and essays on the beauties of peace, with “please-be-good” perorations,—such efforts, however carefully prepared, tearfully punctuated, elegantly printed and prayerfully delivered, will result in—nothing. That is to say, occasional literary and oratorical snowballs ignorantly, gracefully and grammatically tossed in the direction of hell will have no effect on the general temperature of that warlike region. (See Index: “Another War,” “The Hague Peace Conference,” and “The Explanation.”)
A Reading Course.
In the following list of readings those indicated by parenthesis thus () would serve as a shorter course.
(1) Kautsky: The Capitalist Class; The Working Class; The Class Struggle; Ethics and the Materialistic Conception of History; and The Road to Power, Chapters 8 and 9.
(2) Simons: The Man Under the Machine, and Class Struggles in America.
(3) Marx: Wage-Labor and Capital; Marx and Engels: The Communist Manifesto.
(4) Massart and Vandervelde: Parasitism—Social and Organic.
(5) Myers: History of Great American Fortunes, entire work is an account of social parasitism in America; special references: Vol. II., pp. 127–38, 291–301; Chapters 11 and 12; Vol. III., pp. 160–176.
(6) Veblen: The Theory of the Leisure Class.
(7) Ross: Social Control; The Foundations of Sociology, pp. 219–23, 272–76; Social Psychology, Chapters on Suggestibility, The Crowd, and Mob Mind.
(8) L. F. Ward: Dynamic Sociology, Vol. I., pp. 565–597; Psychic Factors in Civilization, Chapters 33 and 38; Applied Sociology, pp. 224–295, 300–302, 307–313, 319–326; Pure Sociology, pp. 266–72; “Social Classes in the Light of Modern Sociological Theory,” American Journal of Sociology, March, 1908; Education and Progress, Address delivered before the “Plebs” League, Oxford, England, August 2, 1909.
9 W. G. Sumner: Folkways, Chapter 6.
(10) Morgan: Ancient Society, pp. V.-VIII.; Pt. I. Chs. 1–3; and all of Pt. IV.
(11) J. O. Ward: Ancient Lowly, Chapter—“Spartacus.”
12 Shoaf: The Story of the Mollie McGuires.
13 Hanford: The Labor War in Colorado.
14 ——: “Secret Army Guards New York Against a Traffic Strike,” New York Herald, Mag. Section, March 20, 1910.
(15) Debs: Class Conflict in Colorado.
(16) Wright, U. S. Commissioner of Labor: A Government Report on the Great Strike in Colorado.
17 Darrow: Speech to the Jury in the Haywood Case.
(18) Untermann: The Dick Militia Law (U. S., 1903).
19 Commons: “Is Class Conflict in America Growing and Is It Inevitable?” * * * Carver: “The Basis of Social Conflict”; * * * Keasby: “Competition.” American Journal of Sociology, March, 1908. See also Papers and Proceedings of the American Sociological Society, Vol. II., Special Topic: “Social Conflicts.”
20 Small: General Sociology, Chapters 26 and 27.
(21) Shaler: “The Natural History of War,” International Quarterly, Sept., 1903; also The Neighbor.
22 Ridpath: “Plutocracy and War,” Arena, Jan., 1898.
(23) Jordan: “The Biology of War,” an Address, Chicago, 1909, reported in Unity, June 10, 1909; Imperial Democracy, Chapters 1, 2, 3, and 7; The Human Harvest; The Blood of the Nation.
24 Chatterton-Hill: Heredity and Selection in Sociology, pp. 316–24. Thompson: Heredity, pp. 532–34.
(25) Jefferson: “The Peace-at-any-Price Men,” The Independent, Feb. 4, 1909; “The Delusions of the Militarist,” Atlantic Monthly, March, 1909.
(26) Charles Edward Russell: Why I Am a Socialist.
27 Tolstoi: Bethink Yourselves; Patriotism and Christianity, and Thou Shalt Not Kill.
(28) Robinson: “War and Economics in History and in Theory,” Political Science Quarterly, Dec., 1900.
(29) Ghent: Mass and Class.
(30) London: The War of the Classes; Revolution, Chapter, “The Yellow Peril”; also, “Revolution,” Contemporary Review, Jan., 1908.
(31) W. T. Mills: The Struggle for Existence, Chapters 4–23.
(32) Hillquit: Socialism in Theory and Practice, pp. 36–65, 153–167, 296–302.
(33) Spargo: Socialism, Chapters 4, 5, 6, and Common Sense of Socialism, Chapters 2–7.
(34) Ferri: Socialism and Modern Science, Chapter 7.
35 Seligman: The Economic Interpretation of History.
36 Boudin: The Theoretical System of Karl Marx, Chapters 1–5, 8–10.
37 Patten: “The Economic Causes of Moral Progress,” Annals of Amer. Soc. Pol. and Soc. Sci., Sept., 1892.
(38) Engels: The Origin of the Family, Property and the State, special attention to Chapters 8, 9; and Socialism—Utopian and Scientific.
(39) Hobson: The Evolution of Modern Capitalism; Imperialism, special attention to first six chapters; The Psychology of Jingoism; The War in South Africa, Part II.; and John Ruskin—Social Reformer, Chapters 3–8 inclusive, and Appendix 1.
40 Ferrero: Militarism.
41 Liebknecht: Militarismus und Anti-Militarismus.
42 Büchner: Industrial Evolution (Wickett’s translation), Chapters 4–5.
(43) Robinson and Beard: The Development of Modern Europe, Vol. II., Chapters 18, 30–31.
(44) Weale: The Coming Struggle in Asia, special attention to Parts II. and III.
45 ——: “Peace on Earth,” Public Opinion, Dec. 4, 1908, p. 635.
46 Schierbrand: America, Asia and the Pacific.
47 Harrison: National and Social Problems, Part I., Chapters 1, 6–11.
(48) Strong: Expansion, Chapters 2, 3, 4.
49 Bolce: The New Internationalism, Chapters 1–6 inclusive, and 15.
50 Fisk: International Commercial Policies, Chapters 13–16.
51 Reinsch: World Politics.
52 Asakawa: The Russo-Japanese Conflict.
53 Kennan: “The Military and Political Memoirs of General Kuropatkin,” McClure’s Magazine, Sept. 1908.
54 Smith: The Spirit of American Government, Chapters 4, 11, 12.
55 McCabe and Darien: Can We Disarm?
56 Carver: Sociology and Social Progress, pp. 132–73.
57 Jaurès: “Socialism and International Arbitration,” North American Review, Aug. 1908.
58 Broda: “The Federation of the World,” The International, July, 1908.
(59) Hervé: “Anti-Militarism,” The International, July, 1908; Anti-Patriotism; My Country—Right or Wrong.
60 Edmondson: John Bull’s Army from Within.
61 Mead: Patriotism and the New Internationalism.
62 Kampffmeyer: Changes in the Theory and Tactics of the (German) Social Democracy (Gaylord’s Translation), Chapter 3.
(63) Sombart: Socialism and the Socialist Movement (Epstein’s Translation), Sixth Enlarged Edition, pp. 175–223.
(64) Stoddard: The New Socialism, Chapters 14, 15.
(65) Campbell: Christianity and the Social Order, pp. 176–230.
66 Warner: The Ethics of Force.
67 Wallace: The Wonderful Century, Chapters 19, 20.
68 (Anonymous:) Arbeiter in Council.
(69) Walsh: The Moral Damage of War.
70 McLaren: Put Up Thy Sword.
(71) Bloch: The Future of War.
72 Molinari: The Society of Tomorrow.
73 Brooks: The Social Unrest, Chapter 6.
(74) Kim: Mind and Hand, Chapters 2, 17, 21, 22, 24.
(75) Seidel: Industrial Instruction.
(76) Eastman: Work-Accidents and the Law; Oliver: Dangerous Trades.
77 Addams: The Newer Ideals of Peace.
78 Anitchkow: War and Labor.
79 Cooley: Human Nature and the Social Order, Chapters 1, 3, 4, 7, 12.
80 Lloyd: Man the Social Creator, Chapters 1, 6, 11.
81 Kropotkin: Mutual Aid.
82 Bellamy: Equality, Chapters 22–27 and first half of 33.
83 Henry George: Progress and Poverty, Book 10, Chapter 3.
84 Amos: Political and Legal Remedies for War, Chapters 1, 2.
85 Charles Sumner: Addresses on War.
86 Fiske: The Destiny of Man.
87 Kelly: Government and Human Evolution, Vol. II.
(88) Barry: Siege of Port Arthur—A Monster Heroism.
(89) Sakurai: Human Bullets.
(90) Von Suttner: Lay Down Your Arms.
(91) Andreief: The Red Laugh.
(92) Zola: The Downfall.
(93) Wells: The War in the Air.
94 Channing: Lectures on War.
(95) Hugo: Les Misérables—the Battle of Waterloo; also William Shakespeare, Anderson’s translation, pp. 294–312, 341–48, 384–95.
96 Sienkiewicz: With Fire and Sword.
(97) Crosby: Captain Jinks—Hero, and Swords and Ploughshares.
98 Mr. Dooley: In Peace and War.
99 Kipling: Barrack-Room Ballads—“Tommy.”
100 Mrs. Browning: Mother and Poet.
The various “peace societies” have published considerable literature on war and peace—in most cases with good intentions, no doubt. However, there could be no peace between a chattel slave and a chattel slave’s master; nor can there be peace between a wage-slave and a wage-slave’s employer—if the wage-slave be awake; nor between the wage-slave class and the capitalist class. Until “peace societies” cry out against capitalism,—the heart of which is the wage-system,—until then their literature will be discouragingly ineffective.
Reread first page of Chapter Nine, paragraph beginning “The cash cost of militarism.”
The one war sublime is: Light against Darkness.
The printing press is the machine-gun for the slaves against slavery.
It is a high privilege to make a human brain ferment—with facts.
The End
Notes
1. Reports of the Department of War for the years 1907, ’08, ’09, pp. 17, 21, and 18 respectively. The Reports of the Secretaries of War include no losses by suicide from 1901 to 1906 inclusive. The suicide record reported by the Secretaries of War for 1907, ’08, ’09, are: 1, 26, 39 respectively. Fifty-eight per cent. of all desertions in 1906 were desertions by men (boys) in their first year of service; over half of these in first half year of their service. See Index: “Desertions.”
2. The present wholly unpretentious book has a distinct purpose (announced in the Preface and also on this page), and has, too, it is hoped, an effective plan and method for the realization of that purpose. Readers in search of conventionally elaborated theses on war are referred, for suggestions, to Chapter Twelve, Sections 8 and 9.
3. “An’ you’ll die like a fool of a soldier.
Fool, fool, fool of a soldier.”—Rudyard Kipling: “The Young British Soldier,” in Ballads.
4. Andreief: The Red Laugh, passim. (Russian-Japanese War literature. Published by J. Fisher Unwin, London.)
5. See Chapter Seven (“For Father and the Boys”), Sections 14, 15, 16—“Were not some of the rich men of today soldiers at one time?”
6. The Foundations of Sociology, pp. 220–221.
7. See New York World, Nov. 21, 1909. Also Chapter Eight, Section 16.
8. Excellent English translation published by The Macmillan Company, New York. Excerpt printed with kind permission of publishers.
9. In Chapter Five, “Hell,” Section 1, “Modern Murdering Machinery,” is plenty of proof that since the war of 1870–71 the slaughtering equipment has been improved horribly—more than a hundredfold. See Index: “Franco-Prussian War.”
10. On the historical origin of war and of the working class, see Chapter Eleven.
11. “The modern newspaper is a Roman arena, a Spanish bull-fight and an English prize fight rolled into one. The popularization of the power to read has made the press the chief instrument of brutality. For a half penny every man, woman and child can stimulate and feed those lusts of blood and physical cruelty which it is the chief aim of civilization to repress and which in their literal modes of realization have been assigned... to soldiers, butchers, sportsmen, and a few other trained professions.... The most momentous lesson of the [Boer] war is its revelation of the methods by which a knot of men, financiers and politicians can capture the mind of the nation, arouse its passion and impose a policy.”—John A. Hobson: The Psychology of Jingoism, pp. 29 and 107.
“The Bourses [the European Wall Streets] of the West have made Cairo and Alexandria hunting-grounds for their speculation. Their class owns or influences half the Press of Europe. It influences, and sometimes makes, half the Governments of Europe.”—Frederic Harrison: National and Social Problems, p. 208. See also John Bascom: Social Theories, pp. 100–116; and W. J. Ghent: Our Benevolent Feudalism, Chapter 7.
12. Census Report, 1900. Vol. II., p. cxcii.
13. The Meaning of the Times, p. 131.
14. The Development of the European Nations, 1870–1900, Vol. II., p. 333.
15. The Federalist, Number 4. (The numbering of The Federalist papers varies slightly in different editions.)
16. The Federalist, Number 6.
17. The Theory of Prosperity, p. 4.
18. Editorial, Oct. 13, 1909.
19. May 5, 1909, Chicago, Illinois, at banquet given by the Chicago Association of Commerce; Press reports.
20. Lester F. Ward, Dynamic Sociology, Vol. I., p. 582.
21. Sociology and Social Progress, p. 170. Emphasis mine.—G. R. K.
22. See Index: “Recruiting.”
23. For excellent example, see Chapter VI: “Tricked to the Trenches—Then Snubbed,” Fifth Illustration.
24. W. E. Lecky: The Map of Life, pp. 153–54.
25. Biglow Papers.
26. Lecture on Voltaire.
27. “I want for soldiers young men not only willing but anxious to fight,”—that foul and savage saying is one of the choice mouthings of Theodore Roosevelt, in a public address in which that cheap, distinguished and much flattered Noise disgraced the office of President of the American “Republic.”
28. See Chapter Five, Section Two; Chapter Eight, Section 11; also Index: “Disease in the Army.”
29. Chatterton-Hill: Heredity and Selection in Sociology, pp. 320–22.
30. Annual Report of the Secretary of War, 1907, p. 17.
31. Annual Report of the Secretary of War, 1909, p. 17. Emphasis mine. G. R. K.
32. Quoted by Elbert Hubbard in Health and Wealth. See New Age, Aug. 5, 1909.
33. See also President D. S. Jordan’s brilliant sociological studies of war, references in Chapter XII. of present volume. Of some interest are Victor Hugo’s estimates in William Shakespeare, Part Third, Book III., Chapter I.
34. Chatterton-Hill in Heredity and Selection in Sociology makes the total 21,000,000.
35. See Galey: Classic Myths of English Literature, pp. 57–8.
36. Restelle: Arena, October, 1906.
37. “In round numbers... so that it is safe to say that more than 700,000 men were killed in the war.”—Professor MacMaster: School History of the United States, p. 422. See Index: “Non-combatants.”
38. See quotation from Preface of Bloch’s Future of War near close of present chapter.
39. Financial History of the United States, Vol. III., p. 241.
40. Arena, Jan., 1897.
41. The appropriations for the Navy alone in 1910 are $134,000,000,—which amount is just ten times as great as in 1886. The New York World’s estimate (editorial, March, 1910) is $500,000,000 as the annual cost of militarism in the United States.
42. The Contemporary Review, August, 1909.
43. New York World, March 1, 1910. See also The World, February 1, 1910.
44. See Report of Commissioner of Education, 1908, Vol. II., p. 617.
45. See Report of Commissioner of Education for 1908, Vol. II., pp. 616–17. These 464 admit men only, or both men and women.
46. P. F. McCarthy in the New York World.
47. Address delivered at the Peace Banquet, Chicago, May 4, 1909; quoted in Unity, June 3, 1909.
48. New York World, April 4, 1910. See also New York Times editorial, February 19, 1910.
49. In the House of Commons, March 29, 1909.
50. The Society of Tomorrow, p. 30.
51. Editorial, May 4, 1909.
52. Reference for most of the phrasing of this paragraph has been lost.
53. C. E. Jefferson, in the Atlantic Monthly, quoted in Public Opinion (address?), March 26, 1909.
54. Public Debts, pp. 3, 4, 6.
55. Arena, January, 1898.
56. See The Investor’s Review, London, April, 1901, and National Review, London, June, 1903, respectively; quoted by Walter Walsh: Moral Damage of War, pp. 416–17.
57. See Bloch’s Future of War, pp. 137–39; recent Statesman’s Year-Books, “national expense” tables; also Labor Leader (London), Nov. 1, 1907.
58. Kim: Mind and Hand, pp. 290–92. Italics mine. G. R. K.
59. The International, July, 1908.
60. See Index: “Socialist Party and War.”
61. Italics mine. G. R. K.
62. “The export trade of all nations combined amounts to less than $12,000,000,000 per annum.” Harold Bolce: The New Internationalism, p. 87.
63. Economic Interpretation of History, pp. 393–94. Italics mine. G. R. K.
64. Bloch: The Future of War, Preface, p. XLVIII. Italics mine. G. R. K.
65. Addresses on War, p. 292.
66. Henry W. Longfellow: “The Arsenal at Springfield.”
67. See Index: “Desertion,” also “Suicide, startling increase of, in American Army.”
68. Financial History of the United States, Vol. III., p. 245.
69. School History of the United States, p. 423.
70. Quoted in Mead’s Patriotism and the New Internationalism, pp. 18–19.
71. See J. Bloch: The Future of War, a volume of great value, packed with information concerning several different phases of war under present conditions. Published by Ginn and Company, New York.
72. The Making of America, Vol. IX., Special Article, “Army and Navy,” p. 388.
73. Report for 1908, p. 33.
74. See A. Williams: Romance of Modern Mechanics, Chapter 27.
75. McLaren: Put Up Thy Sword, p. 127.
76. The Nation’s Navy, p. 292.
77. Published by Houghton, Mifflin and Company, Boston.
78. Published by Moffat, Yard and Company, New York.
79. Published by J. Fisher Unwin, London.
80. Published by The Macmillan Company, New York.
81. Published by Ginn and Company, New York.
82. Arbeiter in Council (Anonymous), pp. 155–56; published by The Macmillan Company, New York. A valuable book.
83. See Bloch: The Future of War; also Morris: The Nation’s Navy, p. 289.
84. The Future of War, Preface, p. XXV., also pp. 9 and 157.
85. Published by Moffat, Yard and Company, New York. Italics mine. G. R. K. See pp. 82–83.
86. See Literary Digest, Nov. 9, 1907.
87. See Index: “Insanity in American Army.”
88. The Nation’s Navy, pp. 289–90.
89. The Future of War, pp. 21 and 22. Italics mine. G. R. K.
90. Lecture, “The War of the Future,” at Amherst College, Dec. 3, 1909.
91. Quoted in Charles Sumner’s Addresses on War, p. 138.
92. See Scientific American, Sept. 21, 1907.
93. J. F. Haskins, New York Globe and Commercial Advertiser, Feb. 1, 1909.
94. Appleton’s Magazine, April, 1908.
95. The Rough Riders, pp. 202, 209.
96. The Nation in Arms, p. 376.
97. War and Labor, p. 54.
98. But see Professor Mayo-Smith’s Statistics and Sociology.
99. Arbeiter in Council, pp. 150–51.
100. Annual Report of the Secretary of War (William H. Taft), 1907, p. 25. Italics mine. G. R. K.
101. Editorial, Oct. 7, 1909.
102. See Index: “Another War.”
103. March 14, 1907. Italics mine. G. R. K.
104. World’s Work, March, 1906.
105. Museum of Safety and Sanitation, Bulletin, issued December, 1909.
106. North American Review, Nov., 1906. Emphasis mine. G. R. K.
107. The Forum, Jan., 1905.
108. Brooklyn Daily Eagle, Feb. 13, 1907.
109. Labor Leader, London, July 17, 1908.
110. C. F. G. Masterman: Contemporary Review, Jan., 1902.
111. The Blood of the Nation, pp. 45–47.
112. The History of Napoleon. Emphasis mine. G. R. K.
113. In an address, “The Biology of War,” May 3, 1909, Chicago.
114. Reference for substance and part of phrasing of this paragraph has been lost.
115. See Index: “Four Historic Events.”
116. See “What to Read,” Chapter Twelve.
117. J. H. Rose: The Development of the European Nations, 1870–1900, Vol. II., p. 328.
118. Copied from a Government advertisement in front of recruiting headquarters in Allegheny, Pennsylvania, September 7, 1907. Italics mine. G. R. K. This same form of advertisement has also been used in many other cities.
119. “Lecture on War.”
120. See Bloch: Future of War, Preface XXXII.
121. See Charles Seignobos: The Political History of Europe Since 1815, p. 504.
122. See Brodrick and Frotheringham: The Political History of England, Vol. XI., p. 172, et seq.
123. Work and Wages, p. 507.
124. Jephson: The Platform—Its Rise and Progress, Vol. I., p. 283.
125. History of the English People, Vol. IV., p. 377.
126. A Student’s History of England, pp. 877–80.
127. The Political History of England, Vol. XI., Ch. 8.
128. Sir Robert Peel, Ch. 3.
129. The English Constitution, p. 423. Italics mine. G. R. K.
130. See, for example, J. F. Bright: A History of England, Period III., p. 1352.
131. Arbeiter in Council, p. 501.
132. Bourienne’s Memoirs, Vol. VII., c. 20. Reference in Arbeiter in Council, p. 499. For cases equally monstrous in the American Civil War history, see Myers’ History of Great American Fortunes, Vol. II., pp. 127–38, 291–301; Chapters 11 and 12; Vol. III., pp. 160–176.
133. History of the American People, Vol. III., p. 120.
134. A History of the American People, p. 556.
135. “Apart from the phraseology of the statutes it appears during the early years of the War the possibility of the payment of the bonds in other than coin was hardly raised. According to the explicit statement of Garfield in 1868, when the original five-twenty bond bill was before the House in 1862, all who referred to the subject stated that the principal of these bonds was payable in gold, and coin payment was the understanding of every member of the committee of ways and means.... It thus became practically an unwritten law to pay the obligations of the United States in coin.”—Dewey: Financial History of the United States, paragraph 148.
136. Hepburn: The Contest for Sound Money, p. 188.
137. Finance, p. 540, also Public Debts, p. 131.
138. Rice: The Father of His Country—Year Book.
139. The Economic Interpretation of History, p. 454. Italics mine. G. R. K.
140. Twenty-Eight Years (new edition Fifty Years) of Wall Street, p. 194.
141. Mr. Clews relates this whole matter in detail in his Twenty-Eight Years in Wall Street (new edition Fifty Years, etc.), in which noble tome naive conceit and the pleasures of self-contemplation beget an almost equal degree of incautious loquacity and innocent candor.
142. By “clear the decks,” and “unload,” when financial storms threaten, bankers mean that any soon-to-shrink stocks and bonds held by them are to be at once sold to (dumped upon) somebody else, to let somebody else stand the certain loss—just as a sinful deacon might sell to his neighboring fellow-worshipper a horse he was sure would die next day, or as an enterprising grocer might sell a rotten lemon to a blind child. It is “legitimate.” It is “opportunity.” It is “business.” And conscience is a nuisance to some people when there is “opportunity” to do “business.”
143. “It is a well-known fact that the War of the Rebellion was prolonged as a result of the manipulations of the speculators who invested in bonds. While the boys in blue were baring their breasts to the enemy in a heroic struggle to save the Union, for $13 per month, the bond sharks were speculating upon their necessities and the necessities of the Government. At one time President Lincoln was so exasperated by their greedy and unpatriotic actions that he declared they ‘ought to have their devilish heads shot off.’”—Congressman Vincent, of Kansas, in the House of Representatives, April 18, 1898.
144. History of the United States, Vol. IV., pp. 44–56.
145. The Wall Street Point of View, p. 29.
146. Railway Problems, p. 95.
147. See Davis: The Union Pacific Railway, p. 187.
148. Davis: pp. 89–202.
149. Railway Problems, p. 94.
150. Professor Frank Parsons (Boston University): The Railways, the Trusts and the People, p. 64. And see Report of the Wilson Investigating Committee, pp. III, IV, et seq., and Parsons’ Chapter on “Railroad Graft.” Italics mine. G. R. K.
151. “Similar franchises and subsidies were at the same time given to the Central Pacific Railroad Company.”—Parsons: The Railways, the Trusts and the People, p. 128.
152. The United States in Our Own Time, p. 103.
153. Wilson, for several years Land Commissioner for the Illinois Central Railway Company, cited by Andrews.
154. Parsons: The Railways, the Trusts and the People, p. 106.
155. Davis: The Union Pacific Railway.
156. The Railroads, the Trusts and the People, p. 128.
157. Professors Cleveland and Powell (University of Pennsylvania): Railroad Promotion and Capitalization, p. 250. Emphasis mine. G. R. K.
158. See Professors Cleveland and Powell: Railroad Promotion and Capitalization, pp. 250, 255.
159. See Lalor’s Cyclopedia of Political Science, Political Economy, and United States History, Vol. III., p. 514.
160. The Railways, the Trusts and the People, p. 107.
161. The Fourth Illustration was prepared before the appearance of Mr. Gustavus Myers’ History of Great American Fortunes, in which the reader can find much concerning the land steals. Myers’ three volumes are brimful of bombshells for the “noble record” of the glistening barnacles that have clung to the body politic ever since George Washington was under indictment for swearing off his taxes. Mr. Myers has sadly bedimmed the glory of the illustrious “solid men of business.” The work serves as a great contribution to the literature on social parasitism concerning which the wage-earner should make all haste to get all possible information.
162. See discussions in Congressional Record of the period.
163. See Congressional Records.
164. D. R. Dewey: The Financial History of the United States, p. 467.
165. The Rough Riders, passim. Italics mine. G. R. K.
166. April 1, 6, 9, and 20, 1898.
167. See Tribune for real name in full.
168. School History of the United States, p. 476.
169. Roosevelt: The Rough Riders, passim.
170. See McClure’s Magazine, Sept., 1908.
171. The Moral Damage of War, pp. 332–33.
172. National and Social Problems, pp. 211–12.
173. Gen. U. S. Grant. Compare also Grant’s comment on the cause of the Mexican War: Memoirs, Vol. I.
174. See Chapters Seven, Section 7–12.
175. New York Evening Sun, Editorial, Feb. 24, 1910.
176. In an address, New York, May 25, 1908.
177. British authority for this statement; but exact citation unfortunately lost.
178. But see Index: “Desertion.”
179. Expansion, pp. 101–2.
180. Italics mine. G. R. K.
181. National and Social Problems, pp. 186–88.
182. Charles Seignobos: Political History of Europe Since 1815, p. 819.
183. Similar practice was common in our Civil War.
184. But see Index: “Four Historic Events.”
185. May 21, 1909. Italics mine. G. R. K.
186. Report of the United States Pullman Strike Commission: Carroll D. Wright, Chairman.
187. See Chapter Ten on “What Shall We Do About It?”
188. See article by Labor Commissioner C. D. Wright: North American Review, June, 1902; also R. T. Ely: Outlines of Economics, Edition of 1908, pp. 397–98.
189. International Journal of Ethics, April, 1908.
190. C. D. Wright: Practical Sociology, p. 38.
191. See Report of Secretary of War, 1908, p. 155. Italics mine. G. R. K.
192. An excellent edition of the law with notes, analysis, history, and suggestions by Mr. Ernest Untermann, can be had for 5 cents, of any Socialist literature agent.
193. London, March 21, 1908.
194. Miss Jane Addams: Newer Ideals of Peace, p. 232.
195. Civil Liberty, pp. 116–117.
196. G. Stanley Hall: Adolescence, Vol. I., pp. 222–23.
197. The Rough Riders, p. 139. Found in Edition of 1899, published by Charles Scribner’s Sons; page 152, as published by G. P. Putnam’s Sons.
198. System of Ethics, p. 660.
199. Militarism, pp. 60–61.
200. William Shakespeare, Pt. 3, Bk. 3, Ch. I.
201. See Chapter Eight, Section 11,—of special interest to women who incline to be “perfectly delighted” with soldiers.
202. Quoted by Thomas E. Will, Arena, Dec., 1894.
203. Moral Damage of War, pp. 146–47.
204. Education and the Higher Life, p. 171.
205. Works, Vol. IV., Dresden Edition, p. 124.
206. “Lecture on War.”
207. The Destiny of Man, pp. 100–103.
208. Lester F. Ward: Applied Sociology, p. 264.
209. Bloomfield: “Farmer’s Boy.”
210. Pope’s Homer’s “Iliad.”
211. Militarism, p. 316.
212. Quoted by John A. Hobson: John Ruskin: Social Reformer, p. 346.
213. Militarism, p. 317.
214. See Chapter Eleven.
215. See Chapter Ten, also Index: “Revolution of Opinion.”
216. See McCabe and Darien: Can We Disarm? p. 56.
217. See Index: “What War Decides”; also “Blood Cost of War.”
218. Thomas Carlyle: Sartor Resartus, Book II., Chapter 8.
219. See Index: “Parasites.”
220. Italics mine. G. R. K.
221. Report, 1907, p. 73.
222. See Report of Department of War, 1906.
223. See Annual Reports of the Secretaries of War for the years named; also Preface of the present volume.
224. Italics mine. G. R. K.
225. See Report of the War Department, 1908, p. 21; see also Index: “Insanity.”
226. The World’s Work, May, 1907.
227. Italics mine. G. R. K.
228. See Reports of the Department of War for the respective years.
229. Report of the Secretary of War, 1907, p. 72.
230. Mr. Roosevelt’s kill-for-pleasure hunting trip in Africa in 1909–10 included, according to the press reports, “a splendid time,” “a corking time,” shooting monkies—murdering his ancestral cousins, so to speak—“a careful count being kept of the exact number” of the jolly, playful little creatures butchered for the brave and noble gentleman’s amusement on his “old home” trip.
231. A private, writing from the Philippines, in Everybody’s Magazine, April, 1908.
232. Imperial Democracy, p. 272.
233. The Moral Damage of War, pp. 150–51.
234. Quoted by Professor E. A. Ross, in his Social Control, p. 89.
235. See Chapter Eight: “For Mother and the Boys,” Section 1.
236. See Index: “Bankruptcy, Danger of.”
237. The International, July, 1908. Italics mine. G. R. K.
238. Documents of the American Association for International Conciliation, 1907–08, p. 22.
239. See The Peace Conference at The Hague, pp. 93–120, and 151.
240. Harper’s Magazine, Vol. 87. See International Conciliation—Documents of the American Association for International Conciliation, 1907–08: Third Paper—“A League of Peace.”
241. See footnote on page 13; and also introductory paragraph, Chapter Seven, preceding Section 1.
242. See Index: “Another War.”
243. See Chapter Seven, Section 30.
244. See Index: “Napoleon.”
245. The Moral Damage of War, pp. 97–99.
246. See The Downfall, passim, Part II., also p. 446. This powerful story (published by the Macmillan Company, New York) is here again heartily commended to all readers of War—What For? Again the author thanks the publishers for reprint privileges.
247. Precisely! Never stopping to inquire: Who declared this war? or what for?
248. Quoted by George Allan England, in New York Daily Call, Dec. 2, 1909.
249. See Lucia A. Mead’s Patriotism and the New Internationalism, p. 22.
250. Read Walter Walsh’s Moral Damage of War, Chapter Three on the “Moral Damage of War to the Children.” The chapter is of startling importance.
251. New York World, editorial, May 6, 1910.
252. See New York Times, October 31, 1908, long article on the increasing manufacture of such toys.
253. Quoted by Walter Walsh: Moral Damage of War, p. 380.
254. The Economy of Happiness, pp. 519–20.
255. Walter Walsh: Moral Damage of War, p. 376.
256. Imperial Democracy, p. 270.
257. See Annual Report of the Secretary of War, 1908, p. 22.
258. See Social Diseases, p. 24, March, 1910; Contents—A Symposium concerning a phase of venereal diseases, being addresses and discussions at a meeting of the American Society of Sanitary and Moral Prophylaxis, held at the New York Academy of Medicine, December 9th, 1909. Address: Social Diseases, 9 East 42d Street, New York. Italics mine. G. R. K.
259. See Walter Walsh: Moral Damage of War, pp. 151–52. Emphasis mine. G. R. K.
260. Edmondson: John Bull’s Army from Within.
261. Elbert Hubbard: Health and Wealth, quoted in the New Age, August 5, 1909. See Index: “Venereal Diseases.”
262. See Chapter Seven, Section 18.
263. International Journal of Ethics, April, 1908.
264. Arbeiter in Council, pp. 38–39.
265. Don Juan, VIII., IX.
266. E. C. Stedman: “Alice of Monmouth.”
267. Works, passim.
268. See Census Report, 1900, Vol. 2, p. CXCII.
269. Autobiographical Note.
270. Isaiah: Chapter II., par. 4.
271. “Biglow Papers.”
272. The Kingdom of God.
273. Quoted by John A. Hobson: John Ruskin—Social Reformer, p. 346. Italics mine except for “The Real War.” G. R. K.
274. See Index: “Christ.”
275. See The World To-Day, p. 956, Sept., 1905.
276. Italics mine. G. R. K.
277. See Chapters Nine and Eleven.
278. American Brigadier, November, 1907.
279. Frederic Harrison: National and Social Problems, pp. 237–40. Written in 1880.
280. Ernest Crosby: Swords and Ploughshares. Published by Funk and Wagnalls, New York.
281. See Prose-Poems and Selections from the Writings and Sayings of Robert G. Ingersoll. Published by C. P. Farrell, New York.
282. See William Shakespeare, Part Third, Book III; M. B. Anderson’s Translation. Published by A. C. McClurg and Company, Chicago; and An Oration on Voltaire, delivered in Paris, May 30, 1878. It is worthy of remark that the orator was repeatedly applauded while delivering the oration, and at the close the entire audience rose and wildly cheered. In the declamation, as here arranged in two parts (to be given together, if desired), the excerpt from the oration begins, “Whoever says today.”
283. Slightly abbreviated excerpt from an Oration at the Soldiers and Sailors’ Reunion, Indianapolis, September 21, 1876. Reprinted from Prose-Poems and Selections from Writings and Sayings of Robert G. Ingersoll. Published by C. P. Farrell, New York.
284. Very slightly abbreviated excerpt from a Decoration Day Oration, delivered at the Metropolitan Opera House, New York City, May 30, 1888. Reprinted from Vol. IX., p. 453, Dresden Edition of Ingersoll’s Complete Works. Published by C. P. Farrell, New York.
285. See Chapter Four, Section Two, “The Cost of War in Cash.”
286. “Documents of the American Association for International Conciliation,” 1907–08.
287. See Chapter Eight, Section 13 and 14.
288. It is mildly encouraging to reflect that very heavy and very general international investments in national and industrial bonds would have at least some tendency to dampen the bond-buying capitalists’ enthusiasm for war; because, in some cases, a disastrous war might result in the repudiation of bonds and, in most cases, might easily result in a great temporary reduction of dividends from industrial investments. Another thing to be noted here is that sometimes the investors in the bonds of an unstable nation about to go to war, may regret the threatening war and urge against it and even decline to buy war bonds, before the war is declared, in order to protect their investments already made. But after the war is once entered upon these same regretful investors feel almost compelled to purchase the new issue of war-bonds in order to make victory more certain for the nation whose bonds they already hold, and thus protect the market value of their original investments. French investors in Russian bonds and enterprises to the extent of more than a billion dollars found themselves in this predicament in the case of the recent Russian-Japanese war. See Index: “Bankruptcy, Danger of.”
289. See Chapter Seven, Section 17.
290. Swinburne: “A Word for the Country.”
291. See Index: “The Hague Peace Conference.”
292. See Chapter Four, Section One.
293. See Index: “Another War.”
294. Published by Ginn and Company, New York.
295. Italics mine. G. R. K.
296. Voltaire’s Philosophical Dictionary.
297. The Psychology of Jingoism, pp. 41, 133.
298. National and Social Problems, pp. 252–53.
299. The New York World, editorial, August 15, 1907. Italics mine. G. R. K.
300. Newer Ideals of Peace, pp. 114–15. Italics mine. G. R. K.
301. Social Control, pp. 376–79. Italics mine. G. R. K.
302. General Sociology, p. 233.
303. Dynamic Sociology, Vol. I., p. 582. Italics mine. G. R. K.
304. See The Theory of the State, Bk II., Chs. 17, 18.
305. Introduction to Sociology, pp. 132–36.
306. See Chapter Three, The Explanation.
307. “Classes differ in readiness to twist social control to their own advantage.... In general, the more distinct, knit together, and self-conscious the influential minority, the more likely is social control to be colored with class selfishness.”—Professor E. A. Ross, Department of Sociology, University of Wisconsin, Social Control, p. 86.
308. See Chapter Eleven for suggestions on the origin of large-scale parasitic aggression; and on the origin and history of the working class and of the class-labor form of society.
309. See Dynamic Sociology, Vol. I., pp. 581–97; Psychic Factors in Civilization, Chapter 24.
Note carefully the quotation on methods of social parasites at the head of the present chapter from Dr. Ross’s Social Control. Professor Ross is generally recognized as one of the most profound and brilliant writers on Sociology.
It is important to consider, too, that, as a Socialist, Dr. Franklin H. Giddings, Head of Department of Sociology in Columbia University, recognizes the capitalist class’s parasitic relation to society. Dr. Giddings is recognized in all the universities of the world as having few equals as a sociologist.
The social parasites of the world will never forgive the learned Socialist, Dr. Thorstein Veblen, recently of the University of Chicago, for writing his bold and astonishing book, The Theory of the Leisure Class. The screaming mockeries and glittering pretensions of the “princely-fortune” parasites of capitalism are mercilessly explained by him.
It is noteworthy too that the Editor-in-Chief of the American Journal of Sociology, and Head of the Department of Sociology in the University of Chicago, Dr. Albion W. Small, has for many years been calling attention, in lectures, to the parasitic nature of one of the forms of capitalist income, thus: “There is no moral justification for the taking of interest incomes.” In his General Sociology, pp. 268–69, Dr. Small says: “In the first place, capital produces nothing. It earns nothing.” See also his suggestions on social parasites on page 266, where he is clearly in considerable degree in agreement with Dr. Ward.
Gustavus Myers’ History of Great American Fortunes is here again commended as an extraordinary record of remarkable social parasitism in American history.
310. See Twenty-Eight Years in Wall Street, p. 388; by Henry Clews, a very well known banker of Wall Street.
311. See Chapter Three, “Explanation”—Surplus.
312. Andrew Carnegie is a sample of a profit-stuffed tyrant whose parasitic industrial income is tens of millions per year without rendering industrial service, whose legally parasitic heirs, rendering no industrial service, will, like leeches, suck up many millions per year. The audacity of his hypocrisy is typical of his class. In recent international peace congresses Carnegie has been steadily grinning and chattering in the spot light. But study this man for a moment:
(1) In the Homestead industrial civil war, in 1892, Pinkertons received $5 per day and expenses for murdering Carnegie steel workers.
(2) The Carnegie Company furnished the Russian Government steel armor for warships at about one-half the price the same company patriotically charged Carnegie’s own dear, dear country.
(3) “Our records show that the companies governed by Mr. Carnegie received more rebates [in anarchistic defiance of his country’s laws] during the time when rebates were given by our road, than any other shipper in any line of business.”—First Vice-President Green of the Pennsylvania Railway Company. Quoted in the New York Independent.
(4) This same crafty gentleman recently provided enormous old-age pension funds for college and university professors. This will perhaps tightly seal the lips of thousands of teachers on the raging civil war in industry in which war Carnegie is already a blood-stained tzar. Fearing to lose their old age pensions, teachers may find it easier and more “respectable” to desert the working class in its struggle against the capitalist class—Carnegie’s class. (See Index: “Hague Peace Conference”; also Chapter Two, pages 24–25.)
313. “If, however, there occurs some general industrial disturbance of a serious sort, such as a condition of over-production,... it is likely to turn out that these vocational groupings will be weakened or even destroyed. In their place the economic classes will enter the political arena, and carry on the conflict with great energy.... It may be that the standard of life of an industrial class may be so seriously threatened that this class struggle will reach the extreme of absolute hostility.”—Professor Albion W. Small, Head of Department of Sociology, University of Chicago: General Sociology, p. 264. Italics mine. G. R. K.
314. Reread first page of Preface.
315. William E. Gladstone.
316. “... Non-resistance would be fatal.... If ever war is done away, it will be when the spirit of aggression, not of protection, shall have been quenched.”—Lester F. Ward: Dynamic Sociology, Vol. I., p. 684.
317. See Chapter Seven, Section 12.
318. William Howard Taft: Present-Day Problems, pp. 162–63:—
“... It is also true that had the Elkins bill never been passed, the same acts could and doubtless would have been prosecuted... under the Interstate Commerce Act of 1889 which the Elkins law supplanted.... Under the 1889 amendment, however, the individuals convicted could have been sent to the penitentiary, whereas under the Elkins Act the punishment by imprisonment was taken away.... The chief effect of the Elkins law had on these particular prosecutions... was... to save the guilty individual perpetrators from imprisonment.
“It was well understood that the Elkins bill was passed without opposition by, and with the full consent of, the railroads, and the chief reason was the elimination of the penitentiary penalty for unjust discriminations.... The imprisonment of two or three prominent officers of a railway company, or a trust... would have greater deterrent effect for the future than millions in a fine.”
Theodore Roosevelt knows a good deal about the capitalist class. He wrote on pages 5, 6, 9, 10 of his book, American Ideals, as follows:
“The people that do harm in the end are not the wrong-doer whom all execrate.... The career of Benedict Arnold has done us no harm as a nation.... The foes of order harm quite as much by example as by what they actually accomplish. So it is with the equally dangerous criminals of the wealthy classes. The conscienceless stock speculator who acquires wealth by swindling his fellows, by debauching judges, and corrupting legislatures, and who ends his days with the reputation of being among the richest men in America, exerts over the minds of the rising generation an influence worse than that of the average murderer or bandit, because his career is even more dazzling in its success, and even more dangerous in its effects upon the community. Any one who reads the essays of Charles Francis Adams and Henry Adams, entitled A Chapter of Erie, and the Gold Conspiracy in New York, will read about the doings of men whose influence for evil upon the community is more potent than that of any band of anarchists or train robbers.... Too much cannot be said against men who sacrifice everything to getting wealth. There is not in the world a more ignoble character than the mere money getting American, insensible to every duty, regardless of every principle, bent only on amassing a fortune... whether... to speculate in stocks and wreck railroads himself, or to allow his son to lead a life of foolish and expensive idleness and gross debauchery, or to purchase some scoundrel of high social position, foreign or native, for his daughter. Such a man is only the more dangerous if he occasionally does some deed like founding a college or endowing a church which makes those good people, who are also foolish, forget his real iniquity.” Italics mine. G. R. K.
319. Theodore Roosevelt: in a speech at the State Fair, Minneapolis, Minnesota, September 3, 1901.
320. “If the public economy of a people be an organism, we must expect to find that the perturbations, which affect it, present some analogies to the diseases of the body physical. We may, therefore, hope to learn much that may be of use in practice, from the tried methods of medicine.” Roscher: Political Economy, Vol. I., pp. 85–86.
321. It must be added for the sake of clearness (and fairness):
(1) That some members of the capitalist class detest the capitalist system; that these regret their unsocial relation to the social body; and that while they are living under the capitalist system they are in somewhat the same difficulty that a democrat is in Russia. One can believe in democracy in Russia, but he can not practice democracy under the autocratic form of Russian government. So under Capitalism: one may believe in industrial democracy, but he cannot practice it under an industrial despotism.
(2) That some members of present society belong partly to the capitalist class and partly to the working class.
(The Theory of the Leisure Class, a brilliant book by Dr. Thorstein Veblen, helpful in understanding social parasites, is urged upon the reader’s attention. Also W. J. Ghent’s Mass and Class.)
322. “The government which has the right to do an act and has imposed upon it the duty of performing the act, must, according to the dictates of reason, be permitted to select the means.”—Supreme Court of the United States, March 7, 1819. See Supreme Court Reports, Vol. 17, pp. 409, 430.
323. Political Science and Constitutional Law, Vol. I., p. 87.
324. Sociology, pp. 45, 47.
325. “It is the peculiarity of the social struggle that it must be conducted by a collective whole... EVERY SOCIETY [OR CLASS] MUST SECURE SOME SUITABLE ORGAN FOR CONDUCTING THE SOCIAL STRUGGLE.
“Thus the ruling classes, through their parliaments, exercise the legislative power and are able, by legal institutions, to further their interests at the cost of others.... Thus the rulers themselves forge the weapons with which the ruled and powerless classes successfully attack them and complete the natural process.”—Gumplowitz: Outlines of Sociology, pp. 145–146. Italics mine. G. R. K.
326. The Communist Manifesto.
327. Reread Chapter Seven, Section 4.
328. Fearing that the powerful suggestion might reach and rouse the slumbering working class the capitalist press of the world kept silent as an oyster on the behavior of the clear-visioned soldiers of Norway and Sweden. Only the working-class press properly reported the sublime event. (See Challenge, page 206 et seq.)
329. For an excellent and convenient discussion of the Socialist Party’s opposition to war and militarism, see Werner Sombart’s Socialism and the Socialist Movement, pp. 193–211; Morris Hillquit’s Socialism in Theory and Practice, pp. 296–302.
330. “It is no easy task to detect and follow the tiny paths of progress which the unencumbered proletarian with nothing but his life and capacity for labor is pointing out for us. These paths lead to a type of government founded upon peace and fellowship as contrasted with restraint and defence.... From the nature of the case, he who would walk these paths must walk with the poor and oppressed, and can only approach them through affection and understanding. The ideals of militarism would forever shut him out from this new fellowship.”—Miss Jane Addams, of Hull House, Chicago: Newer Ideals of Peace, p. 30.
331. The class who despise you so thoroughly that they would be willing to have you murdered on the battlefield—would these hesitate to tell you a lie? Certainly not. And they have lied to you about “different kinds of Socialism,” “Socialists don’t seem to know what they want,” etc., etc. But secretly the capitalists are worrying because they know that the Socialists of all the world do know what they want and also know how to organize the necessary power to get what they want.
332. Christianity and the Social Crisis, p. 350.
333. It is true that even before this time woman occupied a servile position and virtually constituted an industrial class. See August Bebel’s Woman—Past, Present and Future.
334. Professor E. A. Ross (Department of Sociology, University of Wisconsin) gently hints thus (Social Control, p. 86):
“Under the ascendency of the rich and leisured, property becomes more sacred than persons, moral standards vary with the pecuniary status, and it is felt that ‘God will think twice before He damns a person of quality.’”
335. Even great literatures, regarded as divinely inspired and boasted to be The Truth, have been kept from the free access of the people—the “plain people,” too plain to understand the literature said to have life in it. Such literature has been hidden from the people for many hundreds of years—or “rightly divided” and diluted.
336. The inauguration of human slavery was a profound change in human relations—the greatest possible “change in circumstances”—down at the very foundations of society. Vast fundamental changes resulted—inevitably—in changed, and even new, institutions.
“Institutions must change with changing circumstances, since they are of the nature of an habitual method of responding to stimuli which these changing circumstances afford.... The institutions are, in substance, prevalent habits of thought with respect to particular relations and particular functions of the individual and of the community....”—Thorstein Veblen: The Theory of the Leisure Class, p. 190. See quotation from Dr. Small at the head of Chapter Ten. Also consult Ross’s Social Control.
337. See Thomas’s History of the United States, p. 68.
338. See Hyndman: The Economics of Socialism, Lecture 1, Methods of Production.
339. And get these things into the minds of the children. If the teacher at your nearest school does not know these things, have the children teach the teacher.
340. Pure Sociology, p. 61. Italics mine. G. R. K.
341. Ancient Law, p. 164.
342. Folkways, pp. 262–3 and 307. Italics mine. G. R. K.
343. Elementary Economics, pp. 27–33.
344. Laws of Imitation, Parson’s translation, pp. 277–79.
345. American Journal of Sociology, May, 1902, pp. 764–65. Italics mine. G. R. K.
346. Principles of Sociology, Vol. III., pp. 84, 92, 148, 448; Appleton’s Edition, 1899. See also Lester F. Ward: Dynamic Sociology, Vol. I., pp. 287–90. (Italics mine. G. R. K.)
347. Dynamic Sociology, Vol. I., pp. 583–85.
348. The New Basis of Civilization, pp. 67, 69. Italics mine. G. R. K.
349. See discussion of parasites in Chapter Ten.
350. Newer Ideals of Peace, pp. 115–16.
351. National and Social Problems, p. 255.
352. Introduction to Sociology, pp. 136–39.
353. For a powerful argument showing the intellectual equality of the working class and the ruling class see Professor Lester F. Ward’s Applied Sociology. The political foolishness of the working class is not due to lack of brains, but to lack of books—books that tell the truth, the truth that clears the vision and rouses the passion for freedom and points the way.—Suggestions, next chapter.