Concluding Chapter
Alumbagh, Lucknow — The Begum’s Palace — Banks’s House — The Soldier’s Death — Notices — Concluding Remarks
To his Wife.
Camp, Alumbagh, near Lucknow,
February 24th.
We arrived here last night at dusk, after a terribly dusty march of thirty-six miles. To-day we had a bit of a fight. The Pandies, ignorant of the reinforcements which had arrived, had as usual come round one flank of the camp, so we moved out and caught them as they were trying to get back again, and took two of their guns. By “we,” I mean my own men and the Military Train men from home. Young Gough, my adjutant, was wounded, and had his horse shot. I was luckily in the way, or it would have gone worse with him;69 my own horse too (pretty “Child of the Desert”) was wounded, and I was obliged to mount a sowar’s horse. Gough will be laid up for a month, I fear; it is a flesh wound in the thigh. I do not think Master Pandy will try the same trick again. We have been out so long that there is time for no more to-day than this assurance of my safety.
Alumbagh, February 25th.—I have been calling on Sir James Outram this morning, and had a most pleasant interview; the brave old warrior greeted me most cordially, professing his satisfaction at having at last met one of whom he had heard so much, &c. &c. The pleasure was certainly mutual, for I have long wished to meet him. He made many inquiries about you also, and asked whether you had not been in the hills during the panic, and helped the refugees, &c. How proudly I could answer all his praise in the affirmative. He also asked my opinion of Lord William’s administration, and I was glad of the opportunity to testify in his favor. Altogether this good old soldier’s compliments were pleasing to me, particularly as he was not one of those who in my time of trouble passed me by on the other side.
The enemy is quite quiet to-day. I fancy we were too much for his philosophy yesterday. Fancy the Queen Regnant coming out on an elephant to meet us, to encourage her wavering followers! I wish the Chief would make haste and finish this business, it is getting cruelly hot already.
27th.—All quiet still with the enemy. A packet of letters has arrived, and brought me all the comfort I am capable of receiving in this torturing absence; would it were over! I hear the Chief has crossed the Ganges and is coming on here. I believe we had some κῦδος for the affair of the 25th, though beyond being exposed to a very galling fire, I did not think much of it myself. Gough’s wound is a serious misfortune to me just now; a gallant, go-a-head boy like him is not to be easily replaced, any more than poor Mac is. I myself am laid up with a sore leg; I would not nurse it at first, and now it is so painful I cannot mount my horse or even stand without pain, so I shall go into the next scrimmage on an elephant! Dr. Brougham, however, says it will be well in four or five days. I did not know Greville was going home so soon, I hoped to have shaken him by the sain hand once more before we parted for so long.
Alumbagh, 1st March.—Nothing of public importance is occurring. I am still unable to ride, so I do regimental work. I dined with Sir J. Outram (he is the General commanding here) and with Colonel Haggart, 7th Hussars, last night; the former is quite affectionate in his manner to me. He would quite charm you, and were I not out of love with vanity, would spoil me; but I confess the respectful homage of the soldiers is pleasanter to my spirit than the praise of great men. I study to be quiet and do my own business without elation and pride, satisfied with the testimony of my own conscience that I strive to do my duty.
March 2d.—The Commander-in-Chief arrived with a large part of the force this morning, marched straight through our camp, and at the enemy (who of course ran away), and occupied the Dilkoosha, a large garden-house and park near the city. My unfortunate leg prevented my sharing in the fray, I grieve to say, and I am actually in a fright lest he (the Chief) should take Lucknow before I am able to ride!
Alumbagh, March 6th.—I had time for but the merest line yesterday, written from Dilkoosha, where the Commander-in-Chief is encamped, and whither we were erroneously brought yesterday to return here to-day. I had a long talk with Sir Colin, who was even more than commonly kind and cordial. I am not very well, I am sorry to say; this leg troubles me, and is the effect of the erysipelas which attacked my arm in consequence of the wounds closing too quickly. The truth is that I lost about a pound and a half of blood when I was wounded, and having had two slight bouts of fever since, I am not so strong as I would be; however, I am getting on, and am dosed with steel, quinine, and port wine ad lib. My arm is pretty well, but the wound opened again partially after the 25th, and I have been obliged to submit to bandages, &c.; still I hope three or four days will set me all right again, though I fear the arm will never be quite straight again, or the thumb quite flexible. I shall have to go home for rest to my body, if not for comfort to my heart. I have seen Osborn Wilkinson; he is as nice as possible, and he is now Deputy Assistant Quartermaster-General to the Cavalry Brigade, to which my Horse is attached, so I hope to see more of him than of late. I breakfasted yesterday at head-quarters with Napier, and grieved to see that he looked worn and troubled. I fear his health is very precarious.
Camp, near Lucknow, March 6th.—... I grieve that you should be anxious on my account; the same merciful Providence which has so wonderfully preserved us both through so many and great dangers, will, I earnestly pray, continue the same gracious guardianship; yet I strive to be prepared for all....
I had to march again this morning; a message from Sir Colin last night to the Brigadier having directed him to put me in charge of the line of communications with Jellalabad, the Alumbagh, and his camp. So I had to bring my men up here, half-way between the two camps, and to make arrangements for insuring the safety of the roads, and protecting the convoys on which the existence of the army depends. The worst part of it is I cannot ride, and have had, for the first time in my life, to do outpost duty in a dog-cart! driving across country to post videttes and picquettes, &c. What with this continued movement and the rest which I am compelled to take recumbent, I have had no time for writing as I fain would do. I have heard from Reginald; he is so earnest in his wish to do duty with my regiment, that I have asked for him. May God preserve the dear boy from all evil! I shall never forgive myself if harm comes to him. There is no decided move at present; the net is gradually closing round the enemy, some of the Goorkhas and Brigadier Frank’s column having already arrived. You must not expect more than a Majority for me yet, though I have good reason to believe that more will come.
March 8th.—I went up myself to-day to the head-quarters’ camp, to look for letters and see our friend, but failed in both; but I breakfasted and had a long chat with that pleasantest of persons, Lugard, now Sir Edward, and while there I had a letter from Norman to say that Reginald had been appointed to do duty with my Horse. I can but think he is too young; but if he must see hard service so early, better with me than elsewhere. God grant it may be for his good. I am looking for the end with an eager longing for rest which I cannot control. Dear Sir Henry used to say I was ambitious, and I know I was proud and thirsty of success; but now all desires for the future settle down into the one thought of home.
March 9th.—I grieve that report should cause you fear and anxiety whenever there has been a fight, particularly as the chances are against my being in it. You should remember that our force extends now round three sides nearly of Lucknow. The extreme right of our position, or rather camps, being at least nine miles from the left; so that engagements occur at one part which those at the other never perhaps hear of till next day! This was the case with the Dilkoosha affair. The Chief passed our camp on the left, moved on some miles, and occupied “Dilkoosha” (a fine palace, three stories high), and the ground up to the banks of the Goomtee, almost without opposition. I was never within miles of him. Indeed, I have not been on horseback since the 25th, as I am forced to save myself for emergencies. If anything important occurs, be sure I will send a telegram somehow. I have written to Reginald, and sent him a copy of the General Order appointing him to do duty with my regiment. I have also got a Lieutenant Meecham, of the Madras army,—a great artist and good-looking fellow, and, what is much more to my purpose, a fine soldier I believe. I have also asked for young Blackburne, whom you may remember in the 20th Native Infantry at Peshawur,—a friend of Edward Loyd’s. He is much “come out” since then. I do hope Hugh Gough will soon be well; I do ill without such a dashing fine fellow.
In the affair of the 25th we were leading, and took the guns,—i.e., we fairly captured one, and drove the enemy away from the other, and kept them at bay until the “train” came up and secured it. I was not altogether satisfied with my men in this part of the affair. They hesitated, and let me go ahead unsupported except by Nihal Singh; old Mahommed Reza Khan, and one or two others, with Gough, being near. The consequence was that the enemy concentrated their fire on our little party. However, the Europeans of the Military Train hesitated to do what I wanted my men to do, and they behaved very well immediately afterwards. There has been a great fuss about the matter; Sir Colin having taken great and very just offence at its being reported to him that the cavalry were “led” by Colonel ——, a staff-officer.... He got wounded, and then was officially reported to have “led the cavalry,” whereas we had Brigadier Campbell (a capital officer), and Colonel Haggart, of the 7th Hussars, present, besides the officers commanding regiments, “quorum pars fui.” Sir Colin denounced Colonel ——’s “leading” as “an insufferable impertinence,” called me up, and asked me before them all, “Were you present with your regiment on the 25th?” and on my saying, “Yes,” he cried out, “Now, look here; look at my friend Hodson here, does he look like a man that needs ‘leading?’ Is that a man likely to want ‘leading?’ I should like to see the fellow who’d presume to talk of ‘leading’ that man!” pointing to me, and so forth. I nearly went into convulsions; it was such a scene....
The Martinière was taken to-day without loss except poor Captain Peel, who, I grieve to say, is wounded.
March 10th.—The mail is come with my Majority. The brevet has given general dissatisfaction. Some of the double honors are marvellous; but it should be remembered that these promotions are given sponte suâ by the home authorities, no recommendations having gone from hence till lately. I am content myself, having no interest. It proves they perceive I have done something, or I should not have this beginning; and it is satisfactory to find that it is universally considered that I have been shabbily used. Better this by far than to have people lifting up their eyes and saying I had got too much! Inglis is justly rewarded, and some others. I dare say more will come with time. I hope devoutly that when Lucknow falls I shall be released. We shall know in a few days,—for even while I write Lucknow seems to be “falling” fast. Immense progress was made yesterday, with not more loss than some 18 or 20 wounded, and I hear to-day they are going ahead again. Pandy has quite given up fighting, except pot-shots under cover, and runs at the very sight of troops advancing. I stood on the top of the Dilkoosha palace yesterday, and watched the capture of as strong a position as men could wish for (which at Delhi would have cost us hundreds) without the enemy making a single struggle or firing a shot. At this rate Lucknow will soon be in our hands. We (of the cavalry) are kept on the qui vive watching the southern outlets from the town to prevent escape, and I expect to see Lucknow taken without being under fire again. Well, it must be confessed that I have had my share of the dangers of the war, and whether I receive honors or not, I have the testimony of my own conscience that I have done one man’s work towards the restoration of our power in India.... I have been occupied to-day in trying to get the Victoria Cross for the two Goughs. Hugh certainly ought to have it.70
March 11th.—Just as I sit down to write comes an order to move our camp towards Alumbagh again; Jung Bahadoor having at last arrived with his army and taken up ground between me and the enemy.... If anything occurs, I will get Colonel Napier or Norman to send you a service telegram....
This was the last letter which my brother wrote. Having given directions to his Adjutant, Lieutenant Gough, he said he would ride on and look out a nice spot for their new camping-ground, and be back in time to march with them. On his way he heard firing, and riding forward, found that the Begum’s Palace was to be attacked. He immediately rode to the place, and finding his friend Brigadier Napier directing the attack, said laughingly, “I am come to take care of you; you have no business to go to work without me to look after you.” The assault was successful.71 He entered the breach with General Napier and several others. In a few minutes they were separated in the mêlée, and General Napier saw nothing more of him till he was sent for to him “dangerously wounded.” The surgeon of his regiment gives the following account:—
“We struck our tents and were saddled, waiting for him till it became so dark that we were forced to go without him, and reached our ground after sunset. I had gone to the post-office and was five minutes behind the regiment. When I came up, I found that Hodson’s orderly had come in great haste, saying that his master had sent for me, but with no other message. He said that his master had been hit when advancing with the troops on the Begum’s Kotee on foot.
“I mounted and rode off with him at once. From the darkness of the night and the difficulty of passing the Goorkah sentries, I did not get to Dilkooshah till 9 p. m. There no one knew where he was. I then went on to the artillery mess and learnt that he was in Banks’s House which I reached about 10 p. m. I found him in a dooly and Dr. Sutherland with him, whom I at once relieved, and learnt the following particulars from him and from the orderly who remained with Hodson, and who had been by his side when hit. He had arrived at Banks’s House just as the party going to attack the Begum’s Palace were starting, and fell in with them. The place had been taken before he was wounded. When the soldiers were searching for concealed Sepoys in the court-yard and buildings adjoining, he said to his orderly, ‘I wonder if any of the rascals are in there.’ He turned the angle of the passage; looked into a dark room, which was full of Sepoys; a shot was fired from inside. He staggered back some paces and then fell. A party of Highlanders, hearing who had been hit, rushed into the room and bayoneted every man there.
“The orderly, a large powerful Sikh, carried him in his arms out of danger, and got a dooly and brought him back to Banks’s House, where his wound was looked to and dressed.
“He was shot through the right side of the chest, in the region of the liver, the ball entering in front and going out behind. There had been profuse bleeding, and I saw that the wound was most likely mortal.
“He was very glad to see me, and began talking of his wound, which he thought himself was mortal. I lay beside him on the ground all night, holding his hand, on account of the great pain he suffered. He was very weak when I arrived, but by means of stimulants rallied wonderfully, and slept for an hour or two during the night. At daylight he was much better, his hands were warm and his pulse good, and I had hopes that, if the bleeding, which had ceased, did not return, he might recover. He drank two cups of tea, and said he felt very well. His account of his being wounded agreed with the orderly’s.
“About 9 a. m. I had the dooly lifted into a room, which I had had cleared out, where he was much quieter. At 10 a. m., however, bleeding came on again profusely, and he rapidly became worse. I told him that recovery was impossible. He then sent for General Napier, to whom he gave directions about his property and messages to his wife. After this he rapidly sank, though he remained sensible and was able to speak till a quarter past one, when he became too weak; and at twenty-five minutes past one died.
“His orderly72 actually cried over him, he was so attached to him.
“He was buried that evening by the Rev. Dr. Smith. The Commander-in-Chief and his staff were present.”
General Napier says, in a letter to Mrs. Hodson:—
“I regret bitterly now, that I did not insist on your dear husband going back, but you know how impossible it was to check his dauntless spirit.”
He and others who were present give the following particulars:—
... “He lay on his bed of mortal agony and met death with the same calm composure which so much distinguished him on the field of battle. He was quite conscious and peaceful, occasionally uttering a sentence:—
“‘My poor wife,’ ‘My poor sisters.’
“‘I should have liked to see the end of the campaign and gone home to the dear ones once more, but it was so ordered.’
“‘It is hard to leave the world just now, when success is so near, but God’s will be done.’
“‘Bear witness for me that I have tried to do my duty to man. May God forgive my sins for Christ’s sake.’ ‘I go to my Father.’
“‘My love to my wife; tell her my last thoughts were of her.’ ‘Lord, receive my soul.’
“These were his last words, and, without a sigh or struggle, his pure and noble spirit took its flight.”
Thus, on the 12th of March, 1858, in his thirty-seventh year, closed the earthly career of one of the best and bravest of England’s sons, one of her truest heroes, of whom it may be said,—“Quanquam medio in spatio integræ ætatis ereptus, quantum ad gloriam longissimum ævum peregit.”
Great and irreparable as was his loss to his family and his friends, as a husband, a brother, and a friend, I believe that, at the particular juncture at which he was taken away, it was still greater, as a soldier, to his country. It would be difficult to overestimate the value of the services which he might have rendered, if spared, in the pacifying of Oude after the capture of Lucknow, or the influence which he might have had on the fortunes of the war. One of those best qualified to judge declared, that “Hodson with his regiment would have been worth 10,000 men.” His peculiar qualifications for Asiatic warfare would have found an appropriate field for their display.
It is unnecessary, however, for me to attempt to pronounce his eulogium. This has been done by those more capable of forming an estimate of his rare excellence as a soldier, and of doing it justice by their words.
Sir Colin Campbell, in a letter of condolence to his widow, thus expressed himself:—
“Martinière, March 13, 1858.
“Madam,—It is with a sentiment of profound regret that I am compelled to address you for the purpose of communicating the sad news that your gallant and distinguished husband, Major Hodson, received a mortal wound from a bullet on the 11th instant. He unfortunately accompanied his friend Brigadier Napier, commanding Engineers in the successful attack on the Begum’s Palace. The whole army, which admired his talents, his bravery, and his military skill, deplores his loss, and sympathizes with you in your irreparable bereavement. I attended your husband’s funeral yesterday evening, in order to show what respect I could to the memory of one of the most brilliant officers under my command.
(Signed) “C. Campbell,
“Com.-in-Chief in East Indies.”
An officer who was present at the funeral says:—
“When the part of the service came where the body is lowered into the grave, all the old warrior’s courage and self-possession could no longer control the tears,—undeniable evidence of what he felt. ‘I have lost one of the finest officers in the army,’ was his remark to General Napier.”
Even Sir John Lawrence, no friendly judge, pronounced him in an official paper to be—
“One of the ablest, most active, and bravest soldiers who have fallen in the present war.”
Sir R. Montgomery says:—
“I look round and can find no one like him. Many men are as brave, many possess as much talent, many are as cool and accurate in judgment, but not one combines all these qualifications as he did.”
I shall best give an idea of the universal feeling of regret awakened at the tidings of his death by subjoining a few extracts from the public press at home and abroad, and from private letters. The Bombay correspondent of the Times, after detailing the assault on the Begum’s Palace, wrote thus:—
“At this point fell, mortally wounded, Hodson of the 1st Bengal Fusileers; Hodson of Hodson’s Horse; Hodson, the captor of the King of Delhi and the princes of his house. Few of the many losses that have occurred during the operations consequent upon the mutinies, have caused such universal regret throughout India as the death of this excellent officer; and among those in England who have read of and admired his exploits, not only his comrades of the Sikh battle-fields, but many an old friend at Rugby or at Trinity will mourn that his career has been thus early closed.”
The Times, in a leading article, thus announced his death:—
“The country will receive with lively regret the news that the gallant Major Hodson, who has given his name to an invincible and almost ubiquitous body of cavalry, was killed in the attack on Lucknow. Major Hodson has been from the very beginning of this war fighting everywhere and against any odds with all the spirit of a Paladin of old. His most remarkable exploit, the capture of the King of Delhi and his two sons, astonished the world by its courage and coolness. Hodson was, indeed, a man who, from his romantic daring and his knowledge of the Asiatic character, was able to beat the natives at their own weapons. We could better have spared an older and more highly placed officer.”
The following notice appeared in a Bombay paper:—
“From a Lucknow letter which we publish to-day our readers will learn, with sorrow and regret, that that most able and gallant officer, Captain Hodson, who has distinguished himself on so many occasions since the breaking out of the rebellion, and whose services have been of so brilliant and valuable a character, has been killed at Lucknow. As a leader of Irregular Horse, or indeed as a soldier of any of the non-scientific forces, Captain Hodson was almost without an equal. He was one of those squadron leaders which the Indian army can alone rear up. There are few men who would have managed the capture of the ex-King of Delhi as this departed hero did. On that occasion his force was small compared to that he had to cope with; but the determined daring of the man made up for the disparity, and the old King came out of his fortification—for a strong fortification it was—and surrendered. So also with the capture of the King’s sons, who also surrendered themselves, but whom Hodson found rescued when he reached them, after having completed the disarming of their band. That was a moment to test a man. But he of whom we write was equal to the emergency. The carts in which the princes were, were retaken immediately. Still the aspect of the armed Mahomedan crowd around—growing every moment more numerous—was dark and threatening. It was a situation which required prompt decision, and promptly did the British leader decide. He saw that it was necessary that his prisoners should die, and resolved himself to become their executioner: a wise resolve, for, probably, had he asked one of his own Mahomedan troopers to kill the sons of the Mogul, a refusal would have followed, and that refusal might have been acted up to by all. He adopted the wiser course, harangued his men, ordered the prisoners to take off their robes in the cart, and shot them with his own hand. Had the prisoners been allowed to leave the cart, their bodies would have been left behind; for to touch them would, by the troopers, have been considered defilement, and, left behind, they might have been fanatically paraded through the country as an incitement to a fresh rising. Besides, it was necessary that their remains should be exposed at the Kotwallie in Delhi with something of the indignity they themselves had caused to be inflicted on the murdered victims of the 11th of May.”
Another published a letter with this sentence:—
“Hodson, splendid fellow, died the following day, most deeply regretted by all ranks in his regiment. He indeed was a brave soldier, a clever and truly esteemed commander. May we not say he was one of the flowers of the ‘old Europeans,’ and an ornament to the Bengal army?”
The writer (in Blackwood’s Magazine) of a series of papers on the 1st Fusileers, says:—
“Then fell one of the bravest in the Indian army, an officer whose name has been brought too often before the public by those in high command to need my humble word in praise. There was not a man before Delhi who did not know Hodson; always active, always cheery, it did one’s heart good to look at his face, when all felt how critical was our position. Ask any soldier who was the bravest man before Delhi, who most in the saddle, who foremost? and nine out of ten in the Infantry will tell you Hodson, in the Artillery as many will name Tombs.
“I once heard one of the Fusileers say, ‘Whenever I sees Captain Hodson go out, I always prays for him, for he is sure to be in danger.’ Yet it was not only in the field that Hodson was to be valued, his head was as active as his hand was strong, and I feel sure, when we who knew him heard of his death, not one but felt that there was a vacancy indeed in our ranks.”
The Times correspondent, (Mr. Russell,) in his letter of March 13th, writes:—
“When I returned to head-quarters’ camp this evening, I found that poor Hodson had died the previous day, and been buried the same evening.
“He was a zealous and accomplished officer, of great bravery, ability, and determination, an excellent judge of the native character, of a humane and clement disposition, but firm in the infliction of deserved punishment.
“The last time I saw him alive he expressed a decided opinion that Government must resort to an amnesty, or be prepared for a long continuance of disturbances.”
From the Delhi Gazette:—
“He was a perfect gentleman, an accomplished scholar, and we need scarcely add, (what our columns have so often recorded,) one of the most brilliant soldiers in this or any other army. His death is not only a severe family affliction, but a national calamity, and it will be long before the name of the capturer of the King and princes of Delhi will cease to be mentioned with honor, and remembered with regret.”
From private letters of condolence, which would fill a volume, I select a few passages, in which the writers seem to have seized with great felicity upon some of the more remarkable features in my brother’s character and actions.
“It is hard to lose one upon whom all eyes were fixed, and whose noble qualities seemed so certain of recognition, and of speedy advancement to such employments as his fine natural abilities well fitted him to discharge.
“The very presence of such a man in India was an element of power apart from all official rank, and he could ill be spared from among the very few who have learnt to impersonate in themselves the power of the English nation, and to let the natives of India feel the irresistible character of that power. You must have watched him so anxiously and so proudly that, though thousands of us have done the same, none can approach the measure of your sorrow or mourn as you that he can confer no more honor on your name, but that the opportunities of the future must be reaped by other and less capable hands.
“I cannot feel easy without expressing to you the great grief and consternation with which I read the account of your brother’s death. Certainly it would have been little less than miraculous if, being what he was, he had lived out this war. And yet I, for one, had always cherished a hope that I might have seen once more with my own eyes so noble and gallant a soldier.
“There is, after all, something about skilful courage which draws the heart to itself more than eloquence, or learning, or anything else, and your brother seems to have been endued with this almost more than any living Englishman, brave as our countrymen are.”
“Closely have I watched, during these last few sad months, the career of that brave brother of yours. I could estimate his bold and self-sacrificing courage, and knowing as I did the sort of people over whom he had acquired such perfect sway, I knew how much a clear and commanding intellect must have been called into exercise, to aid a strong and devoted heart. What victims has Lucknow offered up to the fiendish treachery of those ungrateful men—Lawrence! Havelock! and Hodson!”
“My grief is not for him; he had done his work in that station of life in which God had placed him, nobly, heartily, and as in the sight of God (would that we all did our work in half such a Christian spirit); but for you all, who were looking forward to seeing him again, crowned with the honors he had so hardly won. Well, it has pleased God that this was not to be; but there is a good hope, more than a hope, that a reward of a higher kind is his.”
From one who had known him in India:—
“From the love and esteem I bore your brother, you will, I feel sure, allow me to write and express, however imperfectly words can do it, my deep and heartfelt sympathy with you and your sisters under this heavy blow. Our acquaintance was not of long standing, but had rapidly ripened into intimacy, and I look back to the days spent in his society as amongst my happiest in India. His very presence was sunshine.
“Of my admiration for his talents, and the service he rendered his country, it would be impertinent to speak,—they are of public note; but of the tender sympathies, the ready advice, the forgetfulness of self, and the ever-mindfulness of others, I may testify. His was, indeed, a rare and beautiful character, and the better he was known the more he could not fail to be appreciated.”
I will add one more letter from General Johnstone, which will show that even to the last my brother was pursued by the same jealousy and malignity which had caused him so much suffering in former years:—
“He was too noble to pass through the world without detractors. The ambitious and brave envied him, because the brilliancy of his acts put theirs in the shade; I mean, those not possessed of the disinterestedness of Christians.
“The mean and despicable hated him, because they quailed before the eagle eye that could endure neither dishonesty nor cowardice. Their base slanders were in whispers during his life; now that his gallant spirit is gone, they come forward in unblushing malignity. I heard the whispers only; my indignation at learning the baseness with which this true hero has been treated is beyond all my powers of expression.”
Some of my readers may be interested in a description of Major Hodson’s personal appearance and manner, given in a letter describing a visit which he paid the writer a few years previously at Calcutta:—
“He was remarkably well made, lithe, and agile; in height about five feet eleven inches. His hair had slightly receded from a high and most intellectual forehead, and was light and curly. His eyes were blue, but animated by a peculiarly determined, and sometimes even fierce look, which would change to one of mischievous merriment, for he was keenly susceptible of the ridiculous, in whatever shape it presented itself; but usually his look impressed me at once with that idea of his determination and firmness which have ever characterized his actions. His nose was inclining to the aquiline, and the curved, thin nostrils added a look of defiance in noways counteracted by the compressed lips, which seemed to denote many an inward struggle between duty and inclination. These are my impressions of Hodson as I last saw him; and if you add to this an open, frank manner, that, bongré malgré, impressed you favorably at first sight with the owner, you will have the charming ensemble that presides over my recollections of three as happy weeks as I ever passed.”
As a pendant to this portrait I give another from a lady’s pen, drawn more recently:—
“There was an indescribable charm of manner about him, combining all the gentle playfulness of the boy, the deep tenderness of the woman, and the vigorous decision of the soldier.
“His powers of attraction extended even to animals; and it was touching to see his large white Persian cat following him from room to room, escaping from the caresses of others to nestle by him. I have often watched the pretty creature as he threw himself, exhausted with the day’s work, on an easy chair or sofa, rubbing himself against his master, whisking the long white tail against his fair moustache, and courting the endearments liberally bestowed. Restless with others, pussy was at rest if established by him.
“At Delhi there was a wild, shy little kitten, which fled from every one else, but mewed provokingly whenever he appeared,—would jump on his knee with all the familiarity of an old friend.
“With his horses he had the same power of domestication. They yielded to the sound of his voice with the instinct that seemed to convey to all that in him they had found master and friend.
“Over the natives that influence seemed almost magic. When at Umbâla, on ten days’ leave, in November last, the wounded and convalescent Guides (his old corps) were all day straying into the compound simply to ‘salaam’ the ‘Sahib.’ And if, when lingering on the steps, or in front of the study door, they were questioned what they wanted, their answer would be, ‘Nothing; they liked to look at the Sahib.’ And so they hung about his steps, and watched like so many faithful dogs. Especially there was an Affghan boy, (he had once been a slave,) whose very soul seemed bound up in the master who had rescued him from his degraded position, and for whom every service seemed light. He would watch his master’s movements with a look of very worship, as if the ground were not good enough for him to tread.
“His joyousness of nature made him the most charming companion. There was a certain quaintness of expression which gave zest to all he said; and yet there was a reverence, too, so that, were subjects graver than usual introduced even by allusion, they at once commanded his earnest response.”
It will doubtless excite surprise, perchance indignation, that one whom the Commander-in-Chief pronounced “one of the most brilliant soldiers under his command,”—one whom all ranks of the army in India reckoned amongst their bravest and most skilful leaders,—one whom the popular voice has already enrolled amongst the heroes of the nation,—one whose name was “known, either in love or fear, by every native from Calcutta to Cabul,”—should have received, with the exception of a brevet majority (to which he was entitled for services in 1849), no mark of his Sovereign’s approbation, no recognition of gallant services and deeds of daring, one tenth part of which would have covered many of Fortune’s favorites with decorations.
That recognition, however, which was officially withheld, has been given in a more marked form by the spontaneous expression of the feelings of his brothers-in-arms. A committee, composed of officers of the highest eminence, has been formed at Calcutta for the sake of recording, by some permanent memorial, their admiration of his gallantry and skill, and it has been determined that it should take the form of a monument in Lichfield Cathedral.
Nor will his name be forgotten in India, even by men in office. The regiment which he raised still is “Hodson’s Horse;” and by an order, published in the Gazette of August 13th, is constituted a brigade, consisting of the 1st, 2d, and 3d Regiments of “Hodson’s Horse.”
I do not know that his warmest friends could desire any more distinguished testimony to his services.
Since these remarks were written, my brother’s services have received a still more public acknowledgment. On the occasion of the vote of thanks to the Indian Army, on 14th April, 1859, both Lord Derby in the Upper, and Lord Stanley in the Lower House, mentioned his name in the most honorable manner.
Lord Stanley spoke as follows:—
“And now, Sir, having paid the tribute that is due to those who live, it is not fitting that we should pass away entirely from this subject without recognizing the services of the dead. (Hear, hear.) Operations like those which have been carried on for the last eighteen months, could not be conducted without a great and lamentable loss of life, and their loss to the public service is not one which can be measured by any numerical test, because it is always the best and bravest officers who rush to the front,—who volunteer for every service of danger or difficulty, who expose themselves to every risk, and among whom, therefore, there is necessarily the greatest loss of life. There are two names which are especially distinguished. The first is that of Major Hodson, of the Guides, (hear, hear,) who in his short but brilliant military career displayed every quality which an officer should possess. (Hear.) Nothing is more remarkable, in glancing over the biography of Major Hodson that has just appeared, than the variety of services in which he was engaged. At one time he displayed his great personal courage and skill as a swordsman in conflict with Sikh fanatics; was then transferred to the civil service, in which he performed his duties as though he had passed his whole life at the desk, afterwards recruiting and commanding the corps of Guides, and, lastly, taking part in the operations before Delhi, volunteering for every enterprise in which life could be hazarded or glory could be won. He crowded into the brief space of eleven eventful years the services and adventures of a long life. He died when his reward was assured, obtaining only that reward which he most coveted,—the consciousness of duty done, and the assurance of enduring military renown. The other name to which I shall refer is a name which will always be received with feelings of special and individual interest by this House. No words of mine can add to the glory attaching to the short but noble career of Sir W. Peel. (Cheers.) He bore a name which is inseparably connected with the Parliamentary history of this country, and it was with feelings of almost personal pride and of personal grief that a great number of the members of this House received the accounts of his glorious achievements and of his untimely end. (Hear, hear.) For his own reputation he had lived long enough; no future acts could have enhanced his fame. It is England, it is his country that deplores his loss.”
I have also much pleasure in stating that “in testimony of the high sense entertained of the gallant and distinguished services of the late Brevet-Major W. S. R. Hodson,” the Secretary of State for India in Council has granted a special pension to his widow.
The End
Footnotes1
See Washington Irving, &c.
2 At Sobraon.
3 Sir H. Lawrence, K. C. B.
4 At this very juncture, the Adjutant-General of the army had also applied for Lieut. Hodson.
5 Now Sir Robert Napier, K. C. B.
6 Lieutenant (now Col.) Herbert Edwardes wrote as follows to his family in England:—
“Young Hodson has been appointed to do duty with our Punjaub Guide Corps, commanded by Lieutenant Lumsden. The duties of a Commandant or Adjutant of Guides are at once important and delightful. It is his duty in time of peace to fit himself for leading armies during war. This necessitates his being constantly on the move, and making himself and his men acquainted with the country in every quarter. In short, it is a roving commission, and to a man of spirit and ability one of the finest appointments imaginable.
“I think Hodson will do it justice. He is one of the finest young fellows I know, and a thorough soldier in his heart.”
7 Extract from Despatch of Brigadier Wheeler to the Adjutant-General.
Camp, Rungur Nuggul, Oct. 15th, 1848.
“Lieut. W. S. Hodson, with his detachment of Corps of Guides, has done most excellent service, and by his daring boldness, and that of his men, gained the admiration of all.”
8 Sir Colin.
9 Extract from an Order issued by Brigadier-General Wheeler.
“Camp Kulállwála, Nov. 23d, 1848.
“The detachment of the Corps of Guides moved in the morning direct on the village, whilst the other troops were moving on the fort. It was occupied in force by the enemy, who were dislodged in a most spirited manner, and the place afterwards retained as commanding the works of the fort, the men keeping up a sharp fire on all who showed themselves. The thanks of the Brigadier-General are due to Lieut. Hodson, not only for his services in the field, but for the information with which he furnished him, and he offers them to him and to his men.”
10 Fanatics.
11
Extract from an Order issued by Brigadier-General Wheeler, C. B., dated
“Camp below Dullah, Jan. 17th, 1849.
“This order cannot be closed without the expression of the Brigadier-General’s high opinion of the services of Lieutenants Lumsden and Hodson, who have spared no labor to obtain for him an accurate knowledge of the mountain of Dullah and its approaches; and Lieutenant Hodson has entitled himself to the sincere thanks of the Brigadier-General for his endeavors to lead a column to turn the enemy’s position, which failed only from causes which rendered success impracticable.”
12 Chillianwalla, Jan. 13th, 1849.
13 Such an impression had my brother’s daring and activity produced upon the minds of the Sikhs, that several years afterwards it was found that the Sikh mothers still used his name as a threat of terror to their children, reminding one of the border ballad,—
Hark ye, hark ye, do not fret ye,
The black Douglas shall not get ye.
14 Sir W. Napier.
15 No two troops or companies were of the same race, in order to prevent the possibility of combination. One company was composed of Sikhs, another of Affreedees, others of Pathans, Goorkhas, Punjaubee Mahomedans, &c., with native officers, in each case, of a different race from the men.
16 The news of his father’s death.
17 “Lieutenant Hodson, who has succeeded to the command of the Guides, is an accomplished soldier, cool in council, daring in action, with great natural ability improved by education. There are few abler men in any service.”
18 They afterwards mutinied.
19 His bearer.
20 Letter from an Officer.
“When the mutiny broke out, our communications were completely cut off. One night, on outlying picket at Meerut, this subject being discussed, I said, ‘Hodson is at Umbâla, I know; and I’ll bet he will force his way through, and open communications with the Commander-in-Chief and ourselves.’ At about three that night I heard my advanced sentries firing. I rode off to see what was the matter, and they told me that a party of enemy’s cavalry had approached their post. When day broke, in galloped Hodson. He had left Kurnâl (seventy-six miles off) at nine the night before, with one led horse and an escort of Sikh cavalry, and, as I had anticipated, here he was with despatches for Wilson! How I quizzed him for approaching an armed post at night without knowing the parole. Hodson rode straight to Wilson, had his interview, a bath, breakfast, and two hours’ sleep, and then rode back the seventy-six miles, and had to fight his way for about thirty miles of the distance.”
Another officer, writing to his wife at this time, says:—
“Hodson’s gallant deeds more resemble a chapter from the life of Bayard or Amadis de Gaul, than the doings of a subaltern of the nineteenth century. The only feeling mixed with my admiration for him is envy.”
21 At Bhágput.
22 I am told that, one day about this time, General Barnard said at the council table, “We must have our best man to lead that column;—Hodson, will you take it?”—Ed.
23 One of the officers who witnessed this scene told me that the exclamation of the men on meeting him was, “Burra Lerai-wallah,” or Great in battle.—Ed.
24 This had been one of the unfounded charges against him two years before.
25 A Persian lady.
26 From Major-General Sir H. Barnard, Commanding Field Force, to the Adjutant-General of the Army.
“Camp, Delhi, June 16th, 1857.
“Sir,—While inclosing for the information of the Commander-in-Chief the reports of the late attack made by the enemy on the force under my command, I would wish to bring to his notice the assistance I have received in every way from the services of Lieut. W. S. Hodson, 1st Bengal European Fusileers.
“Since the arrival of his regiment at Umbâla, up to the present date, his untiring energy and perpetual anxiety to assist me in any way in which his services might be found useful, have distinguished him throughout, and are now my reasons for bringing this officer thus specially to the notice of the Commander-in-Chief.
(Signed) “H. M. Barnard,
Major-General.”
27 Extract of a Private Letter from Camp to Lord W. Hay.
“Hodson volunteered to lead the assault on the night of the 11th, but the plan unfortunately was not adopted; a small building in front of the gate, which he had fixed on as the rendezvous, is called ‘Hodson’s Mosque.’ It would probably have been his tomb, for few of the devoted band would have escaped, though the city would have been ours.”
A private letter from Camp of the 10th June, says, “Hodson, of the 1st Fusileers, and old Showers are admitted to be the best officers in the field.”
28 1st European Bengal Fusileers.
29 1st European Bengal Fusileers.
30 1st European Bengal Fusileers.
31 Sir Thomas Seaton, K. C. B.
32 “They went into the city, and reported that they had defeated the great Lâll Bahadoor (Red Warrior) and a large party of his horse, and were rewarded accordingly.”—Letter from Camp. [Ed.]
33 Extract from Letter of Colonel (now Sir T.) Seaton, from Camp, at this time:—
“Hodson’s courage and conduct are the admiration of all, and how he gets through the immense amount of work and fatigue he does is marvellous.
“He has the soundest heart and clearest head of any man in camp.”
34 “On the return of the detachment from the fight of the 18th, Colonel Jones, who commanded, went to the General and begged to thank Captain Hodson for his most gallant and efficient assistance, adding his hope for no better aid whenever he had to lead for the future.”—Extract from a Letter from Camp.
35 It was ultimately ascertained that there were 70,000 or 75,000.
36 It was, however, refused by the Government, though asked for in the strongest terms of praise by Colonel A. Becher, Quartermaster-General, and recommended by the General!—Ed.
37 European force before Delhi, August 1:—
Infantry, 2,000 Cavalry, 500 Artillery, 550 —— 3,050
On actual daily duty, 2,007.
38
“Cawnpore, July 26th.
“General Havelock has crossed the river to relieve Lucknow, which will be effected four days hence.
“We shall probably march to Delhi to-morrow, with 4,000 or 5,000 Europeans, and a heavy artillery, in number, not weight.
“The China force is in Calcutta, 5,000 men. More troops expected immediately. We shall soon be with you.—Yours truly,
“B. A. Tytler,
“Lieut.-Col., Quartermaster-General,
“Movable Column.”
39 The uniform of “Hodson’s Horse” was a dust-colored tunic, with a scarlet sash worn over the shoulder, and scarlet turban, which gained them the name of “the Flamingoes.”
40 1st European Bengal Fusileers.
41 Extract from Letter of Major-General Wilson.
“The Major-General commanding the force having received from Lieut. Hodson a report of his proceedings and operations from the 14th, when he left camp, till his return on the 24th, has much pleasure in expressing to that officer his thanks for the able manner in which he carried out the instructions given him. The Major-General’s thanks are also due to the European and native officers and men composing the detachment, for their steady and gallant behavior throughout the operations, particularly on the 17th and 18th inst., at Rohtuck, when they charged and dispersed large parties of horse and foot.”
42 Referring to his charge of the Intelligence Department.
43 An artillery officer told me of my brother, that even when he might have taken rest he would not; but instead, would go and help work at the batteries, and exposed himself constantly in order to relieve some fainting gunner or wounded man.—Ed.
44 The story referred to was told by an officer: visiting the sick in hospital in the fort at Agra, he asked a man, severely wounded, whether he could do anything for him. “Oh yes, sir,” was the answer, “if you would be so good as to read us anything in the papers about that Captain Hodson; he’s always doing something to make us proud of our country, and of belonging to the same service as that noble fellow; it makes one forget the pain.”
45 The following account of the assault, by an officer of the 1st European Bengal Fusileers, will supply many particulars of interest:—
“At 2 o’clock a. m. we formed in front of our camp 250 strong, and marched down to Ludlow Castle, which we reached about daybreak. There we paused some time to receive our ladders, and advanced at sunrise to the assault. Every man felt this day would repay him for four months of hard knocks, and that we should give the murderous ruffians a wholesome lesson, and teach them that a hand-to-hand struggle with armed men was quite another affair to one with defenceless women and children. We cross the glacis, the fire is hot; descend and reascend the ditch, mount the berme and escalade. Hark! what noise is that? not the Sepoy’s war-cry ‘Bum, Bum ram, ram, Oh King’ for which you are intently listening; but the wild, thrilling cheer of the British, which announces to friend and foe that the ramparts are won. We descend and meet in the Cashmere Bastion, and-are astonished at our rapid success. A general shaking of hands takes place. ‘Oh, General, is that you?’ ‘Paddy, my boy, how are you?’ these and such like greetings take place, whilst the different regiments form. We moved out rapidly and stormed the church and adjacent buildings, and killed a number of Sepoys as they retreated from the Water Bastion. After this, we proceeded round the ramparts to our right without very much opposition, and halted at the Cabul Gate for some time; again the word was forward, and in leading on the men, my glorious friend George Jacob was mortally wounded; he, poor fellow, was shot in the thigh, and died that night. As he lay writhing in his agony on the ground, unable to stand, two or three men went to take him to the rear, but a sense of duty was superior to bodily pain, and he refused their aid, desiring them to go on and take the guns. Twice did the enemy repulse us from this strong position, our third attempt was successful, but two guns hardly repaid us for our loss. ‘Sergeant Jordan,’ I said, ‘spike that gun on the rampart.’ ‘I can’t, sir, I’ve no spikes.’ ‘Then take a ramrod, break it in, and throw it down to me;’ and I spiked the other gun in the same way. The enemy eventually retook this position, but found only useless guns. A little in advance, the enemy had a gun and bullet-proof breastwork, behind which they fired on us with impunity. This was on the rampart, and we were in a narrow lane about twelve feet below, where not more than four men could go abreast. In one charge, Nicholson, our best and bravest, was struck down. Speke, gentle everywhere but in the field, was mortally wounded, and I, in re-forming the regiment for a renewed attempt, was shot through the right shoulder, which will prevent my being bumptious for some time; out of our small party, seven officers and many, very many men had fallen. It was felt to be madness to continue the struggle where the enemy had all the advantage, and the troops were withdrawn to the Cabul Gate, but the British and Sikh soldiers had done their work, they had opened the road for our unrivalled artillery to bring in their guns, and in six days they cleared the city with very trifling loss on our side.”
46 66 officers, 1,104 men, was the official return.
47 On the 16th.
48 One of the officers present on this occasion, speaking of it in a letter to his wife, says, “I found time, however, for admiration of Hodson, who sat like a man carved in stone, and as calm and apparently as unconcerned as the sentries at the Horse Guards, and only by his eyes and his ready hand, whenever occasion offered, could you have told that he was in deadly peril, and the balls flying amongst us as thick as hail.”
49 Extract from the Despatch of Brigadier Hope Grant, Commanding Cavalry Division.
“Head-Quarters, Delhi, Sept. 17th, 1857.
“The behavior of the Native Cavalry was also admirable. Nothing could be steadier, nothing more soldierlike, than their bearing. Lieutenant Hodson commanded a corps raised by himself, and he is a first-rate officer, brave, determined, and clear-headed.”
50 Hervey H. Greathed, Commissioner and Political Agent.
51 Extract from the Despatches of General Wilson on the Fall of Delhi.
“Delhi, Sept. 22d, 1857.
“I beg also to bring very favorably to notice the officers of the Quartermaster-General’s Department,... and Captain Hodson, who has performed such good and gallant service with his newly raised regiment of Irregular Horse, and at the same time conducted the duties of the Intelligence Department, under the orders of the Quartermaster-General, with rare ability and success.”
52 Vide p. 342 for more detailed account.
53 It was on this spot that the head of Gooroo Teg Bahadoor had been exposed by order of Aurungzebe, the Great Mogul, nearly 200 years before. The Sikhs considered that in attacking Delhi they were “paying off an old score.” A prophecy had long been current among them, that by the help of the white man they should reconquer Delhi. After this they looked on Captain Hodson as the “avenger of their martyred Gooroo,” and were even more ready than before to follow him anywhere.
54 “At a short distance, about a mile before reaching the tomb, the road passes under the Old Fort,—a strong tower, commanding the road on two sides, in which the King and his party first took refuge on their escape from Delhi. This was filled with his adherents, and it was a moment of no small danger to Hodson and his little troop, when passing under it on his way out to the tomb, any stray shot from the walls might have laid him low.”—Note by a Friend.
55 All the notice taken of this remarkable exploit in Major-General Wilson’s despatch of September 22d, was,—
“The King, who accompanied the troops for some short distance last night, gave himself up to a party of Irregular Cavalry whom I sent out in the direction of the fugitives, and he is now a prisoner under a guard of European soldiers.”
We may well remark on this anonymous version, “id maxime formidolosum, privati hominis nomen supra principis attolli.”—Ed.
56 Called Shahzadahs.
57 “When within the inclosure, Hodson observed the balcony resting on the Archway of Ingress filled with the followers of the royal party, many with arms. Facing it, he looked up calmly, pointed his carabine, and said, ‘The first man that moves is a dead man.’ The effect was instantaneous. Not a hand was raised, and by the glance of that eye, and effect of that voice, every disposition to interfere by word or deed was quelled.”—Note by a friend, who afterwards visited Humayoon’s Tomb in company with Lieut. Macdowell.
58 From Mr. Montgomery, now Chief Commissioner of Oude.
“Sept. 29th.
“My dear Hodson,—All honor to you (and to your ‘Horse’) for catching the King and slaying his sons. I hope you will bag many more! In haste,
“Ever yours,
“R. Montgomery.”
59 So he did, but ultimately gave himself up, and was hanged by the authorities in Delhi.—Ed.
60 Referring to his wife’s almost miraculous escape, when the horse on which she was riding fell over a precipice and was killed.—Ed.
61 A letter from Delhi, in October, says:—
“The corps raised by that very gallant officer, Captain Hodson, is composed, more than anything we have hitherto had, of the old sirdars and soldiers of Runjeet Singh’s time, in consequence of which, and the skill of their commander, they are already an extremely efficient corps.
“I was talking this morning to a very independent looking Resaldar, who seemed to be treated by his men much more as they do a European officer than is ever seen in our service, and who bore himself as the inferior of no one, and I found that he had been long a colonel of artillery in Runjeet Singh’s service, and very openly went through the part he had taken against us in the revolt of 1849.”
62 From Despatch from Colonel T. Seaton, C. B., to Major-General Penny, Commanding at Delhi.
“Khasgunge, Dec. 15th, 1857.
“The General will see by the list of casualties, that Captain Hodson’s newly raised body of Horse was not backward, and rendered excellent service. It could not do less under its distinguished commander, whom I beg particularly to mention to the Major-General, as having on every possible occasion rendered me the most efficient service, whether in gaining information, reconnoitring the country, or leading his regiment.”
63 Extract from a Despatch from Lieutenant-Colonel T. Seaton, dated
“Puttialee, Dec. 18th, 1857.
“After the action at Gungeree I specially mentioned Captain Hodson and his regiment. I can but repeat what I then said, and beg that the Major-General will be good enough to bring this officer, and his great and important services, to the special notice of the Commander-in-Chief.”
64 The following extract from a private letter of an artillery officer, describing the state of the roads, will give some notion of the danger of this ride:—
“Mynpooree, December 29th.
“Since the 20th of October, no letters have passed this road. The ‘Kossids,’ whose trade it is to carry letters through an enemy’s country, would not and could not do it, and no wonder. At one place we saw a poor brute who had gone from us with a letter to the Chief, and had been caught by the rebels. He was hanging by the heels, had his nose cut off, had been made a target of, and roasted alive.
“Pleasant fellows, these rebels, and worthy of all consideration.”
65 Lieutenant R. Mitford, 3d Bengal Fusileers, now Adjutant of Hodson’s Horse and V. C.
66 Mr. Charles Raikes, in his interesting Notes on the Revolt, p. 109, says: “At night I warned Mr. Power for duty, to go out with the Brigade. I found it difficult to convince him that 2,000 men, quietly slumbering around, would, in the course of an half hour, be under arms, and on the march to attack the enemy. Scarce a creature in the camp, save General Mansfield, Adrian Hope, Hodson, and I, knew the plans of the Commander-in-Chief. The men had gone to bed as usual, when quietly orders were issued, and by half-past ten, Hope, with his Brigade, was on his march.” He then gives several amusing native accounts of the action at Shumshabad, and afterwards adds,—“Rode to see Hodson; he is much cut up about Macdowell’s loss, but treats his own wounds very lightly. Being in his sword arm, we shall lose his invaluable services for a time.”
67 Charles Theophilus Metcalfe, 2nd son of the late James Macdowell, Esq., of Bengal Medical Service, born 29th October, 1829, appointed to Honorable East India Company’s Service, 1846. Served in Punjaub campaign of 1848-9, including passage of Chenab at Ramnuggur, and battles of Chillianwallah and Goojerat, in which he carried the colors of his regiment, 2d Bengal European Fusileers (medal and clasp). Served in Burmah, marched with his regiment to Delhi, and served with it in various engagements, till in August he was appointed second in command of Hodson’s Horse.
“This excellent officer, who was Captain Hodson’s second in command, and right-hand man, sunk under his wound, to the sorrow of all who knew his rare value as a soldier.”—Raikes’s Notes.
68 His father’s old parish.
69 Lieutenant Gough says, that my brother saved his life by cutting down a rebel trooper in the very act of spearing him.
70 It has been given.—Ed.
71 At the Begum’s Palace the defences were found, after the capture of the place, so much stronger than could be observed or had been believed, that the General said, that, had he known what lay before the assaulting column, he should have hesitated to give the order for advance. They went at it, however, with a rush,—the 93d Highlanders and 4th Punjaub Rifles, old comrades at the Secundrabagh,—and carried it.
72 This orderly, Nihal Singh, afterwards travelled to Simla at his own expense to see Mrs. Hodson, and beg to be taken into her service and go to England with her. The men of his regiment cried like children when they heard the news of his death.