Romane Qvestions

What is the reason that new wedded wives are bidden to touch fire and water?

Is it because that among the elements and principles, whereof are composed naturall bodies, the one of these twaine, to wit, fire is the male, and water the female, of which, that infuseth the beginning of motion, and this affoordeth the propertie of the subject and matter?

2. Or rather, for that, as the fire purgeth, and water washeth; so a wife ought to continue pure, chaste and cleane all her life.

3. Or is it in this regard, that as fire without humidity, yeeldeth no nourishment, but is dry; and moisture without heat is idle, fruitlesse and barren; even so the male is feeble, and the female likewise, when they be apart and severed a sunder: but the conjunction of two maried folke yeeldeth unto both, their cohabitation and perfection of living together.

4. Or last of all, because man and wife ought not to forsake and abandon one another, but to take part of all fortunes; though they had no other good in the world common betweene them, but fire and water onely.

How is it, that they use to light at weddings five torches, and neither more nor lesse, which they call Wax-lights.

1. Whether is it as Varro saith, because the Prætours or generals of armies use three, and the Aediles two: therefore it is not meet that they should have more than the Prætours and Aediles together: considering that new maried folke goe unto the Aediles to light their fire?

2. Or, because having use of many numbers, the odde number seemed unto them as in all other respects better, and more perfect than the even: so it was fitter and more agreeable for mariage: for the even number implieth a kinde of discord and division, in respect of the equall parts in it, meet for siding, quarrell, and contention: whereas the odde number cannot be divided so just and equally, but there will remaine somewhat still in common for to be parted. Now among al odde numbers, it seemeth that Cinque is most nuptial, & best beseeming mariage; for that Trey is the first odde number, & Deuz the first even; of which twaine, five is compounded, as of the male and the female.

3. Or is it rather, because light is a signe of being and of life: and a woman may beare at the most five children at one burden; and so they used to cary five tapers or waxe candels?

4. Or lastly, for that they thought, that those who were maried had need of five gods and goddesses: namely, Jupiter genial, Juno genial, Venus, Suade, and above all Diana; whom (last named) women in their labour and travell of childe-birth, are wont to call upon for helpe.

What is the cause that there being many Temples of Diana in Rome, into that onely which standeth in the Patrician street, men enter not.

1. Is it not because of a tale which is told in this maner: In old time a certeine woman being come thither for to adore and worship this goddesse, chaunced there to bee abused and suffer violence in her honor: and he who forced her, was torne in pieces by hounds: upon which accident, ever after, a certeine superstitious feare possessed mens heads, that they would not presume to goe into the said temple.

Wherefore is it, that in other temples of Diana men are woont ordinarily to set up and fasten Harts hornes; onely in that which is upon mount Aventine; the hornes of oxen and other beefes are to be seen.

May it not be, that this is respective to the remembrance of an ancient occurrent that sometime befell? For reported it is that long since in the Sabines countrey, one Antion Coratius had a cow, which grew to be exceeding faire and woonderfull bigge withall above any other: and a certeine wizard or soothsaier came unto him and said: How predestined it was that the citie which sacrificed that cow unto Diana in the mount Aventine, should become most puissant and rule all Italy: This Coratius therefore came to Rome of a deliberate purpose to sacrifice the said cow accordingly: but a certaine houshold servant that he had, gave notice secretly unto king Servius Tullius of this prediction delivered by the abovesaid soothsaier: whereupon Servius acquainted the priest of Diana, Cornelius, with the matter: and therefore when Antion Coratius presented himselfe for to performe his sacrifice, Cornelius advertised him, first to goe downe into the river, there to wash; for that the custome and maner of those that sacrificed was so to doe: now whiles Antion was gone to wash himselfe in the river, Servius steps into his place, prevented his returne, sacrificed the cow unto the goddesse, and nailed up the hornes when he had so done, within her temple. Juba thus relateth this historie, and Varro likewise, saving that Varro expressely setteth not downe the name of Antion, neither doth he write that it was Cornelius the priest, but the sexton onely of the church that thus beguiled the Sabine.

Why are they who have beene falsly reported dead in a strange countrey, although they returne home alive, not received nor suffred to enter directly at the dores, but forced to climbe up to the tiles of the house, and so to get downe from the roufe into the house?

Varro rendreth a reason heereof, which I take to be altogether fabulous: for hee writeth, that during the Silician warre, there was a great battell fought upon the sea, and immediately upon it, there ranne a rumour of many that they were dead in this fight; who notwithstanding, they returned home safe, died all within a little while after: howbeit, one there was among the rest, who when he would have entred into his owne house, found the dore of the owne accord fast shut up against him; and for all the forcible meanes that was made to open the same, yet it would not prevaile: whereupon this man taking up his lodging without, just before his dore, as he slept in the night, had a vision which advertised and taught him how he should from the roofe of the house let himselfe downe by a rope, and so get in: now when he had so done, he became fortunate ever after, all the rest of his life; and hee lived to be a very aged man: and heereof arose the foresaid custome, which alwaies afterwards was kept and observed.

But haply this fashion may seeme in some sort to have beene derived from the Greeks: for in Greece they thought not those pure and cleane who had beene caried foorth for dead to be enterred; or whose sepulchre and funerals were solemnized or prepared: neither were such allowed to frequent the company of others, nor suffred to come neere unto their sacrifices. And there goeth a report of a certaine man named Aristinus, one of those who had beene possessed with this superstition, how he sent unto the oracle of Apollo at Delphos, for to make supplication and praier unto the god, for to bee delivered out of this perplexed anxietie that troubled him by occasion of the said custome or law then in force: and that the prophetesse Pythia returned this answer:

Looke whatsoever women doe in childbed newly laid,
Unto their babes, which they brought foorth, the verie same I say
See that be done to thee againe: and after that be sure,
Unto the blessed gods with hands to sacrifice, most pure.

Which oracle thus delivered, Aristinus having well pondered and considered, committed himselfe as an infant new borne unto women for to be washed, to be wrapped in swadling clothes, and to be suckled with the brest-head: after which, all such others, whom we call Hysteropotmous, that is to say, those whose graves were made, as if they had beene dead, did the semblable. Howbeit, some doe say, that before Aristinus was borne, these ceremonies were observed about those Histropotmi, and that this was a right auncient custome kept in the semblable case: and therefore no marvell it is, that the Romans also thought, that such as were supposed to have beene once buried, and raunged with the dead in another world, ought not to enter in at the same porch, out of which they goe, when they purpose to sacrifice unto the gods, or at which they reenter when they returne from sacrifice: but would have them from above to descend through the tiles of the roufe into the close house, with the aire open over their heads: for all their purifications ordinarily they performed without the house abroad in the aire.

Why doe women kisse the lips of their kinsfolks?

Is it as most men thinke, for that women being forbidden to drinke wine, the manner was brought up: That whensoever they met their kinsfolke, they should kisse their lips, to the end they might not be unknowen, but convicted if they had drunke wine? or rather for another reason, which Aristotle the philosopher hath alledged? for as touching that occasion, which is so famous and commonly voiced in every mans mouth, yea, and reported of divers and sundrie places; it was no doubt the hardy attempt executed by the dames of Troie, and that upon the coasts of Italy; for when the men upon their arrivall were landed; the women in the meanewhile set fire upon their ships, for very desire that they had to see an end once, one way or other of their long voiage, & to be delivered frõ their tedious travel at sea: but fearing the fury of their men, when they should returne, they went forth to meet their kinsfolke and friends upon the way, and welcomed them with amiable embracing & sweet kisses of their lips: by which means having appeased their angrie mood, and recovered their favours, they continued ever after, the custome of kind greeting and loving salutation in this manner.

Or was not this a priviledge granted unto women for their greater honour and credit; namely, to be knowen and seen for to have many of their race and kinred, and those of good worth and reputation?

Or because it was not lawfull to espouse women of their blood and kinred, therefore permitted they were to entertaine them kindly and familiarly with a kisse, so they proceeded no farther; insomuch as this was the onely marke and token left of their consanguinitie. For before time, they might not marrie women of their owne blood; no more than in these daies their aunts by the mothers side, or their sisters: and long it was ere men were permitted to contract marriage with their cousin germains; and that upon such an occasion as this. There was a certaine man of poore estate and small living, howbeit otherwise of good and honest cariage, and of all others that managed the publike affairs of State most popular and gracious with the commons: who was supposed to keepe as his espoused wife a kinswoman of his and cousin germain, an inheritresse; by whom he had great wealth, and became verie rich: for which he was accused judicially before the people; but upon a speciall favour that they bare unto him, they would not enquire into the cause in question; but not onely suppressed his bill of enditement, and let her go as quit of all crime, but also even they, enacted a statute; by vertue whereof, lawfull it was for all men from that time forward to marrie, as far as to their cousin germains, but in any higher or neerer degree of consanguinitie, they were expresly forbidden.

Wherefore is it not lawfull either for the husband to receive a gift of his wife, or for the wife of her husband.

May it not be, for that, as Solon ordained that the donations and bequests, made by those that die shall stand good, unlesse they be such as a man hath granted upon necessitie, or by the inducement and flatterie of his wife: in which proviso, he excepted necessitie, as forcing and constraining the will; and likewise pleasure, as deceiving the judgement; even so have men suspected the mutuall gifts passing between the husband and the wife, and thought them to be of the same nature.

Or was it not thought, that giving of presents was of all other the least & worst signe of amity and goodwill (for even strangers and such as beare no love at all use in that sort to be giving) and in that regard they would banish out of marriage such kind of pleasing and curring favour; to the end that the mutuall love and affection between the parties should be free and without respect of salarie and gaine, even for it selfe and nothing else in the world.

Or because women commonly admit and entertaine straungers, as corrupted by receiving of presents and gifts at their hands, it was thought to stand more with honour and reputation, that wives should love their owne husbands, though they gave them nothing by way of gift.

Or rather, for that it was meet and requisit, that the goods of the husband should be common to the wife, and to the wife likewise of the husband: for the partie who receiveth a thing in gift, doth learne to repute that which was not given, to be none of his owne, but belonging to another: so that man and wife in giving never so little one to another, despoil and defraud themselves of all that is beside.

What might be the cause that they were forbidden to receive any gift either of Sonne in law, or Father in law?

Of Sonne in law, for feare lest the gift might be thought by the meanes of the Father to passe about the returne unto the wife: and of the Father in law, because it was supposed meet and just, that he who gave not, should not likewise receive ought.134

What should be the reason that the Romans when they returned from some voyage out of a farre and forraine countrey, or onely from their ferme into the citie; if their wives were at home, used to send a messenger unto them before, for to give warning and advertisement of their comming?

Either it was because this is a token of one that beleeveth and is verily perswaded that his wife intendeth no lewdnesse, nor is otherwise busied than well: whereas to come upon her at unwares and on a sodain, is a kind of forlaying and surprize. Or for that they make haste to send them good newes of their comming, as being assured that they have a longing desire, and doe expect such tidings.

Or rather because themselves would be glad to heare from them some good newes, to wit, whether they shall find them in good health when they come, and attending affectionately and with great devotion, their returne.

Or else because women ordinarily, when their husbands be away and from home, have many petie businesses and house affaires: and other whiles there fall out some little jarres and quarrels within doores with their servants, men or maidens: to the end therefore all such troubles and inconveniences might be overblowen, and that they might give unto their husbands a loving and amiable welcome home, they have intelligence given unto them before hand of their arrivall and approch.

10.

What is the cause that when they adore and worship the gods, they cover their heads: but contrariwise when they meet with any honourable or worshipfull persons, if their heads haplie were then covered with their cover, they discover the same, and are bare headed.

For it seemeth that this fashion maketh the former doubt and braunch of the question more difficult to be assoiled: and if that which is reported of Aeneas be true; namely, that as Diomedes passed along by him whiles he sacrificed, he covered his head, and so performed his sacrifice; there is good reason and consequence, that if men be covered before their enemies, they should be bare when they encounter either their friends, or men of woorth and honour: for this maner of being covered before the gods, is not properly respective unto them, but occasioned by accident, and hath, since that example of Aeneas, beene observed and continued.

But if we must say somewhat else beside, consider whether it be not sufficient to enquire onely of this point; namely, why they cover their heads when they worship the gods, seeing the other consequently dependeth heereupon: for they stand bare before men of dignitie and authoritie, not to doe them any more honor thereby, but contrariwise to diminish their envie, for feare they might be thought to require as much reverence and the same honor as is exhibited to the gods, or suffer themselves, and take pleasure to bee observed and reverenced equally with them: as for the gods they adored them after this sort; either by way of lowlinesse and humbling themselves before their majestie, in covering and hiding their heads; or rather because they feared lest as they made their praiers, there should come unto their hearing, from without, any sinister voice or inauspicate and ominous osse: and to prevent such an object they drew their hood over their eares: And how true it is that they had a carefull eie and regard to meet with all such accidents, it may appeere by this, that when they went to any oracle for to be resolved by answer from thence upon a scrupulous doubt, they caused a great noise to be made all about them, with ringing of pannes or brasen basons.

Or it may well be, (as Castor saith, comparing in concordance the Romane fashions with the rites of the Pythagoreans) for that the Dæmon or good angell within us, hath need of the gods helpe without, and maketh supplication with covering the head, giving thus much covertly to understand thereby, that the soule is likewise covered and hidden by the bodie.

11.

Why sacrifice they unto Saturne bare-headed.

Is it because Aeneas first brought up this fashion of covering the head at sacrifice; and the sacrifice to Saturnus is much more auncient than his time?

Or, for that they used to be covered unto the celestiall gods: but as for Saturne he is reputed a Subterranean or terrestriall god?

Or, in this respect, that there is nothing hidden, covered, or shadowed in Trueth? For among the Romans, Saturne was held to be the father of Veritie.

12.

Why doe they repute Saturne the father of Trueth.

Is it for that (as some Philosophers deeme) they are of opinion that Saturne is Time? and Time you know well findeth out and revealeth the Truth.

Or, because as the Poets fable, men lived under Saturnes reigne in the golden age: and if the life of man was then most just and righteous, it followeth consequently that there was much trueth in the world.

13.

What is the reason that they sacrificed likewise unto the god whom they tearmed Honor, with bare head? now a man may interpret Honor to be as much as Glory and Reputation.

It is haply because Honor and glory is a thing evident, notorious, and exposed to the knowledge of the whole world: and by the same reason that they veile bonet before men of worship, dignitie, and honor, they adore also the deitie that beareth the name of Honor, with the head bare.

14.

What may be the cause, that sonnes cary their Fathers and Mothers foorth to be enterred, with their heads hooded and covered: but daughters bare headed, with their haires detressed and hanging downe loose.

Is it for that Fathers ought to be honored as gods by their male children, but lamented and bewailed as dead men by their daughters, and therefore the law having given and graunted unto either sex that which is proper, hath of both together made that which is beseeming and convenient.

Or, it is in this regard, that unto sorrow and heaviness, that is best beseeming which is extraordinarie and unusuall: now more ordinarie it is with women to go abroad with their heads veiled and covered: and likewise with men, to be discovered and bare headed. For even among the Greeks when there is befallen unto them any publike calamitie, the manner and custome is, that the women should cut of the hayres of their head, and the men weare them long; for that otherwise it is usuall that men should poll their heads, and women keepe their haire long. And to prove that sonnes were wont to be covered; in such a case, and for the said cause, a man may alledge that which Varro hath written; namely, that in the solemnitie of funerals, and about the tombs of their fathers, they carry themselves with as much reverence and devotion as in the temples of the gods: in such sort, as when they have burnt the corps in the funeral fire, so soone as ever they meet with a bone, they pronounce, that he who is dead, is now become a god. On the contrary side, women were no wise permitted to vaile and cover their heads. And we find upon record, that the first man who put away and divorced his wife was Spurius Carbilius, because she bare him no children; the second, Sulpitius Gallus, for that he saw her to cast a robe over her head: and the third Publius Sempronius, for standing to behold the solemnitie of the funerall games.

15.

How it commeth to passe, that considering the Romans esteemed Terminus a god, and therefore in honour of him celebrated a feast called thereupon Terminalia, yet they never killed any beast in sacrifice unto him?

It is because Romulus did appoint no bonds and limits of his countrey, to the end that he might lawfully set out and take in where pleased him, and repute all that land his owne so far as, (according to that saying of the Lacedæmonian) his speare or javelin would reach? But Numa Pompilius a just man and politick withall, one who knew well how to govern, and that by the rule of Philosophie, caused his territorie to be confined betweene him and his neighbour nations, and called those frontier bonds by the name of Terminus as the superintendent, over-seer and keeper of peace and amitie between neighbours; and therefore he supposed, that this Terminus ought to be preserved pure and cleane from all blood, and impollute with any murder.

16.

What is the reason that it is not lawfull for any maid servants to enter into the temple of the goddesse Leucothea? and the Dames of Rome, bringing in thither one alone and no more with them, fall to cuffing and boxing her about the eares and cheeks.

As for the wench that is thus buffeted, it is a sufficient signe and argument, that such as she, are not permitted to come thither: now for all others they keepe them out in regard of a certaine poeticall fable reported in this wise: that ladie Ino being in times past jealous of her husband, and suspecting him with a maid servant of hers, fell mad, and was enraged against her owne sonne: this servant the Greeks say, was an Aetolian borne, and had to name Antiphera: and therefore it is that heere among us in the citie of Chæronea, before the temple or chappell of Matuta, the sexton taking a whip in his hand crieth with a loud voice: No man servant or maid servant be so hardie as to come in heere; no Aetolian hee or shee presume to enter into this place.

17.

What is the cause that to this goddesse, folke pray not for any blessings to their owne children, but for their nephews onely, to wit, their brothers or sisters children?

May it not be that Ino being a ladie that loved her sister wonderous well, in so much as she suckled at her owne breast a sonne of hers: but was infortunate in her owne children?

Or rather, because the said custome is otherwise very good and civill, inducing and moving folks hearts to carie love and affection to their kinreds.

18.

For what cause, were many rich men wont to consecrate and give unto Hercules the Disme or tenth of all their goods?

Why may it not be upon this occasion, that Hercules himselfe being upon a time at 138Rome, sacrifice the tenth cow of all the drove which he had taken from Gerion?

Or for that he freed and delivered the Romans from the tax and tribute of the Dismes which they were wont to pay out of their goods unto the Tuskans.

Or in case this may not go current for an authenticall historie, and worthie of credit; what and if we say that unto Hercules as to some great bellie god, and one who loved good cheere, they offered and sacrificed plenteously and in great liberalitie?

Or rather, for that by this meanes they would take downe and diminish a little, their excessive riches which ordinarily is an eie-sore and odious unto the citizens of a popular state, as if they meant to abate and bring low (as it were) that plethoricall plight and corpulency of the bodie, which being growen to the height is daungerous: supposing by such cutting off, and abridging of superfluities, to do honour and service most pleasing unto Hercules, as who joied highly in frugalitie: for that in his life time he stood contented with a little, and regarded no delicacie or excesse whatsoever.

19.

Why begin the Romans their yeere at the moneth Januarie?

For in old time the moneth of March was reckoned first, as a man may collect by many other conjectures, and by this specially, that the fift moneth in order after March was called Quintilis, and the sixt moneth Sextilis, and all the rest consequently one after another until you come to the last, which they named December, because it was the tenth in number after March: which giveth occasion unto some for to thinke & say, that the Romans (in those daies) determined and accomplished their compleat yeere, not in twelve moneths but in ten: namely, by adding unto everie one of those ten moneths certain daies over and above thirtie. Others write, that December indeed was the tenth moneth after March; but Januarie was the eleventh, and Februarie the twelfth: in which moneth they used certaine expiatorie and purgatorie sacrifices, yea, and offered oblations unto the dead (as it were) to make an end of the yere. Howbeit afterwards they transposed this order, and ranged Januarie in the first place, for that upon the first day thereof, which they call the Calends of Januarie; the first Consuls that ever bare rule in Rome were enstalled, immediatly upon the deposition and expulsion of the kings out of the citie. But there seemeth to be more probability & likelihood of truth in their speech, who say, that Romulus being a martiall prince, and one that loved warre and feats of armes, as being reputed the sonne of Mars, set before all other moneths, that which caried the name of his father: howbeit Numa who succeeded next after him, being a man of peace, and who endevored to withdraw the hearts and minds of his subjects and citizens from warre to agriculture, gave the prerogative of the first place unto Januarie, and honoured Janus most, as one who had beene more given to politick government, and to the husbandrie of ground, than to the exercise of warre and armes.

Consider moreover, whether Numa chose not this moneth for to begin the yeere withall, as best sorting with nature in regard of us; for otherwise in generall, there is no one thing of all those that by nature turne about circularly, that can be said first or last, but according to the severall institutions and ordinances of men, some begin the time at this point, others at that. And verely they that make the Winter solstice or hibernall Tropick the beginning of their yeere, do the best of all others: for that the Sunne ceasing then to passe farther, beginneth to returne and take his way againe toward us: for it seemeth, that both according to the course of nature, and also in regard of us, this season is most befitting to begin the yeere: for that it increaseth unto us the time of daie light, and diminisheth the darknesse of night, and causeth that noble starre or planet to approch neerer and come toward us, the lord governour and ruler of all substance transitorie and fluxible matter whatsoever.

20.

Why do women when they dresse up and adorne the chappell or shrine of their feminine goddesse, whom they call Bona, never bring home for that purpose any branches of Myrtle tree: and yet otherwise have a delight to employ all sorts of leaves and flowers?

May it not be, for that, as some fabulous writers tell the tale, there was one Flavius a soothsaier had a wife, who used secretely to drinke wine, and when she was surprised and taken in the manner by her husband, she was well beaten by him with myrtle rods: and for that cause they bring thither no boughs of myrtle: marry they offer libations unto this goddesse of wine, but forsooth they call it Milke.

Or is it not for this cause, that those who are to celebrate the ceremonies of this divine service, ought to be pure and cleane from all pollutions, but especially from that of Venus or lechery? For not onely they put out of the roome where the service is performed unto the said goddesse Bona, all men, but also whatsoever is besides of masculine sex; which is the reason that they so detest the myrtle tree, as being consecrated unto Venus, insomuch as it should seeme they called in old time that Venus, Myrtea, which now goeth under the name, of Murcia.

21.

What is the reason that the Latines doe so much honour and reverence the Woodpecker, and forbeare altogether to do that bird any harme?

Is it for that Picus was reported in old time by the enchantments and sorceries of his wife, to have changed his owne nature, and to be metamorphozed into a Woodpecker; under which forme he gave out oracles, and delivered answeres unto those who propounded unto him any demaunds?

Or rather, because this seemeth a meere fable, and incredible tale: there is another storie reported, which carieth more probabilitie with it, and soundeth neerer unto trueth. That when Romulus and Remus were cast foorth and exposed to death; not onely a female woolfe gave them her teats to sucke, but also a certeine Woodpecker flew unto them, and brought them food in her bill, and so fedde them: and therefore haply it is, that ordinarily in these daies wee may see, as Nigidius hath well observed; what places soever at the foot of an hill covered and shadowed with oakes or other trees a Woodpecker haunteth, thither customably you shall have a woolfe to repaire.

Or peradventure, seeing their maner is to consecrate unto every god one kinde of birde or other, they reputed this Woodpecker sacred unto Mars, because it is a couragious and hardy bird, having a bill so strong, that he is able to overthrow an oke therewith, after he hath jobbed and pecked into it as farre as to the very marrow and heart thereof.

22.

How is it that they imagine Janus to have had two faces, in which maner they use both to paint and also to cast him in mold.

Is it for that he being a Græcian borne, came from Perrhœbia, as we finde written in histories; and passing forward into Italy, dwelt in that countrey among the Barbarous people, who there lived, whose language and maner of life he changed?

Or rather because he taught and perswaded them to live together after a civill and honest sort, in husbandry and tilling the ground; whereas before time their manners were rude, and their fashions savage without law or justice altogether.

23.

What is the cause that they use to sell at Rome all things perteining to the furniture of Funerals, within the temple of the goddesse Libitina, supposing her to be Venus.

This may seeme to be one of the sage and philosophicall inventions of king Numa, to the end that men should learne not to abhorre such things, nor to flie from them, as if they did pollute and defile them?

Or else this reason may be rendred, that it serveth for a good record and memoriall, to put us in minde, that whatsoever had a beginning by generation, shall likewise come to an end by death; as if one and the same goddesse were superintendent and governesse of nativitie and death: for even in the city of Delphos there is a pretie image of Venus, surnamed Epitymbia; that is to say sepulchrall: before which they use to raise and call foorth the ghosts of such as are departed, for to receive the libaments and sacred liquors powred foorth unto them.

24.

Why have the Romans in every moneth three beginnings as it were, to wit, certeine principall and prefixed or preordeined140 daies, and regard not the same intervall or space of daies betweene?

Is it because as Juba writeth in his chronicles, that the chiefe magistrates were wont upon the first day of the moneth to call and summon the people; whereupon it tooke the name of Calends: and then to denounce unto them that the Nones should be the fift day after; and as for the Ides they held it to be an holy and sacred day?

Or for that they measuring and determining the time according to the differences of the moone, they observed in her every moneth three principall changes and diversities: the first, when she is altogether hidden, namely during her conjunction with the sunne; the second when she is somewhat remooved from the beames of the sunne, & beginneth to shew herselfe croissant in the evening toward the West whereas the sunne setteth; the third, when she is at the full: now that occultation and hiding of hers in the first place, they named Calends, for that in their tongue whatsoever is secret & hidden, they say it is [Clam] and to hide or keepe close, they expresse by this word [Celare;] and the first day of the moones illumination, which wee heere in Greece tearme Noumenia, that is to say, the new-moone, they called by a most just name Nonæ, for that which is new and yoong, they tearme Novum, in manner as wee doe νὲον. As for the Ides, they tooke their name of this word εἶδὸς, that signifieth beautie; for that the moone being then at the full, is in the very perfection of her beautie: or haply they derived this denomination of Dios, as attributing it to Jupiter: but in this we are not to search out exactly the just number of daies, nor upon a small default to slander and condemne this maner of reckoning, seeing that even at this day, when the science of Astrologie is growen to so great an increment, the inequalitie of the motion, and course of the moone surpasseth all experience of Mathematicians, and cannot be reduced to any certeine rule of reason.

25.

What is the cause that they repute the morrowes after Calends, Nones, and Ides, disasterous or dismall daies, either for to set forward upon any journey or voiage, or to march with an army into the field?

Is it because as many thinke, and as Titus Livius hath recorded in his storie; the Tribunes militarie, at what time as they had consular and soveraigne authoritie, went into the field with the Romane armie the morrow after the Ides of the moneth Quintilis, which was the same that July now is, and were discomfited in a battell by the Gaules, neere unto the river Allia: and cõsequently upon that overthrow, lost the very city it selfe of Rome: by which occasion the morrow after the Ides, being held and reputed for a sinister and unluckie day; superstition entring into mens heads, proceeded farther (as she loveth alwaies so to doe) and brought in the custome for to hold the morrow after the Nones, yea, and the morrow after the Calends, as unfortunate, and to be as religiously observed in semblable cases.

But against this there may be opposed many objections: for first and formost, they lost that battell upon another day, and calling it Alliensis, by the name of the river Allia, where it was strucken, they have it in abomination for that cause. Againe, whereas there be many daies reputed dismal and unfortunate, they doe not observe so precisely and with so religious feare, other daies of like denomination in every moneth, but ech day apart onely in that moneth wherein such and such a disaster, hapned: and that the infortunitie of one day should draw a superstitious feare simply upon all the morrowes after Calends, Nones, and Ides, carieth no congruitie at all, nor apparence of reason.

Consider moreover and see, whether, as of moneths they used to consecrate the first to the gods celestiall; the second to the terrestriall, or infernall, wherein they performe certeine expiatorie ceremonies and sacrifices of purification, and presenting offirings and services to the dead: so of the daies in the moneth, those which are chiefe and principall, as hath beene said, they would not have to be kept as sacred and festivall holidaies; but such as follow after, as being dedicated unto the spirits, called Dæmons, and those that are departed; they also have esteemed cõsequently as unhappy, & altogether unmeet either for to execute or to take in hand any businesse: for the Greeks adoring and serving the gods upon their new moones and first daies of the moneth, have attributed the second daies unto the demi-gods and Dæmons: like as at their feasts also they drinke the second cup unto their demi-gods, and demi-goddesses. In summe, Time is a kinde of number, and the beginning of number is (I wot not what,) some divine thing, for it is Unitie: and that which commeth next after it is Deuz or two, cleane opposite unto the said beginning, and is the first of all even numbers: as for the even number it is defective, unperfect, and indefinit, whereas contrariwise, the uneven or odde number it selfe is finite, complet, and absolute: and for this cause like as the Nones succeed the Calends five daies after; so the Ides follow the Nones nine daies after them; for the uneven and odde numbers doe determine those beginnings, or principall daies; but those which presently ensue after the said principall daies being even, are neither ranged in any order, nor have power and puissance: and therefore men doe not enterprise any great worke, nor set foorth voiage or journey upon such daies: and heereto wee may to good purpose annex that pretie speech of Themistocles: For when the morrow (quoth he) upon a time quarrelled with the festivall day which went next before it, saying, that herselfe was busied and tooke a great deale of pains, preparing & providing with much travel those goods which the feast enjoied at her ease, with all repose, rest, and leisure: the Festivall day made this answer: Thou saidst true indeed; but if I were not, where wouldst thou be? This tale Themistocles devised, and delivered unto the Athenian captaines, who came after him; giving them thereby to understand, that neither they nor any acts of theirs would ever have beene seene, unlesse hee before them had saved the citie of Athens. Forasmuch then, as every enterprise and voiage of importance hath need of provision, and some preparatives; and for that the Romans in old time upon their festivall daies, dispensed nothing, nor took care for any provision; being wholy given and devoted at such times to the service & worship of God, doing that, and nothing else; like as even yet at this day, when the priests begin to sacrifice, they pronounce with a loud voice before all the companie there assembled Hoc age, that is to say, Minde this, and doe no other thing: verie like it is, and standeth to great reason, that they used not to put themselves upon the way for any long voiage, nor tooke in hand any great affaire or businesse presently after a festivall day, but kept within house all the morrow after, to thinke upon their occasions, and to provide all things necessarie for journey or exploit: or we may conjecture, that as at this very day the Romans after they have adored the gods, and made their praiers unto them within their temples, are woont to stay there a time, and sit them downe; even so they thought it not reasonable to cast their great affaires so, as that they should immediately follow upon any of their festivall daies; but they allowed some respit and time betweene, as knowing full well, that businesses carie with them alwaies many troubles and hinderances, beyond the opinion, expectation, and will of those who take them in hand.

26.

What is the cause that women at Rome, when they mourne for the dead, put on white robes, and likewise weare white cawles, coifes and kerchiefs upon their heads.

May it not be that for to oppose themselves against hell and the darkenesse thereof, they conforme their raiment and attire to that colour which is cleere and bright?

Or doe they it not rather for this: that like as they clad and burie the dead corps in white clothes, they suppose, that those who are next of kin, and come neerest about them, ought also to weare their liverie? Now the bodie they doe in this wise decke, because they cannot adorne the soule so; and it they are willing to accompanie as lightsome, pure and net, as being now at the last delivered and set free, and which hath performed a great a variable combat.

Or rather, we may guesse thus much thereby: that in such cases, that which is most simple and least costly, is best beseeming; whereas clothes of any other colour died, do commonly bewray either superfluitie or curiositie: for we may say even aswell of blacke, as of purple: These robes are deceitfull: these colours also are counterfeit. And as touching that which is of it selfe blacke, if it have not that tincture by diers art, surely it is so coloured by nature, as being mixed and compounded with obscuritie: and therefore there is no colour els but white, which is pure, unmixt, and not stained and sullied with any tincture, and that which is inimitable; in which regard, more meet and agreeable unto those who are interred, considering that the dead is now become simple, pure, excempt from all mixtion, and in very trueth, nothing els but delivered from the bodie, as a staine and infection hardly scowred out and rid away. Semblably, in the citie of Argos, whensoever they mourned, the maner was to weare white garments, washed (as Socrates said) in faire and cleere water.

27.

What is the reason that they esteeme all the walles of the citie sacred and inviolable, but not the gates.

Is it (as Varro saith) because we ought to thinke the walles holie, to the end that we may fight valiantly, and die generously in the defence of them? for it seemeth that this was the cause, why Romulus killed his owne brother Remus, for that he presumed to leape over an holy and inviolable place: whereas contrariwise, it was not possible to consecrate and hallow the gates, thorow which there must needs be transported many things necessary, and namely, the bodies of the dead. And therefore, they who begin to found a citie, environ and compasse first with a plough all that pourprise and precinct wherein they meant to build, drawing the said plough with an oxe and a cow coupled together in one yoke: afterwards, when they have traced out all the said place where the walles should stand, they measure out as much ground as will serve for the gates, but take out the plough-share, and so passe over that space with the bare plough, as if they meant thereby, that all the furrow which they cast up and eared, should be sacred and inviolable.

28.

What is the reason, that when their children are to sweare by Hercules, they will not let them do it within doores, but cause them to go forth of the house, and take their oath abroad?

Is it because (as some would have it) that they thinke Hercules is not delighted with keeping close within house and fitting idely, but taketh pleasure to live abroad and lie without?

Or rather, for that of all the gods, Hercules is not (as one would say) home-bred, but a stranger, come amongst them from afarre? For even so they would not sweare by Bacchus, under the roofe of the house, but went forth to do it; because he also is but a stranger among the gods.

Or haply, this is no more but a word in game and sport, given unto children: and besides (to say a trueth) it may be a meanes to withholde and restraine them from swearing so readily and rashly, as Phavorinus saith: for this device causeth a certeine premeditate preparation, and giveth them (whiles they goe out of the house) leasure and time to consider better of the matter. And a man may conjecture also with Phavorinus, and say with him: That this fashion was not common to other gods, but proper to Hercules: for that we finde it written, that he was so religious, so respective and precise in his oath, that in all his life time he never sware but once, and that was onely to Phileus the sonne of Augias. And therefore, the prophetisse at Delphos, named Pythia, answered thus upon a time to the Lacedæmonians:

When all these oaths you once forfend,
Your state (be sure) shall dayly mend.

29.

What should be the reason, that they would not permit the new wedded bride to passe of herselfe over the doore-sill or threshold, when she is brought home to her husband’s house, but they that accompanie her, must lift her up betweene them from the ground, and so convey her in.

Is it in remembrance of those first wives whom they ravished perforce from the Sabines, who entred not into their houses of themselves with their good will, but were carried in by them, in this maner?

Or is it perhaps, because they would be thought to goe against their willes into that place where they were to lose their maidenhead?

Or haply it may be, that a wedded wife ought not to goe foorth of her doores, and abandon her house, but perforce, like as she went first into it by force. For in our countrey of Bæotia, the maner is, to burne before the doore where a new married wife is to dwell, the axel tree of that chariot or coatch in which she rode when she was brought to her husbands house. By which ceremonie, thus much she is given to understand, that will she nill she, there she must now tarrie, considering that it which brought her thither, is now gone quite and consumed.

30.

Wherefore do they at Rome, when they bring a new espoused bride home to the house of her husband, force her to say these words unto her spouse: Where you are Cajus, I will be Caja?

Is it to testifie by these words, that she entreth immediately to communicate with him in all goods, and to be a governesse and commaunder in the house as well as he? for it implieth as much, as if she should say; where you are lord and master, I will be lady and mistres. Now these names they used as being common, and such as came first to hand, and for no other reason else: like as the Civill lawiers use ordinarily these names, Cajus, Seius, Lucius, and Titius: the Philosophers in their schooles, Dion and Theon.

Or peradventure it is in regard of Caia Cæcilia a beautifull and vertuous lady, who in times past, espoused one of the sonnes of king Tarquinius: of which dame there is yet to be seene even at this day one image of brasse, within the temple of the god Sanctus: and there likewise in old time, her slippers, her distaffe and spindels laid up for to bee seene: the one to signifie that she kept the house well, and went not ordinarily abroad; the other to shew how she busied herselfe at home.

31.

How commeth it, that they use to chaunt ordinarily at Weddings, this word so much divulged, Talassio?

Is it not of Talasia, the Greeke word, which signifieth yarne: for the basket wherein women use to put in their rolles of carded wooll, they name Talosos in Greeke, and Calathus in Latine? Certes they that lead the bride home, cause her to sit upon a fliece of wooll, then bringeth she foorth a distaffe and a spindle, and with wooll all to hangeth and decketh the dore of her husbands house.

Or rather, if it be true which historians report: There was sometime a certeine yoong gentleman, very valiant and active in feats of armes, and otherwise of excellent parts and singular wel conditioned, whose name was Talasius: and when they ravished and caried away the daughters of the Sabines who were come to Rome, for to behold the solemnitie of their festivall games and plaies: certaine meane persons, such yet as belonged to the traine & retinue of Talasius aforesaid, had chosen foorth & were carying away, one damosel above the rest most beautiful of visage, and for their safety and securitie as they passed along the streets, cried out aloud Talasio, Talasio, that is to say, for Talasius, for Talasius; to the end that no man should be so hardy as to approch nere unto them, nor attempt to have away the maiden from them, giving it out, that they caried her for to be the wife of Talasius; and others meeting them upon the way, joined with them in company for the honour of Talasius, and as they followed after, highly praised their good choice which they had made, praying the gods to give both him and her joy of their marriage, and contentment to their hearts desire. Now for that this marriage prooved happy and blessed, they were woont ever after in their wedding songs to rechant and resound this name, Talasius, like as the maner is among the Greeks to sing in such carrols, Hymenæus.

32.

What is the reason that in the moneth of May, they use at Rome to cast over their woodden bridge into the river, certaine images of men, which they call Argeos?

Is it in memoriall of the Barbarians who sometimes inhabited these parts, and did so by the Greeks, murdering them in that maner as many of them as they could take? But Hercules who was highly esteemed among them for his vertue, abolished this cruell fashion of killing of strangers, and taught them this custome to counterfet their auncient superstitions, and to fling these images in stead of them: now in old time our ancestors used to name all Greeks of what countrey soever they were, Argeos: unlesse haply a man would say, that the Arcadians reputing the Argives to be their enemies, for that they were their neighbour borderers, such as fled with Evander out of Arcadia, and came to inhabit these quarters, reteined still the old hatred and ranckor, which time out of minde had taken root, and beene setled in their hearts against the said Argives.

33.

What is the cause that the Romans in old time never went foorth out of their houses to supper, but they caried with them their yoong sonnes, even when they were but in their very infancie and childhood.

Was not this for the very same reason that Lycurgus instituted and ordeined, that yoong children should ordinarily be brought into their halles where they used to eat in publicke, called Phiditia, to the end that they might be inured and acquainted betimes, not to use the pleasures of eating and drinking immoderately, as brutish and ravenous beasts are wont to doe; considering that they had their elders to oversee them, yea, and to controll their demeanour: and in this regard haply also, that their fathers themselves should in their carriage be more sober, honest, and frugall, in the presence of their children: for looke where old folke are shamelesse, there it can not chuse but (as Plato saith) children and youth will be most gracelesse and impudent.

34.

What might the reason be, that whereas all other Romans made their offerings, ceremonies, and sacrifices for the dead, in the moneth of February: Decimus Brutus as Cicero saith, was wont to doe the same in the moneth of December: now this Brutus was he who first invaded the countrey of Portugall, and with an armie passed over the river of Lethe, that is to say, oblivion.

May it not be, that as the most part of men used not to performe any such services for the dead, but toward the end of the moneth, and a little before the shutting in of the evening; even so it seemeth to carie good reason, to honour the dead at the end of the yeere; and you wot well that December was the last moneth of all the yeere.

Or rather, it is because this was an honour exhibited to the deities terrestriall: and it seemeth that the proper season to reverence and worship these earthly gods, is when the fruits of the earth be fully gathered and laid up.

Or haply, for that the husband men began at this time to breake up their grounds against their seednesse: it was meet and requisite to have in remembrance those gods which are under the ground.

Or haply, because this moneth is dedicate and consecrated by the Romans to Saturne; for they counted Saturne one of the gods beneath, and none of them above: and withall, considering the greatest and most solemne feast, which they call Saturnalia, is holden in this moneth, at what time as they seeme to have their most frequent meeting, and make best cheere, he thought it meet and reasonable that the dead also should enjoy some little portion thereof.

Or it may be said, that it is altogether untrue that Decimus Brutus alone sacrificed for the dead in this moneth: for certeine it is that there was a certeine divine service performed to Acca Larentia, and solemne effusions and libaments of wine and milke were powred upon her sepulchre in the moneth of December.

35.

Why honoured the Romans this Acca Larentia so highly, considering she was no better than a strumpet or courtisan?

For you must thinke, that the histories make mention of another Acca Larentia, the nurse of Romulus, unto whom they do honour in the moneth of Aprill. As for this courtizan Larentia, she was (as men say) surnamed Fabula, and came to be so famous and renowmed by such an occasion as this. A certeine sexton of Hercules his temple, having little els to doe, and living at ease (as commonly such fellowes doe) used for the most part to spend all the day in playing at dice and with cokall bones: and one day above the rest, it fortuned, that meeting with none of his mates and play-fellowes who were woont to beare him company at such games, and not knowing what to do nor how to passe the time away, he thought with himselfe to challenge the god whose servant he was, to play at dice with him, upon these conditions: That if himselfe woon the game, Hercules should be a meanes for him of some good lucke and happy fortune; but in case he lost the game, he should provide for Hercules a good supper, and withall, a pretie wench and a faire, to be his bedfellow: these conditions being agreed upon and set downe, he cast the dice, one chance for himselfe, and another for the god; but his hap was to be the loser: whereupon minding to stand unto his challenge, and to accomplish that which he had promised, he prepared a rich supper for Hercules his god, and withall, sent for this Acca Larentia, a professed courtisan and common harlot, whom he feasted also with him, and after supper bestowed her in a bed within the very temple, shut the doores fast upon, and so went his way. Now the tale goes forsooth, that in the night, Hercules companied with her, not after the maner of men, but charged her, that the next morning betimes she should go into the market-place, and looke what man she first met withall, him she should enterteine in all kindnesse, and make her friend especially. Then Larentia gat up betimes in the morning accordingly, and chanced to encounter a certeine rich man and a stale bacheler, who was now past his middle age, and his name was Taruntius; with him she became so familiarly acquainted, that so long as he lived, she had the command of his whole house; and at his death, was by his last will and testament instituted inheritresse of all that he had. This Larentia likewise afterward departed this life, and left all her riches unto the citie of Rome: whereupon this honour abovesaid was done unto her.

36.

What is the cause, that they name one gate of the citie Fenestra, which is as much to say, as window; neere unto which adjoineth the bed-chamber of Fortune?

Is it for that king Servius a most fortunate prince, was thought & named to lie with Fortune, who was woont to come unto him by the window? or is this but a devised tale? But in trueth, after that king Tarquinius Priscus was deceased, his wife Tanaquillis being a wise ladie, and endued with a roiall mind, putting forth her head, and bending forward her bodie out of her chamber window, made a speech unto the people, perswading them to elect Servius for their king. And this is the reason that afterwards the place reteined this name, Fenestra.

37.

What is the reason, that of all those things which be dedicated and consecrated to the gods, the custome is at Rome, that onely the spoiles of enemies conquered in the warres, are neglected and suffered to run to decay in processe of time: neither is there any reverence done unto them, nor repaired be they at any time, when they wax olde?

Whether is it, because they (supposing their glory to fade and passe away together with these first spoiles) seeke evermore new meanes to winne some fresh marks and monuments of their vertue, and to leave them same behinde them.

Or rather, for that seeing time doth waste and consume these signs and tokens of the enmity which they had with their enemies, it were an odious thing for them, and very invidious, if they should refresh and renew the remembrance thereof: for even those among the Greeks, who first erected their trophes or pillars of brasse and stone, were not commended for so doing.

38.

What is the reason that Quintus Metellus the high priest, and reputed besides a wise man and a politike, forbad to observe auspices, or to take presages by flight of birds, after the moneth Sextilis, now called August.

Is it for that, as we are woont to attend upon such observations about noone or in the beginning of the day, at the entrance also and toward the middle of the moneth: but we take heed and beware of the daies declination, as inauspicate and unmeet for such purposes; even so Metellus supposed, that the time after eight moneths was (as it were) the evening of the yeere, and the latter end of it, declining now and wearing toward an end.

Or haply, because we are to make use of these birds, and to observe their flight for presage, whiles they are entire, perfect and nothing defective, such as they are before Summer time. But about Autumne some of them moult, grow to be sickly and weake; others are over young and too small; and some againe appeare not at all, but like passengers are gone at such a time into another countrey.

39.

What is the cause, that it was not lawfull for them who were not prest soldiors by oth and enrolled, although upon some other occasions they conversed in the campe, to strike or wound an enemie? And verely Cato himselfe the elder of that name signified thus much in a letter missive which he wrote unto his sonne: wherein he straitly charged him, that if he had accomplished the full time of his service, and that his captain had given him his conge and discharge, he should immediately returne: or in case he had leifer stay still in the campe, that he should obtaine of his captaine permission and licence to hurt and kill his enemie.

Is it because there is nothing else but necessitie alone, doeth warrantize the killing of a man: and he who unlawfully and without expresse commaundement of a superiour (unconstrained) doth it, is a meere homicide and manslaier. And therefore Cyrus commended Chrysantas, for that being upon the verie point of killing his enemie, as having lifted up his cemiter for to give him a deadly wound, presently upon the sound of the retreat by the trumpet, let the man go, and would not smite him, as if he had beene forbidden so to do.

Or may it not be, for that he who presenteth himselfe to fight with his enemie, in case he shrink, and make not good his ground, ought not to go away cleere withal, but to be held faulty and to suffer punishment: for he doth nothing so good service that hath either killed or wounded an enemie, as harme and domage, who reculeth backe or flieth away: now he who is discharged from warfare, and hath leave to depart, is no more obliged and bound to militarie lawes: but he that hath demaunded permission to do that service which sworne and enrolled souldiers performe, putteth himselfe againe under the subjection of the law and his owne captaine.

40.

How is it, that the priest of Jupiter, is not permitted to annoint himselfe abroad in the open aire?

Is it for that in old time it was not held honest and lawfull for children to do off their clothes before their fathers; nor the sonne in law in the presence of his wives father; neither used they the stouph or bath together: now is Jupiter reputed the priests or Flamines father: and that which is done in the open aire, seemeth especially to be in the verie eie and sight of Jupiter?

Or rather, like as it was thought a great sinne and exceeding irreverence, for a man to turne himselfe out of his apparrell naked, in any church, chappell, or religious and sacred place; even so they carried a great respect unto the aire and open skie, as being full of gods, demi-gods, and saints. And this is the verie cause, why we doe many of our necessarie businesses within doores, enclosed and covered with the roofe of our houses, and so remooved from the eies as it were of the deitie. Moreover, some things there be that by law are commaunded and enjoined unto the priest onely; and others againe unto all men, by the priest: as for example, heere with us in Bœotia; to be crowned with chaplets of flowers upon the head; to let the haire grow long; to weare a sword, and not to set foot within the limits of Phocis, pertaine all to the office and dutie of the captaine generall and chiefe ruler: but to tast of no new fruits before the Autumnall Aequinox be past; nor to cut and prune a vine but before the Aequinox of the Spring, be intimated and declared unto all by the said ruler or captaine generall: for those be the verie seasons to do both the one & the other. In like case, it should seeme in my judgement that among the Romans it properly belonged to the priest; not to mount on horseback; not to be above three nights out of the citie; not to put off his cap, whereupon he was called in the Roman language, Flamen. But there be many other offices and duties, notified and declared unto all men by the priest, among which this is one, not to be enhuiled or anointed abroad in the open aire: For this manner of anointing drie without the bath, the Romans mightily suspected and were afraid of: and even at this day they are of opinion, that there was no such cause in the world that brought the Greeks under the yoke of servitude and bondage, and made them so tender and effeminate, as their halles and publike places where their yong men wrestled & exercised their bodies naked: as being the meanes that brought into their cities, much losse of time, engendred idlenesse, bred lazie slouth, and ministred occasion & opportunity of lewdnesse and vilany; as namely, to make love unto faire boies, and to spoile and marre the bodies of young men with sleeping, with walking at a certeine measure, with stirring according to motions, keeping artificiall compasse, and with observing rules of exquisit diet. Through which fashions, they see not, how (ere they be aware) they be fallen from exercises of armes, and have cleane forgotten all militarie discipline: loving rather to be held and esteemed good wrestlers, fine dauncers, conceited pleasants, and faire minions, than hardie footmen, or valiant men of armes. And verely it is an hard matter to avoid and decline these inconveniences, for them that use to discover their bodies naked before all the world in the broad aire: but those who annoint themselves closely within doores, and looke to their bodies at home are neither faulty nor offensive.

41.

What is the reason that the auncient coine and mony in old time, caried the stampe of one side of Ianus with two faces: and on the other side, the prow or the poope of a boat engraved therein.

Was it not as many men do say, for to honour the memorie of Saturne, who passed into Italy by water in such a vessel? But a man may say thus much as well of many others: for Janus, Evander, and Aeneas, came thither likewise by sea; and therefore a man may peradventure gesse with better reason; that whereas some things serve as goodly ornaments for cities, others as necessarie implements: among those which are decent and seemely ornaments, the principall is good government and discipline, and among such as be necessary, is reckoned, plentie and abundance of victuals: now for that Janus instituted good government, in ordeining holsome lawes, and reducing their manner of life to civilitie, which before was rude and brutish, and for that the river being navigable, furnished them with store of all necessary commodities, whereby some were brought thither by sea, others from the land; the coine caried for the marke of a law-giver, the head with two faces, like as we have already said, because of that change of life which he brought in; and of the river, a ferrie boate or barge: and yet there was another kinde of money currant among them, which had the figure portraied upon it, of a beefe, of a sheepe, and of a swine; for that their riches they raised especially from such cattle, and all their wealth and substance consisted in them. And heereupon it commeth, that many of their auncient names, were Ovilij, Bubulci and Porcij, that is to say, Sheepe-reeves, and Neat-herds, and Swineherds according as Fenestella doth report.

42.

What is the cause that they make the temple of Saturne, the chamber of the citie, for to keepe therein the publicke treasure of gold and silver: as also their arches, for the custodie of all their writings, rolles, contracts and evidences whatsoever.

Is it by occasion of that opinion so commonly received, and the speech so universally currant in every mans mouth, that during the raigne of Saturne, there was no avarice nor injustice in the world; but loialtie, truth, faith, and righteousnesse caried the whole sway among men.

Or for that he was the god who found out fruits, brought in agriculture, and taught husbandry first; for the hooke or sickle in his hand signifieth so much, and not as Antimachus wrote, following therein and beleeving Hesiodus:

Rough Saturne with his hairy skinne, against all law and right,
Of Aemons sonne, sir Ouranus, or Cœlus sometime hight,
Those privy members which him gat, with hooke a-slant off-cut.
And then anon in fathers place of reigne, himselfe did put.

Now the abundance of the fruits which the earth yeeldeth, and the vent or disposition of them, is the very mother that bringeth foorth plentie of monie: and therefore it is that this same god they make the author and mainteiner of their felicitie: in testimonie whereof, those assemblies which are holden every ninth day in the cõmon place of the city, called Nundinæ, that is to say, Faires or markets, they esteeme consecrated to Saturne: for the store & foison of fruits is that which openeth the trade & comerce of buying and selling. Or, because these reasons seeme to be very antique; what and if we say that the first man who made (of Saturns temple at Rome) the treasurie or chamber of the citie was Valerius Poplicola, after that the kings were driven out of Rome, and it seemeth to stand to good reason that he made choise thereof, because he thought it a safe and secure place, eminent and conspicuous in all mens eies, and by consequence hard to be surprised and forced.

43.

What is the cause that those who come as embassadours to Rome, from any parts whatsoever, go first into the temple of Saturne, and there before the Questors or Treasurers of the citie, enter their names in their registers.

Is it for that Saturne himselfe was a stranger in Italy, and therefore all strangers are welcome unto him?

Or may not this question be solved by the reading of histories? for in old time these Questors or publick Treasurers, were wont to send unto embassadors certeine presents, which were called Lautia: and if it fortuned that such embassadors were sicke, they tooke the charge of them for their cure; and if they chanced to die, they enterred them likewise at the cities charges. But now in respect of the great resort of embassadors from out of all countries, they have cut off this expense: howbeit the auncient custome yet remaineth, namely, to present themselves to the said officers of the treasure, and to be registred in their booke.

44.

Why is it not lawfull for Jupiters priest to sweare?

Is it because an oth ministered unto free borne men, is as it were the racke and torture tendred unto them? for certeine it is, that the soule as well as the bodie of the priest, ought to continue free, and not be forced by any torture whatsoever.

Or, for that it is not meet to distrust or discredit him in small matters, who is beleeved in great and divine things?

Or rather because every oth ended with the detestation and malediction of perjurie: and considering that all maledictions be odious and abominable; therefore it is not thought good that any other priests whatsoever, should curse or pronounce any malediction: and in this respect was the priestresse of Minerva in Athens highly commended, for that she would never curse Alcibiades, notwithstanding the people commanded her so to doe: For I am (quoth she) ordeined a priestresse to pray for men, and not to curse them.

Or last of all, was it because the perill of perjurie would reach in common to the whole common wealth, if a wicked, godlesse and forsworne person, should have the charge and superintendance of the praiers, vowes, and sacrifices made in the behalfe of the citie.

45.

What is the reason that upon the festivall day in the honour of Venus, which solemnitie they call Veneralia, they use to powre foorth a great quantitie of wine out of the temple of Venus.

Is it as some say upon this occasion, that Mezentius sometime captaine generall of the Tuscans, sent certeine embassadors unto Aeneas, with commission to offer peace unto him, upon this condition, that he might receive all the wine of that 141yeeres vintage. But when Aeneas refused so to doe, Mezentius (for to encourage his souldiers the Tuskans to fight manfully) promised to bestow wine upon them when he had woon the field: but Aeneas understanding of this promise of his, consecrated and dedicated all the said wine unto the gods: and in trueth, when he had obteined the victorie, all the wine of that yeere, when it was gotten and gathered together, he powred forth before the temple of Venus.

Or, what if one should say, that this doth symbolize thus much: That men ought to be sober upon festivall daies, and not to celebrate such solemnities with drunkennesse; as if the gods take more pleasure to see them shed wine upon the ground, than to powre overmuch thereof downe their throats?

46.

What is the cause that in ancient time they kept the temple of the goddesse Horta, open alwaies.

Whether was it (as Antistius Labeo hath left in writing) for that, seeing Hortari in the Latine tongue signifieth to incite and exhort, they thought that the goddesse called Horta, which stirreth and provoketh men unto the enterprise and execution of good exploits, ought to be evermore in action, not to make delaies, nor to be shut up and locked within dores, ne yet to sit still and do nothing?

Or rather, because as they name her now a daies Hora, with the former syllable long, who is a certeine industrious, vigilant and busie goddesse, carefull in many things: therefore being as she is, so circumspect and so watchfull, they thought she should be never idle, nor rechlesse of mens affaires.

Or els, this name Hora (as many others besides) is a meere Greeke word, and signifieth a deitie or divine power, that hath an eie to overlooke, to view and controll all things; and therefore since she never sleepeth, nor laieth her eies together, but is alwaies broad awake, therefore her church or chapel was alwaies standing open.

But if it be so as Labeo saith, that this word Hora is rightly derived of the Greeke verbe ὁρμᾶν or παρορμᾶν, which signifieth to incite or provoke; consider better, whether this word Orator also, that is to say, one who stirrith up, exhorteth, encourageth, and adviseth the people, as a prompt and ready counseller, be not derived likewise in the same sort, and not of ἀρα or εὐχὴ, that is to say, praier and supplication, as some would have it.

47.

Wherefore founded Romulus the temple of Vulcane without the citie of Rome?

Is it for the jealousie (which as fables do report) Vulcane had of Mars, because of his wife Venus: and so Romulus being reputed the sonne of Mars, would not vouchsafe him to inhabit and dwell in the same citie with him? or is this a meere foolerie and senselesse conceit?

But this temple was built at the first, to be a chamber and parlour of privie counsell for him and Tatius who reigned with him; to the end that meeting and sitting there in consultation together with the Senatours, in a place remote from all troubles and hinderances, they might deliberate as touching the affaires of State with ease and quietnesse.

Or rather, because Rome from the very first foundation was subject to fire by casualtie, hee thought good to honour this god of fire in some sort, but yet to place him without the walles of the citie.

48.

What is the reason, that upon their festivall day called Consualia, they adorned with garlands of flowers as well their asses as horses, and gave them rest and repose for the time?

Is it for that this solemnitie was holden in the honour of Neptune surnamed Equestris, that is to say, the horseman? and the asse hath his part of this joyfull feast, for the horses sake?

Or, because that after navigation and transporting of commodities by sea was now found out and shewed to the world, there grew by that meanes (in some sort) better rest and more ease to poore labouring beasts of draught and carriage.

49.

How commeth it to passe, that those who stood for any office and magistracie, were woont by an old custome (as Cato hath written) to present themselves unto the people in a single robe or loose gowne, without any coat at all under it?

Was it for feare lest they should carrie under their robes any money in their bosomes, for to corrupt, bribe, and buy (as it were) the voices and suffrages of the people?

Or was it because they deemed men woorthy to beare publicke office and to governe, not by their birth and parentage, by their wealth and riches, ne yet by their shew and outward reputation, but by their wounds and scarres to be seene upon their bodies. To the end therefore, that such scarres might be better exposed to their fight whom they met or talked withall, they went in this maner downe to the place of election, without inward coats in their plaine gownes.

Or haply, because they would seeme by this nuditie and nakednesse of theirs, in humilitie to debase themselves, the sooner thereby to curry favor, and win the good grace of the commons, even as well as by taking them by the right hand, by suppliant craving, and by humble submission on their very knees.

50.

What is the cause that the Flamen or priest of Jupiter, when his wife was once dead, used to give up his Priesthood or Sacerdotall dignitie, according as Ateius hath recorded in his historie.

Was it for that he who once had wedded a wife, and afterwards buried her, was more infortunate, than he who never had any? for the house of him who hath maried a wife, is entire and perfect, but his house who once had one, and now hath none, is not onely unperfect, but also maimed and lame?

Or might it not bee that the priests wife was consecrated also to divine service together with her husband; for many rites and ceremonies there were, which he alone could not performe, if his wife were not present: and to espouse a new wife immediately upon the decease of the other, were not peradventure possible, nor otherwise would well stand with decent and civill honesty: wherupon neither in times past was it lawful for him, nor at this day as it should seem, is he permitted to put away his wife: and yet in our age Domitian at the request of one, gave licence so to doe: at this dissolution and breach of wedlocke, other priests were present and assistant, where there passed among them many strange, hideous, horrible, and monstrous ceremonies.

But haply a man would lesse wonder at this, if ever he knew and understood before, that when one of the Censors died, the other of necessity must likewise quit & resigne up his office. Howbeit, when Livius Drusus was departed this life, his companion in office Aemylius Scaurus, would not give over and renounce his place, untill such time as certeine Tribunes of the people, for his contumacie commanded, that he should be had away to prison.

51.

What was the reason that the idols Lares, which otherwise properly be called Præstites, had the images of a dogge standing hard by them, and the Lares themselves were portraied clad in dogges skinnes?

Is it because this word Præstites signifieth as much as ωροεστῶτες, that is to say, Presidents, or standing before as keepers: and verily such Presidents ought to be good house-keepers, and terrible unto all strangers, like as a dogge is; but gentle and loving to those of the house.

Or rather, that which some of the Romans write is true, like as Chrysippus also the philosopher is of opinion; namely, that there be certeine evill spirits which goe about walking up and downe in the world; and these be the butchers and tormentors that the gods imploy to punish unjust and wicked men: and even so these Lares are held to be maligne spirits, & no better than divels, spying into mens lives, and prying into their families; which is the cause that they now be arraied in such skinnes, and a dogge they have sitting hard by them, whereby thus much in effect is given to understand, that quicke sented they are, and of great power both to hunt out, and also to chastice leud persons.

52.

What is the cause that the Romans sacrifice a dogge unto the goddesse called Genita-Mana, and withall make one praier unto her, that none borne in the house might ever come to good?

Is it for that this Genita-Mana is counted a Dæmon or goddesse that hath the procuration and charge both of the generation and also of the birth of things corruptible? for surely the word implieth as much, as a certeine fluxion and generation, or rather a generation fluent or fluxible: and like as the Greeks sacrificed unto Proserpina, a dog, so do the Romans unto that Genita, for those who are borne in the house. Socrates also saith, that the Argives sacrificed a dogge unto Ilithya, for the more easie and safe deliverance of child-birth. Furthermore, as touching that Praier, that nothing borne within the house might ever proove good, it is not haply meant of any persons, man or woman, but of dogges rather which were whelped there; which ought to be, not kinde and gentle, but curst and terrible.

Or peradventure, for that they that die (after an elegant maner of speech) be named Good or quiet: under these words they covertly pray, that none borne in the house might die. And this need not to seeme a strange kinde of speech; for Aristotle writeth, that in a certeine treatie of peace betweene the Arcadians & Lacedemonians, this article was comprised in the capitulations: That they should make none of the Tegeates, Good, for the aid they sent, or favour that they bare unto the Lacedæmonians; by which was meant, that they should put none of them to death.

53.

What is the reason, that in a solemne procession exhibited at the Capitoline plaies, they proclame (even at this day) by the voice of an herald, port-sale of the Sardians? and before all this solemnitie and pompe, there is by waye of mockerie and to make a laughing stocke, an olde man led in a shew, with a jewell or brooch pendant about his necke, such as noble mens children are woont to weare, and which they call Bulla?

Is it for that the Veientians, who in times past being a puissant State in Tuscane, made warre a long time with Romulus: whose citie being the last that he woonne by force, he made sale of many prisoners and captives, together with their king, mocking him for his stupiditie and grosse follie. Now for that the Tuscans in ancient time were descended from the Lydians, and the capitall citie of Lydia is Sardis, therefore they proclamed the sale of the Veientian prisoners under the name of the Sardians; and even to this day in scorne and mockerie, they reteine still the same custome.

54.

Whence came it, that they call the shambles or butcherie at Rome where flesh is to be solde, Macellum?

Is it for that this word Macellum, by corruption of language is derived of Μάγειρος, that in the Greek tonge signifieth a cooke? like as many other words by usage and custome are come to be received; for the letter C. hath great affinitie with G. in the Romane tongue: and long it was ere they had the use of G. which letter Spurius Carbillius first invented. Moreover, they that maffle and stammer in their speech, pronounce ordinarily L. instead of R.

Or this question may be resolved better by the knowledge of the Romane historie: for we reade therein, that there was sometime a violent person and a notorious thiefe at Rome, named Macellus, who after he had committed many outrages and robberies, was with much ado in the end taken and punished: and of his goods which were forfeit to the State, there was built a publike shambles or market place to sell flesh-meats in, which of his name was called Macellum.

55.

Why upon the Ides of Januarie, the minstrels at Rome who plaied upon the hautboies, were permitted to goe up and downe the city disguised in womens apparell?

Arose this fashion upon that occasion which is reported? namely, that king Numa had granted unto them many immunities and honorable priviledges in his time, for the great devotion that hee had in the service of the gods? and for that afterwards, the Tribunes militarie who governed the citie in Consular authority, tooke the same from them, they went their way discontented, and departed quite from the citie of Rome: but soone after, the people had a misse of them, and besides, the priests made it a matter of conscience, for that in all the sacrifices thorowout the citie, there was no sound of flute or hautboies. Now when they would not returne againe (being sent for) but made their abode in the citie Tibur; there was a certeine afranchised bondslave who secretly undertooke unto the magistrates, to finde some meanes for to fetch them home. So he caused a sumptuous feast to be made, as if he meant to celebrate some solemne sacrifice, and invited to it the pipers and plaiers of the hautboies aforesaid: and at this feast he tooke order there should be divers women also; and all night long there was nothing but piping, playing, singing and dancing: but all of a sudden this master of the feast caused a rumor to be raised, that his lord and master was come to take him in the maner; whereupon making semblant that he was much troubled and affrighted, he perswaded the minstrels to mount with all speed into close coatches, covered all over with skinnes, and so to be carried to Tibur. But this was a deceitfull practise of his; for he caused the coatches to be turned about another way, and unawares to them; who partly for the darkenesse of the night, and in part because they were drowsie and the wine in their heads, tooke no heed of the way, he brought all to Rome betimes in the morning by the breake of day disguised as they were, many of them in light coloured gownes like women, which (for that they had over-watched and over-drunke themselves) they had put on, and knew nor therof. Then being (by the magistrates) overcome with faire words, and reconciled againe to the citie, they held ever after this custome every yeere upon such a day: To go up and downe the citie thus foolishly disguised.

56.

What is the reason, that it is commonly received, that certein matrons of the city at the first founded and built the temple of Carmenta, and to this day honour it highly with great reverence?

For it is said, that upon a time the Senat had forbidden the dames and wives of the city to ride in coatches: whereupon they tooke such a stomacke and were so despighteous, that to be revenged of their husbands, they conspired altogether not to conceive or be with child by them, nor to bring them any more babes: and in this minde they persisted still, untill their husbands began to bethinke them selves better of the matter, and let them have their will to ride in their coatches againe as before time: and then they began to breede and beare children a fresh: and those who soonest conceived and bare most and with greatest ease, founded then the temple of Carmenta. And as I suppose this Carmenta was the mother of Evander, who came with him into Italy; whose right name indeed was Themis, or as some say Nicostrata: now for that she rendred propheticall answeres and oracles in verse, the Latins surnamed her Carmenta: for verses in their tongue they call Carmina. Others are of opinion, that Carmenta was one of the Destinies, which is the cause that such matrons and mothers sacrifice unto her. And the Etymologie of this name Carmenta, is as much as Carens mente, that is to say, beside her right wits or bestraught, by reason that her senses were so ravished and transported: so that her verses gave her not the name Carmenta, but contrariwise, her verses were called Carmina of her, because when she was thus ravished and caried beside herselfe, she chanted certeine oracles and prophesies in verse.

57.

What is the cause that the women who sacrifice unto the goddesse Rumina, doe powre and cast store of milke upon their sacrifice, but no wine at all do they bring thither for to be drunke?

Is it, for that the Latins in their tongue call a pap, Ruma? And well it may so be, for that the wilde figge tree neere unto which the she wolfe gave sucke with her teats unto Romulus, was in that respect called Ficus Ruminalis. Like as therefore we name in our Greeke language those milch nourses that suckle yoong infants at their brests, Thelona, being a word derived of Thele, which signifieth a pap; even so this goddesse Rumina, which is as much to say, as Nurse, and one that taketh the care and charge of nourishing and rearing up of infants, admitteth not in her sacrifices any wine; for that it is hurtfull to the nouriture of little babes and sucklings.

58.

What is the reason that of the Romane Senatours, some are called simply, Patres; others with an addition, Patres conscripti?

Is it for that they first, who were instituted and ordeined by Romulus, were named Patres & Patritii, that is to say, Gentlemen or Nobly borne, such as we in Greece, tearme Eupatrides?

Or rather they were so called, because they could avouch and shew their fathers; but such as were adjoined afterwards by way of supply, and enrolled out of the Commoners houses, were Patres conscripti, thereupon?

59.

Wherefore was there one altar common to Hercules and the Muses?

May it not be, that for Hercules taught Evander the letters, according as Juba writeth? Certes, in those daies it was accounted an honhourable office for men to teach their kinsefolke and friends to spell letters, and to reade. For a long time after it, and but of late daies it was, that they began to teach for hire and for money: and the first that ever was knowen to keepe a publicke schoole for reading, was one named Spurius Carbilius, the freed servant of that Carbilius who first put away his wife.

60.

What is the reason, that there being two altars dedicated unto Hercules, women are not partakers of the greater, nor tast one whit of that which is offered or sacrificed thereupon?

Is it, because as the report goes Carmenta came not soone enough to be assistant unto the sacrifice: no more did the family of the Pinarij, whereupon they tooke that name? for in regard that they came tardie, admitted they were not to the feast with others who made good cheere; and therefore got the name Pinarij, as if one would say, pined or famished?

Or rather it may allude unto the tale that goeth of the shirt empoisoned with the blood of Nessus the Centaure, which ladie Deianira gave unto Hercules.

61.

How commeth it to passe, that it is expresly forbidden at Rome, either to name or to demaund ought as touching the Tutelar god, who hath in particular recommendation and patronage, the safetie and preservation of the citie of Rome: nor so much as to enquire whether the said deitie be male or female? And verely this prohibition proceedeth from a superstitious feare that they have; for that they say that Valerius Soranus died an ill death, because he presumed to utter and publish so much.

Is it in regard of a certaine reason that some latin historians do alledge; namely, that there be certaine evocations and enchantings of the gods by spels and charmes, through the power whereof they are of opinion, that they might be able to call forth and draw away the Tutelar gods of their enemies, and to cause them to come and dwell with them: and therefore the Romans be afraid lest they may do as much for them? For, like as in times past the Tyrians, as we find upon record, when their citie was besieged, enchained the images of their gods to their shrines, for feare they would abandon their citie and be gone; and as others demanded pledges and sureties that they should come againe to their place, whensoever they sent them to any bath to be washed, or let them go to any expiation to be clensed; even so the Romans thought, that to be altogether unknowen and not once named, was the best meanes, and surest way to keepe with their Tutelar god.

Or rather, as Homer verie well wrote:

The earth to men all, is common great and small:

That thereby men should worship all the gods, and honour the earth; seeing she is common to them all: even so the ancient Romans have concealed and suppresse the god or angell which hath the particular gard of their citie, to the end that their citizens should adore, not him alone but all others likewise.

62.

What is the cause that among those priests whom they name Fæciales, signifying as much as in greeke εἰρηνοποῖοι, that is to say, Officers going between to make treatie of peace; or σπονδοφόροι, that is to say, Agents for truce and leagues, he whom they call Pater Patratus is esteemed the chiefest? Now Pater Patratus is he, whose father is yet living, who hath children of his owne: and in truth this chiefe Fæcial or Herault hath still at this day a certain prerogative, & special credit above the rest. For the emperours themselves, and generall captains, if they have any persons about them who in regard of the prime of youth, or of their beautifull bodies had need of a faithfull, diligent, and trustie guard, commit them ordinarily into the hands of such as these, for safe custodie.

Is it not, for that these Patres Patrati, for reverent feare of their fathers of one side, and for modest shames to scandalize or offend their children on the other side, are enforced to be wise and discreet?

Or may it not be, in regard of that cause which their verie denomination doth minister and declare: for this word Patratus signifieth as much as compleat, entire and accomplished, as if he were one more perfect and absolute every way than the rest, as being so happie, as to have his owne father living, and be a father also himselfe.

Or is it not, for that the man who hath the superintendence of treaties of peace, and of othes, ought to see as Homer saith, ἅμα πρόσω και ἐπίσω, that is to say, before and behind. And in all reason such an one is he like to be, who hath a child for whom, and a father with whom he may consult.

63.

What is the reason, that the officer at Rome called Rex sacrorum, that is to say, the king of sacrifices, is debarred both from exercising any magistracie, and also to make a speech unto the people in publike place?

Is it for that in old time, the kings themselves in person performed the most part of sacred rites, and those that were greater, yea and together with the priests offered sacrifices; but by reason that they grew insolent, proud, and arrogant, so as they became intollerable, most of the Greeke nations, deprived them of this authoritie, and left unto them the preheminence onely to offer publike sacrifice unto the gods: but the Romans having cleane chased and expelled their kings, established in their stead another under officer whom they called King, unto whom they granted the oversight and charge of sacrifices onely, but permitted him not to exercise or execute any office of State, nor to intermedle in publick affaires; to the end it should be knowen to the whole world, that they would not suffer any person to raigne at Rome, but onely over the ceremonies of sacrifices, nor endure the verie name of Roialtie, but in respect of the gods. And to this purpose upon the verie common place neere unto Comitium; they use to have a solemn sacrifice for the good estate of the citie; which so soone as ever this king hath performed, he taketh his legs and runnes out of the place, as fast as ever he can.

64.

Why suffer not they the table to be taken cleane away, and voided quite, but will have somewhat alwaies remaining upon it?

Give they not heereby covertly to understand, that wee ought of that which is present to reserve evermore something for the time to come, and on this day to remember the morrow.

Or thought they it not a point of civill honesty and elegance, to represse and keepe downe their appetite when they have before them enough still to content and satisfie it to the full; for lesse will they desire that which they have not, when they accustome themselves to absteine from that which they have.

Or is not this a custome of courtesie and humanitie to their domesticall servants, who are not so well pleased to take their victuals simply, as to partake the same, supposing that by this meanes in some sort they doe participate with their masters at the table.

Or rather is it not, because we ought to suffer no sacred thing to be emptie; and the boord you wot well is held sacred.

65.

What is the reason that the Bridegrome commeth the first time to lie with his new wedded bride, not with any light but in the darke?

Is it because he is yet abashed, as taking her to be a stranger and not his owne, before he hath companied carnally with her?

Or for that he would then acquaint himselfe, to come even unto his owne espoused wife with shamefacednesse and modestie?

Or rather, like as Solon in his Statutes ordeined, that the new married wife should eat of a quince before she enter into the bride bed-chamber, to the end that this first encounter and embracing, should not be odious or unpleasant to her husband? even so the Romane law-giver would hide in the obscuritie of darkenesse, the deformities and imperfections in the person of the bride, if there were any.

Or haply this was instituted to shew how sinfull and damnable all unlawfull companie of man and woman together is, seeing that which is lawfull and allowed, is not without some blemish and note of shame.

66.

Why is one of the races where horses use to runne, called the Cirque or Flaminius.

Is it for that in old time an ancient Romane named Flaminius gave unto the citie, a certeine piece of ground, they emploied the rent and revenues thereof in runnings of horses, and chariots: and for that there was a surplussage remaining of the said lands, they bestowed the same in paving that high way or causey, called Via Flaminia, that is to say, Flaminia street?

67.

Why are the Sergeants or officers who carie the knitches of rods before the magistrates of Rome, called Lictores.

Is it because these were they who bound malefactors, and who followed after Romulus, as his guard, with cords and leather thongs about them in their bosomes? And verily the common people of Rome when they would say to binde or tie fast, use the word Alligare, and such as speake more pure and proper Latin, Ligare.

Or is it, for that now the letter C is interjected within this word, which before time was Litores, as one would say Λειτοῦργοι, that is to say, officers of publike charge; for no man there is in a maner, ignorant, that even at this day in many cities of Greece, the common-wealth or publicke state is written in their lawes by the name of Λῆτον:

68.

Wherefore doe the Luperci at Rome sacrifice a Dogge? Now these Luperci are certeine persons who upon a festivall day called Lupercalia, runne through the citie all naked, save that they have aprons onely before their privy parts, carying leather whippes in their hands, wherewith they flappe and scourge whomsoever they meet in the streets.

Is all this ceremoniall action of theirs a purification of the citie? whereupon they call the moneth wherein this is done Februarius, yea, and the very day it selfe Febraten, like as the maner of squitching with a leather scourge Februare, which verbe signifieth as much as to purge or purifie?

And verily the Greeks, in maner all, were wont in times past, and so they continue even at this day, in all their expiations, to kill a dogge for sacrifice. Unto Hecate also they bring foorth among other expiatorie oblations, certeine little dogges or whelpes: such also as have neede of clensing and purifying, they wipe and scoure all over with whelpes skinnes, which maner of purification they tearme Periscylacismos.

Or rather is it for that Lupus signifieth a woolfe, & Lupercalia, or Lycæa, is the feast of wolves: now a dogge naturally, being an enemie to woolves, therefore at such feasts they sacrificed a dogge.

Or peradventure, because dogges barke and bay at these Luperci, troubling and disquieting them as they runne up and downe the city in maner aforesaid.

Or else last of all, for that this feast and sacrifice is solemnized in the honor of god Pan; who as you wot well is pleased well enough with a dogge, in regard of his flocks of goates.

69.

What is the cause that in auncient time, at the feast called Septimontium, they observed precisely not to use any coaches drawen with steeds, no more than those doe at this day, who are observant of old institutions and doe not despise them. Now this Septimontium is a festivall solemnity, celabrated in memoriall of a seventh mountaine, that was adjoined and taken into the pourprise of Rome citie, which by this meanes came to have seven hilles enclosed within the precinct thereof?

Whether was it as some Romans doe imagine, for that the city was not as yet conjunct and composed of all her parts? Or if this may seeme an impertinent conjecture, and nothing to the purpose: may it not be in this respect, that they thought they had atchieved, a great piece of worke, when they had thus amplified and enlarged the compasse of the citie, thinking that now it needed not to proceed any further in greatnesse and capacitie: in consideration whereof, they reposed themselves, and caused likewise their labouring beasts of draught and cariage to rest, whose helpe they had used in finishing of the said enclosure, willing that they also should enjoy in common with them, the benefit of that solemne feast.

Or else we may suppose by this, how desirous they were that their citizens should solemnize and honour with their personall presence all feasts of the citie, but especially that which was ordeined and instituted for the peopling and augmenting thereof: for which cause they were not permitted upon the day of the dedication, and festival memorial of it, to put any horses in geeres or harnesse for to draw; for that they were not at such a time to ride forth of the citie.

70.

Why call they those who are deprehended or taken in theft, pilferie or such like servile trespasses, Furciferos, as one would say, Fork bearers.

Is not this also an evident argument of the great diligence and carefull regard that was in their ancients? For when the maister of the family had surprised one of his servants or slaves, committing a lewd and wicked pranck, he commaunded him to take up and carrie upon his necke betweene his shoulders a forked piece of wood, such as they use to put under the spire of a chariot or waine, and so to go withall in the open view of the world throughout the street, yea and the parish where he dwelt, to the end that every man from thence forth should take heed of him. This piece of wood we in Greeke call στήριγμα, and the Romanes in the Latin tongue Furca, that is to say, a forked prop or supporter: and therefore he that is forced to carie such an one, is by reproch termed Furcifer.

71.

Wherefore use the Romans to tie a wisp of hey unto the hornes of kine, and other beefes, that are woont to boak and be curst with their heads, that by the meanes thereof folke might take heed of them, and looke better to themselves when they come in their way?

Is it not for that beefes, horses, asses, yea and men become fierce, insolent, and dangerous, if they be highly kept and pampered to the full? according as Sophocles said:

Like as the colt or jade doth winse and kick,
In case he find his provender to prick:
Even so do’st thou: for lo, thy paunch is full
Thy cheeks be puft, like to some greedie gull.

And thereupon the Romans gave out, that Marcus Crassus caried hey on his horne: for howsoever they would seeme to let flie and carpe at others, who dealt in the affaires of State, and government, yet beware they would how they commersed with him as being a daungerous man, and one who caried a revenging mind to as many as medled with him. Howbeit it was said afterwards againe on the other side, that Cæsar had plucked the hey from Crassus his horne: for he was the first man that opposed himselfe, and made head against him in the management of the State, and in one word set not a straw by him.

72.

What was the cause that they thought those priests who observed bird-flight, such as in old time they called Aruspices, and now a daies Augures, ought to have their lanterns and lamps alwaies open, and not to put any lid or cover over them?

May it not be, that like as the old Pythagorean Philosophers by small matters signified and implied things of great consequence, as namely, when they forbad their disciples to sit upon the measure Chænix; and to stirre fire, or rake the hearth with a sword; euen so the ancient Romans used many ænigmes, that is to say, outward signes and figures betokening some hidden and secret mysteries; especially with their priests in holy and sacred things, like as this is of the lampe or lanterne, which symbolizeth in some sort the bodie that containeth our soule. For the soule within resembleth the light, and it behooveth that the intelligent and reasonable part thereof should be alwaies open, evermore intentive and seeing, and at no time enclosed and shut up, nor blowen upon by wind. For looke when the winds be aloft, fowles in their flight keepe no certaintie, neither can they yeeld assured presages, by reason of their variable and wandering instabilitie: and therefore by this ceremoniall custome they teach those who do divine and fortell by the flight of birds, not to go forth for to take their auspices and observations when the wind is up, but when the aire is still, and so calme, that a man may carie a lanterne open and uncovered.

73.

Why were these Southsaiers or Augures forbidden to go abroad, for to observe the flight of birds, in case they had any sore or ulcer upon their bodies?

Was not this also a significant token to put them in minde, that they ought not to deale in the divine service of the gods, nor meddle with holy and sacred things if there were any secret matter that gnawed their minds, or so long as any private ulcer or passion setled in their hearts: but to be void of sadnesse and griefe, to be sound and sincere, and not distracted by any trouble whatsoever?

Or, because it standeth to good reason; that if it be not lawfull nor allowable for them to offer unto the gods for an oast or sacrifice any beast that is scabbed, or hath a sore upon it, nor to take presage by the flight of such birds as are maungie, they ought more strictly and precisely to looke into their owne persons in this behalfe, and not to presume for to observe celestiall prognostications and signes from the gods, unlesse they be themselves pure and holy, undefiled, and not defective in their owne selves: for surely an ulcer seemeth to be in maner of a mutilation and pollution of the bodie.

74.

Why did king Servius Tullus found and build a temple of little Fortune which they called in Latine Brevis fortunæ, that is to say, of Short fortune?

Was it not thinke you in respect of his owne selfe, who being at the first of a small and base condition, as being borne of a captive woman, by the favour of Fortune grew to so great an estate that he was king of Rome?

Or for that this change in him sheweth rather the might and greatnesse, than the debilitie and smallnesse of Fortune. We are to say, that this king Servius deified Fortune, & attributed unto her more divine power than any other, as having entituled and imposed her name almost upon every action: for not onely he erected temples unto Fortune, by the name of Puissant, of Diverting ill lucke, of Sweet, Favourable to the first borne and masculine; but also there is one temple besides, of private or proper Fortune; another of Fortune returned; a third of confident Fortune and hoping well; and a fourth of Fortune the virgine. And what should a man reckon up other surnames of hers, seeing there is a temple dedicated (forsooth) to glewing Fortune, whom they called Viscata; as if we were given thereby to understand, that we are caught by her afarre off, and even tied (as it were) with bird-lime to businesse and affaires.

But consider this moreover, that he having knowen by experience what great power she hath in humane things, how little soever she seeme to be, and how often a small matter in hapning or not hapning hath given occasion to some, either to misse of great exploits, or to atcheive as great enterprises, whether in this respect, he built not a temple to little Fortune, teaching men thereby to be alwaies studious, carefull and diligent, and not to despise any occurrences how small soever they be.

75.

What is the cause that they never put foorth the light of a lampe, but suffered it to goe out of the owne accord?

Was it not (thinke you) uppon a certeine reverent devotion that they bare unto that fire, as being either cousen germaine, or brother unto that inextinguible and immortall fire.

Or rather, was it not for some other secret advertisment, to teach us not to violate or kill any thing whatsoever that hath life, if it hurt not us first; as if fire were a living creature: for need it hath of nourishment and moveth of it selfe: and if a man doe squench it, surely it uttereth a kinde of voice and scricke, as if a man killed it.

Or certeinly this fashion and custome received so usually, sheweth us that we ought not to marre or spoile, either fire or water or any other thing necessarie, after we our selves have done with it, and have had sufficient use thereof, but to suffer it to serve other mens turnes who have need, after that we ourselves have no imploiment for it.

76.

How commeth it to passe that those who are defended of the most noble and auncient houses of Rome, caried little moones upon their shoes.

Is this (as Castor saith) a signe of the habitation which is reported to be within the bodie of the moone?

Or for that after death, our spirits and ghosts shall have the moone under them?

Or rather, because this was a marke or badge proper unto those who were reputed most ancient, as were the Arcadians descended from Evander, who upon this occasion were called Proseleni, as one would say, borne before the moone?

Or, because this custome as many others, admonisheth those who are lifted up too high, and take so great pride in themselves, of the incertitude and instabilitie of this life, and of humane affaires, even by the example of the moone,

Who at the first doth new and yoong appeere,
Where as before she made no shew at all;
And so her light increaseth faire and cleere,
Untill her face be round and full withall:
But then anon she doth begin to fall,
And backward wane from all this beautie gay,
Untill againe she vanish cleane away.

Or was not this an holsome lesson and instruction of obedience, to teach and advise men to obey their superiors, & not to thinke much for to be under others: but like as the moone is willing to give eare (as it were) and apply her selfe to her better, content to be ranged in a second place, and as Parmenides saith,

Having aneie and due regard
Alwaies the bright Sun beames toward;

even so they ought to rest in a second degree, to follow after, and be under the conduct and direction of another, who sitteth in the first place, and of his power, authority and honor, in some measure to enjoy a part.

77.

Why think they the yeeres dedicated to Jupiter, and the moneths to Juno?

May it not be for that of Gods invisible and who are no other wise seene but by the eies of our understanding: those that reigne as princes be Jupiter and Juno; but of the visible, the Sun and Moone? Now the Sun is he who causeth the yeere, and the Moone maketh the moneth. Neither are we to thinke, that these be onely and simply the figures and images of them: but beleeve we must, that the materiall Sun which we behold, is Jupiter, and this materiall Moone, Juno. And the reason why they call her Juno, (which word is as much to say as yoong or new) is in regarde of the course of the Moone: and otherwhiles they surname her also Juno-Lucina, that is to say; light or shining: being of opinion that she helpeth women in travell of child-birth, like as the Moone doth, according to these verses:

By starres that turne full round in Azur skie:
By Moone who helps child-births right speedily.

For it seemeth that women at the full of the moone be most easily delivered of childbirth.

78.

What is the cause that in observing bird-flight, that which is presented on the left hand is reputed lucky and prosperous?

Is not this altogether untrue, and are not many men in an errour by ignorance of the equivocation of the word Sinistrum, & their maner of Dialect; for that which we in Greeke call ἀριστερον, that is to say, on the auke or left hand, they say in Latin, Sinistrum; and that which signifieth to permit, or let be, they expresse by the verbe Sinere, and when they will a man to let a thing alone, they say unto him, Sine; whereupon it may seeme that this word Sinistrum is derived. That presaging bird then, which permitteth and suffreth an action to be done, being as it were Sinisterion; the vulgar sort suppose (though not aright) to be Sinistrum, that is to say, on the left hand, and so they tearme it.

Or may it not be rather as Dionysius saith, for that when Ascanius the sonne of Aeneas wanne a field against Mezentius as the two armies stood arranged one affronting the other in battel ray, it thundred on his left hand; and because thereupon he obteined the victory, they deemed even then, that this thunder was a token presaging good, and for that cause observed it, ever after so to fall out. Others thinke that this presage and foretoken of good lucke hapned unto Aeneas: and verily at the battell of Leuctres, the Thebanes began to breake the ranks of their enemies, and to discomfit them with the left wing of their battel, and thereby in the end atchieved a brave victorie; whereupon ever after in all their conflicts, they gave preference and the honour of leading and giving the first charge, to the left wing.

Or rather, is it not as Juba writeth, because that when we looke toward the sunne rising, the North side is on our left hand, and some will say, that the North is the right side and upper part of the whole world.

But consider I pray you, whether the left hand being the weaker of the twaine, the presages comming on that side, doe not fortifie and support the defect of puissance which it hath, and so make it as it were even and equall to the other?

Or rather considering that earthly and mortall things they supposing to be opposite unto those that be heavenly and immortall, did not imagine consequently, that whatsoever was on the left in regard of us, the gods sent from their right side.

Wherefore was it lawfull at Rome, when a noble personage who sometime had entred triumphant into the city, was dead, and his corps burnt (as the maner was) in a funerall fire, to take up the reliques of his bones, to carie the same into the city, and there to strew them, according as Pyrrho the Lyparean hath left in writing.

Was not this to honour the memorie of the dead? for the like honourable priviledge they had graunted unto other valiant warriors and brave captaines; namely, that not onely themselves, but also their posteritie descending lineally from them, might be enterred in their common market place of the city, as for example unto Valerius and Fabricius: and it is said, that for to continue this prerogative in force, when any of their posteritie afterwards were departed this life, and their bodies brought into the market place accordingly, the maner was, to put a burning torch under them, and doe no more but presently to take it away againe; by which ceremonie, they reteined still the due honour without envie, and confirmed it onely to be lawfull if they would take the benefit thereof.

80.

What is the cause that when they feasted at the common charges, any generall captaine who made his entrie into the citie with triumph, they never admitted the Consuls to the feast; but that which more is, sent unto them before-hand messengers of purpose, requesting them not to come unto the supper?

Was it for that they thought it meet and convenient to yeeld unto the triumpher, both the highest place to sit in, and the most costly cup to drinke out of, as also the honour to be attended upon with a traine home to his house after supper? which prerogatives no other might enjoy but the Consuls onely, if they had beene present in the place.

81.

Why is it that the Tribune of the commons onely, weareth no embrodered purple robe, considering that all other magistrates besides doe weare the same.

Is it not, for that they (to speak properly) are no magistrates? for in truth they have no ushers or vergers to carie before them the knitches of rods, which are the ensignes of magistracie; neither sit they in the chaire of estate called Sella curulis, to determine causes judicially, or give audience unto the people; nor enter into the administration of their office at the beginning of the yeere, as all other magistrates doe: neither are they put downe and deposed after the election of a Dictatour: but whereas the full power and authoritie of all other magistrates of State, he transferred from them upon himselfe: the Tribunes onely of the people continue still, and surcease not to execute their function, as having another place and degree by themselves in the common-weale: and like as some oratours and lawiers doe hold, that exception in law is no action, considering it doth cleane contrary to action; for that action intendeth, commenseth, and beginneth a processe or sute; but exception or inhibition, dissolveth, undooeth, and abolisheth the same: semblably, they thinke also, that the Tribunate was an empeachment, inhibition, and restraint of a magistracie, rather than a magistracie it selfe: for all the authority and power of the Tribune, lay in opposing himselfe, and eroding the jurisdiction of other magistrates, and in diminishing or repressing their excessive and licentious power.

Or haply all these reasons and such like, are but words, and devised imaginations to mainteine discourse: but to say a trueth, this Tribuneship having taken originally the first beginning from the common people, is great and mighty in regard that it is popular; and that the Tribunes themselves are not proud nor highly conceited of themselves above others, but equall in apparell, in port, fare, and maner of life, to any other citizens of the common sort: for the dignity of pompe and outward shew, apperteineth to a Consull or a Prætour: as for the Tribune of the people, he ought to be humble and lowly, and as M. Curio was woont to say; ready to put his hand under every mans foot; not to carie a loftie, grave, and stately countenance, nor to bee hard of accesse, nor strange to be spoken with, or dealt withall by the multitude; but howsoever he behave himselfe to others, he ought to the simple and common people, above the rest, for to be affable, gentle, and tractable: and heereupon the maner is, that the dore of his house should never be kept shut, but stand open both day and night, as a safe harbour, sure haven, and place of refuge, for all those who are distressed and in need: and verilie the more submisse that he is in outward appeerance, the more groweth hee and encreaseth in puissance; for they repute him as a strong hold for common recourse and retrait, unto al comers, no lesse than an altar or priviledged sanctuary. Moreover, as touching the honour that he holdeth by his place, they count him holy, sacred, and inviolable, insomuch as if he doe but goe foorth of his house abroad into the citie, and walke in the street,145 the maner was of all, to clense and sanctifie the body, as if it were steined and polluted.

82.

What is the reason that before the Prætors, generall Captaines and head Magisrates, there be caried bundels of roddes, together with hatchets or axes fastned unto them?

Is it to signifie, that the anger of the magistrate ought not to be prompt to execution, nor loose and at libertie?

Or, because that to undoe and unbinde the said bundels, yeeldeth some time and space for choler to coole, and ire to asswage, which is the cause otherwhiles that they change their mindes, and doe not proceed to punishment?

Now forasmuch as among the faults that men commit, some are curable, others remedilesse: the roddes are to reforme those who may be amended; but the hatchets to cut them off who are incorrigible.

83.

What is the cause that the Romanes having intelligence given vnto them, that the Bletonesians, a barbarous nation, had sacrificed unto their gods, a man; sent for the magistrates peremptorily, as intending to punish them: but after they once understood, that they had so done according to an ancient law of their countrey, they let them go againe without any hurt done unto them; charging them onely, that from thence foorth they should not obey such a law; and yet they themselves, not many yeeres before, had caused for to be buried quicke in the place, called the Beast Market, two men and two women, that is to say, two Greekes, and two Gallo-Greekes or Galatians? For this seemeth to be verie absurd, that they themselves should do those things, which they reprooved in others as damnable.

May it not be that they judged it an execrable superstition, to sacrifice a man or woman unto the gods, marie unto divels they held it necessarie?

Or was it not for that they thought those people, who did it by a law or custome, offended highly: but they themselves were directed thereto by expresse commaundement out of the bookes of Sibylla. For reported it is, that one of their votaries or Vestall nunnes named Helbia, riding on horse-backe, was smitten by a thunderbolt or blast of lightning; and that the horse was found lying along all bare bellied, and her selfe likewise naked, with her smocke and petticote turned up above her privie parts, as if she had done it of purpose: her shooes, her rings, her coife and head attire cast here and there apart from other things, and withall lilling the toong out of her head. This strange occurrent, the soothsayers out of their learning interpreted to signifie, that some great shame did betide the sacred virgins, that should be divulged and notoriously knowen; yea, and that the same infamie should reach also as far, as unto some of the degree of gentlemen or knights of Rome. Upon this there was a servant belonging unto a certeine Barbarian horseman, who detected three Vestal virgins to have at one time forfeited their honor, & been naught of their bodies, to wit, Aemilia, Licinia, & Martia; and that they had companied too familiarly with men a long time; and one of their names was Eutetius, a Barbarian knight, and master to the said enformer. So these vestall Votaries were punished after they had beene convicted by order of law, and found guiltie: but after that this seemed a fearfull and horrible accident: ordeined it was by the Senate, that the priests should peruse over the bookes of Sibyllaes prophesies, wherein were found (by report) those very oracles which denounced and foretold this strange occurrent, and that it portended some great losse and calamitie unto the common-wealth: for the avoiding and diverting whereof, they gave commaundement to abandon unto (I wot not what) maligne and divelish strange spirits, two Greekes, and two Galatians likewise; and so by burying them quicke in that verie place, to procure propitiation at Gods hands.

84.

Why began they their day at midnight?

Was it not, for that all policie at the first had the beginning of militarie discipline? and in war, and all expeditions the most part of woorthy exploits are enterprised ordinarily in the night before the day appeare?

Or because the execution of desseignes, howsoever it begin at the sunne rising; yet the preparation thereto is made before day-light: for there had need to be some preparatives, before a worke be taken in hand; and not at the verie time of execution, according as Myson (by report) answered unto Chilo, one of the seven sages, when as in the winter time he was making of a van.

Or haply, for that like as we see, that many men at noone make an end of their businesse of great importance, and of State affaires; even so, they supposed that they were to begin the same at mid-night. For better proofe whereof a man may frame an argument hereupon, that the Roman chiefe ruler never made league, nor concluded any capitulations and covenants of peace after mid-day.

Or rather this may be, because it is not possible to set downe determinately, the beginning and end of the day, by the rising and setting of the sunne: for if we do as the vulgar sort, who distinguish day and night by the sight and view of eie, taking the day then to begin when the sunne ariseth; and the night likewise to begin when the sunne is gone downe, and hidden under our horizon, we shall never have the just Aequinox, that is to say, the day and night equall: for even that verie night which we shall esteeme most equall to the day, will proove shorter than the day, by as much as the body or biggenesse of the sunne containeth. Againe, if we doe as the Mathematicians, who to remedie this absurditie and inconvenience, set downe the confines and limits of day and night, at the verie instant point when the sunne seemeth to touch the circle of the horizon with his center; this were to overthrow all evidence: for fall out it will, that while there is a great part of the sunnes light yet under the earth (although the sunne do shine upon us) we will not confesse that it is day, but say, that it is night still. Seeing then it is so hard a matter to make the beginning of day and night, at the rising or going downe of the sunne, for the absurdities abovesaid, it remaineth that of necessitie we take the beginning of the day to be, when the sunne is in the mids of the heaven above head, or under our feet, that is to say, either noon-tide or mid-night. But of twaine, better it is to begin when he is in the middle point under us, which is just midnight, for that he returneth then toward us into the East; whereas contrariwise after mid-day he goeth from us Westward.

85.

What was the cause that in times past they would not suffer their wives, either to grinde corne, or to lay their hands to dresse meat in the kitchin?

Was it in memoriall of that accord and league which they made with the Sabines? for after that they had ravished & carried away their daughters, there arose sharpe warres betweene them: but peace ensued thereupon in the end; in the capitulations whereof, this one article was expresly set downe, that the Roman husband might not force his wife, either to turne the querne for to grinde corne, nor to exercise any point of cookerie.

86.

Why did not the Romans marie in the moneth of May?

Is it for that it commeth betweene Aprill and June? whereof the one is consecrated unto Venus, and the other to Juno, who are both of them the goddesses which have the care and charge of wedding and marriages, and therefore thinke it good either to go somewhat before, or else to stay a while after.

Or it may be that in this moneth they celebrate the greatest expiatorie sacrifice of all others in the yeere? for even at this day they fling from off the bridge into the river, the images and pourtraitures of men, whereas in old time they threw downe men themselves alive? And this is the reason of the custome now a daies, that the priestresse of Juno named Flamina, should be alwaies sad and heavie, as it were a mourner, and never wash nor dresse and trim her selfe.

Or what and if we say, it is because many of the Latine nations offered oblations unto the dead in this moneth: and peradventure they do so, because in this verie moneth they worship Mercurie: and in truth it beareth the name of Maja, Mercuries mother.

But may it not be rather, for that as some do say, this moneth taketh that name of Majores, that is to say, ancients: like as June is termed so of Juniores, that is to say yonkers. Now this is certaine that youth is much meeter for to contract marriage than old age: like as Euripides saith verie well:

As for old age it Venus bids farewell,
And with old folke, Venus is not pleasd well.

The Romans therefore maried not in May, but staied for June which immediatly followeth after May.

87.

What is the reason that they divide and part the haire of the new brides head, with the point of a javelin?

Is not this a verie signe, that the first wives whom the Romans espoused, were compelled to mariage, and conquered by force and armes.

Or are not their wives hereby given to understand, that they are espoused to husbands, martiall men and soldiers; and therefore they should lay away all delicate, wanton, and costly imbelishment of the bodie, and acquaint themselves with simple and plaine attire; like as Lycurgus for the same reason would that the dores, windowes, and roofes of houses should be framed with the saw and the axe onely, without use of any other toole or instrument, intending thereby to chase out of the common-weale all curiositie and wastfull superfluitie.

Or doth not this parting of the haires, give covertly to understand, a division and separation, as if mariage & the bond of wedlock, were not to be broken but by the sword and warlike force?

Or may not this signifie thus much, that they referred the most part of ceremonies concerning mariage unto Juno: now it is plaine that the javelin is consecrated unto Juno, insomuch as most part of her images and statues are portraied resting and leaning upon a launce or or javelin. And for this cause the goddesse is surnamed Quiritis, for they called in old time a speare Quiris, upon which occasion Mars also (as they say) is named Quiris.

88.

What is the reason that the monie emploied upon plates and publike shewes is called among them, Lucar?

May it not well be that there were many groves about the citie consecrated unto the gods, which they named Lucos: the revenues whereof they bestowed upon the setting forth of such solemnities?

89.

Why call they Quirinalia, the Feast of fooles?

Whether it is because (as Juba writeth) they attribute this day unto those who knew not their owne linage and tribe? or unto such as have not sacrificed, as others have done according to their tribes, at the feast called Fornacalia. Were it that they were hindred by other affaires, or had occasion to be forth of the citie, or were altogether ignorant, and therefore this day was assigned for them, to performe the said feast.

90.

What is the cause, that when they sacrifice unto Hercules, they name no other God but him, nor suffer a dog to be seene, within the purprise and precinct of the place where the sacrifice is celebrated, according as Varro hath left in writing?

Is not this the reason of naming no god in their sacrifice, for that they esteeme him but a demigod; and some there be who hold, that whiles he lived heere upon the earth, Evander erected an altar unto him, and offered sacrifice thereupon. Now of all other beasts he could worst abide a dog, and hated him most: for this creature put him to more trouble all his life time, than any other: witnesse hereof, the three headed dog Cerberus, and above all others, when Oeonus the sonne of Licymnius was slaine 146by a dog, he was enforced by the Hippocoontides to give the battell, in which he lost many of his friends, and among the rest his owne brother Iphicles.

91.

Wherefore was it not lawfull for the Patricians or nobles of Rome to dwell upon the mount Capitoll?

Might it not be in regard of M. Manlius, who dwelling there attempted and plotted to be king of Rome, and to usurpe tyrannie; in hatred and detestation of whom, it is said, that ever after those of the house of Manlij, might not have Marcus for their fore-name?

Or rather was not this an old feare that the Romans had (time out of mind)? For albeit Valerius Poplicola was a personage verie popular and well affected unto the common people; yet never ceased the great and mightie men of the citie to suspect and traduce him, nor the meane commoners and multitude to feare him, untill such time as himselfe caused his owne house to be demolished and pulled down, because it seemed to overlooke and commaund the common market place of the citie.

92.

What is the reason, that he who saved the life of a citizen in the warres, was rewarded with a coronet made of oake braunches?

Was it not for that in everie place and readily, they might meet with an oake, as they marched in their warlike expeditions.

Or rather, because this maner of garland is dedicated unto Jupiter and Juno, who are reputed protectors of cities?

Or might not this be an ancient custome proceeding from the Arcadians, who have a kind of consanguinitie with oakes, for that they report of themselves, that they were the first men that issued out of the earth, like as the oake of all other trees.

93.

Why observe they the Vultures or Geirs, most of any other fowles, in taking of presages by bird-flight?

Is it not because at the foundation of Rome, there appeared twelve of them unto Romulus? Or because, this is no ordinarie bird nor familiar; for it is not so easie a matter to meete with an airie of Vultures; but all on a sudden they come out of some strange countrey, and therefore the fight of them doth prognosticke and presage much.

Or else haply the Romains learned this of Hercules, if that be true which Herodotus reporteth: namely, that Hercules tooke great contentment, when in the enterprise of any exploit of his, there appeared Vultures unto him: for that he was of opinion, that the Vulture of all birds of prey was the justest: for first and formost never toucheth he ought that hath life, neither killeth hee any living creature, like as eagles, falcons, hauks, and other fowles do, that prey by night, but feedeth upon dead carrions: over and besides, he forbeareth to set upon his owne kind: for never was there man yet who saw a Vulture eat the flesh of any fowle, like as eagles and other birds of prey do, which chase, pursue and plucke in pieces those especially of the same kind, to wit, other fowle. And verily as Aeschylus the poet writeth:

How can that bird, which bird doth eat,
Be counted cleanly, pure and neat.

And as for men, it is the most innocent bird, and doth least hurt unto them of all other: for it destroieth no fruit nor plant whatsoever, neither doth it harme to any tame creature. And if the tale be true that the Aegyptians doe tell, that all the kinde of these birds be females; that they conceive and be with yoong, by receiving the East-wind blowing upon them, like as some trees by the Western wind, it is verie profitable that the signes and prognosticks drawen from them, be more sure and certaine, than from any others, considering that of all, besides their violence in treading and breeding time; their eagernesse in flight when they pursue their prey; their flying away from some, and chasing of others, must needs cause much trouble and uncertaintie in their prognostications.

94.

Why stands the temple of Aesculapius without the citie of Rome?

Is it because they thought the abode without the citie more holesome, than that within? For in this regard the Greekes ordinarily built the temples of Aesculapius upon high ground, wherein the aire is more pure and cleere.

Or in this respect, that this god Aesculapius was sent for out of the citie Epidaurus. And true it is that the Epidaurians founded his temple; not within the walles of their city, but a good way from it.

Or lastly, for that the serpent when it was landed out of the galley in the Isle, and then vanished out of sight, seemed thereby to tell them where he would that they should build the place of his abode.

95.

Why doth the law forbid them that are to live chaste, the eating of pulse?

As touching beanes, is it not in respect of those very reasons for which it is said: That the Pythagoreans counted them abominable? And as for the richling and rich pease, whereof the one in Greeke is called λάθυρος and the other ἐρεβινθος which words seeme to be derived of Erebus, that signifieth the darknesse of hell, and of Lethe, which is as much as oblivion, and one besides of the rivers infernall, it carieth some reason that they should be abhorred therfore.

Or it may be, for that the solemne suppers and bankets at funerals for the dead, were usually served with pulse above all other viands.

Or rather, for that those who are desirous to be chaste, and to live an holy life, ought to keepe their bodies pure and slender; but so it is that pulse be flateous and windy, breeding superfluous excrements in the body, which had need of great purging and evacuation.

Or lastly, because they pricke and provoke the fleshly lust, for that they be full of ventosities.

96.

What is the reason that the Romans punish the holy Vestall Virgins (who have suffered their bodies to be abused and defiled) by no other meanes, than by interring them quicke under the ground?

Is this the cause, for that the maner is to burne the bodies of them that be dead: and to burie (by the meanes of fire) their bodies who have not devoutly and religiously kept or preserved the divine fire, seemed not just nor reasonable?

Or haply, because they thought it was not lawfull to kill any person who had bene consecrated with the most holy and religious ceremonies in the world; nor to lay violent hands upon a woman consecrated: and therefore they devised this invention of suffering them to die of their owne selves; namely, to let them downe into a little vaulted chamber under the earth, where they left with them a lampe burning, and some bread, with a little water and milke: and having so done, cast earth and covered them aloft. And yet for all this, can they not be exempt from a superstitious feare of them thus interred: for even to this day, the priests going over this place, performe (I wot not what) anniversary services and rites, for to appease and pacifie their ghosts.

97.

What is the cause that upon the thirteenth day of December, which in Latine they call the Ides of December, there is exhibited a game of chariots running for the prize, and the horse drawing on the right hand that winneth the victorie, is sacrificed and consecrated unto Mars, and at the time thereof, there comes one behinde, that cutteth off his taile, which he carrieth immediatly into the temple called Regia, and therewith imbrueth the altar with blood: and for the head of the said horse, one troupe there is comming out of the street called Via sacra, and another from that which they name Suburra, who encounter and trie out by fight who shall have it?

May not the reason be (as some doe alledge) that they have an opinion, how the citie of Troy was sometime woon by the meanes of a woodden horse; and therefore in the memoriall thereof, they thus punished a poore horse?

As men from blood of noble Troy descended
And by the way with Latins issue blended.

Or because an horse is a couragious, martiall and warlike beast; and ordinarily, men use to present unto the gods those Sacrifices which are most agreeable unto them, and sort best with them: and in that respect, they sacrifice that horse which wan the prize, unto Mars, because strength and victorie are well beseeming him.

Or rather because the worke of God is firme and stable: those also be victorious who keepe their ranke and vanquish them, who make not good their ground but fly away. This beast therefore is punished for running so swift, as if celeritie were the maintenance of cowardise: to give us thereby covertly to understand, that there is no hope of safetie for them who seeke to escape by flight.

98.

What is the reason that the first worke which the Censors go in hand with, when they be enstalled in the possession of their magistracie, is to take order upon a certaine price for the keeping and feeding of the sacred geese, and to cause the painted statues and images of the gods to be refreshed?

Whether is it because they would begin at the smallest things, and those which are of least dispense and difficultie?

Or in commemoration of an ancient benefit received by the meanes of these creatures, in the time of the Gaules warre: for that the geese were they who in the night season descried the Barbarians as the skaled and mounted the wall that environed the Capitol fort (where as the dogs slept) and with their gagling raised the watch?

Or because, the Censors being guardians of the greatest affaires, and having that charge and office which enjoyneth to be vigilant and carefull to preserve religion; to keepe temples and publicke edifices; to looke into the manners and behaviour of men in their order of life; they set in the first place the consideration and regard of the most watchfull creature that is: and in shewing what care they take of these geese, they incite and provoke by that example their citizens, not to be negligent and retchlesse of holy things. Moreover, for refreshing the colour of those images and statues, it is a necessarie piece of worke; for the lively red vermilion, wherewith they were woont in times past to colour the said images, soone fadeth and passeth away.

99.

What is the cause that among other priests, when one is condemned and banished, they degrade and deprive him of his priesthood, and choose another in his place: onely an Augur, though he be convicted and condemned for the greatest crimes in the world, yet they never deprive in that sort so long as he liveth? Now those priests they call Augurs, who observe the flights of birds, and foreshewed things thereby.

Is it as some do say, because they would not have one that is no priest, to know the secret mysteries of their religion and their sacred rites?

Or because the Augur being obliged and bound by great oaths, never to reveale the secrets pertaining to religion, they would not seeme to free and absolve him from his oath by degrading him, and making him a private person.

Or rather, for that this word Augur, is not so much a name of honor and magistracie, as of arte and knowledge. And all one it were, as if they should seeme to disable a musician for being any more a musician; or a physician, that he should bee a physician no longer; or prohibit a prophet or soothsayer, to be a prophet or soothsayer: for even so they, not able to deprive him of his sufficiency, nor to take away his skill, although they bereave him of his name and title, do not subordaine another in his place: and by good reason, because they would keepe the just number of the ancient institution.

100.

What is the reason that upon the thirteenth day of August, which now is called the Ides of August, and before time the Ides of Sextilis, all servants as well maids, as men make holy-day and women that are wives love then especially to wash and cleanse their heads?

Might not this be a cause, for that king Servius upon such a day was borne of a captive woman, and therefore slaves and bond-servants on that day have libertie to play and disport themselves? And as for washing the head; haply at the first the wenches began so to do in regard of that festivall day, and so the custome passed also unto their mistresses and other women free borne?

101.

Why do the Romanes adorne their children with jewels pendant at their necks, which they call Bullæ?

Peradventure to honor the memorie of those first wives of theirs, whom they ravished: in favour of whom they ordained many other prerogatives for the children which they had by them, and namely this among the rest?

Or it may be, for to grace the prowesse of Tarquinius? For reported it is that being but a verie child, in a great battell which was fought against the Latines and Tuskanes together, hee rode into the verie throng of his enemies, and engaged himselfe so farre, that being dismounted and unhorsed; yet notwithstanding he manfully withstood those who hotly charged upon him, and encouraged the Romanes to stand to it, in such sort as the enemies by them were put to plaine flight, with the losse of 16000. men whom they left dead in the place: and for a reward of this vertue and valour, received such a jewell to hang about his necke, which was given unto him by the king his father.

Or else, because in old time it was not reputed a shamfull and villanous thing, to love yoong boyes wantonly, for their beauty in the flowre of their age, if they were slaves borne, as the Comedies even at this day do testifie: but they forbare most precisely, to touch any of them who were free-borne or of gentle blood descended. To the end therefore man might not pretend ignorance in such a case, as if they knew not of what condition any boyes were, if they mette with them naked, they caused them to weare this badge and marke of nobilitie about their neckes.

Or peradventure, this might be also as a preservative unto them of their honor, continence and chastitie, as one would say, a bridle to restraine wantonnesse and incontinencie, as being put in mind thereby to be abashed to play mens parts, before they had laid off the marks and signes of childhood. For there is no apparance or probabilitie, of that which Varro alledgeth, saying: That because the Aeolians in their Dialect do call Βουλη, that is to say, Counsell, Βολλα, therefore such children for a signe and presage of wisdome and good counsell, carried this jewell, which they named Bulla.

But see whether it might not be in regard of the moone that they weare this device? for the figure of the moone when shee is at the full, is not round as a bal or boule, but rather flat in maner of a lentill or resembling a dish or plate; not onely on that side which appeareth unto us, but also (as Empedocles saith) on that part which is under it.

102.

Wherefore gave they fore-names to little infants, if they were boies upon the ninth day after their birth, but if they were girls, when they were eight daies olde?

May there not be a naturall reason rendred hereof, that they should impose the names sooner upon daughters than sonnes: for that females grow apace, are quickly ripe, and come betimes unto their perfection in comparison of males; but as touching those precise daies, they take them that immediatly follow the seventh: for that the seventh day after children be borne is very dangerous, as well for other occasions, as in regard of the navill-string: for that in many it will unknit and be loose againe upon the seventh day, and so long as it continueth so resolved and open, an infant resembleth a plant rather than any animall creature?

Or like as the Pythagoreans were of opinion, that of numbers the even was female and the odde, male; for that it is generative, and is more strong than the even number, because it is compound: and if a man divide these numbers into unities, the even number sheweth a void place betweene, whereas the odde, hath the middle alwaies fulfilled with one part thereof: even so in this respect they are of opinion, that the even number eight, resembleth rather the female and the even number nine, the male.

Or rather it is because of all numbers, nine is the first square comming of three, which is an odde and perfect number: and eight the first cubick, to wit foure-square on every side like a die proceeding from two, an even number: now a man ought to be quadrat odde (as we say) and singular, yea and perfect: and a woman (no lesse than a die) sure and stedfast, a keeper of home, and not easily removed. Heereunto we must adjoyne thus much more also, that eight is a number cubick, arising from two as the base and foot: and nine is a square quadrangle having three for the base: and therefore it seemeth, that where women have two names, men have three.

103.

What is the reason, that those children who have no certeine father, they were woont to tearme Spurios?

For we may not thinke as the Greeks holde, and as oratours give out in their pleas, that this word Spurius, is derived of Spora, that is to say, naturall seed, for that such children are begotten by the seed of many men mingled and confounded together.

But surely this Spurius, is one of the ordinary fore-names that the Romans take, such as Sextus, Decimus, and Caius. Now these fore-names they never use to write out at full with all their letters, but marke them sometime with one letter alone, as for example, Titus, Lucius, and Marcius, with T, L, M; or with twaine, as Spurius and Cneus, with Sp. and Cn. or at most with three as Sextus & Servius, with Sex. and Ser. Spurius then is one of their fore-names which is noted with two letters S. and P. which signifieth asmuch, as Sine Patre, that is to say, without a father; for S. standeth for Sine, that is to say, without; and P. for patre, that is to say a father. And heereupon grew the error, for that Sine patre, and Spurius be written both with the same letters short, Sp. And yet I will not sticke to give you another reason, though it be somewhat fabulous, and carieth a greater absurdity with it: forsooth they say that the Sabines in olde time named in their language the nature or privities of a woman, Sporios, and thereupon afterwards as it were by way of reproch, they called him Spurius, who had to his mother a woman unmaried and not lawfully espoused.

104.

Why is Bacchus called with them, Liber Pater?

Is it for that he is the authour and father of all liberty unto them who have taken their wine well; for most men become audacious and are full of bolde and franke broad speech, when they be drunke or cup-shotten?

Or because he it is that ministred libations first, that is to say, those effusions and offrings of wine that are given to the gods?

Or rather (as Alexander said) because the Greeks called Bacchus, Dionysos Eleuthereus, that is to say, Bacchus the Deliverer: and they might call him so, of a city in Bœotia, named Eleutheræ.

105.

Wherefore was it not the custome among the Romans, that maidens should be wedded upon any dates of their publicke feasts; but widdowes might be remarried upon those daies?

Was it for that (as Varro saith) virgins be 147ill-apaid and heavie when they be first wedded; but such as were wives before, 148be glad and joyfull when they marrie againe? And upon a festivall holiday there should be nothing done with an ill will or upon constraint.

Or rather, because it is for the credit and honour of young damosels, to be maried in the view of the whole world; but for widowes it is a dishonour and shame unto them, to be seene of many for to be wedded a second time: for the first marriage is lovely and desireable; the second, odious and abominable: for women, if they proceed to marrie with other men whiles their former husbands be living, are ashamed thereof; and if they be dead, they are in mourning state of widowhood: and therefore they chuse rather to be married closely and secretly in all silence, than to be accompanied with a long traine and solemnity, and to have much adoe and great stirring at their marriage. Now it is well knowen that festivall holidaies divert and distract the multitude divers waies, some to this game and pastime, others to that; so as they have no leisure to go and see weddings.

Or last of all, because it was a day of publicke solemnitie, when they first ravished the Sabines daughters: an attempt that drew upon them, bloudy warre, and therefore they thought it ominous and presaging evill, to suffer their virgins to wed upon such holidaies.

106.

Why doe the Romans honour and worship Fortune, by the name of Primigenia, which a man may interpret First begotten or first borne?

Is it for that (as some say) Servius being by chance borne of a maid-servant and a captive, had Fortune so favourable unto him, that he reigned nobly and gloriously, king at Rome? For most Romans are of this opinion.

Or rather, because Fortune gave unto the city of Rome her first originall and beginning of so mightie an empire.

Or lieth not herein some deeper cause, which we are to fetch out of the secrets of Nature and Philosophie; namely, that Fortune is the principle of all things, insomuch, as Nature consisteth by Fortune; namely, when to some things concurring casually and by chance, there is some order and dispose adjoined.

107.

What is the reason that the Romans call those who act comedies and other theatricall plaies, Histriones?

Is it for that cause, which as Claudius Rufus hath left in writing? for he reporteth that many yeeres ago, and namely, in those daies when Cajus Sulpitius and Licinius Stolo were Consuls, there raigned a great pestilence at Rome, such a mortalitie as comsumed all the stage plaiers indifferently one with another. Whereupon at their instant praier and request, there repaired out of Tuscane to Rome, many excellent and singular actours in this kinde: among whom, he who was of greatest reputation, and had caried the name longest in all theaters, for his rare gift and dexteritie that way, was called Hister; of whose name all other afterwards were tearmed Histriones.

108.

Why espoused not the Romans in mariage those women who were neere of kin unto them?

Was it because they were desirous to amplifie and encrease their alliances, and acquire more kinsfolke, by giving their daughters in mariage to others, and by taking to wife others than their owne kinred?

Or for that they feared in such wedlock the jarres and quarrels of those who be of kin, which are able to extinguish and abolish even the verie lawes and rights of nature?

Or else, seeing as they did, how women by reason of their weaknesse and infirmitie stand in need of many helpers, they would not have men to contract mariage, nor dwell in one house with those who were neere in blood to them, to the end, that if the husband should offer wrong and injurie to his wife, her kinsfolke might succour and assist her.

109.

Why is it not lawfull for Jupiters priest, whom they name Flamen Dialis to handle or once touch meale or leaven.

For meale, is it not because it is an unperfect and raw kind of nourishment? for neither continueth it the same that it was, to wit, wheat, &c. nor is that yet which it should be, namely bread: but hath lost that nature which it had before of seed, and withall hath not gotten the use of food and nourishment. And hereupon it is, that the poet calleth meale (by a Metaphor or borrowed speech) Mylephaton, which is as much to say, as killed and marred by the mill in grinding: and as for leaven, both it selfe is engendered of a certaine corruption of meale, and also corrupteth (in a maner) the whole lumpe of dough, wherein it is mixed: for the said dough becommeth lesse firme and fast than it was before, it hangeth not together; and in one word the leaven of the paste seemeth to be a verie putrifaction and rottennesse thereof. And verely if there be too much of the leaven put to the dough, it maketh it so sharpe and soure that it cannot be eaten, and in verie truth spoileth the meale quite.

110.

Wherefore is the said priest likewise forbidden to touch raw flesh?

Is it by this custome to withdraw him farre from eating of raw things?

Or is it for the same cause that he abhorreth and detesteth meale? for neither is it any more a living animall, nor come yet to be meat: for by boiling and rosting it groweth to such an alteration, as changeth the verie forme thereof: whereas raw flesh and newly killed is neither pure and impolluted to the eie, but hideous to see to; and besides, it hath (I wot not what) resemblance to an ougly sore or filthie ulcer.

111.

What is the reason that the Romans have expresly commaunded the same priest or Flamen of Jupiter, not onely to touch a dogge or a goat, but not so much as to name either of them?

To speake of the Goat first, is it not for detestation of his excessive lust and lecherie; and besides for his ranke and filthie savour? or because they are afraid of him, as of a diseased creature and subject to maladies? for surely, there seemeth not to be a beast in the world so much given to the falling sicknesse, as it is; nor infecteth so soone those that either eat of the flesh or once touch it, when it is surprised with this evill. The cause whereof some say to be the streightnesse of those conduits and passages by which the spirits go and come, which oftentimes happen to be intercepted and stopped. And this they conjecture by the small and slender voice that this beast hath; & the better to continue the same, we do see ordinarily, that men likewise who be subject to this malady, grow in the end to have such a voice as in some sort resembleth the bleating of goats. Now, for the Dog, true it is haply that he is not so lecherous, nor smelleth altogether so strong and so ranke as doth the Goat; and yet some there be who say, that a Dog might not be permitted to come within the castle of Athens, nor to enter into the Isle of Delos, because forsooth he lineth bitches openly in the sight of everie man, as if bulls, boares, and stalions had their secret chambers, to do their kind with females, and did not leape and cover them in the broad field and open yard, without being abashed at the matter.

But ignorant they are of the true cause indeed: which is, for that a Dog is by nature fell, and quarelsome, given to arre and warre upon a verie small occasion: in which respect men banish them from sanctuaries, holy churches, and priviledged places, giving thereby unto poore afflicted suppliants, free accesse unto them for their safe and sure refuge. And even so verie probable it is, that this Flamen or priest of Jupiter whom they would have to be as an holy, sacred, and living image for to flie unto, should be accessible and easie to be approached unto by humble suters, and such as stand in need of him, without any thing in the way to empeach, to put backe, or to affright them: which was the cause that he had a little bed or pallet made for him, in the verie porch or entrie of his house; and that servant or slave, who could find meanes to come and fall downe at his feet, and lay hold on his knees was for that day freed from the whip, and past danger of all other punishment: say he were a prisoner with irons, and bolts at his feet that could make shift to approch neere unto this priest, he was let loose, and his gives and fetters were throwen out of the house, not at the doore, but flung over the verie roofe thereof.

But to what purpose served all this, and what good would this have done, that he should shew himselfe so gentle, so affable, and humane, if he had a curst dog about him to keepe his doore, and to affright, chase and scarre all those away who had recourse unto him for succour. And yet so it is, that our ancients reputed not a dog to be altogether a clean creature: for first and formost we doe not find that he is consecrated or dedicated unto any of the celestial gods; but being sent unto terrestrial & infernall Proserpina into the quarrefires and crosse high waies to make her a supper, he seemeth to serve for an expiatorie sacrifice to divert and turne away some calamitie, or to cleanse some filthie ordure, rather than otherwise: to say nothing, that in Lacedæmon, they cut and slit dogs down along the mids, and so sacrifice them to Mars the most bloody god of all others. And the Romanes themselves upon the feast Lupercalia, which they celebrate in the lustrall moneth of Purification, called February, offer up a dog for a sacrifice: and therefore it is no absurditie to thinke, that those who have taken upon them to serve the most soveraigne and purest god of all others, were not without good cause forbidden to have a dog with them in the house, nor to be acqainted and familiar with him.

112.

For what cause was not the same priest of Jupiter permitted, either to touch an ivie tree, or to passe thorow a way covered over head with a vine growing to a tree, and spreading her branches from it?

Is not this like unto these precepts of Phythagoras: Eat not your meat from a chaire: Sit not upon a measure called Chœnix: Neither step thou over a broome or besoome. For surely none of the Pythagoreans feared any of these things, or made scruple to doe, as these words in outward shew, and in their litterall sense do pretend: but under such speeches they did covertly and figuratively forbid somewhat else: even so this precept: Go not under a vine, is to be referred unto wine, and implieth this much; that it is not lawfull for the said Priest to be drunke; for such as over drinke themselves, have the wine above their heads, and under it they are depressed and weighed downe, whereas men and priests especially ought to be evermore superiors and commanders of this pleasure, and in no wise to be subject unto it. And thus much of the vine.

As for the ivie, is it not for that it is a plant that beareth no fruit, nor any thing good for mans use: and moreover is so weake, as by reason of that feeblenesse it is not able to sustaine it selfe, but had need of other trees to support and beare it up: and besides, with the coole shadowe that it yeelds, and the greene leaves alwaies to be seene, it dazeleth, and as it were bewitcheth the eies of many that looke upon it: for which causes, men thought that they ought not to nourish or entertaine it about an house, because it bringeth no profit; nor suffer it to claspe about any thing, considering it is so hurtfull unto plants that admit it to creepe upon them, whiles it sticketh fast in the ground: and therefore banished it is from the temples and sacrifices of the celestiall gods, and their priests are debarred from using it: neither shall a man ever see in the sacrifices or divine worship of Juno at Athens, nor of Venus at Thebes, any wilde ivie brought out of the woods. Mary at the sacrifices and services of Bacchus, which are performed in the night and darknesse, it is used.

Or may not this be a covert and figurative prohibition, of such blind dances and fooleries in the night, as these be, which are practised by the priests of Bacchus? for those women which are transported with these furious motions of Bacchus, runne immediately upon the ivie, and catching it in their hands, plucke it in pieces, or else chew it betweene their teeth; in so much as they speake not altogether absurdly, who say, that this ivie hath in it a certaine spirit that stirreth and mooveth to madnesse; turneth mens mindes to furie; driveth them to extasies; troubleth and tormenteth them; and in one word maketh them drunke withoute wine, and doth great pleasure unto them, who are otherwise disposed and enclined of themselves to such fanaticall ravishments of their wit and understanding.

113.

What is the reason that these Priests and Flamins of Jupiter were not allowed, either to take upon them, or to sue for any government of State, but in regard that they be not capable of such dignities, for honour sake and in some sort to make some recompense for that defect, they have an usher or verger before them carrying a knitch of rods, yea and a curall chaire of estate to sit upon?

Is it for the same cause, that as in some cities of Greece, the sacerdotall dignitie was equivalent to the royall majestie of a king, so they would not chuse for their priests, meane persons and such as came next to hand.

Or rather, because Priests having their functions determinate and certaine, and the kings, undeterminate and uncertaine, it was not possible, that when the occasions and times of both concurred together at one instant, one and the same person should be sufficient for both: for it could not otherwise be, but many times when both charges pressed upon him and urged him at ones, he should pretermit the one or the other, and by that meanes one while offend and fault in religion toward God, and anotherwhile do hurt unto citizens and subjects.

Or else, considering, that in governments among men, they saw that there was otherwhiles no lesse necessitie than authority; and that he who is to rule a people (as Hippocrates said of a physician, who seeth many evill things, yea and handleth many also) from the harmes of other men, reapeth griefe and sorrow of his owne: they thought it not in policy good, that any one should sacrifice unto the gods, or have the charge and superintendence of sacred things; who had been either present or president at the judgements and condemnations to death of his owne citizens; yea and otherwhiles of his owne kinsfolke and allies, like as it befell sometime to Brutus.

The End

BIBLIOTHÈQUE DE CARABAS.

Issued under the general Editorship of
Mr. ANDREW LANG.

THESE VOLUMES WILL NEVER BE REPRINTED.

I. CUPID AND PSYCHE: The Most Pleasant and Delectable Tale of the Marriage of Cupid and Psyche. Done into English by William Adlington, of University College in Oxford. With a Discourse on the Fable by Andrew Lang, late of Merton College in Oxford. Frontispiece by W. B. Richmond, and Verses by the Editor, May Kendall, J. W. Mackail, F. Locker-Lampson, and W. H. Pollock. (lxxxvi. 66 pp.) 1887. Out of print.

II. EUTERPE: The Second Book of the Famous History of Herodotus. Englished by B. R. 1584. Edited by Andrew Lang, with Introductory Essays on the Religion and the Good Faith of Herodotus. Frontispiece by A. W. Tomson; and Verses by the Editor and Graham R. Tomson. (xlviii. 174 pp.) 1888. 10s. Out of print.

“Mr Lang deserves no small thanks from all who love the quaint and delightful stories of Kings and their tombs, of gods and their temples, told to Herodotus by the priests of Egypt, and by him to the world.”—The Spectator.

“It is not necessary to quote or point out the best of the many good things which will be found in ‘B. R.’s’ translation of ‘Euterpe.’ To begin it is to read it to the end.”—The Saturday Review.

III. THE FABLES OF BIDPAI; or, The Morall Philosophic of Doni: Drawne out of the auncient writers, a work first compiled in the Indian tongue. Englished out of Italian by Thomas North, Brother to the Right Honorable Sir Roger North, Knight, Lord North of Kyrtheling, 1570. Now again edited and induced by Joseph Jacobs, together with a Chronologico-Biographical Chart of the translations and adaptations of the Sanskrit Original, and an Analytical Concordance of the Stories. With a full-page Illustration by Edward Burne Jones, A.R.A., Frontispiece from a 16th century MS. of the Anvari Suhaili, and facsimiles of Woodcuts in the Italian Doni of 1532. (lxxxii. 264 pp.) 1888. The few remaining copies, 12s.

“We have nothing but praise to bestow upon this reprint, which forms the latest volume of Mr. Nutt’s delightful ‘Bibliothèque de Carabas.’... With its scholarly disquisition and its lovely paper and type, the book makes an appeal which will, in many quarters at least, be irresistible.”—Notes and Queries.

IV-V. THE FABLES OF ÆSOP, as first printed by W. Caxton in 1484. Now again edited and induced by J. Jacobs. With Introductory Verse by Mr. Andrew Lang. 2 Vols. 1890. £1, 1s.

VI. THE ATTIS OF CAIUS VALERIUS CATULLUS. Translated into English Verse, with Dissertations on the Myth of Attis, on the Origin of Tree-Worship, and on the Galliambic Metre. By Grant Allen, B.A., formerly Postmaster of Merton College, Oxford. (xvi. 154 pp.) 1892. 7s. 6d.

Notes

1 Livy, x. 47, 7, Ep. 11; Val. Max., I. viii. 2; Strabo, xii. p. 567; Ovid, F., i. 291; M., xv. 622; Oros, iii. 22; Lactant., Inst., II. vii. 13; Arnob., vii. 44; Augustin, C. D., iii. 17; Aurel. Vict., De V. Ill., 25; Dion., v. 13; Pliny, N. H., 29, 16.

2 Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples, p. 162.

3 Religionsgeschichte, ii. 203.

4 Meyer, Indogermanische Mythen, ii. p. 612.

5 Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung², iii. p. 2.

6 Mommsen, History of Rome, i. 173.

7 Ibid.; cf. Roscher, Lexikon, s.v. Ianus.

8 Rochholz, Deutscher Glaube, ii. 136.

9 Wuttke, Deutscher Volksaberglaube², § 57.

10 Ibid., § 177, 388.

11 Ibid., § 395; cf. Pliny, N. H., 28, 86.

12 Marquardt, iii. 6.

13 De la Saussaye, ii. 203.

14 Marquardt, p. 7.

15 De la Saussaye, i. 53.

16 Marquardt, p. 6.

17 Folk-Lore, vol. ii. p. 235.

18 Marquardt, p. 25.

19 “Chez les Chinois Ti est bien et uniquement la terre... qui n’a aucun personalité, aucun aspect anthropologique.”—De Rialle, Mythologie Comparée, i. 235. As in Rome, so in China, though the sky advanced to the rank of a spirit, the earth remained a fetich.

20 Preller, R. M., i. 1 and 2, points out that Italian mythology is “quite different” from the Greek; that it is only in “a certain sense” that there can be said to be a Roman mythology; that it is a very different thing from Greek, Hindoo, Persian, Teutonic, and Scandinavian mythology; that the Romans had not advanced far in personifying and individualising their gods, and consequently could not develop much mythology. Finally, Italian religion was “far less widely removed” from the primitive Aryan belief than Greek religion and mythology were.

21 Livy, ii. 21; Dion., vi. i.

22 Mommsen, Hist. of Rome, i. 482 ff.

23 According to Schwegler, Röm. Gesch., i. 354-383, Εὔανδρος is simply Greek for Faunus = Favinus, “the benevolent” or “good” god. Cf. Fauna = Bona Dea.

24 “Rapi... similatur virgo ex gremio matris... cum ad virum trahitur, quod videlicet ea res feliciter Romulo cessit.”—Festus, s.v. rapi.

25 E.g., among the Esthonians, Finns, Wotjaks, Mordwins, Vedic Hindoos, and Bohemians.

26 For the use of the sword, axe, or dagger to keep off evil spirits from a wedding, see Schroeder, Hochzeitsbräuche der Ester, 99-102.

27 For the sacredness of the head especially, see the Golden Bough, i. 187-193.

28 The myth, as given by Plutarch, is to be found also in Livy, i. 9; Serv. ad Æn., vi. 55; and in Varro, quoted by Festus, p. 351. The word occurs in Martial, i. 35. 6 and 7; iii. 93. 25; xii. 42. 4, 95. 5 (Friedländer says nothing), and Catullus, lxi. 134 (Robinson Ellis has nothing to say).

29 Hartley, Science of Fairy Tales, pp. 279-281, for examples. The tale of Servius is also told by Ovid, F., vi. 577.

30 It is interesting to note that two hundred years ago Boxhorn, in commenting on this passage of Plutarch, laid down a fundamental proposition of the science of folk-lore:—“Mortales cum inquirerent in caussas rerum, nec invenirent, pro libitu suo verisimiles sunt commenti. Sic ut fabulæ proponerentur tanquam caussæ rerum, cum res ipsæ essent causeæ fabularum.” See his edition of the Roman Questions, printed in vol. v. of the Thesaurus of Grævius (Lugd., Batavor, 1696).

31 Ethnology in Folk-Lore, pp. 120 ff. Mr. Gomme, however, argues that the fear of dead kindred was borrowed by the Aryans from the non-Aryan inhabitants of Europe. But why may not the pro-ethnic Aryans, as well as other savages, have had, at one stage of their development, a fear of dead kindred?

32 My authorities for the customs quoted in the next few pages are (unless special references are given) Wuttke, Deutsche Volksaberglaube, §§ 725-756; Rochholz, Deutscher Glaube und Brauch, ii. pp. 170-173; and De Rialle, Mythologie Comparée, i. p. 125.

33 Weinhold, Altnord. Leben, 476.

34 The Lares are thus represented on a coin of the gens Cæsia. See Cohen, Méd. Cons., pl. viii, Cæsia.

35 Ovid, F., v. 129-147.

36 De la Saussaye, Religionsgeschichte, i. 281.

37 Wuttke, § 755.

38 Waldron’s Isle of Man, p. 103.

39 Encyc. Britan., art. “Sacrifice.”

40 Frazer, G. B., i. 239.

41 Daoine Shie or Sluagh Maith.

42 Frazer, i. 122.

43 De Rialle, i. 190.

44 See The Secret Commonwealth by Mr. Robert Kirk, Minister of Aberfoyle, 1691.

45 See Saupe’s edition of the Indiculus, p. 9.

46 Servius on Georg., i. 302, and Prudent, c. Symm., ii. 444.

47 Frazer, ii. 332.

48 Preller, R. M.³, ii. 198.

49 Cic. de Div., i. 18, 36; Plut. Ti. Gracch., i. A similar story is related of D. Laelius, Jul. Op. seq. 58.

50 H. N., xxix. 72.

51 C. I. L., i. 603.

52 We have no direct evidence of this, but we may infer it from the analogous case of Dius Fidius:—“Qui per Dium Fidium iurare vult, prodire solet in compluvium.”—Non. Marc., p. 494, quoting Varro. The temples of Dius Fidius had a hole specially made in the roof (“perforatum tectum,” Varro, L. L. v. 66), under which one might swear. Probably the temples of Hercules were similarly provided; certainly those of Terminus were (“exiguum templi tecta foramen habent.”—Ov. F. ii. 672).

53 Reifferscheid, in the Annali dell’ Instituto for 1867, p. 352 ff., identifies Hercules with the genius Jovis. But, in the first place, this seems to me the wrong inference from his own facts, which all have exclusively to do with the genii virorum. Next, the genius Jovis is not known before B.C. 58. Schwegler, before Reifferscheid, noticed that in Gellius, xi. 6. 1, “der römische Hercules erscheint als identisch mit dem genius der Männer.”—R. G., i. 367 n.

54 Roscher’s arguments to show that Juno is the moon are not satisfactory. He assumes without proof that Juno was always Lucina (whereas Lucina was an independent spirit worshipped in woods, Lexikon, pp. 583 and 602), that Lucina was the moon (whereas she is the spirit that brings children to light, and is not = Luna), that the Italians connected the moon with child-birth (which, as Birt says, lacks proof), that the name Juno indicates a light-giving deity (whereas, though from the root *Div, it does not imply the giving of light any more than deus does, which is applied to the di manes, the di indigetes, dea bona, dea dia, &c.). The arguments drawn by Roscher from works of art are untrustworthy, because borrowing is specially probable in their case. Finally, the hypothesis of a Græco-Italian period, on which Roscher relies to prove that Juno = Hera = the moon, is now discredited.

55 In B.C. 361 an Aius Locutius was produced (Liv. v. 32. 6, 50. 6, 52. 11); in 211 a Rediculus Tutanus (Festus s.v.); in or after 269 a spirit of silver coin, Argentinus (August., C. D. iv. 21 and 28); but no spirit was forthcoming for gold coin, which was first struck in B.C. 217. See further Roscher’s Lexikon, s.v. Indigitamenta.

56 So called “quod marem effuso semine liberat.”—Augustin, C. D. vii. 2.

57 Finally, with regard to Matuta, the very remarkable fact recorded in Romane Questions, 17, that people prayed to her not for any blessings to their own children, but for their nephews only (brothers’ or sisters’ children), immediately suggests that we have here an indication that the Nair type of family was once known in Italy. But the indication, being isolated, has perhaps not much value.

58 She occurs in the following series:—Fluvionia, Mena, Vitumnus, Sentinus, Alemona, Nova, Decima, Partula, Carmenta, Lucina, for which see S. August., C. D. vii. 3; Tertull., De An. 37, and Ad Nat. ii. 11.

59 Liv. v. 47; Dion. Hal. i. 32; Serv. on Æn. viii. 337; W. Becker, Handb. d. röm. Altert., i. 137.

60 Derived probably from Varro, R. R. II. xi. 5.

61 Livy, i. 45. 3; Dionys., iv. 25; Aur. Vict., De Vir. Ill., vii. 9.

62 As Preller does, R. M.³, i. 313.

63 e.g., C. I. L. vi. 656, 658, &c.

64 C. I. L., vii. 451.

65 Grimm, D. M.⁴, iii. 104; cf. Gummere, Germanic Origins, 383. “Special influence over cattle is ascribed to wood-spirits” (Golden Bough, i. 105).

66 Gummere, p. 387; cf. Bugge, Studien, p. 393 ff.

67 Golden Bough, i. 187 ff.

68 Ibid., 188. The date of the rite was 13th August; cf. Auson., De Fer. Rom., 6; Martial, 12, 67, 2. The asylum for runaway slaves afforded by the temple finds a folk-lore explanation in a folk-etymology. “Ædem Dianæ dedicaverit in Aventino, cuius tutelæ sint cervi, a quo celeritate fugitivos vocent cervos” (Festus, p. 343^a, 7, s.v. Servorum dies). Birt (Roscher’s Lexikon, i. 1008) seems to take this explanation seriously; but the temple on the Aventine was precisely the temple in which the goddess of cervi was not worshipped. Possibly the right of asylum was conferred on the temple as part of the political changes brought about by the formation of the Latin confederacy, for this temple was the religious centre of the Latin alliance, “Commune Latinorum Dianæ templum” (Varro, L. L. v. 43). Hence, then, the folk-story that Servius Tullius, “natus servus” (Festus, l.c.), built the temple and gave it the right of asylum.

69 For the full list see Marquardt, 328-331.

70 Golden Bough, i. 37 ff.

71 Ibid., i. 39.

72 Golden Bough, ch. ii.

73 Röm. Mythol.³, i. 201.

74 Kæmpfer, History of Japan, quoted by Mr. Frazer, i. 110.

75 Kæmpfer, History of Japan, quoted by Mr. Fraser, i. 110.

76 With Q. R., 111, cf. Golden Bough, i. 207; with Q. R., 112, cf. G. B., i. 183; and generally see i. 117.

77 G. B., i. 130.

78 For instances see Hartland, Science of Fairy Tales, pp. 272-274.

79 Momms., R. H., i. 25.

80 Ibid., i. 60.

81 G. B., i. 170. I may point out that in some parts of Europe these taboos still survive. For six weeks after delivery, the young mother is forbidden to enter a strange house, or go shopping, or draw water from a well, or walk over a sowed field (Grimm, D. M.⁴, iii. pp. 435, 464, Nos. 35, 844, 845). The Esthonians also regard a new-born child as tabooed, and indirect contact with it as dangerous (Ibid., p. 488, No. 28). For the death-dealing qualities of women, cf. Burchard von Worms, Samlung der Decrete, Coln, 1548, p. 201a (quoted by Grimm, iii. 410). Amongst the Eskimo, as amongst the Germans, the young mother is forbidden to leave the house for six weeks (Reclus, Primitive Folk, 36); she is also tabooed by the Badagas of the Neilgherrie Hills (Ibid., 192).

82 Hartland, S. of F. T., p. 93 ff. for instances.

83 “Make of it an image in his likeness (i.e., of Namtar, the plague); apply (the image) to the living flesh of his body (i.e., of the sick man). May the malevolent Namtar who possesses him pass into the image” (Lenormant, Chaldæan Magic, p. 51). The Buddhists of Ceylon cure disease in exactly the same way (J. Roberts, Oriental Illustrations of Scripture, p. 171).

84 Cf. C. F. Gordon Cumming, Two Happy Years in Ceylon, i. p. 278, “The astrologer is called in to preside at baby’s ‘rice feast,’ when some grains of rice are first placed in its month. He selects for the little one a name which is compounded from the name of the ruling planet of that moment. This name he tells only to the father, who whispers it low in baby’s ear—no one else must know it, and, like the Chinese ‘infantile name,’ this ‘rice name’ is never used lest sorcerers should hear it and be able to work malignant spells.”

85 For instances see Folk Lore, iii. 137. The Romans themselves fettered the image of Saturnus (Macrob., i. 8. 5; Stat. Silv., i. 6. 4; Arnob., iv. 24; Minuc. Fel., c. 22. 5).

86 Chemnitzer Rockenphilosophie, 16 and 325 (Grimm, D. M.⁴, iii. 435 and 445).

87 The classical references are: Festus, p. 143 and 385; Dionys., i. 38; Ov., F., i. 56, iii. 791, v. 62 ff.; Varro, L. L., vii. 44; Paul. Diac., p. 15; Lact, I. i. 21. 6; Macrob., i. 5. 10, and 11. 47; Prudent. C. Symmach., ii. 295; Cicero pro Roscio Am., 35. 100; Catull., xvii. 8. 23; Non. Marc., p. 358b.; Liv. i. 21, iv. 12. The modern literature: first and foremost and final, Mannhardt, Wald-und Feldkulte, p. 265 ff., whose explanation is adopted in Roscher’s Lexikon; further, Preller, Röm. M.³, ii. 135 ff.; Marquardt, 190 ff.; Grimm, D. M., 733, n. 4. The meaning of the word Argei has received no satisfactory explanation yet. The number of the images is accounted for by the fact that each of the twenty-four quarters of ancient Rome required rain for its crops.

88 See Rhein. Museum, 1867, p. 129.

89 Macrob., i. 10, 11 ff.; Gell., N. A., vii. (vi.) 7; Plut., Rom., 4. 5; Lactant., i. 20. 5.

90 “Exuuntur etiam vestibus populo flagitante meretrices, quæ tunc (i.e., at the Floralia) mimarum funguntur officio” (Lact. l.c.). Cf. Val. Max., 2. 10. 8; Senec., Ep., 97. 7; Mart., 1 præf.; Ov., F., iv. 946, v. 183; Tertull., De Spect., 17; Min. Felix, 25. 8; Augustin, C. D., ii. 27.

91 The Arval Brothers wore a harvest-crown, vittis spiceis coronati, C. I. L., vi. 2104^a 16. They preserved a sheaf of corn (corn-baby, mother, &c.) from the previous year’s harvest; this is the fruges aridas of C. I. L., l.c. 6. They consecrated the old corn, the green corn of the new year, and a loaf, fruges aridas et virides contigerunt et panes laureatos, l.c.; and they sacramentally “ate the god,” fruges libatas.

92 Mommsen, Die echte und die falsche Acca Larentia, 3 A. 3.

93 Jordan, Krit. Beitr., 75, compares Italian atta, “mother” and Greek ἀκκώ?

94 “E nos Lases iuvate” = Age nos, Lares, iuvate.

95 The classical references on this subject of beans are: Diog. Laert., viii. 24 and 34 (quoting Aristotle, ἤτοι ὅτι αἰδοίοις εἰσὶν ὅμοιοι), Gellius, N. A., iv. 11; Cic., de Div., i. 30, ii. 58; Pliny N. H., xviii. 12; Didymus in Geopon., ii. 58; Sext. Emp., Pyrrh. Hyp., iii. 224; Iambl., Vit. Pyth., 109 and Protrept. extr. Symb., 37; Anon. (e. Photio), Vit. Pyth., 7; Pseudo-Orig., Philos. ii.; Apollon. Dysc., Mirab. Hist., c. 46; Eudocia, p. 368; Suidas, s. v. Συμβ. Πυθαγ..; Eustath., N., p. 948.

96 For its meaning as a symbol, see Westropp, Primitive Symbolism, p. 28.

97 R. Q., 1, 2, 6, 7, 8, 29, 30, 31, 65, 86, 87, 105, 108.

98 The custom is also testified to by Serv. on Virg., Ecl., viii. 29; Isid., Orig., ix. 8; Plaut., Cas., IV. iv. 1; Catull., lxi. 159; Lucan, Phars., ii. 358.

99 Ueber die römische Ehe, p. 360.

100 Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, Hochzeitsbuch, p. 57.

Ibid., 84.

Ibid., 251.

103 Weinhold, Die deutschen Frauen², i. 410.

104 Haas in Weber’s Ind. Stud., v. 324, 359, 373.

105 V. Schroeder, Hochzeitsbräuche der Esten, pp. 88 ff.

106 Plutarch, R. Q., 31. Cf. Festus, “In pelle lanata nova nupta considere solet.”

107 Serv. ad Æn., iv. 374.

108 Διὸς κῴδιον, Suidas, s.v.

109 De Witte, Descr. des Antiq. de l’Hôtel Lambert, p. 68, pl. 22 (reproduced in Daremberg et Saglio, Dict., s.v., and in Duruy, Hist. des Grecs, i. 786). The right interpretation of this scene was first given by Lenormant, Contemporary Review, 1880, p. 137.

110 The Roman, at this crisis of his personal history, placed himself under the protection of a series of Di Indigetes, e.g., Subigus, Prema, Pertunda (S. August., C. D., vi. 9).

111 The Latin phrase is “Aqua et igni accipi.” The custom is testified to by Dion. Hal., ii. 30; Varro, L. L., v. 61; Serv. ad Æn., iv. 167; Ov., F., iv. 787; Fest. s.v. Scæv., Dig., 24. 1. 66; Stat., Silv. I. ii. 3; Val. Fl., Argon., viii. 244.

112 Weinhold, i. 375 and 408.

113 Schrœder, 128 ff.

Reinsb.-Düringsfeld, 84.

115 “Aqua aspergebatur nova nupta,” s.v. Facem in nuptiis.

Reinsb.-Düringsfeld, 59.

Haas, 358.

Reinsb.-Düringsfeld, 73.

Ibid., 92.

Ibid., 63.

Ibid., 59.

122 Cat., lxi, 81-86, 110, 119; Claud., Fescenn., 106; De Rapt. Pros., ii. 335.

Haas, 327.

Schrœder, 87.

125 F. B. Jevons, Kin and Custom, in the “Journal of Philology,” xvi. pp. 87 ff.

126 Moore, Indian Appeals, ii. 75.

127 For which see R. Q. 6.

128 In Chambers’s Encyclopædia, s.v. “Family.”

129 In Chambers’s Encylopædia, s.v. “Names.”

130 This custom also crops out in fairy tales. See Mr. J. Jacob’s Indian Fairy Tales, p. 28.

Or, nuptiall.

Daughters husband.

Wives father.

134 This may seeme to have some reference to the former question.

Κρόνος.

Χρόνος.

Or Matuta.

138 By Prolepsis, meaning the place where afterwards Rome stood.

Or Phaulius.

140 That is to say, Kalends, Nones, & Ides.

141 ἔπέτειον οἰνον, or, a certeine quantitie of wine yeerely, as some interpret it.

χρηστοὺς.

μηδένα χρηστὸν

ἀριστερὸς, sinistra.

145 I suspect this place to be corrupt in the originall.

146 Or about a dog by the Hippocoontides.

147 Or, feele paine: alluding haply Ad rupturam Hymenis.

148 Or take delight and pleasure.

σάρον.

← Back to Plutarch’s Romane Questions