Schools of Gaul

3 Ideals

Ἐν οὐρανᾥ ἴσως παράδειγμα ἀνάκειται τῷ βουλομένῳ ὁρᾶν, καὶ ὁρῶντι ἑαυτὸν κατοικίζειν.

Plato, Republic 592 B.

The rhetorical system of education, much praised and universally accepted, had many points in its favour. It seemed to be the only method, backed as it was by a great tradition. It was regular and well organized and stable by reason of its imperial support. It had produced many great men in the past and had the blessing of mighty names. That was enough for the fourth-century Gaul, who did not trouble to make distinctions. For the voices of protest had long died down, and this was the time of ‘Rhetorica triumphans’.

It was also undoubtedly a necessary means of training men for public speaking, popular because the emperor so substantially encouraged the imperial orator. The service of the State was a laudable aspiration. Moreover, the rhetorical exercises produced ingenuity and nimbleness of wit. They were very laudable, also, for creating lucidity of thought, by insisting-on clear-cut arrangement in every theme. The ‘Panegyrici Latini’ are an example of this. To themselves they could have applied the saying of Voltaire: ‘nous sommes comme les petits ruisseaux: sommes clairs parce que nous sommes peu profonds’.1369 They have neither the formlessness of the Fathers nor the complexity of Sidonius. Further, there was a good side to all the concentration on form that is so prominent in this period. It kept the language pure at a time when it was feared that Latin would be utterly barbarized.1370 It preserved the grammar, and did much to preserve the form. When we find Rome tenaciously keeping for herself the teaching of law, and standardizing education by connecting the teachers directly with the emperor, it is because she realizes that the Latin language is the medium through which she rules, and that uniform obedience depends on her subjects uniformly understanding her commands.

There was also a physical aspect. Proper exercise of the organs of speech is regarded by medical opinion as comparable to walking and swimming. In modern times we lay stress on the exercise of all parts of the body, but tend to neglect the proper cultivation of elocution. If we developed it more we might hear less of such prevalent things as ‘minister’s’ and ‘schoolmaster’s’ sore throat. Medical evidence goes to show that better exercise of the vocal organs is far more effective than surgical remedies.

More important was the aesthetic side. We to-day have largely lost the sense of beauty in speech. Language has become to us for the most part a matter of the written word. We have ceased to feel as vividly as Isocrates did in his letter to Philip1371 the need of the living voice to express the soul of which the letters are the body. The artistic joy which is found in the form and arrangement of words, in the sound given to them by a dramatic speaker, in the gestures of an accomplished orator—this joy has largely disappeared. Yet we feel that it was there in the Latin panegyrists. We may say that theirs is ‘a tale of little meaning’, but we must admit that ‘the words are strong’—strong and beautiful. To read their productions is like looking on a piece of mediaeval art, a stained-glass window, where the figures are grotesque and the fable futile, but the richly blended colours bind us by their beauty. They knew and lived for the inner loveliness of words. And perhaps they would say to us: ‘You who read so widely and know so much, you think you understand. But in order really to understand you must hear the word pronounced so that its sound as well as its form calls up a picture to the mind. It is only when you conceive of the study of a language as artistic both in sound and in form that it becomes the key to poetry. Do you not sometimes neglect the sound in your studies?’

They might also have said that there was an inarticulateness in modern times which led to misunderstanding: that if men had been taught to express their thoughts better there would be less strife and less dumb agony. And to a certain extent they would have been right.

But against them we can urge serious charges. The simplest and most fundamental objection to the rhetorical system is that it neglected the search for truth. It thought too much of means and too little of ends. Lessing stated in his Laocoon the eternal aim of science. ‘The ultimate object of the sciences is truth. Truth is necessary to the soul, and in the satisfaction of this essential need it is tyranny to employ even the slightest check.’1372 The words apply to the education of our period. For the teachers of that time did not make truth their chief end, and how much tyranny there resulted for the soul of man we have had some opportunity of seeing.

The ancients felt this themselves. They recognized the force of Seneca’s dictum: ‘Scholae non vitae discimus’. Tacitus had criticized the system in his Dialogue, and Petronius is very outspoken in his condemnation. He considers that the school produces in its pupils not wisdom but folly, seeing that what they hear or see there has no bearing on practical life. ‘It is for ever pirates standing in chains on the beach, tyrants writing edicts in which they order sons to cut off their fathers’ heads, oracles to avert a pestilence demanding the sacrifice of three or more virgins, verbal honey-balls, all words and acts sprinkled, as it were, with poppy seed and sesame. Children brought up in these surroundings can no more be sensible than those who live in a kitchen can be fragrant.’1373

The school-exercises which Aphthonius prescribed clearly illustrate these objections. The artificiality of obeying all the rules at all times for a certain type of subject is apparent even in the models. In a little essay on ‘Poverty’, introduced by two verses of Theognis, the poet, under the heading ἐγκωμιαστικόν, is praised at length for seeing what an exaggerated emphasis poets lay on myths, and turning to serious moral teaching.1374 He is also praised for observing metrical rules, which is at any rate less harmful than the sentiment expressed in the text that it is better to die than to be poor. Under the heading ‘cause’ it is alleged that poverty is incompatible with virtue. Those who are rid of poverty grow up fine men and do glorious deeds and entertain the poor. Look at Irus, the beggar (under the heading παραδείγματα)—he was so poor that he had even to change his name: for formerly he was called Arnaeus. And think of all the woes of Ulysses himself when he came home in the disguise of a beggar. How terrible it is to be poor! For all this a verse must be found from some poet (under the heading μαρτυρία παλαιῶν) in order to give the seal of respectability. This quotation is generally chosen quite irrespective of the main theme, Euripides being quoted on this occasion to the effect that poverty cannot change nobility of birth.

Truth is made to consist in the nature of the charge brought, and not sought in the human facts of the case. Thus, in the stock example of a speech against a tyrant,1375 we have a ‘conjectural attack on the man’s past life’, and an ‘exclusion of pity’ worked up with the utmost artificiality. Ingenuity, not truth, is the object. And the same can be said of the ‘Encomium’, in which we find the germ of the panegyric. Of all these exercises those which fall under the heading of ‘Description’1376 are the only ones which possess any kind of naturalness.

The reflection of this unnaturalness is abundantly seen in the literature of the day. Almost any work of Ausonius could be taken as an illustration. He consciously opposes grace to strength, and the result is disappointing. ‘Si qua tibi in his versiculis videbuntur... fucatius concinnata quam verius, et plus coloris quam suci habere, ipse sciens fluere permisi, venustula ut essent magis quam forticula.’1377 He takes nineteen lines to express the number six,1378 and fourteen lines to say that there were thirty oysters.1379 Such a ‘numerum doctis involutum ambagibus’ seems to have been a common way of expending ‘poetic’ energy. Then, as if this were not enough, he goes on to expound the ‘doctae ambages’ in the baldest possible way (Septenis quater adde et unum et unum, etc.) in twelve more lines. Similar examples could be indefinitely multiplied. Nor were they just the whim of an idle humour. We meet them everywhere. Bishop Sidonius at the age of fifty says, in a serious estimate of a man’s poetic abilities, that he was good at ‘echoing’ and ‘recurrent’ verses, and at ‘anadiplosis’1380 (i.e. resuming a verse with the end phrase of the previous one). Asked by a correspondent as to recurrent verses, he gives a stock example (antiquum), which shows that the literary practice was of some standing. The point of such a verse was that it could be read backwards letter for letter without altering the sense:

Roma tibi subito motibus ibit amor, while in a ‘versus echoicus’ the first part of the first verse was the same as the second part of the second. He adds another kind which he had composed while delayed by a swollen river, and here the merit was that the words could be read backwards retaining the order of the letters in each word, without prejudice to the sense:

Praecipiti modo quod decurrit tramite flumen
  tempore consumptum iam cito deficiet.1381

His appreciation of Remigius’s declamations show the same emphasis on formal and external merits.1382 The point is not so much that responsible poets went in for writing verses of the kind quoted, but that they attached so much importance to them.

It is striking how many of Ausonius’s poems have to do with the dead1383 or the unreal.1384 Even his letters are full of artificialities. In the same way Sidonius and Avitus of Vienne are always writing epitaphs. Their interest is with the past, of which they are the conscious imitators;1385 and if Ausonius was genuinely interested in the living present when he wrote the Mosella, that is his one poem which has commended itself to readers of every age. In general, we may say that the ‘litterati’ of this time imitated the past in style and language to a degree that destroyed individuality. Though Sidonius criticizes Titianus for copying people not of his age,1386 his own writings abound in archaisms.1387 He praises Claudianus Mamertus1388 and Leo, the minister of Euric,1389 for their imitation of antiquity. Claudianus Mamertus recommends as models of style Naevius, Plautus, Cato, Varro, Gracchus, and ‘Chryssiphus’, Fronto and Cicero, adding that even the modern writers of note did not read the moderns: attention must therefore be concentrated on the ancients, for they are the source of modern merit.1390 Nor was this merely theoretical advice. How extensive the worship of the ancients was, from the scrupulous imitation of Cicero in Eumenius and the panegyrists1391 to the plagiarism of Vergil by everybody, has been fully demonstrated by the various editors.1392 All this meant a turning away from the living language, the creation of a scholastic tongue, the intellectualization of education. So, when Greek literature lost its vitality, we find a rigid and senseless Atticism appearing in Dionysius of Halicarnassus during the first century B.C.; the dual was brought up from the underworld; and language, instead of developing its resources, was stretched on the Procrustes-bed of a standard that had ceased to be natural.1393 So, too, when the living genius of Petrarch and Dante arose, it broke away from the half-dead Latin and turned to Italian. The problem here involved arises to-day in many countries. In Holland the growing Flemish Movement headed by Stijn Streuvels and others has compelled recognition; in Norway there is a similar movement; and in South Africa the Education Department is increasingly recognizing the use of Afrikaans in the schools. For the more education disregards the form of the language that lives in the hearts of the people, the less will it understand and be able to teach them effectively. In other words, an undue archaism means artificiality, means a wandering from the truth.

The result was (as we may judge from the complaints of the critics) that the product of the rhetorical system often found himself in the position of a fire-brigade without a fire. He had all the machinery, and had used it all in mock alarms, but had missed that contact with reality which makes for understanding. He had come to look on facility of speech (to which the Gauls were particularly prone)1394 as an end in itself. He had been taught to think that everything was a matter of rule,1395 and often found too late that life demanded a different and a deeper method.

Why was it that the rhetorical system, with all its virtues, failed in this way? To put it quite shortly, we should say that it failed because it did not aim at the best. Ennodius indicates its aims in two brief sentences. ‘Nos vitae maculas tergimus artis ope’1396—polish, style, external refinement; ‘Qui nostris servit studiis, mox imperat orbi’—imperial service. These were the two main objects, both of them good and desirable in themselves, but not the highest. And it was because the abuse of these two aims led to a conflict between them and the highest aim, truth, because the rhetorical system was content with a second best1397 which could not remain uncorrupted except in connexion with the best, it was for this reason that, ultimately, failure inevitably ensued. Other and more material causes may easily be argued, but this is the inherent and fundamental cause.

How far did the Christian ideal prove a truer inspiration to education? It has been remarked that paganism had no idea of progress. The note of pessimism in Roman literature is typified in such passages as Horace’s:

Aetas parentum peior avis tulit
  nos nequiores, mox daturos
    progeniem vitiosiorem.

But with the Gospels, when the watchword of ‘Estote perfecti’ turned men’s backward glances forward to the light, the doctrine of progress began to establish itself more firmly.1398

Now progress depends on the truth and the vividness of the ideal in view, and there can be no doubt that the Christians of our period felt their ideal as a much more living and constant inspiration than the pagans felt theirs. Paulinus of Pella illustrates this. His poem is alive with sincere devotion, and the usual dryness of the author draws a vigour and an inspiration from religious emotion which makes the work, in spite of its lack of literary formalities, compare favourably with the Panegyrists or the semi-Christian writers.1399 His ardour and singleness of purpose1400 are also seen in the De Providentia and the Ad Uxorem. In spite of all the sufferings of the ten-years’ slaughter (caedes decennis), there is the clear-eyed calmness of one who sees an ideal whose brightness and steadiness are undimmed by the storm.

Iniusti tumeant, et tuta pace suorum
laetentur scelerum; nonque illos vinea fallat,
non ager: et noceant illaesi, et crimine crescant:
nos quibus in Christo sunt omnia non capiant res
occiduae.1401

Nor is the result of this a sighing resignation: the ideal inspires vigorous action:

Sed si quis superest animi vigor, excutiamus
peccati servile iugum, ruptisque catenis,
in libertatem et patriae redeamus honorem;1402

and again

Nec quia procidimus fusi certamine primo,
stare et conflictum vereamur inire secundum;1403

and throughout there is the note of joyful confidence, the certainty of ultimate victory:

          ... omnem
vincendi nobis vim de victore petamus
... sine quo non stant qui stare videntur.

All this is found again in the Ad Uxorem. In spite of fire, torture, chains, the final note is a cry of joy:

Semper agam grates Christo, dabo semper honorem:
  laus Domini semper vivet in ore meo.1404

There can be no doubt that these men were genuine. We feel without being told that the verses are sincerum vivo de fonte liquorem.

The ideal was deeply felt and widely spread. Even Sidonius could say of Lupus: ‘tota illi actionum suarum intentio... Christus est’.1405 There was a conscious strength in the idealism of these men which counted for much. ‘The Roman world crashes into ruin’, wrote Jerome, in another connexion, ‘yet our heads are upright and unbowed.’1406

This ideal had its effect on oratory. When Augustine wrote the Christian theory of eloquence,1407 though he bases the technical part of it entirely on Cicero and though his sermons abound in parallelism, homoioteleuta, and even word-play, yet he made a great advance in declaring that eloquence was not dependent on rhetorical rules but based, rather, on genuine knowledge and true wisdom.1408 He felt keenly the lack of truth in the rhetorical system. Of its teachers he says that truth was found constantly on their lips but never in their lives: ‘Dicebant Veritas et Veritas, et multum eam dicebant mihi, et nusquam erat in eis, et falsa loquebantur.’1409 And he laid down his professorship of rhetoric so that he should not be guilty of selling material for the madness of the youths who studied the foolish falsehoods and practised the quibbling disputations of the rhetorical system.1410 In the Principia Rhetorices he lays stress on understanding the case,1411 and maintains that the end of oratory is not merely ‘bene aut vere dicere’ (as the later rhetoricians certainly thought), but ‘persuadere’.1412 Thus he brings out the Christian conception of the essential relation of oratory to man—an ideal which Isocrates and Cicero had preached, but which had gradually been lost.

Similarly, in his theory of Christian education, the influence of the ideal is seen. In his scheme of learning, philosophy must make us understand ‘the order of things’, and help us to distinguish two worlds and Him who is the Father of the Universe.1413 The whole perspective is determined by the Divine. Everything is related to it. And it is not a mere philosophical abstraction but a real and life-giving centre.

Jung, having described the barrenness of pagan studies, says: ‘Studia eadem in scholis clericorum’,1414 and proves from Isidore and Gregory that the old Roman scheme of education was accepted throughout by the Christians. But there is something more to be said. The Christian schools, in so far as they did not fall into utter formlessness, accepted the scheme of Martianus Capella and of pagan education. But, in many cases at any rate, there was a change for the better in method and spirit. The Christians used their rhetoric in a living cause, their dialectic to probe questions crowded with contemporary interest; their Livy and Sallust to develop a philosophy of history, their literature to understand and spread the cause of truth for which they had been martyred. The pagans, on the other hand, used their rhetoric for fictitious cases (falsas lites), their dialectic for ingenious trifling, their history as the handmaid of rhetoric, their literature to imitate Cicero or Fronto or Pliny, to write freakish verses, or to flatter the emperor. A sign of the advance made by the Christians in the search for truth is that criticism begins to awake in a world on which traditional ideas had lain

Heavy as frost, and deep, almost, as life.

Vigilantius in Gaul criticizes the rites of the Church and Pelagianism, Priscillianism, the questions about the spirituality of the soul—all point to a new stimulation of the intellect.

Yet Christian education also failed in its search for truth. As we have seen, the exigencies of the time drove its exponents to a zealous narrowness whose watchword was stated by Claudianus Mamertus, when, in his Contra vanos poetas, he said that the divine alone must be studied:

Incipe divinis tantum dare pectora rebus.

By limiting the meaning of ‘divina’ to dogma, the Church imposed fetters on the seeker after truth which, though not very prominent in our period, became exceedingly galling in the times that followed. Eucherius (to take a final example) writes to Valerian appealing to him to lay aside the love of the world and the study of worldly philosophy, to turn to the study of true piety and true philosophy.1415 The key-note of the letter is: ‘Quid enim prodest homini si mundum universum lucretur, animae vero suae detrimentum patiatur?’ with a special connotation of ‘mundum’. The incompatibility between secular and sacred literature is emphasized, and illustrated by edifying stories about Clement, Gregory, and Paulinus of Nola. The conclusion is: ‘Quin tu, repudiatis illis philosophorum praeceptis... ad imbibenda Christiana dogmatis studia animum adicis?... In illis namque eorum praeceptis vel adumbrata virtus vel falsa sapientia....’ The position is not that the philosophers should be read and then rejected, but that they should not be read at all.

Thus, the leaders of Christian education in Gaul, however excusable their attitude at the time, established that regrettable dichotomy between secular and sacred knowledge which has been the bane of succeeding ages. While, on the one hand, they made an advance towards truth by stimulating thought and criticism, on the other, they did not, perhaps could not, succeed in recognizing that truth is one and indivisible, and that her seekers know of no such divisions.

And so we are forced back on our ever-recurring problem: how is man, his emotions and environment being what they are, to attain to the scientific attitude of mind? Socrates long ago saw the difficulty of having a body which fills us with ‘passions and desires and fears and all sorts of fancies and foolishness’, and makes it impossible for us to be single-minded in our pursuit of the truth.1416 Yet he, and the great teachers of mankind throughout the ages, have insisted with an earnestness that reached to martyrdom, that such an unswerving and disinterested quest is the one result in education that truly matters, that it is the condition of progress and the criterion of culture. And if the way is long and the battle fierce, we must choose the dust and heat rather than lose sight of the ideal. καλὸν γὰρ τὸ ἆθλον καὶ ἡ ἐλπὶς μεγάλη.

Footnotes

1 Cf. Freeman, Methods of Historical Study, pp. 31 ff.

2 e.g. Bury, Roman Empire, Introd., p. vii; Freeman, Western Europe during the Fifth Century, p. 260.

3 Cf. Lavisse, Histoire de France, I. ii. 325 and 326, ‘Chrétiens et païens s’accordaient pour reconnaître ‘en lui un sauveur’.

4 Pacatus (Pan. Lat. ii. 28) celebrates his loyalty, while Prosper condemns it (Bury-Gibbon, iii. 138). Hodgkin, i. 380, accepts his fidelity.

5 ‘An ego nunc receptas virtute tua Gallias, barbariam omnem subactam, pergam quasi nova et inaudita memorare? Quae in hac Romani imperii parte gloriosissima sint famae laude celebrata....’ Pan. Lat. iii. 3. Baehrens reads sint, though the indicative would seem more natural.

6 Ibid., § 7.

7 Ibid., § 4.

8 ‘Tu, tu, inquam, maxime imperator... extincta iam litterarum studia flammasti, tu philosophiam paulo ante suspectam... non modo iudicio liberasti sed amictam purpura, auro gemmisque redimitam in regali solio conlocasti.’ Ibid., § 23.

9 The phrase is Freeman’s. Syagrius fled to Toulouse after the battle of Soissons (486). But he was pursued by Alaric II, whose protégé he had been, and handed over in chains to the victorious Franks. Greg. Tur., Historia Frankorum, ii. 27.

10 Jullian, ‘Les Premières Universités Françaises’, Rev. internat. de l’Enseignement, 1893.

11 Freeman, Historical Essays, vii. 164.

12 Ammianus, xv. 9. 7 (ed. Gardthausen). Cf. Plut. Solon, ii. 15; Pausan. x. 8. 6 (ed. Dübner). So Isidore of Seville, Migne, Patr. Lat. lxxxii. 537. Cf. Mela, ii. 77.

13 Athen. xiii. 576a (ed. Kaibel).

14 Lucan, Phars. ii. 298; v. 53 (Phocis), as against the majority, e.g. Strabo, iv. 1. 5 (Phocaea).

15 Thuc. i. 13. 6; Seneca, Ad Hel. vii. 8; Silius Ital. xv. 168 ff.; Jerome, Praef. Lib. II, Ep. ad Galat., &c.

16 Head, Historia Numorum (1911), p. 7.

17 Pro Fonteio, 15. 34 ‘Urbs Massilia... fortissimorum fidelissimorumque sociorum’. Cf. Phil. viii. 6. 18, 19 for a glowing tribute to Massilia’s friendship.

18 Strabo, iv. 4. 5 τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους φιλίαν, ἦς πολλὰ ἄν τις λάβοι σημεῖα.

19 Ammianus, xv. 11. 14. Cf. Justinus (following Trogus), Hist. xliii. 4 ff. (ed. Benecke), on the traditional friendship of Massilia with Rome at the time of the battle of the Allia.

20 Liv. xxi. 20, 25, 26; Polyb. iii. 95.

21 Caesar, Bellum Civile, i. 34. Cf. Dio Cassius (ed. Boissevain), xli. 19; Paneg. Lat. (ed. G. Baehrens), vi. 19, 3; Orosius, vi. 15. 6, 7 (ed. Zangemeister).

22 Caesar, Bell. Civ. ii. 22; Dio Cassius, l.c.

23 Jullian, Hist. de la Gaule, i. 216, 217, 407.

24 Justin, xliii. 5. 2; Thuc. i. 13. 6.

25 Desjardins, Géograph. hist. de la Gaule Romaine, ii. 148.

26 Strabo, iii. 2. 9 τὸν δὲ κασσίτερον... καὶ ἐκ τῶν Βρεταννικῶν δὲ εἰς τὴν Μασσαλίαν κομίζεσθαι.

27 ‘De Lapidibus’ in Bouquet’s Recueil des Hist., p. 654.

28 Plin. Nat. Hist. xviii. 7. 12.

29 Mela, iii. 2. 17.

30 Pro L. Flacco, 26. 63 ‘Neque vero te, Massilia, praetereo... cuius ego civitatis disciplinam atque gravitatem non solum Graeciae, sed haud scio an cunctis gentibus anteponendam iure dicam’. The Rhodians in Livy (xxxvii. 54) say that they have heard that the Romans respect and honour the Massilians as much as though they were the centre of Greek culture (umbilicum Graeciae).

31 Cf. Strabo, iv. 1. 5.

32 Strabo, iv. 1. 5. Cf. Jullian, ‘Les Premières Universités Françaises’ (Rev. internat. de l’Enseignement), 1893.

33 ‘Sedem ac magistram studiorum... habuit, locum Graeca comitate provinciali parsimonia mixtum ac bene compositum’, Tac. Agr. 4. Augustus sends L. Antonius, his sister’s grandson, to Massilia, ‘ubi specie studiorum nomen exilii tegeretur’, Tac. An. iv. 44.

34 Casina, V. iv. 1.

35 Val. Max. ii. 7.

36 Strabo, iv. 1. 5.

37 In later times it fell into effeminacy. Justin, xii. 523 c; Polyb. iii. 79; Liv. xxii. 2, xxxvii. 54.

38 Livy, xxxvii. 54.

39 Mela, ii. 77.

40 Pol. 1321 a 37; Strabo, iv. 1. 5.

41 Justin, xliii. 4. Cf. Macrob. Somn. Scip. ii. 10. 8.

42 Strabo, iv. 1. 5 πάντες γὰρ οἱ χαρίεντες πρὸς τὸ λέγειν τρέπονται καὶ φιλοσοφεῖν, ὥσθ’ ἡ πόλις μικρὸν μὲν πρότερον τοϊς βαρβάροις ἀνεϊτο παιδευτήριον, καὶ φιλελληνας κατεσκεύαζε τοὺς Γαλάτας (Gauls), ῶστε καὶ τὰ συμβόλαια Ἑλληνιστὶ γράφειν.

43 Ammianus, xv. 9.

44 Justin, l.c.

45 Livy, xxxviii. 17.

46 Strabo, iv. 1. 5 σοφιστὰς γοῦν ὑποδέχονται τοὺς μὲν ἰδίᾳ, τοὺς δὲ κοινῇ μισθούμενοι καθάπερ καὶ ἰατρούς.

47 Lucan, iii. 592.

48 Cf. Bulaeus, Hist. Univ. Paris. 19.

49 Controvers. ii. 5. 13.

50 Ibid. ii. 6. 12.

51 Moralia, 897 (ed. Dübner).

52 Gräfenhan, Gesch. der Philol. i. 276.

53 Monnard, de Gallorum oratorio ingenio, p. 3; Wolf, Prolegom. 39, p. 174.

54 Isidore, Etymolog. xi; Jerome, Prolog. in Lib. II, Ep. ad Galat., both of them quoting Varro.

55 e.g. Neapolis (Napoule), Antipolis (Antibes), Athenopolis (Antea).

56 Histoire littéraire de la France, i. 59, 60.

57 ‘Compulit ut laicorum popularitas psalmos et hymnos pararet... alii Graece alii Latine prosas antiphonasque cantarent’, Vita Caesarii, Migne, Pat. Lat. lxvii. 1008.

58 Jung, Romanische Landschaften, 210. Cf. also Inscriptions, Le Blant, Nouveau Recueil, 60, 150, 326, 374, and L’Épigraphie chrétienne, p. 43.

59 Justin, xliii. 3.

60 Cf. Jullian, Hist. de la Gaule, iii. 33 ff.

61 Suet. Tib. 4. Cf. C. I. L. xii. 689.

62 Lavisee, Histoire de la France, I. ii. 210.

63 Cf. Holmes, Christian Church in Gaul, 293, 381.

64 Justin, xliii. 5. Cf. Strabo, i. 41.

65 Recueil des Hist., Introd., xxv.

66 Keil, Gram. Lat. i. 202.

67 B. G. vi. 17. Cf. Minuc. Felix, vi. 1; xxx. 4.

68 C. I. L. xiii. 1. 1, 2606. Cf. further C. I. L. xiii. 1. 1, 2607, 2608, 2609, Chalon-sur-Saône; 2631, 2636, near Autun; 2830, N. of Prov. Lugdun.; 3011-13, Melun; 3020, Troyes; 3183 ff., Berthouville; 3250, Caleti.

69 C. I. L. xiii. 1. 1, 1125.

70 C. I. L. xiii. 1. 2, passim.

71 C. I. L. xiii. 1. 1, 3100.

72 That the Gallic Mercury resembled his Roman namesake in this respect is proved by the fact that one of the names of the Celtic Mercury was Visucius, which comes from the root VID = know (Robert and Cagnat, Épigraphie de la Moselle, p. 59). And Caesar noted as one of the characteristics of the Gallic Mercury that he was ‘omnium inventorem artium’ (Bell. Gall. vi. 17), though in later times he comes to be connected chiefly with commerce (cf. Caesar, l.c.). See Daremberg-Saglio.

73 Polit. 1269 b 26, 1324 b 9.

74 Var. Hist. xii. 23.

75 Ἐμπειρίᾳ τῇ ἐς τὰ πολεμικὰ ἀπέδεον. They charge μετὰ οὐδενὸς λογισμοῦ αθάπερ τὰ θηρία, Pausan. x. 21.

76 Strabo, iv. 4. 4.

77 Ael. Var. Hist. xii. 23.

78 Athenaeus (quoting Posidonius), vi. 46 (ed. Kaibel).

79 v. 31.

80 B. G. vi. 13. 4.

81 Hist. Litt. i. 41, 42.

82 ‘Disciplina in Britannia reperta atque inde in Galliam translata esse existimatur, et nunc qui diligentius eam rem cognoscere volunt plerumque illo discendi causa proficiscuntur’, Caesar, B. G. vi. 13. 11.

83 Caesar, B. G. vi. 14.

84 Desjardins, Géog. hist. de la Gaule, ii. 214, note.

85 Caesar, l.c., and Diodor. v. 28.

86 Caesar, l.c., and Diodor. v. 31.

87 De Divin, i. 41 (90).

88 iii. 2 (19).

89 Solis nosse Deos et caeli numina vobis
aut solis nescire datum: nemora alta remotis
incolitis lucis.—Phars. i. 452 ff.

90 Hist. Litt. i. 41, 42.

91 ‘Huius Gallorum philosophiae, quam Valerius Maximus (ii. 6. 11) “avaram et faeneratoriam” nuncupat, tenebras dissipavit lux e Graecia allata in Phoceensium coloniam, Massiliam’. De Gallorum Orat. Ingen. 2.

92 Cambr. Mediaev. Hist. i. 185.

93 Tac. Hist. iv. 54.

94 Cf. Jung, De Scholis Rom. in Gall. Comata. 2.

95 ‘Druidarum religionem apud Gallos dirae immanitatis, et tantum civibus sub Augusto interdictam, penitus abolevit (sc. Claudius)’, Suet. Claudius, xxv. 5.

96 De Caes. iv.

97 Nat. Hist. xxx. 1. 4 ‘Namque Tiberii Caesaris principatus sustulit Druidas’.

98 Nat. Hist. xvi. 249; xxiv. 103; xxx. 13.

99 Script. Hist. Aug. xxvi. 44 ‘Sciscitantem utrum apud eius posteros imperium permaneret’.

100 Ibid. xxx. 14.

101 Hist. de la Gaule mérid., i. 541.

102 Lavisse, Hist. de la France, I. iii. 385.

103 Caesar, B. G. vi. 14.

104 iv. 1. 12.

105 Migne, Patrologia Graeca, vii. 444.

106 Script. Hist. Aug., Alex. Sev. 60.

107 Auson. Prof. iv. 7; x. 27.

108 Ausonius may be using ‘Belenus’ for ‘Apollo’ in a playful mood, as Mommsen thinks; but the name Belenus was exceedingly well known in Gaul, and indicates that Celtic civilization had left its mark. See Pauly-Wissowa, s.v.

109 Technop. xiv.

110 Ep. iii. 3. 2.

111 His use of quia and quod instead of the infinitive construction; abstract for concrete nouns; the growing importance of prepositions; peculiar words like fatigatio (banter), eventilare (search through), humanitas (hospitality). See Dalton’s preface to his translation of Sidonius, and Baret’s introduction to his edition (pp. 106 ff.).

112 Comment. in Ep. ad Galat. Migne, Pat. Lat. xxvi. 357.

113 Historical Essays, Series III, pp. 74 ff.

114 Hist. de la France, I. iii. 388.

115 Revue celtique, 1870-2, p. 179.

116 Gaule romaine, p. 129.

117 Freeman, Western Europe in the Fifth Century, p. 143.

118 e.g. lox (la ruche), hive; alauda, Fr. alouette; carrum, Fr. char; *cambitâ, Fr. jante (felly) (Körting, Lat.-roman. Wörterb., 1778); betullus, O.F. booul, M.F. bouleau (birch); braca, M.F. braie; camisia, M.F. chemise; landâ, Fr. lande (Körting, op. cit., 5419); probably jambe and javelot. See Schwan-Behrens, Grammaire de l’Ancien Français, p. 5. Paris, Fischbacher, 1913.

119 C. I. L. xiii. 2638.

120 Pirson, La Langue des Inscriptions lat. de la Gaule, p. 237.

121 Romanische Landschaften, p. 272.

122 Gröber, Grundriss der roman. Philol., i. 383.

123 Lavisse, Histoire de France, ii. 1. 2, p. 59.

124 Gothofredus, C. Th. ix. 23. 1, refers to a law by which ‘in Gallia vetita auri et argenti extra regnum exportatio’. So C. Th. vii. 16. 3 ‘Ne merces illicitae ad nationes barbaras deferantur’. ‘Merces illicitae’ are defined by Gothofredus as ‘vinum, oleum, liquamen (lye), ferrum, frumentum, sales, cos’ (mill-stone).

125 Pan. Lat. vi. 6 ‘Ut in desertis Galliae regionibus collocatae (nationes) et pacem Romani imperii cultu (agriculture) iuvarent et arma dilectu’. Cf. viii. 9 ‘Arat ergo nunc mihi Chamavus et Frisius’.

126 Gröber, Grundriss der romanischen Philologie, p. 383 (article by F. Kluge. A certain allowance must be made for nationalist bias).

127 H. Paul, Grundriss der germanischen Philologie, i. 328 ff.

128 De Bissula, iii.

129 Cod. Theod. iii. 14. 1, ed. Mommsen and Meyer.

130 Histoire de France, ii. 1. 2, p. 59. Cf. Süpfle, Gesch. des deutschen Cultureinflusses auf Frankreich, i. 1. 1.

131 Oros. vii. 32, quoted Bury-Gibbon, iii. 350 n.

132 Cf. Fauriel, i. 541.

133 ‘Id tu Brute iam intelliges, quum in Galliam veneris: audies tu quidem etiam verba quaedam non trita Romae, sed haec mutari dediscique possunt’, Cic. Brutus, 171.

134 ‘Tantum increbruit multitudo desidiosorum ut, nisi vel paucissimi quique meram linguae Latiaris proprietatem de trivialium barbarismarum robigine vindicaveritis, eam brevi abolitam defleamus interemptamque’, Sid. Ep. ii. 10. 1.

135 Ep. iv. 17. 2.

136 e.g. Franko (Fr. franc), Alaman (O.F. Aleman), &c.; sturm, O.F. estour; wahta, O.F. guaite (watch); helm, &c.; siniskalk, Fr. sénéchal; marahskalk, Fr. maréchal; alod, O.F. aleu (freehold); sparwâri, O.F. esparvier; haring, Fr. hareng; wald, O.F. gualt; *hapja, Fr. hache (hatchet); want, Fr. gant (glove); bald, O.F. balt; spëhon, O.F. espier, &c. Affre < Old Low Frank. aibhor (Körting, op. cit., 384); hâte (Eng. haste), Germ. *haist- (Körting, 4459); guise (Eng. wise), Germ. wīsa (Körting, 10403); orgueil, Germ. urgōlī (Körting, 9914). Schwan-Behrens, op. cit., p. 6. For the traces of Germanic in inscriptions see Pirson, op. cit., p. 236.

137 Sidon. Ep. i. 2. 1.

138 Ep. i. 2. 6.

139 Ibid.

140 Ep. ii. 1. 2.

141 Ep. iv. 17.

142 Ep. i. 2. 5 (§ 8).

143 Ennod., Script. Eccles. Lat., p. 353.

144 The acts and decrees of the Visigothic and Burgundian kings were in Latin, and they chose their secretaries from the Latin rhetoricians and poets. Sidonius speaks of documents drawn up by himself for the Gothic king (Ep. viii. 3). Thus the star of rhetoricians and grammarians rose high at the court of Theodoric.

145 Cf. Camb. Mediaev. Hist., p. 291.

146 Cf. Fauriel, Hist. de la Gaule mérid., i. 466.

147 Ep. ii. 5; viii. 1.

148 Sid. Ep. v. 7.

149 Paulin. Euchar., verse 304.

150 Paulin. Euchar., verses 289, 290.

151 Vide 306:
Cum iam in republica nostra
cernamus plures Gothico florere favore,
tristia quaeque tamen perpessis antea multis,
pars ego magna fui quorum....

and cf. 311 ff.

152 Paulin de Pella, p. xxiii.

153 Cf. Sidon. Ep. v. 14.

154 Fauriel, op. cit., i. 559.

155 ‘Ut... populos Galliarum... teneamus ex fide etsi non tenemus foedere’, Ep. vii. 6. 10.

156 Gröber, Grundriss der röm. Phil., i. 387. In order to indicate the nature of the barbarous Gothic with which he is surrounded, the poet contemptuously quotes some Gothic that came into his mind. The interpretation is not certain. Massmann (Zeitsch. f. d. Altertum, i. 379 ff.) suggests ‘Hail! provide us with meat and drink’. In any case, their language is incompatible with Latin poetry.

157 Ex hoc barbaricis abacta plectris
spernit senipedem stilum Thalia
ex quo septipedes videt patronos.—Carm. xii.

158 Ep. vii. 14. 10.

159 Ep. ad Diversos, lvii (ed. Peiper).

160 i. 44.

161 Cf. Boissier, La Fin du Paganisme, ii. 59 ff.; Fauriel, Hist. i. 440.

162 Tac. An. xi. 24; Dessau, Inscrip. Lat. Sel. i. 212.

163 Ammian. xv. 11. 5 ‘Aquitani... facile in dicionem venere Romanam’.

164 Even the inscriptions give no help, for they are drawn up in formal phrases.

165 Cf. Lavisse, Hist. de France, i. 3. 338.

166 Tac. Hist. iv. 55-9.

167 Historical Essays, iii. 80.

168 iv. 4. 2.

169 Trebellius, Script. Hist. Aug. xxiii. 4 ‘Galli... quibus insitum est, leves... et luxuriosos principes ferre non posse’.

170 Ammian. xv. 6. 4.

171 Script. Hist. Aug. xviii. 60. 6.

172 Zos. vi. 5 ὁ Ἀρμόριχος ἅπας καὶ ἕτεραι Γαλατῶν ἐπαρχίαι... ἐκβάλλουσαι μὲν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἄρχοντας, οἰκεῖον δὲ κατ’ ἐζουσίαν πολίτευμα καθιστᾶσαι....

173 ‘Galliaque quae semper praesidet atque praesedit huic imperio... se suasque vires non tradidit, sed opposuit Antonio’, Phil. v. 13. 37. Cf. iv. 4, and Ep. ad Fam. xii. 5 ‘totam Galliam tenebamus studiosissimam Reipublicae’.

174 Nat. Hist. iii. 4.

175 De Consul. Stilich. iii. 53.

176 Carm. Min. 30. 61. Cf. In Eutrop. ii. 248.

177 Pan. Lat. v. 2 ff.

178 ‘Constituta enim et in perpetuum Roma fundata est, omnibus qui statum eius labefactare poterant cum stirpe deletis’, Pan. Lat. iv. 6 and 31.

179 De Reditu, i. 19 ff.

180 Bury-Gibbon, iii. 234.

181 i. 51 ff.

182 i. 95.

183 De Consul. Stil. i. 192.

184 Pan. Lat. v. 7.

185 It must, however, be admitted that the local provenance of the marble at Martres Tolosanes is disputed by some authorities, e.g. Espérandieu, Les Bas-reliefs de la Gaule romaine, vol. ii, p. 29.

186 Déchelette, Les Vases céramiques ornés de la Gaule romaine.

187 Cf. Pichon, Études sur la Litt. lat. dans les Gaules, i. 110 ff.

188 Cf. Constantine’s treatment of the Franks, Pan. Lat. vi. 10. 12.

189 ‘Terram Bataviam... a diversis Francorum gentibus occupatam, omni hoste purgavit, nec contentus vicisse, ipsas in Romanas transtulit nationes, ut non solum arma, sed etiam feritatem ponere cogerentur’, Pan. Lat. vi. 5.

190 Pan. Lat. vi. 6.

191 Life and Letters in the Fourth Century, p. 3.

192 E. W. Watson, Hilary of Poitiers, Introd., ii.

193 Ep. ix. 11. 2.

194 Ep. viii. 6. 9 (Seeck).

195 ‘Romanum denique eloquium non suis regionibus invenisti, et ibi te Tulliana lectio disertum reddidit ubi quondam Gallica lingua resonavit. Ubi sunt qui litteras Latinas Romae, non etiam alibi asserunt esse discendas?... mittit et Liguria Tullios suos’, Variarum, viii. 12; Migne, Pan. Lat. lxix, p. 745.

196 ‘Neque enim ignoro quanto inferiora nostra sint ingeniis Romanis. Siquidem Latine et diserte loqui illis ingeneratum est... ex illo fonte et capite imitatio nostra derivat’, Pan. Lat. xii. 1. 2.

197 As we gather from his references to the Rhine defences (§ 2).

198 According to G. Baehrens.

199 Cf. Freeman, Historical Essays, Ser. III, 119: ‘The panegyrist, at all events in addressing princes, some of whom were certainly very far from fools, is not likely to venture on much in the way of mere invention. He will leave out a great deal, he will exaggerate a great deal, he will pervert his own moral sense to praise a great deal that ought to be blamed: but the main facts which he asserts are pretty sure to have happened much as he states them. He is a fairly good authority for positive facts, bad for negative ones.’ Cf. Pichon, Études sur la Litt. lat. dans les Gaules, i. 74.

200 Suet. Gram. 3.

201 Ritter has pointed out that Maternus was a Gaul in his 1848 edition of Dialog., ch. 10.

202 Suet. Gram. 7.

203 Suet. Gram. 11 ‘peridoneus praeceptor maxime ad poeticam tendentibus’.

204 In the list of rhetors left by Suetonius, incorporated by Jerome in his translation of Eusebius’s Chronicle, which also includes Pacatus and Gabinianus who taught in the first century A.D. under Tiberius and Augustus at Massilia, Statius Ursulus of Toulouse, famous as a rhetor under Nero, and his contemporary Domitius Afer of Nîmes.

205 Recueil des Hist., i, Intro., p. lxxvii.

206 Cf. Bulaeus, Hist. Univ. Paris. i. 19.

207 ‘Les Prem. Univ. Franç.’, Rev. intern. de l’Enseignement, 1893.

208 Tac. An. xi. 24.

209 Mart. Epigr. ix. 99. Cf. Auson. Parent. iii. 11; Prof. xix. 4; Sidon. Carm. vii. 437.

210 Epigr. vii. 88:
Me legit omnis ibi, senior iuvenisque puerque,
  et coram tetrico casta puella viro.

211 Agric. 21. Cf. Juv. xv. 111 ‘Gallia causidicos docuit facunda Britannos’.

212 i.e. ‘The Britons had a natural capacity superior to that of the Gauls... they only needed the same training to make them better orators’ (Furneaux, ad loc.).

213 Praef. Herac. 8.

214 Noct. Att. xv. 1.

215 ‘Quasi ex lingua prorsum eius capti prosequebamur,’ ibid. xvi. 3.

216 Noct. Att. xviii. 5.

217 Ibid. xvii. 5.

218 Monnard, De Gallorum Oratorio Ingenio, 37.

219 Monnard, l.c.

220 Elegantiora studia... novas quasi receperunt vires, et insignem recuperandam linguae promiserunt dignitatem, quod in eius (Latinae linguae) cultum et optimas litteras perpoliendas propagandasque cum veteribus magistris sanctioris doctrinae praesides conspirarent’, Funccius, De Vegeta Latinae Linguae Senectute.

221 ‘Rhetoribus et philosophis per omnes provincias salaria et honores detulit’, Script. Hist. Aug. iii. 11. 3.

222 C. Fronto, Reliquiae, ed. Niebuhr, 271.

223 Histoire litt. de la France, i. 309.

224 Ibid. 314.

225 Script. Hist. Aug. xxviii. 30. 31.

226 Ibid. 44. 4. He favoured the study of law in the provinces.

227 Pan. Lat. ii. 4 ‘Florentissimas quondam antiquissimasque urbes barbari possidebant. Gallorum ita celebrata nobilitas aut ferro occiderat, aut immitibus addicta dominis serviebat. Porro aliae, quas a vastitate barbarica terrarum intervalla distulerant, iudicum nomine a nefariis latronibus obtinebantur.... Nemo ab iniuria liber, nemo intactus a contumelia.’

228 ‘Ab arcanis sacrorum penetralium ad privata Musarum adyta’, Eum. Pro Instaurandis Scholis, Pan. Lat. ix, § 6 ff.

229 An. iii. 43.

230 Pro Inst. Schol. 4 ‘Latrocinio Bagaudicae rebellionis obsessa (civitas)‘.

231 The origin of the name is doubtful. Bulaeus (Hist. Univ. Paris. i. 25) thinks that there may have been a founder Maenius, or that it may have been near the town wall (prope moenia). Lavisse favours moenianum in the sense of a portico on which were displayed maps of the Empire (Hist. de France, i. 3. 367). Lewis and Short give Maenianum, gallery, balcony (Cic. Suet.).

232 Lipsius, quoted Bulaeus, Hist. Univ. Paris, i. 25 ff.

233 Ibid.

234 Cf. Jullian, ‘Les Prem. Univ. Franç.’, Rev. intern. de l’Enseignement, 1893.

235 Ibid.

236 Antike Kunstprosa, ii. 631. Cf. Dill, Roman Society during Last Century of Western Empire, p. 406; Guizot, Hist. of Civilization (transl. Hazlitt), i. 349.

237 The struggles of Julian, Valentinian I, and Gratian against the barbarians were confined to the North and did not affect the main centre of Gallic education—Aquitaine.

238 Factio me sibi non, non coniuratio iunxit:
  sincero colui foedere amicitias.—Domest. iv. 21.

239 Bissula, Praef.

240 ‘Les Prem. Univ. Franç.’, Rev. internat. de l’Enseignement, 1893.

241 Pan. Lat. iii. 20 ‘multi laboris et minimi usus negotium’.

242 ‘Fuligine et aranearum telis omnia Romae templa cooperta sunt... dii quondam nationum cum bubonibus et noctuis in solis culminibus remanserunt... iam et Aegyptius Serapis factus est Christianus... de India, Perside et Aethiopia monachorum cotidie turbas suscipimus; deposuit pharetras Armenius, Huni discunt psalterium, Scythia frigora fervent calore fidei...’, Jer. Epist. cvii. 1, 2.

243 Ibid.

244 Cf. Speck, Quaestiones Ausonianae, pp. 3 ff.; Glover, Life and Letters in the Fourth Century, pp. 109 ff.; and almost every writer on Ausonius.

245 Pro Instaur. Scholis, 11 ‘Hoc ego salarium... expensum referre patriae meae cupio, et ad restitutionem huius operis... destinare’.

246 Domes. iv.

247 Parent. iv. 17-20.

248 Parent. vi.

249 Prof. xi.

250 Parent. iii.

251 Pan. de Quarto Consulatu Honorii, 582 (ed. Koch):
Inlustri te prole Tagus, te Gallia doctis
civibus et toto stipavit Roma senatu.

252 Ep. vi. 34, ed. Seeck.

253 Ep. ix. 88 ‘Gallicanae facundiae haustus requiro’.

254 Chronicon (Migne, Pat. Lat. xxvii. 687) ‘A.D. 358 Alcimus et Delphidius rhetores in Aquitania florentissime docent’, and in the same year ‘Minervius Burdigalensis rhetor Romae florentissime docet’.

255 Ep. 125. 6.

256 Ebert, Gesch. des Mittelalters, p. 365, ‘der offenbar mit vielem Erfolg die noch immer hervorragenden Schulen seiner Heimath besucht hatte’.

257 Ep. v. 5. 1 (Oxford Trans. by O. M. Dalton).

258 ‘Quae ille propositionibus aenigmata, sententiis schemata, versibus commata, digitis mechanemata fecit!’ Ep. i. 9. 1.

259 Ep. i. 11. 11.

260 Ep. ii. 1. 2.

261 Ep. iii. 3. 2 ‘nunc etiam Camenalibus modis imbuebatur’.

262 Cf. Fauriel, Hist. de la Gaule, i. 407: ‘Dans ce siècle (5ᵉ) comme aux précédents, les Gallo-Romains cultivèrent toutes les branches du savoir et du génie romains.’

263 Mayor, Latin Heptateuch, p. liv.

264 Cf. Jerome, Ep. 83.

265 Ep. ii. 8. 2; ii. 10. 3; iii. 12. 5, &c.

266 Ep. iv. 8. 4.

267 Ep. ii. 10. 5.

268 The Monks of the West, v. 105. He quotes Mabillon, Traité, i. 13, 14.

269 Ibid., p. 108. Montalembert adds Arabic, but this would be an anachronism for our period. He quotes Bede, Hist. Eccl. iv. 2 (sixth cent., but true of our period also) ‘Litteris sacris simul et saecularibus abundanter ambo erant instructi... ita ut etiam metricae artis astronomiae et arithmeticae ecclesiasticae disciplinam inter sacrorum apicum (writings) volumina suis auditoribus contraderent.’

270 Ep. 120 and 121.

271 Ep. 107.

272 Reg. ad Monachos, Migne, Pat. Lat. lxvii. 1100, rule xiv.

273 e.g. Augustine on Pelagianism, and Pomerius on the nature of the soul. Kaufmann, Rhetoren und Kloster-Schulen, p. 56.

274 Migne, Pat. Lat. l. 773.

275 Cf. Salonius’s exposition of the Proverbs to Veranius, and the letters of Jerome.

276 Cf. Life of Martin, 1.

277 Cf. Sulpic. Sever. Dial. i. 23.

278 Cf. Meyer, Die Legende des heiligen Albanus, p. 5, on the hagiographical literature of the early Church: ‘Die glänzenden Gedanken und die glänzende Darstellung der Cecilialegende entspricht der feinen Kultur Roms im 5. Jahrhundert.’

279 C. I. L. xii. 1921 (grammati probably = γραμματεῖ).

280 C. I. L. xii. 2039.

281 Boissieu, Inscrip. de Lyon, p. 548.

282 Ep. v. 17.

283 Migne, Pat. Lat. xxvii. 687.

284 ‘Sed dum cogito me hominem Gallum inter Aquitanos verba facturum, vereor ne offendat vestras nimium urbanas aures sermo rusticior’, Dial. i. 27.

285 De Gub. Dei, vii. 8 ‘Aquitanos... medullam fere omnium Galliarum’.

286 Ep. ix. 44 (ed. Seeck).

287 Prof. xx.

288 Ep. xi (Iculisma).

289 Prof. x.

290 Epigr. x.

291 Parent. iii.

292 Cf. Jullian, Rev. internat. de l’Enseignement, pp. 24 ff.

293 Strabo, iv. 190.

294 Jung, Roman. Landschaften, p. 231.

295 Jullian, Hist. de Bordeaux, p. 42.

296 Rev. internat. de l’Enseignement, 1893, pp. 25 ff.

297 Cf. Jung, De Scholis Romanis in Gallia Comata, p. 5.

298 Prof. xxv. 8.

299 Praef. 2.

300 Lavisse, Hist. de France, I. ii. 395.

301 Pro Instaur. Schol. 5. Cf. 20 ‘antiqua litterarum sede’.

302 Cf. Lavisse, Hist. de France, loc. cit.

303 Mosella, 383.

304 Misopogon, 342, ed. Hertlein: ἡ Κελτῶν... ἀγροικία.

305 Mis. 348 C, and compare 349 D.

306 ὥσπερ τις κυνηγέτης ἀγρίοις ὁμιλῶν καὶ συμπλεκόμενος θηρίοις, ibid. 359 Β.

307 Ibid. 350 D.

308 Epigr. ix. 32.

309 Mart. Epigr. v. 1. 10 ‘et tumidus Galla credulitate fruar’. Strabo, iv. 4. 2, speaks of the race as ἁπλοῦν (ingenio simplici).

310 Migne, Pat. Lat. xxvi. 355.

311 Jullian, Rev. intern. de l’Enseignement, 1893.

312 Orat. iii. 124.

313 B. G. vii. 22.

314 Diodor. v. 31.

315 Stromatum lib. i; Migne, Pat. Graeca, viii. 776, 777.

316 Pan. de Quarto Consul. Honor. 392 ‘animosa tuas ut Galli a leges audiat’.

317 Bell. Gall. iv. 5. Cf. vii. 42.

318 Epigr. viii ff.

319 Prof. x.

320 Jung, De Scholis Roman., p. 15.

321 Cf. Tac. Agric. 11; Strabo, iv. 4. 2.

322 Liban. Orat., ed. Reiske, iii. 255 ff., and cf. Or. 32 πρὸς τὰς παιδαγωγοῦ βλασφημίας.

323 Et te de genetrice vagientem
tinxerunt (sc. Musae) vitrei vado Hippocrenes,
tunc hac mersus aqua loquacis undae
pro fluctu mage litteras bibisti.

Carm. xxiii. 206 (vitrei. He apparently regards ‘Hippocrene’ as masc. as in Carm. ix. 285).

324 Ibid. 210-14.

325 Ibid. 439.

326 Ibid. 490.

327 Ep. iv. 12. 1.

328 Cf. verses 89 ff. and 121 ff.

329 Studiumque insigne parentum
permixtis semper docta exercere peritum
blanditiis, gnaramque apto moderamine curam
insinuare mihi morum instrumenta bonorum,
ingenioque rudi celerem conferre profectum.—(Eucharisticon, verse 60, ed. Brandes.)

330 Euchar. 65.

331 Probably his early teaching was in the hands of a household slave. Cf. Rocafort, Paulin de Pella, p. 32.

332 Rocafort, Paulin de Pella, xi, thinks the reference is merely to ‘locutions inusitées’. ἀκοινονόητα is read by Brandes, though ἀκοινώνητα, except for metrical difficulties, would seem better.

333 Verse 66.

334 l.c. 79.

335 Not eighteen, as Rocafort says.

336 l.c. 117.

337 Gilbert Murray, Religio Grammatici, pp. 10 ff.

338 Protrepticon, 45 ff.

339 Cf. Quintilian’s emphasis on starting with Homer (Inst. x. 1. 46). He is the poet par excellence: ‘omnibus eloquentiae partibus exemplum et ortum dedit’. Not to be able to read him is a mark of utter ignorance. Cf. viii. 5. 9; xii. 11. 21.

340 Ibid. 46, 47.

341 Verses 56-60.

342 De Idol. 10. Cf. Aug. Confess. i. 14. 23.

343 He had read Vergil ‘unum omnium maxime veterum auctorum atque haud scio an unicum’. Brandes, Corp. Scriptt. Lat. Eccl. Paul. Pell., p. 279.

344 Ep. i. 9. 8; ii. 2. 2; iii. 13. 1; iv. 12. 1; Carm. xxiii. 147; xiii. 36.

345 Ep. i. 11. 1; Carm. ix. 225; xxiii. 452.

346 Ep. i. 9. 8; Carm. xxiii. 149.

347 Ep. iv. 12. 1; Carm. ix. 213; xxiii. 130.

348 Protrep. 61 ff.

349 Prof. xxvi.

350 Rocafort, De Paul. Pell. Vita et Carmine, 33.

351 Prof. xxvi, Platonicum Dogma.

352 The traditional Roman order is here assumed. The relation of (1) and (2) in Gaul will be discussed later.

353 Prof. i. 2.

354 Mosella, 403.

355 Ep. 125 (Migne, Pat. Lat. xxii. 1079) ‘post Quintiliani acumina’.

356 ‘Num quid fas est adversus Quintilianum nisi pro veritate dicere?’ Dictio, xxi.

357 Carm. ix. 314. Cf. Carm. ii. 191; Ep. v. 10. 3.

358 Ep. 70 (Migne, Pat. Lat. xxii. 668).

359 Instit. i. 1. 27.

360 Cf. Seneca, Ep. 94. 54.

361 Mart. iv. 86. 11.

362 Juv. x. 117.

363 Afranio clari lib. Graphico
doctori. librario. lusori
latrunculorum etc.—C. I. L. xiii. 1. 444.

364 Das Privatleben der Römer, p. 151.

365 Cf. Blümner, Röm. Privatalterthümer, 321. He quotes Bücheler, Carm. Epigr. 219

Puer... iam doctus in compendio
          tot litterarum et nominum
          notare currente stilo
          quot lingua dicens diceret.

366 Ephem. 7 ‘puer, notarum praepetum sollers minister’.

367 Sid. Ep. v. 17. 10.

368 Instit. i. 1. 24.

369 Migne, Pat. Lat. xc. 686. He does not set out to write specially for dumb people, as one might think from the title, but ‘ut cum maximam computandi facilitatem dederimus tum paratiore legentium ingenio ad investigandam... computando seriem temporum veniamus’, Praef. Cf. Macrob. vii. 13. 10, and Quintil. Inst. i. 10. 35. Pliny (N. H. xxxiv. 7) tells of a statue of Janus ‘digitis ita figuratis ut CCCLXV dierum nota per significationem anni, temporis et aevi esse deum indicent’.

370 Auson. Prof. xxii.

371 Cf. e.g. Diocletian’s Edict, A.D. 301 (Mommsen, Berichte der... Sächs. Gesellschaft, iii. 56).

372 Cf. Macrob. i. 24. 5 ‘videris enim mihi (says Symmachus to Evangelus, whom he accuses of shallowness in a Vergilian discussion) ita adhuc Vergilianos habere versus, qualiter eos pueri magistris praelegentibus canebamus’; and Suet. Gram. 16.

373 Cf. Quintil. i. 8. 1.

374 Rutherford, History of Annotation, p. 12, quoted Murray, Religio Grammatici, p. 16.

375 Ibid.

376 Tu flexu et acumine vocis
innumeros numeros doctis accentibus effer
adfectusque impone legens. Distinctio sensum
auget, et ignavis dant intervalla vigorem.’—Protrep. 47 ff.

377 Quint. i. 8. 13; Aug. Confess. i. 14. 23.

378 Hor. Ep. ii. 1. 71.

379 Ozanam, Hist. of Civilization in Fifth Century, i. 202.

380 Walde, Lat. etymol. Wörterb., 1910, derives it from tendo.

381 Cf. Murray, Religio Grammatici, pp. 16 ff., for Dionysius’s six departments of Grammatikê.

382 Aen. i. 45.

383 Aul. Gell. xiii. 21. 10-11, 16.

384 Aen. x. 18.

385 Aen. i.

386 Cf. Keil, Gram. Lat. iv, Praef. xxxvi.

387 Hier. Chron., An. 358; Migne, Pat. Lat. xxvii. 687.

388 Keil, Grammatici Latini, iv. 353 ff. Cf. Quintil. i. 8. 14.

389 Ozanam, op. cit., i. 203.

390 Ep. v. 16. 3. He may be the same as the Argicius or Agricius of Auson. Prof. xvi. 6.

391 Keil, Gram. Lat., Supplement, p. 187.

392 Keil, op. cit., vii. 376 ff. Krumbacher speaks of its text as ‘durch den Schulgebrauch jedenfalls vielfach abgeschliffen’, Rhein. Mus. xxxix, p. 352.

393 Migne, Pat. Lat. xxiii. 952 ‘Legamus Varronis de Antiquitatibus libros et Si(se)nnii Capitonis... caeterosque eruditissimos viros’. Capito was probably a junior contemporary of Varro. See Hertz, Sinnius Capito, pp. 6-13.

394 Funaioli, Gram. Rom. Frag. (1907), p. 457. Cf. Gell. v. 21. 6.

395 Funaioli, op. cit., p. 461.

396 Op. cit., p. 459; Keil, Gram. Lat. v. 110.

397 Funaioli, op. cit.

398 Op. cit. 462 ‘Hoc versu Lucili significari ait Sinnius Capito’, &c.

399 Op. cit. 464.

400 Op. cit. 460.

401 Op. cit. 465.

402 Op. cit. 462.

403 See Teuffel-Schwabe, transl. Warr, pp. 538 ff.

404 Cf. Keil, Gram. Lat. vii. 49, 51, 80, 266.

405 Gram. 19.

406 Privatalterthümer, p. 328.

407 Grundriss der röm. Litt., p. 721.

408 De Re Rustica, i. 2. 1.

409 ‘Cogor et e tabula pictos ediscere mundos’, v. 3. 37.

410 Nat. Hist. ii. 75.

411 Bulaeus, Hist. Univ. Paris. i. 19.

412 So Agrippa made a map of the world (Plin. N. H. iii. 2) which was put up in the Porticus Vipsania ‘tempore Augusti’, and it is thought that he wrote geographical commentaries which became the basis of Pliny’s remarks on the subject. See Cantor, Die röm. Agrimensoren, p. 84.

413 ‘Videat praeterea in illis porticibus iuventus et cotidie spectet omnes terras et cuncta maria et quidquid invictissimi principes urbium, gentium, nationum, aut restituunt aut virtute devincunt aut terrore devinciunt’, Pan. Lat. xi. 20.

414 Cf. Seneca, Ep. i. 6.

415 Pan. Lat. xi. 20. Cf. 21 ‘Orbem spectare depictum’.

416 Ch. 2.

417 Voyage dans le Midi de la France, i. 340.

418 Parent. iv. 17.

419 Sid. Ep. iv. 3. 5.

420 Carm. xxii, Intro.

421 ‘Cuius collegio vir praefectus non modo musicos quosque, verum etiam geometras arithmeticos et astrologos disserendi arte supervenit, si quidem nullum hoc exactius compertum habere censuerim quid sidera zodiaci obliqua, quid planetarum vaga... praevaleant’, Carm. xxii, Intro.

422 Quintil. i. 4. 4 ‘nec si rationem siderum ignoret poetas intelligat’.

423 Jullian, Rev. internat. de l’Enseignement, 1893, p. 43.

424 Cf. Auson. Prof. xxvi ‘poeticus stylus’, and the productions of the Panegyrici Latini. The Grammatici Latini, on the other hand, amply illustrate the prosiness of the grammarian.

425 Cf. Denk, Gallo-fränk. Unterrichts- u. Bildungswesen, p. 133.

426 Confess. i. 17.

427 Dictiones, xxviii.

428 Ibid. xxvi.

429 Ennodius, Dict. xx.

430 ‘Titianus et Calvus... qui themata omnia de Vergilio elicuerunt et deformarunt ad dicendi usum, in exemplo controversiarum has duas posuerunt adlocutiones, dicentes Venerem agere statu absolutivo, cum dicit Iunoni “causa fuisti periculorum his quibus Italiam fata concesserant”; Iunonem vero niti statu relativo, per quem ostendit Troianos non sua causa laborare sed Veneris’, Verg. x. 18.

431 Artis Rhetoricae lib. iii.

432 Institutiones Oratoriae.

433 ‘Contuli in ordinem ea quae fere de oratoria arte traduntur, secundum institutum magistrorum meorum... ita tamen ut ex arbitrio meo aliqua praeterirem, pleraque ordine immutato referrem, non nulla ex aliis quae necessaria videbantur insererem’, Pref. (Teuffel-Schwabe, ii, § 427. 6).

434 Cf. the Suasoriae with the Dictiones of Ennodius.

435 e.g. Liban. Ep. 1313, ed. Reiske.

436 Philostrat. Via Soph., p. 8, ed. Kayser.

437 Seeck’s ed. of the Letters, p. 309.

438 I owe the suggestion that the Rhetores Graeci might serve as illustrations of the rhetorical methods of the time to Prof. J. A. Smith of Magdalen.

439 Quintil. i. 9.

440 Blümner, Privatalterthümer, 327.

441 Quintil. i. 10. 1.

442 Theon. Prog. i. Cf. Quintil, i. 9 ‘Adiciamus eorum (i.e. Grammaticorum) curae quaedam dicendi primordia, quibus aetates nondum rhetorem capientes instituant’.

443 Ep. 985.

444 De Theone Hermogene Aphthonioque Progymnasmatum Scriptoribus, p. 14.

445 Ibid., p. 34.

446 Ibid., p. 24.

447 Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. Aphthonius.

448 Rhetores Graeci, vol. ii, ed. Spengel.

449 Instit. ii. 4.

450 Strange. Perhaps the meaning is bright like flowers, brilliant, pointed. But more likely, as Prof. Murray has pointed out to me, the author is thinking of embroidery. The boy’s composition must be rich like a gold-embroidered cloth, but also compact like a pattern.

451 Conringius, De Antiquis Academiis, i. 17; Gothofredus, Ad Rescriptum Gratiani Anni 376; Ritter, Ad Cod. Theod. xiii. 3. 11.

452 Scriptt. Hist. Aug. iii, ch. 11, ed. Peter.

453 Euchar. 67.

454 Prof. xxvi.

455 Prof. xv.

456 Hinc etiam placidis schola consona disciplinis
dogmaticas agitat placido certamine lites,
hinc omnis certat dialectica turba sophorum.—Eclog. iv. 15.

457 Ep. ix. 9. 15.

458 Carm. xv. 41.—Cf. ii. 156 ff.

459 Ep. iv. 1. 2.

460 ‘Voluptuosissimum reputans si forte oborta quarumpiam quaestionum insolubilitate labyrinthica scientiae suae thesauri eventilarentur’, Ep. iv. 11.

461 Ep. iv. 9. 1. Cf. iii. 6. 2 ‘Vos consectanei vestri Plotini dogmatibus inhaerentes ad profundum intempestivae quietis otium Platonicorum palaestra rapuisset’. Carm. xiv, Intro. ‘tibi et complatonicis tuis nota sunt’.

462 Ep. ix. 9. 13.

463 Hist. de la France mérid. i. 410.

464 Carm. xiv, Intro.

465 E. W. Watson, Hilary of Poitiers, p. iv (Nicene and post-Nicene Fathers).

466 Ibid.

467 Tac. Agr. 4.

468 Puech, De Paulini Nolani Ausoniique Epistolarum Commercio.

469 Eclog. ii.

470 e.g. Prof. xxiii. 13 ‘sensus si manibus ullus’; xxvi. 7 ‘si qua functis cura viventum placet’.

471 Carm. xiv, Intro., ‘Igitur, quoniam tui amoris studio inductus, homo Gallus scholae sophisticae intromisi materiam, vel te potissimum facti mei deprecatorem requiro’.

472 ‘Lecturus es hic etiam novum verbum id est, essentiam; sed scias hoc ipsum dixisse Ciceronem’, Ibid.

473 Jung, De Scholis Rom. in Gallia Comata, Paris, 1855, pp. 8 ff.

474 Sat. vii. 147 and xv. 111.

475 Toxaris, 24.

476 Prof. xxvi.

477 Exesas tineis opicasque evolvere chartas
  maior quam promptis cura tibi in studiis.—Prof. xxii.

478 Hist. de la Gaule, i. 407. Of the state of Roman law in the fifth century and its relation to Christianity, Ozanam gives a fine but biased account, History of Civilization in the Fifth Century, i. 152 ff.

479 Quo bis sex tabulas docente iuris
ultro Claudius Appius lateret
claro obscurior in decemviratu.—Carm. xxiii. 447.

480 Ibid. 465.

481 Sidon. Ep. ii. 5; v. 1; viii. 1.

482 Ep. viii. 69. Cf. v. 14 ‘Lectissimorum iuvenum Titiani atque Helpidi praeceptor adseruit... esse in illis scientiam iuris idoneam nimis in omnes usus iudiciarii et forensis officii’.

483 Ep. i. 6. 2.

484 De Reditu, i. 77.

485 Cf. De Reditu, ii. 55, 59 ‘Hic (Stilicho) immortalem, mortalem perculit ille (Nero)’.

486 De Reditu, i. 134 ‘Solaque fatales non vereare colos’.

487 Cf. i. 157 ‘Regerem cum iura Quirini’.

488 De Reditu, i. 209. Cf. Aug. Confess. vi. 8 ‘Romam praecesserat ut ius disceret’.

489 ‘Atque ut in eum perfectio literarum plena conflueret, post auditoria Gallicana intra urbem Romam iuris scientiam plenitudini perfectionis adiecit’, Vita S. Germani, Bolland, July, vii, p. 202. Cf. Cassiodor. Var. x. 7.

490 Cf. Ritter, Comment. on Cod. Theod. xiv. 9. 1.

491 His name is generally given as Mamertinus. He was probably a Gaul like the other panegyrists, for Gaul was the usual residence of Maximian at the time. § 9 shows that the orator is speaking in a northern province.

492 Pan. Lat. xi. 9.

493 De Scholis Rom. in Gallia Comata, p. 8.

494 Cf. Fauriel, op. cit., i. 407.

495 ‘Summa itaque ope et alacri studio has leges nostras accipite et vosmet ipsos sic eruditos ostendite ut spes vos pulcherrima foveat, toto legitimo opere perfecto, posse etiam nostram rempublicam in partibus eius vobis credendis gubernare’, Proem. Iustin. Instit., ed. Krueger, vol. i. Cf. Inst. ii. 7. 20 ff. Imperial titles reserved for advocates when they cease to practise, &c. For an account of the teaching of law see Modderman, Handboek voor het Romeinsch Recht (3rd ed.), i. 42, 60.

496 Bury-Gibbon, ii. 172.

497 Antecessor, used in late Latin in the sense of ‘teacher’. Cf. Tertull. Adv. Marcionem, i. 20 ‘ab illo certe Paulo qui... tunc primum cum antecessoribus apostolis conferebat’ (Corp. Script. Eccl. Lat. xlvii, p. 315).

498 Cf. Aul. Gell. N. A. xiii. 10.

499 Justin. Digest. I. ii.

500 Justinian, Corpus Iuris Civilis, vol. ii, ed. Krueger, ii. 7. 11.

501 Corp. Iur. Civ., l.c., 23 ff.

502 xxx. 4. 8 ff.

503 Ibid.

504 Ep. ii. 1. 2.

505 Ep. vi. 3.

506 Gesch. des gallo-fränk. Unterrichts- u. Bildungswesens, p. 78.

507 The Schola Medicorum on the Esquiline (C. I. L. vi. 5. 978) is rejected by Reinach, Dict. des Antiquités, s.v. Medicus.

508 Prof. xxvi.

509 ‘Crinas quidam, Nerone Claudio imperatore, primus, ut creditur, medicinae scientiam atque usum in schola Massiliensi provexit: et ita in eo studio profecit ut si cum aliis eiusdem artis professoribus conferatur longe omnes superasse videatur’, Bulaeus, Hist. Univ. Parisiensis, i. 19. See also Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxix. 1. 5, where he also mentions Charmis, another Massilian. Cf. Galen, viii. 727, xiii. 855, for the Massilian oculist Demosthenes.

510 Galen, vol. xiv, p. 177 (ed. Kühn), περὶ ἀντιδότων. Cf. περὶ συνθέσεως φαρμάκων, vol. xiii, p. 71.

511 ‘Nec solum veteres medicinae artis auctores... cui rei operam uterque Plinius et Apuleius... aliique non nulli, etiam proximo tempore illustres nonoribus viri, cives ac maiores nostri Siburius, Eutropius atque Ausonius commodarunt, lectione scrutatus sum...’, Marcellus, De Medicamentis, ed. Helmreich. For the power which these doctors had at the imperial court v. Hist. litt. de la France, ii. 49.

512 Cf. Galen, vol. xiv, p. 459 (ed. Kühn).

513 See Geyer on ‘Traces of Gallic Latin in Marcellus’, Archiv für lat. Lexicographie, viii. 4, p. 419.

514 Hist. litt. de la France, ii. 52.

515 Parent. vi.

516 Daremberg-Saglio, s.v. Medicus.

517 Cod. Theod. xiii. 3. 3.

518 See p. 87, supra, n. 3.

519 Nat. Hist. xxix. 1. 8.

520 Ep. ad Traian. v, ed. Kukula.

521 Ael. Spart. Vita Hadr. 25.

522 ‘Medicinae autem... ita studia augentur in dies ut, licet opus ipsum refellat, pro omni tamen experimento sufficiat medico ad commendandam artis auctoritatem, si Alexandriae se dixerit eruditum’, Ammian. xxii. 16. 18.

523 Quoted Denk, op. cit., p. 139.

524 Cf. Martial, v. 9, to the doctor after treatment: ‘non habui febrem, Symmache, nunc habeo’.

525 Cantor, Die röm. Agrimensoren, p. 139.

526 Cod. Theod. ii. 26. 1 (A.D. 330); ii. 26. 4 (A.D. 385).

527 Cod. Theod. vi. 34 (A.D. 405).

528 Mommsen, in Die Schriften der röm. Feldmesser, ii. 174.

529 Ibid. i. 50. So Aggenus Urbicus, who probably lived in the fourth century.

530 Ibid. i. 29. Gaul is frequently mentioned in the writings of these agrimensores, e.g. i. 29, 136, 307, 353, 368, &c.

531 Ecl. x. Cf. another version, Ecl. xi.

532 Ecl. xiii.

533 Ecl. xiv.

534 Ecl. xv.

535 Ecl. xix.

536 Ecl. xx, xxi.

537 Ecl. xxv.

538 Ecl. ii. 184 (ed. Peiper).

539 Ecl. iii, ibid.

540 Ecl. iv, ibid.

541 De Orat. ii. 86.

542 Instit. xi. 2. 1.

543 De Orat. ii. 87.

544 e.g. Carm. ix. 260 ff.

545 Cf. Denk, op. cit., p. 134.

546 Protrep., p. 261.

547 Instit. xi. 2. 34.

548 Instit. xi. 2. 21.

549 Instit. xi. 2. 18 ff.

550 Prof. i. 21-30.

551 Prof. xvi. 13.

552 Cf. Newman, Idea of a University, p. 127, ‘Memory is the first developed of the mental faculties’, and ff.

553 Ep. 1119. Cf. Orat. iii, p. 436 (ed. Reiske). It is interesting to compare in this connexion Athenian school records of the classical period, in which there is no evidence that children were beaten, with the mime of Herondas, in which the flogging of a boy is elaborately described.

554 Confess. i. 8 ff.

555 Ch. 12.

556 Cf. also Confess. i. 16, 17.

557 Cf. Mosella, 85 ff.

558 Ergo notas scripto, tolerasti, Pergame, vultu,
  et quas neglexit dextera, frons patitur.—Epigr. xxxvi, p. 325.

559 Protrep. 5.

560 Protrep. 9.

561 This is the accepted reading, though the ‘o’ of Chiron should of course be long. There is a varia lectio ‘Achillea Chiron’. Glover remarks that Ausonius was prone to metrical blunders.

562 Sat. vii. 210 ‘metuens virgae iam grandis Achilles’.

563 Tu quoque ne metuas, quamvis schola verbere multo
increpet et truculenta senex gerat ora magister...
          ... nec te clamor plagaeque sonantes
nec matutinis agitet formido sub horis.—Protrep. 24.

564 Protrep. 33. The flogging tradition persisted in the schools of Europe more or less unaltered at least thirteen centuries after Ausonius.

565 Ep. ii. 10, v. 5.

566 Ep. iv. 1. 3.

567 Or. i, p. 171 (Reiske).

568 Aug. Confess. i. 17.

569 Libanius complains of the conduct of his students, Or. i. 199. The lecture was often interrupted by cries, i. 63. Cf. Ep. 348 ἐγένετο θόρυβος καὶ κρότος.

570 Sievers, Das Leben des Libanios, p. 36, quoting Greg. Naz. Or. xx.

571 Protrep. 70.

572 Eucharisticon, 55 ff.

573 Auson. Ep. xxx. 30 ff.

574 Ibid. 39. Cf. the rest of the poem.

575 Carm. ix. 312.

576 Ep. iii. 1. 1.

577 See Grasberger, Erziehung und Unterricht im klass. Alterthum, i. 28-163.

578 Confess. i. 19.

579 Euchar. 145.

580 Confess. i. 9.

581 Saint Augustin, transl., p. 39.

582 Bertrand, op. cit., p. 42.

583 Confess, i. 10.

584 Confess. ii. 9.

585 Ep. i. 2.

586 Ep. ii. 9. 4.

587 Ep. iii. 2. 3.

588 Euchar. 122-34.

589 Ep. i. 2. 5.

590 viii. 6. 12.

591 Ep. iii. 3. 2.

592 Ep. ii. 2. 12; ii. 12. 1.

593 Carm. xxi.

594 Ep. ii. 2. 19.

595 Ep. ii. 2. 15.

596 Ep. ii. 9. 4.

597 Ep. v. 17. 7.

598 On the various forms of ball games, as far as they are known, see Grasberger, op. cit., i. 89-96.

599 C. I. L. xii. 4501.

600 Sid. Ep. i. 11. 10.

601 ‘(Ex quorum usur)is omnibus annis... (ludi) athletar(um) aut circen(ses ederen)tur’, C. I. L. xii. 670.

602 C. I. L. xii. 1585.

603 C. I. L. xii. 410.

604 Ep. iv. 22.

605 Cic. Tusc. iv. 33 (70).

606 Rep. iv. 4. Cf. Plutarch, Cato, xx. 7.

607 Ep. lxxxviii. 18 ‘luctatores et totam oleo ac luto constantem scientiam expello ex his studiis liberalibus’.

608 Instit. i. 11. 15.

609 Pliny, Pan. 13.

610 Gallo-fränk.... Bildungswesen, p. 93.

611 Hist. Univ. Par. i. 29.

612 Ibid. p. 25. He says of Autun before the Romans came: ‘Ibi etiam nobiles adulescentes cum schola coniunctam palaestram habebant’.

613 Ann. iii. 43.

614 Ep. ii. 2. 6.

615 Ep. viii. 7. 2.

616 Instit. i. 11. 15 ff.

617 Ep. i. 5. 10, i. 6. 2.

618 Gesch. der Erziehung, i. 481.

619 ‘Spectavit assidue exercentes ephebos, quorum aliqua adhuc copia ex vetere instituto Capreis erat’, Suet. Aug. 98.

620 Cf. Cramer, l.c.

621 Eumen. Pro Instaur. Scholis, 7. For a detailed discussion of the site see Bulaeus’s Hist. Univ. Par. i. 33. Cf. Denk, Gallo-fränk. Unterricht, p. 91.

622 Wissowa, Röm. Mittheilungen, v. 1890; i. p. 3.

623 Eumen., op. cit., 21.

624 Sen. Ep. i. 6.

625 Blümner, Röm. Privatalterthümer, p. 320. Cf. Hettner, Führer durch d. Provincialmuseum zu Trier, p. 21.

626 Euchar. 65 ff.

627 Ep. v. 4.

628 Jullian, op. cit., p. 30. Cf. Cod. Theod., passim.

629 Scriptt. Hist. Aug. iv. 2.

630 Prima creterra litteratoris rudimento excitat, secunda grammatici doctrina instruit, tertia rhetoris eloquentia armat. Hactenus a plerisque potatur’, Florida, 20 (ed. Helm).

631 Confess. i. 13.

632 verses 63 ff.

633 Prof. x.

634 Cf. Prof. x. 5-10.

635 Cf. Glover, Life and Letters in Fourth Century, 106, who quotes Suet. Gram. 4; Gell. xvi. 6; Macrob. Sat. v. 19, 31.

636 Prof. xxii. Cf. Cic. ad Fam. ix. 18 ‘Sella tibi erit in ludo tamquam hypodidascalo proxima’. Aug. Confess. viii. 6 ‘Nebridius autem amicitiae nostrae cesserat ut... verecundo... grammatico subdoceret’.

637 Prof. xxii. 17.

638 Prof. i.

639 Revue intern. de l’Enseignement, 1893, pp. 31 ff.

640 Euchar. 72.

641 Protrep., l.c., ‘lactantibus annis’.

642 Euchar. 121.

643 MSS. have invitus, impurius. Cole (Later Roman Education, 1909) conjectures imperitus, which certainly gives much better sense.

644 Cod. Theod., ed. Mommsen and Meyer, xiv. 9. 1.

645 Ritter, ad Cod. Theod. xiv. 9. 1.

646 Prof. xvii.

647 ‘Grammaticus circa curam sermonis versatur, et, si latius evagari vult, circa historias, iam ut longissime fines suos proferat, circa carmina (i.e. metrical studies: “Versuum lex ac modificatio”)’, Sen. Ep. xiii. 3. 3.

648 Quot commissa viris Romana Albanaque fata,
  quotque doces horis quotque domi resides.—Ep. xviii. 9. 10.

649 ‘Jeder trieb was er wollte, wie er wollte, in vielen oder wenigen Stunden’, op. cit., p. 122.

650 Sievers, Libanios, p. 23.

651 ‘Antemeridianas horas discipuli occupant’, Confess. vi. 11.

652 Cod. Theod. xiv. 9. 1.

653 Sidon. Ep. ii. 2.

654 Confess. i. 16.

655 Liban. Ep. 304.

656 Ep. iv. 11. 1.

657 Protrep. 1 ff.

658 Ep. ii. 2.

659 Eclog. xxiv.

660 De Spectac. 7.

661 Bulaeus, Hist. Univ. Par. i. 41 ff.

662 Sid. Ep. viii. 6. 5.

663 Ep. v. 17. 6.

664 Daremberg-Saglio, s.v. Feriae.

665 Cod. Theod. ii. 8. 1.

666 Cod. Theod. ii. 8. 18.

667 ‘Illos tantum manere feriarum dies fas erit quos geminis mensibus ad requiem laboris indulgentior annus accepit, aestivis fervoribus mitigandis aut autumnis fetibus decerpendis. Kalendarum quoque Ianuariarum consuetos dies otio mancipamus. His adicimus natalicios dies urbium maximarum Romae atque Constantinopolis....’, Cod. Theod. ii. 8. 19.

668 Cod. Theod. ii. 18. 20. Cf. Cod. Theod. ii. 8. 23, 25 (A.D. 409).

669 Cod. Theod. ii. 2. 21; ii. 18. 19.

670 Cf. the Christian Calendar 448, C. I. L. i, p. 335. Dedicated by Polemius Silvius to Eucherius. It shows nineteen pagan festivals.

671 Cf. Aug. Confess. vi. 2. Monnica still practises pagan rites.

672 Cf. the marks ‘N’ (nefastus), ‘NP’ (= N. F. P., Nefas, feriae publicae), put opposite the festival days in the calendar.

673 Aug. Confess. ix. 2. Jullian includes the Vindemia in his calendar for the fourth century. Gothofredus (ad Cod. Theod. ii. 8. 18) notes that these holidays were movable. ‘Statae hae feriae non fuerunt verum ex consuetudine cuiusque loci praesides provinciarum has ferias statuebant.’

674 Martial, x. 62.

675 Liban. Or. i. 199; Ep. 382.

676 Liban. Ep. 394; Sievers, op. cit., pp. 26 ff.

677 Liban. Or. ii. 277. It was regarded as part of the boy’s education to learn how to behave at funerals.

678 Liban. Or. ii. 271.

679 Sidon. Ep. i. 5. 10.

680 Ep. i. 9. 1.

681 Aul. Gell. N. A. i. 9. 12. Bulaeus’s reference to a law of Charondas in this connexion rests on a false interpretation of Diodor. xii. 13.

682 Rhetor. 6.

683 ‘Nullius boni sine socio iucunda possessio est... plus... tibi et viva vox et convictus quam oratio proderit.... Zenonem Cleanthes non expressisset si tantummodo audisset: vitae eius interfuit, secreta perspexit, observavit illum, an ex formula sua viveret’, Ep. i. 6. 4.

684 Gell. N. A. iii. 19.

685 ‘Sicuti nuperrime aput mensam cum legerentur utraque simul Bucolica Theocriti et Vergilii, animadvertimus reliquisse Vergilium quod Graecum quidem mire quam suave est, verti autem neque debuit neque potuit’, Gell. ib. ix. 9.

686 Bulaeus, Hist. Univ. Par. i. 77.

687 Suet. Gram. 17.

688 Epigr. v. 56.

689 Strabo, iv. 181. Cf. Jung, De Scholis Romanis in Gallia Comata, p. 20.

690 ‘Oratoribus viginti quattuor annonarum e fisco emolumenta donentur, grammaticis Latino vel Graeco duodecim annonarum, deductior paulo numerus ex more, praestetur, ut singulis urbibus quae metropoles nuncupantur nobilium professorum electio celebretur, nec vero iudicamus liberum ut sit cuique civitati suos doctores et magistros placito sibi iuvare compendio’, Cod. Theod. xiii. 3. 11.

691 Annona, a day’s ration, ἡμερήσιον. A common way of reckoning salaries. Cf. Ammian. xxii. 4 ‘Tonsor quidam interrogans quid haberet in arte compendii, vicenas diurnas respondit annonas’.

692 Cod. Theod. xiii. 3. 5.

693 These are treated together here because they always appear together in the Theodosian Code.

694 Ep. i. 79, v. 35 (Seeck) ‘Romanae iuventutis magistris subsidia detracta’, Cassiodor. Var. ix. 21.

695 Op. cit., p. 122.

696 Cf. Cassiodor. Var. ix. 21 ‘Cognovimus... aliquorum nundinatione fieri ut scholarum magistris deputata summa videatur imminui’.

697 Prof. xviii.

698 Prof. xix.

699 Prof. xvii.

700 Pro Instaur. Schol. 11.

701 Prof. xvii. 7.

702 Cf. the Strenae to Ursulus, supra.

703 iii. 2. 18. Referred to by Bulaeus, op. cit., i. 72.

704 vii. 165.

705 Op. cit., i. 72.

706 Prof. xvii:
Pueros grandi mercede docendi
formasti rhetor.

707 Liban. Or. ii, p. 279.

708 Ibid. i. 199; Sievers, Liban., p. 26.

709 Cod. Theod. xiv. 9. 3.

710 Cod. Theod. xiii. 3. 11.

711 ‘Dagegen findet man nirgends eine Spur von einem Schuldirektor unter dessen Leitung die Lehrer ein bestimmtes Ziel in gemeinsamer Arbeit verfolgt hätten’, op. cit., p. 122.

712 Caesar, B. G. vi. 13 ‘His autem omnibus Druidibus praeest unus’.

713 Op. cit., p. 43.

714 Prof. x. 11.

715 Prof. viii. 10.

716 Parent. iii. 9, 10. Cf. verse 19 ‘postquam primis placui tibi traditus annis’.

717 Parent. iii. 15; Prof. xvi. 15, 17.

718 Prof. i. 11, 25, 38.

719 Prof. iii. 1.

720 Prof. ii. 28 ‘amoris hoc crimen tui est’.

721 Prof. v. 3.

722 Prof. xx. 5.

723 Except his tutor Arborius.

724 Prof. vii-xiii, xviii, xxi, xxii, xxiv.

725 Prof. xv.

726 Prof. x. 51 ‘gloriolam exilem... perdidit in senio’.

727 Op. cit.

728 Cf. Prof. xxiv. 6 ‘meque dehinc facto rhetore,’ etc.

729 Op. cit., p. 122.

730 Trans. Hazlitt, i. 291.

731 Cambridge Mediaeval History, i. 30.

732 As the Notitia Imperii Romani shows.

733 Cambridge Mediaeval History, i. 48.

734 Prof. i.

735 For instances see Cambridge Mediaeval History, i. 396.

736 Guizot, op. cit., i. 301 ff. Cf. Denk, op. cit., p. 164.

737 Cf. the frequent flight of curiales, and the laws in the Cod. Theod. about it. Also the harsh personal restrictions. A curial could not sell slaves or land except by permission of the governor of the province, Cod. Theod. xii. 3. 1. He could not bequeath his fortune to a man in another curia except by payment of a heavy duty to his original curia, Cod. Theod. xii. 1. 107. Emperors condemn miscreants, e.g. men who have rendered themselves unfit for military service by chopping off their thumbs, to enrolment in a curia, Cambridge Mediaeval History, i. 555.

738 Cambridge Mediaeval History, i. 547; cf. p. 51, ‘Egress from inherited membership was inhibited by the Government except in rare instances’.

739 Cambridge Mediaeval History, i. 70.

740 Cf. the description of Seronatus who descends on the pale country folk ‘ceu draco e specu’, Sidon. Ep. v. 13. Even the rich have officials and taxes on the brain. At the feast of St. Just it is specially mentioned as a blessing (beatissimum) that there was no talk ‘de potestatibus aut de tributis’, Sid. Ep. v. 17. 5.

741 Cambridge Mediaeval History, i. 51.

742 Cod. Theod. xiv. 9. 1.

743 Guizot, op. cit., i. 315. Cf. Vinogradoff in Cambridge Mediaeval History, i. 567.

744 ‘Singulis quibusque dignitatibus certum locum meritumque praescribsit (sic). Si quis igitur indebitum sibi locum usurpaverit, nulla se ignoratione defendat, sitque plane sacrilegii reus, qui divina praecepta neglexerit’, Cod. Theod. vi. 5. 2.

745 Leges Visigothorum, ed. Zeumer, e.g. v. 4. 11, 7. 10, 7. 17.

746 Jullian, op. cit., pp. 33 ff.

747 ‘Toutes les classes se retrouvaient égales quand il s’agissait d’apprendre ou d’enseigner; les rangs se nivelaient à l’école’, ibid.

748 Denk, Gallo-fränk. Unterrichts- u. Bildungswesen, p. 165.

749 Röm. Gesch. i. 892.

750 Hist. de France, i. 3. 391.

751 Aus. Ep. xiv. 95.

752 Protrep. 40.

753 l.c. The students at Autun are ‘frequentia honestissimae iuventutis’, Pro Instaur. Schol. 5.

754 ‘Libertinae condicionis homines, numquam ad honores vel palatinam adspirare militiam permittemus’, Cod. Theod. iv. 10. 3.

755 e.g. Cod. Theod. xii. 19. 3. The heads of the classes (ordines) are warned not to let fugitives from the ‘curiae’ or ‘collegia’ hang about.

756 Cod. Theod. xiv. 1. 1.

757 Cod. Theod. iv. 6. 3, A.D. 336. For an illustration of these marriage laws in practice see the instance in Sidon. Ep. v. 19. The most heinous offence, of course, was the marriage between a slave and his mistress, the penalty being death (Cod. Theod. ix. 9. 1). Cf. the marriage laws in the Southern States of America.

758 Special privileges are given to those who remain thirty years without a break in one place. ‘Eum, qui curiae vel collegio vel burgis ceterisque corporibus per triginta annos sine interpellatione servierit res dominica (imperial) vel intentio privata non inquietabit... sed in curia vel corpore in quo servierit remaneat’, Justin. xi. 66. 6. Cod. Theod. xii. 19. 2, to the prefect of the Gauls, A.D. 400. Cf. xii. 19. 3, also to the prefect of the Gauls. For the ‘coloni’ see Cod. Theod. v. 17 and 18.

759 Vinogradoff in Cambridge Mediaeval History, i. 553.

760 Cod. Theod. xiv. 9. 1 ‘his dumtaxat exceptis qui corporatorum sunt oneribus adiuncti’.

761 ‘Si quis originarius intra hos triginta annos (i.e. within a period of thirty years before the passing of the law) de possessione discessit, sive per fugam labsus seu sponte seu sollicitatione transductus,... eum, contradictione submota, loco cui natus est cum origine (family) iubemus sine dilatione restitui’, Cod. Theod. v. 18. 1.

762 ‘Ipsos etiam colonos qui fugam meditantur, in servilem condicionem ferro ligari conveniet, ut officia quae liberis congruunt merito servilis condemnationis compellantur implere’, Cod. Theod. v. 17. 1.

763 Cod. Theod. vi. 20.

764 Sidon. Ep. v. 17 ‘Cum passim varia ordinum corpora dispergerentur’.

765 Pro Instaur. Scholis. 15 (ad fin.) and 16.

766 Ep. i. 6. 4.

767 Cf. the studious Hesperius, who, from his friends, must have been a nobleman, and is contrasted with the ‘turba imperitorum’, Ep. ii. 10. 6.

768 ‘Plebeiam numeros docere pulpam’, Ep. xiv. 95. Cf. Introd. of Griphus dedicated to Symmachus. The author omits all antiquarian treatment of his subject ‘et quidquid profanum vulgus ignorat’.

769 Ep. viii. 2. 2.

770 Op. cit., p. 48.

771 Cf. the instance of the workman at Silchester who scratched the word ‘satis’ on his work at the end of the day. ‘Casual scratchings on tiles or pots, which can often be assigned to the lower classes, prove that Latin was both read and spoken easily in Silchester and Caerwent’ (fourth century). Haverfield, Cambridge Mediaeval History, i. 375.

772 Large, but hardly disproportionate. In England to-day the number of elementary teachers compared with post-elementary is about ten to one.

773 Cf. Cod. Theod. xiv. 9. 3. Eight ‘rhetores’ and twenty ‘grammatici’. This, however, was at Constantinople. At Trèves the numbers were about equal, Cod. Theod. xiii. 3. 11.

774 Sievers, Liban., p. 39.

775 Italorum Epigram. xv.

776 Prof. ii. 15.

777 Comis convivis, nunquam inclamare clientes,
  ad famulos nunquam tristia verba loqui.—Prof. iii. 11.

778 Prof. i. 31.

779 Nullo felle tibi mens livida, tum sale multo
  lingua dicax blandis et sine lite iocis.—Prof. i. 31.

Patera is ‘Salibus modestus felle nullo perlitis’, Prof. iv. 19.

780 Facete comis animo iuvenali senex
cui felle nullo, melle multo mens madens.—Prof. xv. 1.

781 Prof. vii.

782 Prof. ix.

783 Pro Instaur. Schol. 14 ‘gratitatem morum’.

784 Prof. xxi. 7 ‘creditus olim fervere mero’.

785 p. 198 (ed. Peiper).

786 Ep. vi.

787 Ep. xvi.

788 ‘Quem locupletavit coniunx Hispana latentem’, Prof. xxiii. 5.

789 Ibid.

790 Prof. vi. 35 ‘connubium nobile’.

791 Prof. xiii.

792 Cod. Theod. vi. 21. 1 ‘si laudabilem in se probis moribus vitam esse monstraverint, si docendi peritiam... se habere patefecerint, hi quoque cum ad viginti annos observatione iugi ac sedulo docendi labore pervenerint, iisdem... dignitatibus perfruantur’.

793 Prof. ix:
Et te, quem cathedram temere usurpasse locuntur
          nomen grammatici nec meruisse putant.

794 Prof. vii. 9.

795 Prof. x. 35 ff., 42 ff., ‘doctrina exiguus’, ‘tenuem... grammaticum’.

796 Epigram. vi.

797 Ibid. viii ff.

798 Ibid. vii.

799 De Scholis Romanis, p. 16.

800 Like Glabrio, Prof. xxiv; Alcimus, Prof. ii; Delphidius, &c.

801 Cod. Theod. xiii. 3. 5.

802 Cf. Jullian, op. cit., p. 36.

803 Pro Instaur. Scholis. 14.

804 Cf. Tac. Agr. 4.

805 Suet. Rhet. 1.

806 Cf. Lucius Apuleius, Apologia iv ‘accusamus apud te philosophum formosum et tam graece quam latine—pro nefas—disertissimum’.

807 Lampridius, Life of Alex. Sever. xliv. 4. Cf. Scriptt. Hist. Aug. i. 16. 8, on Hadrian’s patronage of professors.

808 Pan. Lat. ix; Pro Instaur. Scholis, 14.

809 Ibid. 3.

810 Ibid. 4 ff.

811 Ibid. 18. 3 ‘ad conspectum Romanae lucis emersit’.

812 Ibid. 19.

813 ‘Per omnem dioecesim commissam magnificentiae tuae, frequentissimis in civitatibus, quae pollent et eminent claritudine, praeceptorum optimi quique erudiendae praesideant iuventuti: rhetores loquimur et grammaticos Atticae Romanaeque doctrinae’, Cod. Theod. xiii. 3. 11.

814 Cod. Theod. xiii. 3. 6.

815 Cod. Theod. xiv. 9. 1.

816 ‘Magistros studiorum doctoresque excellere oportet moribus primum, deinde facundia. Sed quia singulis civitatibus adesse ipse non possum, iubeo, quisque docere vult, non repente nec temere prosiliat ad hoc munus, sed iudicio ordinis probatus, decretum curialium mereatur, optimorum conspirante consensu. Hoc enim decretum ad me tractandum referetur, ut altiore quodam honore nostro iudicio studiis civitatum accedant’, Cod. Theod. xiii. 3. 5.

817 Cod. Theod. xiii. 3. 6.

818 Bulaeus, Hist. Univ. Par. i. 77.

819 Suet. Aug. 46. Cf. C. I. L. x. 50, 56.

820 Aurel. Victor, Ep. 12.

821 C. I. L. ix. 1455; xi. 1147.

822 Ael. Spart. Hadrian, § 7. Cf. Plin. Pan. 26-8; Ep. vii. 18.

823 Pertinax could not pay all the ‘alimenta’ standing over from the reign of Commodus, Scriptt. Hist. Aug. Pertin. 9. 3.

824 Cod. Theod. xi. 27. 1, A.D. 315.

825 Cod. Theod. xi. 27. 2.

826 Pro Instaur. Schol. 6. 4. ‘divina illa mens Caesaris, quae tanto studio praeceptorem huic conventui iuventutis elegit’.

827 Liban. Or. i. 54. 120.

828 e.g. Cod. Theod. xiii. 3. 5.

829 ‘Litterarum quoque habuere dilectum, neque aliter quam si equestri turmae vel cohorti praetoriae consulendum foret, quem fortissimum praeficerent, sui arbitrii esse duxerunt...’, Pro Instaur. Scholis. 5.

830 Pan. Lat. vi. 23. Cf. Symmachus, Ep. i. 20 ‘Iter ad capessendos magistratus saepe litteris promovetur.’

831 Pro Instaur. Scholis, 5. 4 ‘ne... veluti repentino nubilo... deprehensi incerta dicendi signa sequerentur’.

832 Prof. xvii. 4.

833 Prof. ii. 13.

834 Cod. Theod. xiii. 3. 1.

835 ‘Ne autem litteraturae, quae omnium virtutum maxima est, praemia denegentur, eum qui studiis et eloquio dignus primo loco videbitur honestiore faciet nostra provisio sublimitate’, Cod. Theod. xiv. 1. 1. Cf. Napoleon’s scheme of education for the service of the State.

836 Heynius. Opusc. Acad. vi. 91.

837 ‘Sive panegyricis placeat contendere libris,
  in Panathenaicis tu memorandus erit.’—Prof. i. 13.

838 Pan. Lat. vi. 23.

839 Ep. ix. 16; Carm. viii. 8.

840 Ep. i. 9. 8.

841 ‘In ius etiam vocari vel pati iniuriam prohibemus, ita ut, si quis eos vexaverit, centum milia nummorum aerario inferat, a magistratibus vel quinquennalibus exactus, ne ipsi hanc poenam sustineant: servus eis si iniuriam fecerit, flagellis debeat a suo domino verberari...’, Cod. Theod. xiii. 3. 1.

842 Cod. Theod. xiii. 3. 3. Cf. xiii. 3. 7.

843 ‘Grammaticos, oratores adque philosophiae praeceptores, nec non etiam medicos, praeter haec quae retro latarum sanctionum auctoritate consecuti sunt privilegia immunitatesque, frui hac praerogativa praecipimus, ut universi qui in sacro palatio inter archiatros militarunt cum comitiva primi ordinis vel secundi, nulla municipali, nulla curialium conlatione, nulla senatoria vel glebali describtione vexentur,... sint ab omni functione omnibusque muneribus publicis immunes, nec eorum domus ubicumque positae militem seu iudicem suscipiant hospitandum. Quae omnia filiis etiam eorum et coniugibus inlibata praecipimus custodiri, ita ut nec ad militiam liberi memoratorum trahantur inviti. Haec autem et professoribus memoratis eorumque liberis deferenda mandamus’, Cod. Theod. xiii. 3. 16. Confirmed by xiii. 3. 18.

844 Pro Instaur. Scholis, 18. Cf. Pan. Lat. iv. 38 ‘Omnia foris placida, domi prospera annonae ubertate... exornatae mirandum in modum ac prope de integro conditae urbes’, &c., &c.

845 Pan. Lat. v. 5 ff.

846 Ibid. § 9.

847 Ibid. § 11.

848 xxviii. 1.

849 ‘At Valentinianus, magna animo concipiens et utilia, Rhenum omnem a Rhaetiarum exordio ad usque fretalem Oceanum magnis molibus communiebat, castra extollens altius et castella turresque adsiduas per habiles locos et opportunos, qua Galliarum extenditur longitudo: nonnunquam etiam ultra flumen aedificiis positis subradens barbaros fines’, ibid. 2.

850 Ὠιήθη δεῖν καὶ τῆς εἰς τὸ μελλον ἀσφαλείας τῶν Κελτικῶν ἐθνῶν ποιήσασθαι προνοίαν, iv. 12 (ed. Mendelssohn).

851 Ibid. vi. 3.

852 Pan. Lat. xi. 19. He was probably a Gaul, § 9. Maximian, to whom the speech was addressed, frequently stayed there.

853 Cf. Pichon, Études sur l’Hist. de la Litt. lat. dans les Gaules, i. 123, ‘L’Empire romain... souffre d’une hypertrophie de l’organe central’, and ‘la cour absorbe tout sans rien distribuer’.

854 Cf. esp. Mamertinus, Grat. Act. Iuliano.

855 Grat. Act. Iuliano, i. ‘non minus exitialibus quam pudendis praesidentum rapinis’.

856 Pottier in Daremberg-Saglio, Dictionnaire des Antiquités, s.v. Education.

857 ‘Universos, qui usurpantes sibi nomina magistrorum in publicis magistrationibus cellulisque collectos undecumque discipulos circumferre consuerunt, ab ostentatione vulgari praecipimus amoveri, ita ut, si qui eorum post emissos divinae sanctionis adfatus, quae prohibemus adque damnamus iterum forte temptaverit, non solum eius quam meretur infamiae notam subeat, verum etiam pellendum se ex ipsa ubi versatur inlicite urbe cognoscat. Illos vero, qui intra plurimorum domus eadem exercere privatim studia consuerunt, si ipsis tantum modo discipulis vacare maluerint, quos intra parietes domesticos docent, nulla huiusmodi interminatione prohibemus. Sin autem ex eorum numero fuerint, qui videntur intra Capitolii auditorium constituti, ii omnibus modis privatorum aedium studia sibi interdicta esse cognoscant, scituri quod, si adversum caelestia statuta facientes fuerint deprehensi, nihil penitus ex illis privilegiis consequentur, quae his, qui in Capitolio tantum docere praecepti sunt, merito deferuntur’, Cod. Theod. xiv. 9. 3.

858 Cod. Theod. xiii. 3. 5.

859 e.g. Pan. Lat. xii. 19, 20, 25, 26. Cf. the scene in heaven, vi. 7. Cf. Pro Instaur. Scholis, 6. 2. ‘caelestia verba et divina sensa principum’, &c.

860 Pan. Lat. ii, ad fin. Cf. xi. 6, 7, 10, 11, 14, &c.

861 Quem pluris faciunt novem sorores
quam cunctos alios, Marone dempto.—Dedication of the Eclogues.

862 Prof. xiv.

863 Pan. Lat. iv. 5.

864 Non habeo ingenium: Caesar sed iussit: habebo.
...
Non tutum renuisse deo.—Praefat. iv. 11.

865 Grat. Act. iii.

866 Diligo Burdigalam, Romam colo....
... cunae hic, ibi sella curulis.—Ordo urb. nob. xx. 39.

867 Euchar. 37.

868 Ibid. 70, 145.

869 Ibid. 424.

870 Ibid. 44.

871 ‘Reddatur unusquisque patriae suae, qui habitum philosophiae indebite et insolenter usurpare cognoscitur... turpe enim est ut patriae functiones ferre non possit, qui etiam fortunae vim se ferre profitetur’, Cod. Theod. xiii. 3. 7.

872 Cf. Ammianus, xiv. 9. 5 ‘Epigonus... amictu tenus philosophus’. Symm. Ep. i. 28 mentions his contemporary Barachus among those ‘qui philosophiam fastu et habitu metiuntur’.

873 Pro Instaur. Scholis, 16. Cf. ‘Equidem ipsos patriae deos testor, tanto me civitatis istius amore flagrare, ut quocunque oculos circumtuli, ad restitutionem operum singulorum ita gaudio ferar ut spiritum identidem meum pro illorum salute devoveam, quorum iussu opibusque reparantur’. There is more than rhetoric in his words.

874 Source book of the Hist. of Education, p. 395.

875 Cf. Cod. Theod. xiv. 1. 1.

876 De Scholis Roman., p. 13.

877 Epigr. xv.

878 Cf. Guizot, Hist. of Civilization, i. 320 ff.; Montalembert, Monks of the West, i. 187 ff.

879 Cod. Theod. xvi. 2. 4 ‘Habeat unus quisque licentiam sanctissimo catholicae (sc. ecclesiae) venerabilique concilio decedens bonorum quod optavit relinquere’. So in 434 Theodosius and Valentinian enacted that the intestate property of a Church official should go to his church or monastery, Cod. Theod. v. 3. 1.

880 ‘Qui religiosa mente in ecclesiae gremio servulis suis meritam concesserint libertatem, eandem eodem iure donasse videantur quo civitas Romana solemnitatibus decursis dari consuevit’, Cod. Theod. iv. 7. 1, A.D. 321.

881 ‘Qui divino cultui ministeria religionis impendunt... ab omnibus omnino muneribus excusentur’, Cod. Theod. xvi. 2. 2 et passim.

882 Cod. Theod. xvi. 2. 41.

883 Ambrose and Augustine complain of their heavy judicial duties; cf. Camb. Med. Hist. i. 566.

884 Sidon. Ep. vii. 7; so Lupus had successfully negotiated with Attila for Troyes; see Lavisse, Hist. de Gaule, ii. 1. 1, pp. 21 ff., L’Épiscopat en Gaule au IVᵉ et au Vᵉ Siècle. Cf. Rambaud, Histoire de la civilisation française, i. 74, and the whole of Bk. I, chap. iv (Gaule chrétienne) for a useful summary of the activities and relations of the Gallic Church at this time.

885 Cf. St. Martin’s opposition to Avitianus and Valentinian. Hilary of Arles declared the prefect unworthy of the sacrament, and he had to retire.

886 e.g. Epictetus and the Stoics, who taught the equality of mankind.

887 Cod. Theod. iv. 8. 5.

888 Cod. Theod. iv. 8. 6; iv. 8. 9; iv. 9. 1.

889 Cod. Theod. ii. 25. 1.

890 Cappadocia was practically the only place where slaves were still bred for export to Rome.

891 Cod. Theod. xv. 5 ‘de spectaculis’, A.D. 425.

892 Cod. Theod. xv. 5. 7.

893 Cod. Theod. xv. 7. 4, A.D. 380.

894 ‘Scaenici et scaenicae, qui in ultimo vitae ac necessitate cogente interitus imminentis, ad dei summi sacramenta properarunt... nulla posthac in theatralis spectaculi conventione revocentur’, Cod. Theod. xv. 7. 1, A.D. 371.

895 Cod. Theod. xv. 12. 1.

896 Cod. Theod. xv. 12. 2, A.D. 357.

897 Cod. Theod. ix. 40. 8, A.D. 365.

898 Theodoret, Hist. Eccles. v. 26.

899 Glover, Life and Letters, p. 161. Cf. Sym. Ep. iv. 12, ix. 126.

900 Cf. Sidon. Ep. vi. 12. 1, 5.

901 Cod. Iust. xi. 26. Cf. Cod. Theod. xiv. 18. 1.

902 It is true that pagan philosophers like Epicurus had women among their intimates, but their recognition was as much of an anomaly in the ancient world as they themselves were. With Christianity the recognition claimed a more general acceptance, though the claim was subsequently disregarded and never fully admitted.

903 Cf. Camb. Med. Hist. i. 168.

904 ‘Indecens visum. Repudiatis fiscalibus, propriis cum sumptibus vivere maluerunt’, Sulpic. Sever. Chron. ii. 41.

905 Sid. Ep. vi. 1, viii. 11, ix. 11.

906 Sid. Ep. iv. 17.

907 Ep. iv. 17. 3 ‘Lupus... Auspicius quorum doctrinae abundanti eventilandae nec consultatio tua sufficit’.

908 Ep. vi. 12; ii. 10. 2; iv. 25. 5.

909 Ep. ix. 3.

910 Ep. vii. 1; iv. 9. 6; v. 14. 2.

911 Ep. vi. 8; vii. 2. 7, 11; ix. 4.

912 Ep. vii. 9; iv. 18.

913 Montalembert, Monks of the West (transl.), i. 205.

914 Antidosis, 231. See Hubbell, The Influence of Isocrates on Cicero, Dionysius, and Aristides.

915 Ibid. 276. The subjects must be καλὰς καὶ φιλανθρώπους καὶ περὶ τῶν κοινῶν πραγμάτων.

916 Pichon, Études sur l’histoire de la litt. lat. i. 42, is too severe on Isocrates’ theoretical and unpractical judgement.

917 Gilbert Murray, Ancient Greek Literature, p. 344.

918 Ὅσῳ περ ἄν τις ἐρρωμενεστέρως ἐπιθνμῇ πείθειν τοὺς ἀκούοντας, τοσούτῳ μᾶλλον ἀσκήσει καλὸς κἀγαθὸς εἶναι, καὶ παρὰ τοῖς πολίταις εὐδοκιμεῖν, Antidosis, 278 (ed. Blass).

919 Antidosis, 253.

920 ‘Illa vis autem eloquentiae tanta est, ut omnium rerum virtutum officiorum omnisque naturae quae mores hominum, quae animos quae vitam continet, originem vim mutationesque teneat, eadem mores leges iura describat, rem publicam regat, omniaque ad quamcumque rem pertineant ornate copioseque dicat’, De Oratore, iii. 20. 76.

921 Ibid. iii. 15. 57. In Homeric days ‘neque diiuncti doctores, sed idem erant vivendi praeceptores atque dicendi’. Cf. 59 ‘ancipitem quae non potest esse seiuncta, faciendi dicendique sapientiam’.

922 Ibid. i. 6. 20.

923 Ibid. iii. 23. 87, 89.

924 Boissier, in blaming Quintilian for this change in rhetoric, seems somewhat unfair (La fin du paganisme, i. 219 ff.). He says Quintilian regarded the grammarian as an intruder, but Quintilian is merely protesting against the assumption of the rhetor’s duties by the grammarian (ii. 1. 2-6) and is quite willing to give him his due (ii. 1. 13). However, he does seem to attach an exaggerated importance to rhetoric (e.g. ii. 20) as opposed to general knowledge.

925 § 3 ἕλκει ἐκ τῶν ὤτων ἄπαντας δεδεμένους.

926 ‘Neque ego unquam facundiam exercui, et populus Romanus virtutem armis adfirmavit: sed quoniam apud vos verba plurimum valent....’, Tac. Hist. iv. 73. Cf. the commentator Pithoeus, In Quintil. Declam., p. 415, ‘etiam infelicissimis temporibus superfuisse Galliae oratores suos, cum urbi ipsi deessent’.

927 Comment. on Ep. to Galatians, ii; Migne, xxvi. 355.

928 C. I. L. xii. 1941. Cf. ibid. 1949, 2039, 2058; xiii. 1. 1. 128 (a fifth-century stone with twenty-four lines of poetry); xiii. 1. 1. 2395, 2397.

929 Jerome, Ep. 125. 6; Migne, xxii. 1075 ‘ubertatem Gallici nitoremque sermonis’.

930 Ep. 372 (ed. J. C. Wolf, Amsterdam, 1738).

931 Ibid.

932 Ep. iv. 17. 1.

933 ‘Heiden von hervorragender Stellung werden seit 450 in Gallien nicht mehr erwähnt, und unter den Christen gewann die strenge Mönchspartei einen immer grössern Einfluss und verdammte die Studien der Rhetoren’, Kloster- u. Rhetorenschulen, p. 31.

934 De Idol. x.

935 Ep. 21; Migne, xxii. 386.

936 ‘Ambrosio et Beato’ (Corp. Scriptt. Eccl. Lat. vi. 406) ‘ante scipiones et trabeas est pomposa recitatio’.

937 Ibid.; Euchar., p. 395.

938 ‘Ego illa quae vel commuto si sunt facta vel facio: quantisvis actionum tenebris involuto lux sufficit, quam legendo contulero. Ego sum per quam expectant homines reatum de turbida et innocentiam de serena... ad meum compendium ubicumque est Romanus invigilat: fasces divitias honores si non ornamus, abiecta sunt: nos regna regimus’, ibid. ‘Ambrosio et Beato’, p. 407.

939 Antidosis, 253.

940 Ibid. 255 τοὺς κακοὺς ἐξελέγχομεν καὶ τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ἐγκωμιάζομεν.

941 De Orat. ii. 9. 35 ‘vituperare improbos... laudare bonos’.

942 ‘Quid quod declamationum nostrarum oblectatio vincit universa quae sapiunt, et opinionem quam conciliamus (perhaps a Vergilian reminiscence of urbem quam statuo) aeterna est?... De virorum fortium factis quod volumus creditur; actum nemo aestimat quod silemus. Poetica, iuris peritia, dialectica, arithmetica, cum me utantur quasi genetrice, me tamen adserente sunt pretio’, Ennod. l.c. Cf. Dictio XII. Rhetoric is the mainspring of literature.

943 ‘Istae (virtutes) tamen prae foribus quasi nutricem ceterarum anteponunt Grammaticen, quae adulescentium mentes sapore artificis et planae locutionis inliciat, et ad Tullianum calorem scintillis praefigurati vaporis adducat’, ibid., p. 405.

944 Ibid., p. 401.

945 Ibid., p. 305.

946 Euchar., p. 395. Cf. p. 396 ‘Sic dum me concinnationis superfluae in rhetoricis et poeticis campis lepos agitaret, a vera sapientia mentitam secutus abscesseram, nihil cupiens nisi auris vanae laudationis adsurgere’.

947 Migne, x. 577.

948 Cf. Watson, Hilary of Poitiers, Intro. xxviii (Nicene and post-Nicene Fathers).

949 Cf. Constant. 11 ‘At nunc fructus operum tuorum, lupe rapax, audi... Levius te putas, sceleste, Iudaeorum impietate peccasse?’ § 25 ‘O tu sceleste, qui ludibrium de Ecclesia facis’, &c.

950 Cf. e.g. § 12 de Seleuciae Synodo.

951 Vita Hilarii (by Honoratus), Migne, Pat. Lat. l. 1231.

952 Ibid. ‘non doctrinam, non eloquentiam, sed nescio quid super homines consecutum’.

953 Chronologia Lerinensis, i. 33.

954 Hom. I.

955 Hom. XX.

956 Hom. XIII.

957 Hom. XIII.

958 Hom. XIV.

959 de Idol. x.

960 Matt. xii. 34-7; Mark xiii. 11. Cf. Glover, The Jesus of History, p. 83.

961 1 Cor. i. 17.

962 Cf. Salvian, De Gubern. Dei, praef. 3 ‘rerum magis quam verborum amatores’. Cassian, Instit., praef. 3 ‘me quoque elinguem et pauperem sermone et scientia... quamvis imperito digeram stilo’. Vita Caesar., praef. 2 ‘quod stylus noster videtur pompa verborum et cautela artis grammaticae destitutus’.

963 Ep. vii. 2. 1.

964 Ep. viii. 16. 3.

965 Cf. Sym. Ep. vii. 9 ‘ingeniorum varietas in familiaribus scriptis neglegentiam quandam debet imitari’.

966 Institut. Divin. i. 1. 10.

967 e.g. Ep. ii. 8; vii. 17. Cf. Le Blant, Nouveau recueil, No. 311 (fifth cent.) and 441.

968 Le Blant, Inscrip. chrét. de la Gaule, No. 215. Cf. No. 256.

969 ‘Sanctus Hilarius Gallico cothurno attollitur et quum Graeciae floribus adornetur longis interdum periodis involvitur, et lectione simplicium fratrum procul est’, Migne, Pat. Lat. xxii. 585; Ep. 58. Cf. ibid. 395 ‘Nulla est in hoc libello adulatio... nulla erit rhetorici pompa sermonis’; and ibid. 459 ‘Sint alii diserti... mihi sufficit sic loqui ut intelligar’.

970 De vita contempl. xxiii.

971 Ep. 52. 8; Migne, Pat. Lat. xxii. 534.

972 Dialog. i. 27.

973 Appendix, Augustine, Serm. 10; Migne, xxxix. Cf. Aug. in Psalm. 36. Serm. 3. 6 ‘melius in barbarismo nostro vos intellegitis quam in nostra disertitudine vos diserti estis’.

974 Cf. Sid. Ep. iv. 16; v. 15; Carm. xi.

975 Ruric. i. 4.

976 ii. 18.

977 ii. 38.

978 Jerome, Ep. xxii (Migne, Pat. Lat. xxii. 416) ‘Si quando... prophetas legere coepissem, sermo horrebat incultus’.

979 Vita Martini, i.

980 Ibid.

981 Cf. Ozanam, Hist. of Civilization, i. 88 ff.

982 Ep. 22, § 30 ‘Quae enim communicatio lucis ad tenebras? Quid facit cum psalterio Horatius? Cum Evangeliis Maro? Cum Apostolis Cicero?’ His struggles with his passionate love for pagan letters, and the story of the angel in his dream who told him he was a Ciceronian and not a Christian (Migne, xxii. 416) are well known.

983 Hilar. Pict., Migne, ix. 502.

984 Aug. Confess. i. 16; Migne, Pat. Lat. lxxxiii. 685.

985 Non vitium nostrum est? Paulo et Salamone relicto
quod Maro cantatur Phoenissae et Naso Corinnae,
quod plausum accipiunt lyra Flacci aut scena Terenti?
nos horum, nos causa sumus: nos turpiter istis
nutrimenta damus flammis.—Migne, lxi. 970.

986 Nunc alia mentem vis agit, maior deus
...
vacare vanis, otio aut negotio,
  et fabulosis litteris
vetat....—Ep. xxxi. 29 ff.

987 Ibid. 37 ff.

988 See Ozanam, op. cit., i. 87 ff.

989 Pacatus, Pan. on Theod., § 42, A.D. 389.

990 Cf. vii. 13; vi. 3, 9; v. 13; ix. 10, 16, 20, &c.

991 Pro Saltatoribus, 18, Libanius, ed. Foerster.

992 Cf. Keil, Gram. Lat., passim. The authority, not the truth, of a dogma is the main point to the grammarian.

993 e.g. Macrobius’s Saturnalia is an example of what a youth’s education should be. All kinds of subjects are treated, but Christianity is not once mentioned. Symmachus and Capella, both representative of culture in their day, are silent about Christianity. There was always the suspicion, even between two contending Christians, that the other might not have had the rhetorical or philosophical training necessary for argument. Cf. Jerome to Vigilantius: ‘Scilicet et gloriari cupis... me non potuisse respondere eloquentiae tuae et acumen in te Chrysippi formidasse’ (Migne, xxii. 604).

994 De Reditu, i. 440.

995 Ibid. 443.

996 Ibid. 521.

997 Ep. lxi. 3; Ep. 1. 2.

998 Ep. lii. 9. Cf. Ep. lvii. 12 ‘qui sermone se dicit imitari apostolos, prius imitetur in vita’.

999 ‘Sancta rusticitas solum sibi prodest et, quantum aedificat ex vitae merito ecclesiam Christi, tantum nocet si destruentibus non resistat’, Ep. liii. 3.

1000 Rocafort, De Paul. Pell. vita et carm., p. 75. Cf. Ozanam, Hist. of Civilization in Fifth Cent., i. 233.

1001 Sedul. Carm. Pasch., Dedicatio, Migne, xix. 538.

1002 Socrates, Hist. Eccles. iii. 16; Migne, Pat. Graeca, lxvii. 418; Sozomen, v. 18; Migne, Pat. Graeca, lxvii. 1270.

1003 De Gallorum oratorio ingenio, 93.

1004 Ep. xxxi. 22 ff.

1005 ‘Cumque in primis partibus vincas alios, in penultimis te ipsum superas... et cum Tulliana luceat (sc. genus eloquii) puritate, crebrum est in sententiis’, Ep. lviii, Migne xxii. 584.

1006 e.g. Jerome made his monks copy Cicero.

1007 Ozanam, op. cit., i. 27. Cf. his plea for using the pagan writings, Ep. lxx, Migne xxii. 665 ‘Quis enim ignorat et in Moyse et in Prophetarum voluminibus quaedam assumpta de Gentilium libris’.

1008 Cf. the fifth-century compilation ‘collatio legum Mosaicarum et Romanarum’.

1009 Kloster- u. Rhetorenschulen, p. 54.

1010 Maxima Bibliotheca Patrum, vol. viii, p. 840. Homiliae, 20 ‘negociatores, qui cum litteras non noverint, requirunt sibi mercenarios litteratos’.

1011 Sid. Ep. iv. 25.

1012 Ep. vii. 9.

1013 Ep. vi. 12.

1014 Euseb. Hist. Eccl. v. 10. (Migne, Pat. Gr. xx. 456.)

1015 Acts xix. 9. The school of Tyrannus.

1016 Theodoret, Hist. Eccl. i. 3.

1017 Suidas, s.v. Λουκιανὸς ὁ μάρτυς.

1018 Cf. Ozanam, op. cit., i. 30, ‘Gaul—the peculiar land for the cenobitic life’.

1019 Gennad. Vir. ill. xix.

1020 Ep. vii. 16.

1021 e.g. Jerome against Vigilantius.

1022 Sulpic. Sev. Dial. i. 23. Cf. Jerome’s constant answers to inquirers on theological questions (the women of Gaul, Ep. 120, 121) and Eucherius’s answers to his son.

1023 Vita Hilarii, Migne, li. 1229.

1024 Vita Caes. i. 5, Migne, Pat. Lat. lxvii. 1020 ‘In disserendis autem Scripturis’, &c.

1025 Vita Caes., Migne, Pat. Lat. lxvii. 1004.

1026 Cf. Ennod. Ep. ii. 6.

1027 Hist. litt. de la France, ii. 245.

1028 Cf. Paulin. Pell. Euchar. 521.

1029 Cassian, Instit. ix. 18.

1030 Gennad. de Script. Eccles. 65.

1031 Cf. Sidon. Ep. ix. 9.

1032 Sid. Ep. vi. 1.

1033 Hist. mérid. de la Gaule, i. 403.

1034 ‘(Deus) per orbem uberes palmites ampliavit, multiplicatisque eius tentoriis, fecit suos funiculos prae caeteris monasteriis longiores’, i. 22.

1035 Carm. xvi. 109 ff. ‘quantos illa insula plana miserit in caelum montes’. Cf. Ep. vii. 7. 3; viii. 14. 2; ix. 3. 4.

1036 Guizot, Histoire de la civilisation en France, i. 93.

1037 ii. 130.

1038 Salvian, Ep. i.

1039 Bolland, Acta Sanctorum, Jan. 6, i. 328, § 2. Cf. Kaufmann, Kloster-u. Rhetorenschulen, 75.

1040 Migne, Pat. Lat. lxvii. 1109 ‘Omnes litteras discant: omni tempore duabus horis lectioni vacent’. A brother of Sidonius was educated by Faustus (Carm. xvi. 72), but whether at Lérins or afterwards at Riez is doubtful.

1041 Migne, Pat. Lat. l. 773 eloquentia and sapientia are mentioned among the subjects.

1042 Chron. Ler. i. 321.

1043 Denk, op. cit., p. 187.

1044 For a full treatment see Seidl, Die Gottverlobung der Kinder oder de pueris oblatis.

1045 Ennodius, Vita Epiphan., Corp. Scriptt. Eccl. Lat., p. 332.

1046 Ep. iv. 25.

1047 Caesarius, Regula ad Virgines, Migne, Pat. Lat. lxvii. 1107.

1048 Bulaeus, Hist. Univ. Par. i. 82.

1049 ‘Quicunque in clero puberes aut adulescentes existunt omnes in uno conclavi atrii commorentur ut... in disciplinis ecclesiasticis agant, deputati probatissimo seniori, quem et magistrum doctrinae et testem vitae habeant’, Hefele, Conciliengesch. iii. 82.

1050 Remig. Ep. 4; Migne, Pat. Lat. lxv. 969.

1051 Cf. C. I. L. xiii. 1. 1, 2385.

1052 Theodoret, Hist. Eccl. iv. 15; Migne, Pat. Gr. lxxxii. 1157.

1053 ‘Fiant ei litterae vel buxeae vel eburneae et suis nominibus appellentur: ludat in eis, ut et lusus eius eruditio est’, Ep. cvii. 4.

1054 Inst. i. 1-26.

1055 Ep. i. 6.

1056 Cf. Eumen. Pro Instaur. Schol. 20, § 3.

1057 Ep. cxxviii. 1.

1058 Inst. i. 1. 30. He protests against a hurried introduction of reading or writing.

1059 ‘Qui autem ad huiusmodi provehitur gradum, iste erit doctrina et libris imbutus, sensuumque ac verborum scientia perornatus’, De Eccl. Offic. ii. 11. 2; Migne, Pat. Lat. lxxxiii. 791.

1060 ‘Lector cum ordinatur, faciat de illo verbum episcopus ad plebem, indicans eius fidem ac vitam atque ingenium. Post haec, spectante plebe, tradat ei codicem de quo lecturus est, dicens ad eum: Accipe, et esto verbi Dei relator, habiturus, si fideliter et utiliter impleveris officium, partem cum eis qui verbum Dei ministraverunt’, Migne, op. cit. lxxxiv. 201.

1061 De Felice, iv. 108.

1062 Boissieu, Inscrip. de Lyon, p. 584.

1063 Instit. i. 1. 27.

1064 Ep. cvii. 4.

1065 Denk, op. cit., quotes Mabillon, An. i. 352.

1066 Life of Martin, x.

1067 Ibid.

1068 Regula ad Virgines, Migne, lxvii. 1109.

1069 Bolland, Acta Sanctorum, August. 11, p. 657.

1070 These acta were originally acta proconsularia, i.e. the official record of proceedings at the trials of Christian martyrs. Sometimes the Christians themselves would make notes on the trial, sometimes they would purchase from the clerks copies of the official report. Having obtained an account in either of these ways they usually embroidered the facts with mystic and visionary embellishments. For two examples of the original official protocols see Hardy, Studies in Roman History, p. 151.

1071 Cf. Watson, Hilary of Poitiers, Intro. xl. Origen is a case in point.

1072 Adopting the emendation of Salinas.

1073 Vita Hilarii, Migne, l. 1232.

1074 ‘Apposito notario, cogebat (sc. me Ausonius) loqui quae velociter edita velox consequeretur manus...’, Ep. cxviii.

1075 Ep. cxviii.

1076 Peristeph. Hymn. ix. 21-4; Migne, lx. 434.

¹⁰⁷⁷ Ep. v. 15.

¹⁰⁷⁸ Ep. ix. 7. 1.

1079 Cassian, Inst. iv. 17; Caesarius, ad Monachos 49, ad Virgines 16.

1080 ‘De loquela per gestum digitorum et temporum ratione’. Cf. p. 59.

1081 De artibus Donati, 4.

1082 Cantor, Ueber die Gesch. der Mathematik, i. 450.

1083 Alcuin, Ep. 103, De comparatione numerorum Veteris et Novi Testamenti; Migne, Pat. Lat. c. 476. An example of the strained way in which the comparison was worked out is the following: ‘Quatuor eunt elementa quibus mundi ornatus maxime constat. Quatuor sunt virtutes quibus minor mundus, id est, homo ornari debet.’

1084 Cf., besides the case already quoted, ii. 135, ‘viguit in Grammaticae artis disciplinis rationalibus ac dialecticorum praedicamentorum argumentis exilibus et Aristotelicis definitionibus, nec non Rhetoricorum protelationibus’, and ii. 328. Aygulpus is instructed at Blesium in ‘Grammatica, Rhetorica, Dialectica omniumque scientiarum genere’.

1085 Le Blant, Épigraphie chrétienne en Gaule, p. 73.

1086 Le Blant, Nouveau Recueil, No. 331.

1087 Aus. Epist. xxxi.

1088 Ep. cxviii ad fin. (Migne, xxii. 966).

1089 For a discussion of his date see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v.

1090 They were prescribed by the statutes of all the leading mediaeval schools in England, and among their numerous editors were Brinsley (1612) and Hoole (1659). They dealt with Stoic morals, enmity and friendship, adversity and prosperity, avarice and adulation, &c., and were obviously unsuited to young children. Watson, English Grammar Schools to 1660, p. 122, quotes the following as a favourable specimen:
Cum te quis laudet, iudex tuus esse memento;
plus aliis de te, quam tu tibi, credere noli.
officium alterius multis narrare memento;
atqui aliis cum tu benefeceris, ipse sileto.

1091 Ep. x. 3 ‘Eius scripta summam quandam litterarum Gallicarum eo saeculo continent’. He may be the same as the Agricius or Argicius of Ausonius, Prof. xvi. 6.

1092 e.g. in Cassian’s Instituta divin. et secular. litterarum and Isidore of Seville’s Etymologiae.

1093 Migne, lxxi. 572.

1094 ‘Die Zeitgenossen sprechen von dem Kloster als einer schola; von den Mönchen als den discipuli; sie bezeichnen damit die religiös-sittliche Erziehung’, op. cit., p. 62.

1095 Migne, Liber Instructionum, l. 728.

1096 Cf. Migne, l.c., l. 775 ff. and 730 ff.

1097 Migne, l. 775 ff.

1098 ‘Properantes ad se de disciplinis saecularibus salutis opifex non refutat, sed ire ad illas quemquam de suo nitore non patitur. Iam si eum mundo subtraxeras, mundi in eo schemata non requiras: erubesco ecclesiastica profitentem ornamentis saecularibus expolire’, Ep. ix. 9. (Corp. Scriptt. Eccles. Lat. vi. 234.)

1099 Ad Salonium Prolog. Migne, l. 773.

1100 Le Blant, Épigraphie chrétienne, p. 70.

1101 Harnack says that it was introduced into the West under the cloak of church-doctrine and through the medium of Augustine, Cambridge Mediaeval History, i. 568.

1102 Cod. Theod. ix. 16. 7 (A.D. 364); 16. 8 ‘cesset mathematicorum tractatus’. Learning and teaching the subject are forbidden on pain of death (370). As late as 409 we find such a law (16. 12).

1103 Praef. Formulae.

1104 Ep. xiv. l. 17.

1105 Hist. of Civilization, i. 402.

1106 Cf. ‘quin hoc idem senserint scriptoque prodiderint Arcippus... et omnes Pythagorae posteri, quorum videlicet nominum ne dicam sententiarum multitudine, si eadem prodita velim, volumen efficerem’. He had evidently made a special study of the Pythagoreans.

1107 Fauriel, Hist. de la Gaule, i. 412.

1108 ‘Anima inditur corpori per numerum et immortalem eandemque incorporalem convenientiam’, De Statu animae, ii. 7.

1109 Ep. iv. 11.

1110 Ep. ix. 9. 13.

1111 Cf. Ep. iv. 1. 3 ‘inter Aristotelicas categorias’; and Ep. iv. 3. 6; ix. 9. 14; Carm. ii. 174.

1112 Cum pusillis et iocamur inter ipsa dogmata
nam iubet rigor magister ne per omne terreas,
‘Ambrosio et Beato’, p. 406, Corp. Scriptt. Eccl. Lat. vi.

1113 Ep. iv. The authorship of this letter has been questioned.

1114 Ep. xxxii. 33 ‘Ergo frustra tanto tempore studuimus et saepe manum ferulae subduximus’. Cf. c. Rufin. iii. 6 ‘Nec tibi, ut dicis, ferulas adhibeo neque athenogeronta (Senem discipulum) meum scutica et plagis litteras docere contendo’.

1115 Sidon. Ep. vi. 1.

1116 ‘Bene in omnibus causis timor obtemperat disciplinae: qui pro hoc ipso, quod imminentes periculorum causas aut iras iudicum cavere novit, potestatem conservandae salutis obtinuit.... Omnia sub metu disciplinae vitia iacent’, Hom. I, La Bigne, Patrologia Patrum, vol. viii.

1117 Acta SS. Ordin. Benedict., Praef., lix. ff.

1118 Isidor. Regula, 6; Migne, Pat. Lat. lxxxiii. 874.

1119 Vita Caesarii, i. 9; Migne, lxvii. 1003.

1120 Instit. x. 14.

1121 Ibid. 17, 18; Ephesians iv. 28.

1122 Cassian, Instit. 21; Proverbs xxviii. 19.

1123 Cassian, Instit. 22.

1124 Ibid. 24.

1125 Migne, l. 718.

1126 De Statu animae, ii. 9. Erasmus praised the purity of his style in his dedicatory letter to the works of Eucherius (1531).

1127 Gen., ch. 70, ed. Herdingius.

1128 Ch. 65. Cf. Ebert, Gesch. der christ. lat. Literatur, iii. 18.

1129 Op. cit., p. 85.

1130 ‘Alpina corpora umente caelo educata habent quiddam simile nivibus suis’, Florus, Epitome de Tito Livio, i. 20, ed. Halm; Caesar, B. G. iii. 19. Cf. Dio Cass. Excerpta, τῆς Γαλατίας τὸ κοῦφον καὶ τὸ δειλὸν καὶ τὸ θρασύ, and Livy vii. 12. 11.

1131 ‘Ad militandum omnis aetas aptissima, et pari pectoris robore senex ad procinctum ducitur et adultus, gelu duratis artubus et labore assiduo multa contemptura et formidanda’, xv. 12.

1132 xv. 11. 5.

1133 De Gub. Dei, vii. 12.

1134 Ibid. vi. 3.

1135 Ibid.

1136 Histoire de la Gaule, i. 438.

1137 The laws against rape are many and severe. A man who abused a girl was delivered over to her as a slave with all his goods after receiving two hundred blows, Cod. Vis. iii. 3. 1. If a woman marries her paramour both are put to death, iii. 3. 2. An instance of their sense of honesty is the Goth who sent Paulinus, living in poverty and banishment at Marseilles, the price for his captured property, Euchar. 570 ff.

1138 Cod. Theod. ix. 7. 1 (A.D. 326).

1139 ‘Deportatione plectatur adque universae eius facultates fisci viribus vindicentur’, Cod. Theod. ix. 8. 1.

1140 Ibid. ix. 9. 1.

1141 ‘Denegata audientia patibulo adfigatur’, ibid. ix. 5 (A.D. 314).

1142 Ibid. ix. 6. 3 (A.D. 397).

1143 ‘Iudices qui se furtis et sceleribus fuerint maculasse convicti, ablatis codicillorum insignibus et honore exuti inter pessimos quosque et plebeios habeantur’, ix. 27. 1.

1144 Cf. ix. 19. 1. A Curial is to lose his social status as a punishment.

1145 Euchar. 87.

1146 Hist. de France, i. 3. 421.

1147 C. I. L. xiii. 1. 1, 1862, 2200, 2205; xii. 2039, &c.

1148 Cf. those of Sidonius and Ausonius.

1149 Ep. 88.

1150 Ep. 88 ‘Quid mihi prodest scire agellum dividere... simus hoc titulo rusticiore contenti: O virum bonum’.

1151 Cf. the modern controversy about religious education, and the criticism that the dry facts are brought out in scriptural teaching rather than the spirit of the Bible.

1152 Pro Instaur. Scholis, 14.

1153 ‘Credo igitur, tali Caesar... instinctu, tanto studium litterarum favore prosequitur, ut non minus ad providentiam numinis sui existimet pertinere bene dicendi quam recte faciendi disciplinas, et pro divina illa intelligentia mentis aeternae, sentiat litteras omnium fundamenta esse virtutum, utpote continentiae, modestiae, vigilantiae, patientiae magistras’, Pro Instaur. Scholis, 8. Cicero’s actual words in de Orat. iii. 15. 57 ‘illa doctrina... et recte faciendi et bene dicendi magistra’.

1154 Cf. Horace, Ars Poet. 310 ff.

1155 C. I. L. xiii. 1. 1. 393.

1156 ‘Fabricatum Martius Campus militem suscipit, quem simulacrum mentitae dimicationis animavit nec pedem retorquet a classicis cui bucinarum clangor et ministeria belli inter pacis blandimenta crepuerunt. Usu enim virtus nutrita grandescit et de institutione nascitur periculorum tolerantia’, Ennodius, ‘Ambrosio et Beato’ (Corp. Scriptt. Eccles. Lat. vi. 405).

1157 Confess. i. 16.

1158 Ibid. i. 18.

1159 Ep. 88, § 20.

1160 Ep. ii. 2. 6.

1161 Ep. iii. 13. 1.

1162 Op. cit., p. 35.

1163 Liv. iii. 44.

1164 Epigr. viii. 3.

1165 Trist. ii. 369.

1166 Protrep. 33.

1167 Parent. vi.

1168 De nuptiis Honor. 232.

1169 Victor, rhetorician at Marseilles towards the end of the fifth century. De perversis aetatis moribus ad Salmonem epistola, Migne, lxi. 970.

1170 So he says, Carm. xxiv. 95.

1171 Ep. ii. 10. 5.

1172 Ep. ii. 2. 9 ‘frons triclinii matronalis’. Carm. xv. 144 ‘Hoc opus (of a work of embroidery) virgineae posuere manus’.

1173 Sidonius mentions the place set apart for the women in the library, Ep. ii. 9. 4.

1174 Ep. 127.

1175 Mon. Germ. Hist. vi. 2, p. 173, Canon 36.

1176 Ibid., p. 182.

1177 Aug. de Mor. Eccles. Cath. i. 70.

1178 e.g. in the second Preface to his translation of the Psalms, Migne, xxix. 118.

1179 Daniel, the twelve Minor Prophets, Isaiah, Psalms, Esther, Samuel and Kings, and to Eustochium alone (after Paula’s death) Joshua, Judges, and Ruth.

1180 Ozanam, Hist. of Civilization in the Fifth Century, i. 246. Cf. for Jerome’s connexion with Gaul, Ep. v. 2; Ep. 117, 120, 121. Adv. Iovianum, ii. 7 (acquaintance with Hilary). For Augustine, Holmes, Christian Church in Gaul, pp. 383 ff. For Ambrose, E. W. Watson, Hilary of Poitiers, p. xi.

1181 Migne, xix. 542.

1182 ‘Ambrosio et Beato’ (Corp. Scriptt. Eccl. Lat. vi. 409).

1183 De Ord. i. 11; Migne. xxxii. 992.

1184 Ars Amat. ii. 281.

1185 Wilamowitz, On Greek Historical Writing (trans. G. Murray), p. 16, ‘The Greeks and Romans had no education in history’; p. 18, ‘No man in antiquity ever gave lectures on history’. Chassang remarks that there was no separate ‘chair’ for history, Le Roman dans l’antiquité, p. 98. Glover, Life and Letters, p. 106.

1186 Röm. Privatalt., p. 328, note 3.

1187 Aus. Prof. xxvi. 3:
Historia si quos vel poeticus stylus,
  Forumve fecit nobiles.

This seems to indicate that history was conceived of as a separate subject.

1188 Protrep. 61.

1189 Prof. xx. 8 ‘Historiam callens Livii et Herodoti’.

1190 Aus. Ep. x. 32. 22.

1191 Tech. x.

1192 Instit. x. l. 31 ‘Historia est proxima poetis et quodam modo carmen solutum’. Cf. Wilamowitz’ Oxford lecture on Greek historical writing (trans. G. Murray, p. 4). ‘The ancients were even further from a genuine science of history than from a genuine science of nature.... The method of historical research which we regard as an imperative duty is scarcely a century old.... And yet... the first thing is to recognise that all our historical writing rests on foundations laid by the Greeks, as absolutely as does all our natural science.’

1193 Ep. xx. (title).

1194 Prof. xvi. 11.

1195 Carm. ix. 240 ff.

1196 Prof. xx. 9.

1197 Memor, celer, ignoratis
  adsidue in libris, nec nisi operta legens,
exesas tineisque opicasque evolvere chartas
  maior quam promptis cura tibi in studiis.—Prof. xxii. 1.

1198 Prof. xxii. 14.

1199 Ibid. 3, 4.

1200 De Paul. Pell. vita et carmine, p. 33.

1201 Cf. Dill, Rom. Soc., p. 424.

1202 De Ordine, ii. 12; Migne, xxxii. 1012 ‘huic disciplinae (Grammaticae) accessit historia... non tam ipsis historicis quam grammaticis laboriosa’.

1203 Pan. Lat. viii. 1.

1204 Libri de Fastis, iii. 3 (p. 194, Peiper’s ed.).

1205 Ibid. i. 8.

1206 Ibid. iv. 3.

1207 Puech. De Paulini... Ausoniique epistolarum commercio, p. 11.

1208 Antike Kunstprosa, p. 81.

1209 ‘Concessum est rhetoribus ementiri in historiis, ut aliquid dicere possint argutius’, Brut. 42.

1210 De leg. i. 5 (quoted Norden).

1211 Inst. x. 2. 21.

1212 e.g. Pan. Lat. xi. 10.

1213 Ibid. xii. 5.

1214 Pro Instaur. Schol. 10.

1215 ‘Ibi (in the school), fortissimorum imperatorum pulcherrimae res gestae per diversa regionum argumenta, recolantur, dum calentibus semperque venientibus victoriarum nuntiis, revisuntur gemina Persidos flumina et Libyae arva sitientia, et convexa Rheni cornua et Nili ora multifida, dumque sibi ad haec singula intuentium animus adfingit, aut sub tua, Diocletiane Auguste, clementia, Aegyptum, furore posito, quiescentem, aut te Maximiane invicte, perculsa Maurorum agmina fulminantem.... Nunc enim, nunc demum, iuvat orbem spectare depictum, cum in illo nihil videmus alienum’, Ibid. 21.

1216 Ep. iv. 22. 5.

1217 Ibid.

1218 Symm. Ep. iv. 32. Cf. iv. 18; Symmachus refuses the request that he should write a history.

1219 Ep. viii. 15. 1.

1220 De Scholis Rom. in Gallia Comata, p. 29.

1221 See Woodward, Christianity and Nationalism in the later Roman Empire, p. 5. Cf. the saying of Donatus ‘quid est imperatori cum ecclesia?’

1222 Cf. Woodward, Christianity and Nationalism in the later Roman Empire (1916).

1223 Ibid., p. 5.

1224 Orosius, v. 2. 1 (quoted Dill, op. cit., p. 315).

1225 Strabo, iv. 4.

1226 See p. 9. Lucian in the second century found a Gallic philosopher, ἀκριβῶς Ἑλλάδα φωνὴν ἀφιείς, Herak. iv.

1227 Cf. Fauriel, Hist. de la Gaule, i. 432.

1228 Jullian, Revue internat. de l’Enseignement, p. 37 (1893). Cf. Jullian, Histoire de Bordeaux, pp. 27, 28.

1229 Le Blant, Nouveau Recueil, No. 150. Cf. No. 326 (Narbonne) νιψάμενος προσεύχου and the Christian signs; the labarum, with α and ω.

1230 Ibid., No. 374.

1231 Cf. Jerome, Ep. 130 ‘negotiatoribus et avidissimis mortalium Syris’, and Eumen. Pro Instaur. Schol. 12 ‘Syrus mercator’.

1232 Le Blant, Épigraphie chrétienne, p. 43.

1233 Pro Instaur. Schol. 7.

1234 ‘Genitor ille deorum oceanus’ = Iliad Ξ 201 of which 178 appears in ‘Iovi et Iunoni recubantibus novos flores terra submisit’. Cf. Brandt, Eumenios von Augustodunum, 20.

1235 Cecropiae commune decus Latiaeque camenae
solus qui Chium miscet et Ammineum.—Ep. xxxi. 31.

1236 Cod. Theod. xiii. 3. 11.

1237 e.g. Misopogon, 342 (see Hertlein). One of the boasts of Favorinus of Arles (second century) was that, though a Gaul, he could write and speak Greek, Philostratus, Vita Soph. i. 206 (ed. Kayser).

1238 Pro Instaur. Schol. 17.

1239 Domest. iv. 9.

1240 Prof. viii:
Obstitit nostrae, quia, credo, mentis
tardior sensus, neque disciplinis
adpulit Graecis puerilis aevi
  noxius error.

The credo seems to be ironical, and more a criticism of the masters than of himself.

1241 Stahl, De Ausonianis studiis poetarum Graecorum, ad init.

1242 e.g. Ep. viii ‘πολύ cantica τέκνα’, etc.; ‘nunquam ipse torquet αὔλακα’ Ep. vi. 10.

1243 e.g.

          οἱ πλεῖστοι κακοί
quod est Latinum: plures hominum sunt mali.

1244 Sedulum cunctis studium docendi,
fructus exilis tenuisque sermo.—Prof. viii. 5.

1245 Esset Aristarchi tibi gloria Zenodotique
  Graiorum, antiquus si sequeretur honos.—Prof. xiii. 3.

1246 Bolland, i, Jan., p. 50, vita Eugendi ‘Lectioni namque se in tantum die noctuque... dedit et intendit ut praeter Latinis voluminibus etiam Graeca facundia redderetur instructus’.

1247 i. 13. Cf. Contra Petilianum, i. 91 ‘Graecae linguae perperam assecutus sum et proprie nihil’.

1248 Confess., l.c.

1249 Ibid. 14.

1250 De Paul. Pell. vita et carmine, p. 34.

1251 Ibid. 35.

1252 Euchar. 77.

1253 Cf. Auson. to Drepanius, Eclog. i. 11:
Quem pluris faciunt novem sorores,
quam cunctos alios Marone dempto.

1254 Saint Augustin, p. 57 (transl.).

1255 Quae doctrina duplex (i.e. the study of the two languages) sicut est potioribus apta
ingeniis, geminoque ornat splendore peritos,
sic sterilis nimium nostri, ut modo sentio, cordis
exilem facile exhausit divisio (of the languages) venam.—Euchar. 81.

Cf. 117 ‘Argolico pariter Latioque instante magistro’.

1256 Corp. Scriptt. Eccl. Lat. xvi. 1. 277.

1257 Euchar. 119-21.

1258 Ibid. 115-18.

1259 Confess. i. 14.

1260 Cf. Frank, Roman Imperialism, 186 ff., also 149, 191, 220.

1261 Cf. Giles, Roman Civilization, p. 11.

1262 Aemil. Paul. 6, 7. Cf. Ussing, Erziehung bei den Griechen und Römern, p. 123.

1263 De Fin. i. 3, ‘hoc tam insolens domesticarum rerum fastidium’. Cf. Tusc. ii. 15; iii. 5, 8, 10; Pro Caecina, 18; Sen. Ep. 58. Cicero’s repeated and emphatic protests show how strong the hellenizing tendency was in his day.

1264 Plin. Ep. iv. 18.

1265 Seneca, Ep. lvii. 1.

1266 e.g. De Fin. i. 6.

1267 De Rhet., § 2.

1268 Glover, Life and Letters in the Fourth Century, p. 188.

1269 ‘Sic in foro pueros a centumviralibus causis auspicari ut ab Homero in scholis’, Ep. ii. 14.

1270 ‘Initium quoque eius (Grammaticae) mediocre exstitit, siquidem antiquissimi doctorum qui iidem et poetae et semigraeci erant... nihil amplius quam Graecos interpretabantur aut si quid ipsi Latine composuissent praelegebant’, De Grammaticis, § 1.

1271 Scriptt. Hist. Aug. xix. 27 (2).

1272 Satyr. 5.

1273 Instit. x. 1. 46.

1274 Prof. xxi; Jung, De Scholis Rom. in Gallia Comata, p. 25.

1275 Euchar. 72.

1276 Protrep. 45.

1277 Ep. cvii. 9.

1278 Revue internat. de l’Enseignement, 1893, p. 38.

1279 Op. cit., p. 24.

1280 B. G. lv. 5.

1281 Epigr. lxvii and the eight following epigrams.

1282 Epigr. lxxi. It must be remembered, however, that such enthusiasm was very often conventional. The work was very famous in literature (cf. Pliny, N. H. xxxiv. 57 ‘Myronem... bucula maxime nobilitavit celebratis versibus laudata’) and Ausonius’s appreciation may be worth little more than that of the thirty-six epigrams on Myron’s heifer preserved in the Greek Anthology. That the appreciation of an epigram, however, need not necessarily be artificial is proved, e.g. by iv. 54 of the Anthology of Planudes.

1283 p. 433, Peiper’s ed. Cf. Petron. 88 ‘Myron, qui paene hominum animas ferarumque aere comprehenderat’.

1284 Habet sepulcrum non id intus mortuum,
habet nec ipse mortuus bustum super;
sibi sed est ipse hic sepulcrum et mortuus.

(Carmina a Thaddaeo Ugoleto Ausoni Epigrammaton libro inserta.)

1285 Ep. viii. 6. 10 ‘cultor aliquis e primis architectusque’. Cf. Ep. vi. 12. 3.

1286 Claudianus und Sidonius; Dalton, Introd. to Sidonius, p. 101.

1287 Carm. xxii.

1288 Ep. ix. 14.

1289 Ep. ii. 10.

1290 Ep. iv. 18.

1291 Ibid.

1292 Dehio, Die kirchliche Baukunst des Abendlandes, i. 21; Dalton, ii. 233.

1293 See for example Reinach’s collection of sculptures.

1294 Cf., however, p. 31, note. The excellence of the Gauls in pottery has been referred to, ibid.

1295 Histoire de France, i. 3. 407.

1296 e.g. Pan. Lat. vi. 21.

1297 Hist. of Civilization in the Fifth Century, i. 70 ff.

1298 Variarum lib. vii. 15 ‘Formula ad praefectum urbis de architecto publicorum’.

1299 Vita S. Martini, 10.

1300 ‘Ut et facta veterum, exclusis defectibus, innovemus et nova vetustatis gloria vestiamus’, Var. vii. 15.

1301 Ep. xxxii. 24.

1302 Le Blant, Nouveau Recueil, No. 87.

1303 Cf. Cambridge Mediaeval History, i. 604 ff.

1304 Ep. xxxii. 2 (Corp. Scriptt. Eccl. Lat. xxix. 257 ff.).

1305 Ibid., § 10:
Pleno coruscat Trinitas mysterio;
stat Christus agno, vox patris caelo tonat
et per columbam Spiritus Sanctus fluit.

1306 Ibid., § 17 ff.

1307 ‘Totum vero extra concham basilicae spatium alto et lacunato culmine geminis utrimque porticibus dilatatur, quibus duplex per singulos arcus columnarum ordo dirigitur. Cubicula intra porticus quaterna longis basilicae lateribus inserta, secretis orantium... accommodatos ad pacis aeternae requiem locos praebent. Omne cubiculum binis per liminium frontibus versibus praenotatur..., ibid., § 12.

1308 Ibid., § 17.

1309 C. I. L. xii. 1923.

1310 C. I. L. xii. 3344.

1311 Ep. i. 2. 9.

1312 Confess. ix. 6.

1313 ‘In mari rubro transisse iustos, et Pharaonem cum suo exercitu demersum, etiam in scholis cantant parvuli’, Migne, xxiii; Adv. Iovianum, ii. 22.

1314 Sid. Ep. iv. 11. 6.

1315 ‘Alternante mulcedine monachi clericique psalmicines’, Ep. v. 17. 3.

1316 Regula, Migne, lxxx. 213.

1317 Comm. in Ep. ad Galat. ii, praef.

1318 Vir. Illust., ch. 100. The common reference to this passage to prove that Hilary was the first to introduce hymns into Gaul is therefore not quite correct.

1319 Vide Dreves, Lat. Hymnendichter des Mittelalters, p. 3.

1320 Hilary, Homily on Psalms, 65, § 1; cf. Watson, Hilary of Poitiers, p. xlvi.

1321 Hist. Univ. Par. i. 64. He was a teacher of boys. ‘Studebat ut omnes pueros... statim litteras doceret ac psalmis imbueret’, Greg. Tur. Vitae Patrum, 8. 2; Migne, Pat. Lat. lxxi, 1042.

1322 April 2, p. 95.

1323 Ep. v. 17. 3.

1324 Prof. xvii. 10.

1325 Prof. i. 4.

1326 Prof. xvi. 14 ff.

1327 Prof. xix. 11.

1328 Prof. xxii. 19.

1329 Prof. xxiii. 6.

1330 Prof. xiii.

1331 Cod. Theod. xiii. 9. 1.

1332 Ritter, Comment. on Cod. Theod. xiii. 9. 1.

1333 xiv. 6: xxviii. 4.

1334 Cf. Confess. v. 8 (14) ‘Apud Carthaginem foeda est et intemperans licentia scholasticorum: inrumpunt inpudenter et prope furiosa fronte perturbant ordinem, quem quisque discipulis ad proficiendum instituerit. Multai niuriosa faciunt mira hebetudine et punienda legibus....’ He complains that Carthage is much worse than Rome. The tradition of colonial rowdiness seems to have lasted to our own time.

1335 C. I. L. xiii. 1. 1. 2040.

1336 I owe this suggestion to the late Mr. H. J. Cunningham of Worcester College.

1337 ‘Paucae domus studiorum seriis cultibus antea celebratae, nunc ludibriis ignaviae torpentis exundant, vocali sonu, perflabili tinnitu fidium resultantes. Denique pro philosopho cantor, et in locum oratoris doctor artium ludicrarum accitur’, xiv. 6. 18.

1338 Ep. ii. 10; iv. 18; viii. 2.

1339 Quarum iamdudum nullus vigeat licet usus
disciplinarum, vitiato scilicet aevo.—Euchar. 68.

1340 Epist. posterior doctissimo viro Sapaudo (Corp. Scriptt. Eccles. Lat. x. 203).

1341 ‘Video enim os Romanum non modo neglegentiae sed pudori esse Romanis’, ibid.

1342 Cf. the criticisms of education in Juvenal and Seneca (Ep. Mor. xv. 3. 23; Ep. lxxvi. 4; Ep. cviii. 6). To rant about education has been a temptation in all ages.

1343 Cambridge Mediaeval History, i. 296.

1344 Ibid. 392.

1345 De Reditu, i. 21.

1346 Ibid. i. 29 ff.

1347 Carmen de Providentia Dei, 13; Migne, Pat. Lat. li. 618.

1348 Ibid. 27.

1349 Migne, li. 611, vs. 25.

1350 Ibid., vs. 37 ff.

1351 Commonitorii ii. 165 (Corp. Scriptt. Eccles. Lat. xvi. 234).

1352 e.g. by Maximin towards the end of the third century, Pan. Lat. iii. 5.

1353 Ammianus, xxviii. 2, 10.

1354 Zosimus, vi. 2.

1355 Salvian, De Gub. v. 6, 24.

1356 Ep. vi. 4. 1, A.D. 472.

1357 Ep. vi. 6. 1, A.D. 472. Cf. Ep. vii. 10. 2, A.D. 474 ‘Si commeandi libertas pace revocetur’, and Ep. vii. 11. 1.

1358 Ep. vi. 10. 1, A.D. 473.

1359 Ep. ix. 3. 2. Cf. Ep. ix. 5. 1.

1360 Ep. vii. 1.

1361 ‘Nam idcirco tantum incommodis calamitatum circumecribendis potius quam sanandis pax quaedam videtur adludere, ut mentes fallaci securitate laxatas, instaurato gravius metu succiduus gemitus adficiat’, Ep. ad Diversos, xxxvii, ed. Peiper.

1362 Hist. of Europe in the Fifth Century, p. 27.

1363 Ad Uxorem, 7; Migne, li. 611.

1364 De Prov. Dei, Migne, li. 618.

1365 Ibid.

1366 Guizot, Hist. of Civilization (trans. Hazlitt), i. 439.

1367 De Reditu, ii. 49.

1368 Salvian, De Gub. v. 24 ‘De Bagaudis nunc mihi sermo est qui per malos iudices et cruentos spoliati afflicti necati, postquam ius Romanae libertatis omiserant, etiam honorem Romani nominis perdiderunt... vocamus rebelles, vocamus perditos quos esse compulimus criminosos’. Salvian was a preacher and loved vividness. But, as Hodgkin remarks (I. i. 2, pp. 920 ff.), he was a truthful man, and had an enthusiasm for justice, and as such he saw that there was much to be said on the anti-Roman side. Cf. ‘... inciperent esse quasi barbari, quia non permittebantur esse Romani’.

1369 Pichon, Études sur la Litt. lat. i. 55.

1370 Sidon. Ep. ii. 10. 1; iv. 17. 2.

1371 Letter to Philip, 5, 10; Murray, Religio Grammatici, p. 18.

1372 ‘Der Endzweck der Wissenschaften ist Wahrheit. Wahrheit ist der Seele nothwendig, und es wird Tyrannei, ihr in Befriedigung dieses wesentlichen Bedürfnisses den geringsten Zwang anzuthun.’

1373 ‘Et ideo ego adolescentulos existimo in scholis stultissimos fieri, quia nihil ex iis quae in usu habemus aut audiunt aut vident’, Satyr. i. 1 and 2.

1374 Aphthon. Progym. 4. 10.

1375 Ibid. 7.

1376 Ibid. 12.

1377 Ep. xxii.

1378 Ep. xiii. 6 ff.

1379 Ep. xv. 24 ff. Cf. his trifling with Greek words, Ep. viii.

1380 Ep. viii. 11. 5.

1381 Ep. ix. 14. 4.

1382 Ep. ix. 7. 2.

1383 Professores, Epitaphia, Ludus, Caesares, Periochae, &c.

1384 Eclogae, Cupido, Technopaegnion, Griphus, Cento, &c.

1385 Cf. Sid. Ep. iv. 22. 2 ‘et ego Plinio discipulus assurgo’.

1386 Ep. i. 1. 2.

1387 Cf. Baret’s ed., p. 115.

1388 Ep. iv. 3. 3.

1389 Ep. iv. 22. 6.

1390 ‘Quisquis enim recentiorum aliquid dignum memoria scriptitavit, non et ipse novitios legit. Illi ergo reventilandi memoriaeque mandandi sunt de quibus isti potuere proficere quos miramur’, Ep. Posterior (Corp. Scriptt. Eccles. Lat., vol. x, p. 206).

1391 See especially Brandt, Eumenius von Augustodunum, pp. 18, 19. Cf. Pichon, Études sur la Litt. lat. i. 36 ff.

1392 It must be remembered, however, that the ‘litterati’ of the day very often posed as familiar with authors whom they only knew from extracts or anthologies. The rarer authors here prescribed were known, probably, only in this superficial way.

1393 Cf. Wackernagel in Kultur der Gegenwart, i. 8. 389.

1394 Jer. Ep. 125. 6.

1395 Sidonius gives as the special mark of the grammarian his love of rule (regulare), Ep. iv. 1. 2.

1396 ‘Ambrosio et Beato’ (Corp. Scriptt. Eccles. Lat., vol. vi, p. 408).

1397 Cf. Aulus Gellius, N. A. i. 6. 4 ‘Rhetori concessum est sententiis uti falsis, audacibus, versutis, subdolis, captiosis, si veri modo similes sint....’

1398 Ozanam, Hist. of Civil. in the Fifth Century, i. 3.

1399 Cf. Rocafort, Paulin de Pella, p. xl; Ebert, Geschichte der Litteratur des Mittelalters, p. 409.

1400 Praef. § 1 ‘me scilicet totam vitam meam deo debere’; Euchar. 590 ff. ‘hoc unum ipse bonum statuens, hoc esse tenendum conscius, hoc toto cupiens adquirere corde.... Te praefando loqui, Te meminisse silendo’.

1401 De Prov. 935; Migne, li. 618.

1402 Ibid. 941.

1403 Ibid. 958.

1404 Migne, li. 611.

1405 Ep. vii. 13.

1406 Ep. 60; Migne, xxii. 600 ‘Orbis Romanus ruit et tamen cervix nostra erecta non flectitur’.

1407 De Doctrina.

1408 Ibid. iv. 2.

1409 Confess. iii. 6.

1410 ‘Ne ulterius pueri meditantes... insanias mendaces et bella forensia mercarentur ex ore meo arma furori suo’, ibid. ix. 2.

1411 Prin. Rhet. i.; Migne, xxxii. 1439 ‘Oratoris officium est... primum ipsam (quaestionem) intellegere’. Cf. De Ordine, ii. 17, talking of barbarisms and solecisms of which he confesses he himself may be guilty, he says to his mother: ‘sed tu, contemptis istis vel puerilibus rebus vel ad te non pertinentibus, ita grammaticae divinam fere vim naturamque cognoscis ut eius animam tenuisse, corpus reliquisse disertis videaris’.

1412 Ibid., ch. 2. Cf. Isidore of Seville, Etymol. ii. 1 ‘Rhetorica est scientia... ad persuadenda iusta et bona’. Migne, lxxxii. 125.

1413 ‘Hic est ordo studiorum sapientiae per quem fit quisque idoneus ad intelligendum ordinem rerum, id est, ad dignoscendos duos mundos et ipsum parentem Universitatis’, De Ord. ii. 18. Cf. i. 9; ii. 16.

1414 De Schol. Rom., p. 43.

1415 Chron. Ler. ii. 57; Migne, l. 718.

1416 Phaedo, 66 C.