1788
Irish Correspondence—The India Declaratory Bill—Trial of Warren Hastings—Contemplated Changes in the Administration—The King’s Interference in Military Appointments—The Irish Chancellorship—The King’s Illness—Views of the Cabinet Respecting the Regency.
On the 1st of January, 1788, Lord Buckingham transmitted to the Ministers a copy of the speech he proposed for the opening of the Irish Parliament on the 17th. He threw himself at once into the labours of his Government, which, judging from the multitude of topics that pressed upon his time, and the conscientious consideration he bestowed upon them, were onerous and absorbing. His correspondence of this period is very voluminous, and embraces in detail an infinite variety of subjects. The universal reliance which was placed in his justice and toleration, drew upon him petitions and complaints from all manner of people. Sometimes advice upon the state of the nation was volunteered from an obscure student, who, looking out upon the great world through the “loopholes of retreat,” imagined he had discovered a panacea for all public evils; sometimes the claim, real or imaginary, of individuals upon the patronage of Government were urged with vehemence, or humility, according to the temperament of the claimant, but in most cases, with the sanguine eagerness of the national character; in one instance, a retired Quaker, animated by the best intentions, suggests a project for protecting the mail-coaches against robbers, by sending them to their destination under an escort of dragoons; and in another, a citizen begs the personal interference of the Lord-Lieutenant concerning a cheat which was put upon a poor country-boy, who had been buying some second-hand article at an old furniture shop in Dublin. To all the applications, of every kind, that were addressed to him, Lord Buckingham paid scrupulous attention, bringing to the discharge of the most trivial duties of his station the same diligence and earnestness he bestowed on the most important.
The majority of the questions relating to Ireland, which are thrown up in the course of his political and public correspondence, possess little attraction at this distance of time, having reference chiefly to fugitive topics, such as the augmentation of the army (a measure which his Lordship held to be of paramount necessity), the reduction of expenditure, and the conflicts of local parties; but, although the immediate importance of these questions has long since passed away, they place in a strong historical light the difficulties the Viceroy had to contend with, in his government of a country rent by intestine factions and overrun by corrupt agencies. In the midst of the feuds and jealousies that plunged both the Parliament and the people into a condition of constant tumult, there were some gleams of a nobler spirit; and wherever they appeared, whether on the part of the friends or the opponents of the Government, Lord Buckingham was ready to recognise their purifying and regenerating influence. From a mass of letters bearing upon personal matters, and illustrative of the conduct of individuals who occupied conspicuous positions, the following may be selected as deserving special notice, on account of the subsequent celebrity of one of the writers. Mr. Curran sat at this time in the Irish Parliament for a borough of Mr. Longfield’s; and when Lord Buckingham assumed the government of Ireland for the second time, Mr. Longfield, being desirous to contribute all the parliamentary strength he could to the service of the Administration, endeavoured to secure the support of Mr. Curran. It was a matter of some delicacy on both sides. The nominee was generally understood to take the colour of his politics from the owner of the borough; and although no explicit compact could have been entered into in such cases, and was distinctly disclaimed in the present case, yet it was usually felt that the relation between the patron and the member implied a general harmony of opinion, which precluded the latter from the assertion of an independent line of policy. Such were the circumstances under which the subjoined correspondence took place. The spirit of independence it displays is equally honourable to all parties. At the date of these letters Lord Buckingham’s first session had just commenced; and it is scarcely necessary to add, that Mr. Curran took his seat amongst the opponents of his Lordship’s Administration.
MR. LONGFIELD TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Jan. 21st, 1788.
My Lord,
The candour with which I met your Excellency on your arrival in this kingdom, received, I hope, your entire approbation. Under that idea, I hold myself obliged to the continuance of it.
Since my arrival in town, I have not been so happy as to make such an impression on Counsellor Curran as I wished to do, and in justice to your Excellency’s Administration, he ought to have received. After many exertions, in order to induce him to act as I intended to do, I received the enclosed letter. For my own satisfaction, and to continue the same candid confidence to your Excellency, I beg leave to submit it to your perusal. My heart claims this trouble from you, as my own justification. My head may err, but not intentionally. In reply, I have rejected the offer of the seat, begged to retain his personal regards, and left him to decide entirely on his political conduct as he should think proper.
As to Mr. Heatly, he is no longer my friend and pensioner: he ranges under Lord Shannon.
All I can now say is, that Major Vewell, Colonel Longfield and myself are ever ready to repose the utmost confidence in your Excellency’s Government: we will support your measures with firmness and decision, during your Administration in this kingdom.
I have the honour to be,
With the highest respect and esteem,
Your Excellency’s most devoted and obedient humble servant,
Rd. Longfield.
MR. CURRAN TO MR. LONGFIELD.
Jan. 18th, 1788.
Dear Sir,
I sit down in compliance with your wish that I might explain my sentiments on the subject of our conversation yesterday, more fully than our situation would then permit.
When you first did me the honour of proposing to return me into Parliament, I thought myself bound to be explicit on the occasion, and I was so. I stated to you that the general acceptance of such an offer, might naturally be considered to imply a condition, on the person accepting it, of conforming in his Parliamentary conduct with yours. I also stated to you at large the reasons why I could not sit in the House of Commons under the slightest implication of any such restraint, and I was happy in finding you concur with me on that point, of which I was perfectly satisfied by the warmth with which you disclaimed any idea of your intending or wishing to restrain my freedom by any condition whatsoever. The motives you were pleased to assign for a conduct so very flattering and honourable to me, were an additional incentive to my wishing rather to decline the intended favour. I thought it beyond my merit, and I urged you to confer it upon some other gentleman. These same sentiments I repeated in many conversations I had with you on the subject; but your friendly partiality persevered and prevailed. I do not dwell on these facts from any supposition that you have forgotten them, which could not be consistent with the very honourable solicitude with which I know you have always borne testimony to them, and to my independence. But I recal them to show you that I also remember them, as forming the principal ground of the obligation to you, which I uniformly felt, and professed.
From that period to the present, we have concurred in sentiments and acted together. I now understand from you that you have engaged to support the present Administration. From what I have heard of His Excellency, and what I know of you, I cannot doubt that you have acted consistently with the public interest, and your own honour; but being an utter stranger to the principles or the measures which Administration may adopt, I feel that I could not, without hazarding the sacrifice of my principles or my character, follow your example in that point, however I respect it. I see clearly, that while we remain as at present, we shall both of us be exposed to that calumny, which you find has even already been put into motion against us. Were I to go to the House and vote as you may—for on any ordinary occasion I could not forget my regards for you so much as to vote against you—it would be relinquishing that independence which I have always asserted. If I stayed away totally, I should be accused by my enemies, of violating an engagement that never existed, or I should be said by yours to cast upon you, and for such causes as they would not fail to invent, the heaviest of all censures, the tacit condemnation of a friend. And, however anxious each would be to do justice to the other, calumny would drown our voices, or malignity affect not to believe us. Thus circumstanced, I should, were that practicable, request you to reassume that seat, which I could no longer fill with honour to you, or safety to myself. Though this cannot be done directly, yet we may obtain the same end by an expedient tantamount in effect, and which I mentioned to you yesterday, that is by your permitting me to procure a return for a friend of yours for the remainder of this Parliament, or to give him such a sum as may enable him to procure it, when there shall be an opportunity. Let me assure you, I am infinitely obliged by your manner of receiving this proposal, as it shows me that you are too well persuaded of my regard and respect for you to suppose it made with any, the remotest view of putting an end to our intimacy or friendship. On the contrary, I ask it as a favour, from that very friendship, and because I am anxious to preserve it inviolate. Neither am I afraid of being thought uneasy under a sense of obligation, or desirous of being freed from it by the paltry expedient of a partial compensation. I think you know me too well to suspect me of so sordid an idea, and on your vindication of me as to that, will I cordially rely. I cannot but add that I am happy in making this proposition at a time when the popularity of the Administration you have acceded to, must evince to you and to everybody, that my object is perfectly disinterested. The funds of opposition, if in fact such a thing exists, you will allow are too low at present to have much temptation for a purchaser.
Believe me, my dear Sir, with great truth and regard, your much obliged and affectionate humble servant,
John P. Curran.
THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM TO MR. LONGFIELD.
Dublin Castle, Jan. 23rd, 1788.
Sir,
Your letter, enclosing one from Mr. Curran, reached me at a moment when my attention was taken up with other business, else I should have immediately answered it.
I am very sensible of the candour with which you have declared your intentions of supporting me, and of your exertions to induce Counsellor Curran to act with you in that line of conduct. The offer of the seat, on his part, is handsome; as is likewise your refusal of it.
I am much honoured by the confidence which you have shown me on this occasion, and have the honour to be,
Sir,
Your very obedient and faithful humble servant,
N.B.
Richard Longfield, Esq.
The arrangement for the establishment of Arthur Wellesley as one of the aide-de-camps to Lord Buckingham, alluded to in a recent letter from Lord Mornington, suffered an interruption on the threshold from a proposal made by Sir George Yonge, then Secretary at War, for reducing the gentlemen holding those appointments to half-pay. Lord Mornington, who was still in England, resented the proposal indignantly, and brought the affair under the notice of the Lord-Lieutenant. He writes on the 8th of January,
Sir George Yonge had retreated into Devonshire before I received your letter; but I have ventured to disturb his retirement by an epistle of four sides of paper, to which I could not yet have received an answer. I cannot conceive what he can mean by this manœuvre, because I cannot see any advantage to him in the reduction of any, or of all your aide-de-camps to half-pay; and I am clearly of opinion, that there is no argument which can be drawn in favour of the reduction of any, which will not equally apply to all. I do not exactly understand, by the papers which I received from you, what was the nature of his proposal with respect to the 9th and 10th companies. I have threatened, that my brother shall join his regiment in India. This business is now very unfortunate to Arthur, as his men are now all raised, and he has concluded an agreement for an exchange, which only waits the mighty fiat of the Secretary at War. I fear he must wait for the decision of that great character; for I think under the present circumstances he cannot safely leave England. However, I hope the Secretary will deign to temper his grandeur with a little common sense in the course of a few days, and then I will consign your aide-de-camp to you by the first mail-coach.
Lord Mornington, however, had no necessity to carry out his threat of sending his brother to India. That service was reserved for a later day. Sir George Yonge’s project appears to have been over-ruled, at least so far as Arthur Wellesley was concerned, and the young aide-de-camp was duly forwarded to his post of honour. In the month of April, Lord Mornington writes again to the Viceroy, thanking him for the kindness with which he has treated his protégé.
My principal reason for intruding on you now, is to express my warm and hearty thanks for your great kindness to my brother, of which I have not only received the most pleasing accounts from himself, but have heard from various other quarters. You will easily be persuaded, that I must feel your goodness to him as the strongest and most grateful instance of your regard for me. I must also do my brother the justice to assure you that he feels as he ought to do on this subject, and that you have warmly attached him to you. All his letters that I have seen, not only to me, but to many others totally unconnected with you, speak the most sincere language of gratitude and affection for the reception you have given him. He also expresses great obligations to Lady Buckingham, whom I must beg you to thank in my name.
Mr. Grenville’s correspondence with his brother was now resumed with the same activity as before, ranging over every question of public moment affecting the foreign and domestic policy of the country. One of the topics which began to occupy a large space in the public mind about the beginning of the year was the contemplated movement for the abolition of the Slave Trade. The abstract justice of the abolition, and the practical difficulties in the way of effecting it, were equally obvious to Mr. Grenville.
The business of the Slave Trade is referred to the Committee of Trade. It is a very extensive investigation, and by no means a pleasant subject of inquiry at such a board, because I take it the result will clearly be what one knew sufficiently without much inquiry—that on every principle of humanity, justice, or religion, the slave trade is unjustifiable, and that at the same time it is, in a commercial point of view, highly beneficial, though I believe not so much as those who are concerned in it pretend. On this view of the question I have certainly formed my opinion, that the duty of Parliament is that which would be the duty of each individual sitting there, namely, to sacrifice objects of advantage to principles of justice. It is, however, a great question, and of no little embarrassment to Government, who run the risk of offending a numerous and powerful body of men. I am told that there is an idea of calling the county of Bucks together, to petition as other counties have done. This will be very distressing to me, because, although my opinion is formed, it would not be very decent for me to declare it publicly, while an inquiry is pending at the Board of which I am a member.
The subject was new and startling at this time, and Lord Buckingham took alarm at the notion of a sudden and complete measure of abolition. Having communicated his doubts to Mr. Grenville, the reply of the latter expresses a general concurrence in his views.
Our ideas do not seem very different as to the Slave Trade. I never entertained an idea that we could liberate the slaves actually in the Islands, except by some such gradual measure as you mention. But I am very sanguine in thinking that a law preventing the carrying any more slaves to the Islands in British ships (the only vessels that can legally trade there) may be passed and enforced without considerable difficulty or danger.
Towards the end of January Lord Mornington writes:
We are all very eagerly engaged in considering a plan for the abolition of the Slave Trade, which is to be soon brought forward by Wilberforce. I hear that Burke is to prove slavery to be an excellent thing for negroes, and that there is a great distinction between an Indian Begum and an African Wowski.
That some of the supporters of the Administration did not consider Mr. Wilberforce the fittest person to bring forward the question is frankly avowed in several of these letters. Sir William Young, a constant and lively correspondent, communicates his apprehensions on this point to Lord Buckingham. His letter is dated the 20th of February.
The French have offered our people of Liverpool (hearing that we are on the eve of surrendering our Slave Trade) no less than £5 per ton premium to carry on the trade between Africa and the French islands. When Wilberforce intends to come forward is not settled, nor what his precise motion. I cannot help feeling its absurdity d’avance, knowing my friend Wilberforce to be a mere utopian philanthropist on a subject which a little needs the practical politician.
On the 9th of May following, Mr. Pitt, taking the question into his own hands, moved a resolution pledging the House to the consideration of the Slave Trade in the ensuing session. Upon this, Sir William Young remarks:
The Slave Trade, obviously from the debate on Friday last, will be made an election tool to work at the Dissenters with, and gain the hurra’ of the lower people. When Pitt shall come forward to unite humanity and justice with policy and the public necessities, and produce early next session some measures of legislation for the colonies, and of regulation in the trade, I foresee the clamour will be “What! regulate rapine and murder! and legislate slavery in the British dominions!” and all of the measure, as to the abolition of the trade which is wisely put by, will be artfully taken up to discredit what is humanely done. And this is the mischief of leaving such business to the good and brilliant, but little-wise or solid Wilberforce, who did not know, that in a business of such extent as to the interests of the public, their feelings should not have been excited to go beyond the mode or degree of practicable remedy to the evil; that to give hopes of something is to render the full accomplishment more grateful; and that to anticipate the most that can be done, is to render the doing less thankless, and as nothing. Adopting the strongest wishes for the full abolition of slavery and the Slave Trade, was it not folly in the extreme to throw out the idea of full abolition previous to investigation of how far it was possible to go, and where a stop of necessity must be made. Wilberforce hath everywhere canvassed addresses for total abolition!
These passages, collected from the Correspondence, possess some historical value from their immediate bearing upon the state and action of opinion, at the time when this question was originally introduced into Parliament. Wilberforce was confessedly not considered a practical politician, and his support was regarded by Pitt with apprehension. His sincerity was admitted by everybody, but there seems to have been a strange want of confidence in his judgment. By agitating the country for total abolition, before the public had had an opportunity of investigating the bearings of the question, he showed more zeal than discretion, and seriously embarrassed the proceedings of the Minister. Wilberforce had the best intentions in the world, but, like other politicians, sometimes erred in carrying them out.
Not the least charm of these letters is the insight they afford into the characters of the principal persons concerned in them; and the slightest passages that assist us to a nearer view of men who occupied so large a space in their own times, and whose actions enter into the history of the country, have a distinct attraction in this point of view.
Allusion has already been made to the sensitiveness of Lord Buckingham on personal points of form and etiquette, which sometimes disposed him to fancy discourtesy or indifference where none was really contemplated. It can hardly be supposed that this trait could have been generated in the mind of a statesman of such tried ability and acknowledged influence from any distrust in his own powers, or in the high position he held amongst his contemporaries; and it must, therefore, be regarded entirely as a matter of temperament. It was the weakness of a nature capable of the sincerest attachments, and jealous of every appearance of neglect in those whose regards it cherished. Between his Lordship and Lord Sydney there existed a strict bond of friendship. It had been tested in the struggles of public life, and cemented by many interchanges of confidence in their private relations. Lord Sydney, however, appears upon some occasion to have forgotten, in his official capacity as Secretary of State, the formality with which the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland should have been addressed, and to have lapsed, perhaps unconsciously, into that familiar tone which, no doubt, sat more easily upon him in writing to his friend, Lord Buckingham. The particular subject is of no importance; but, whatever it was, Lord Buckingham was dissatisfied with his correspondent’s style, and indicated so much to him. Here is Lord Sydney’s answer, marked “private;” admirable as a specimen of excellent feeling and indomitable good-humour.
LORD SYDNEY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Grosvenor Square, Feb. 6th, 1788.
My dear Lord,
I heartily congratulate you upon the success of two very important questions, which has been determined so much to the advantage of the public, and to the credit of your Lordship’s Administration. I should have been very sorry if the style of any letter of mine should have had the effect of diminishing in the least degree the pleasure which you must have received from the news which had just reached you from the House of Commons. I agree with you that forms must be observed, and surely none more exactly than those which consist in the mutual respect and civility which ought to appear in the correspondence between two of the principal offices of Government. In a private one between the Marquis of Buckingham and Lord Sydney, the latter will always be inclined to be as little punctilious as any man living. But as to that in question, I must say, that I had no reason to suppose that my style could seem objectionable, when I had endeavoured to imitate that of the letter to which mine was an answer. To leave this subject, you may depend upon my being as cautious as possible in future, to avoid any deviation from the usual form; but in the present case, the King’s leave of absence being already given, it is not proper that any alteration should be made.
I have seen the Duchess of Rutland to-day for the first time at her Grace’s desire. She expressed herself in the strongest terms of gratitude towards your Lordship, for your attention in transmitting to her the extracts from the addresses of both Houses of Parliament, as well as for your letter upon the subject. Her manner and appearance was truly affecting, particularly to one who has had a strong attachment to the Rutland family all his life. She is very much pleased with the marks of respect which have been shown by all ranks of people to the memory of the poor Duke, and said that she must always love Ireland. I never saw more propriety, or a more unaffected general behaviour in my life.
I have finished Mr. Anselm Nugent’s business to-day. I do not think that His Majesty quite likes so total a dispensation with an Act of Parliament; but agreed to it with great cheerfulness, and with very gracious expressions of his desire to do what was agreeable to you.
We have nothing new stirring, except the young ladies, two of whom eloped the day before yesterday: Lady Augusta Campbell with a son of Sir John Clavering’s, and a daughter of Sir H. Clinton’s with a son of Mr. Dawkins’s.
You will be glad to be released, and I am called to dinner. Present my best respects to Lady Buckingham and Lord Temple.
Believe me ever to be, with the greatest esteem and regard,
My dear Lord,
Your most obedient humble servant,
Sydney.
The India Declaratory Bill, and the trial of Mr. Hastings, were the great subjects which now engrossed the attention of the Government and the country. Mr. Pitt had just introduced the famous Declaratory Act, for the purpose of conferring new and important powers on the Board of Control, and explaining the provisions of his former measure for the regulation of Indian affairs. Against this Bill a most formidable opposition was organized in the House of Commons, threatening, by its numbers no less than by the weight of its objections, to overthrow the Administration. The House was reminded that Mr. Fox’s Cabinet had fallen by a similar measure; and it was endeavoured to be shown, not without a considerable appearance of justification, that the most odious features of that measure were revived and exaggerated in the Bill now introduced by Mr. Pitt. It is evident from Mr. Grenville’s letter on this subject, that, although Ministers disclaimed the resemblance thus traced between the two plans, they regarded with no inconsiderable apprehension the arguments founded upon it, and the consequences they entailed. Lord Mornington writes more hopefully, but his letter was written before the decision which betrayed the defection of many of the usual supporters of Government.
LORD MORNINGTON TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Hertford St., March 4th, 1788.
My dear Lord,
As I know that William Grenville has not been quite well for this day or two, and that he does not mean to write to you by this post, I trouble you with a few lines, in order to give you the earliest account of the business of last night. Erskine and Rous came to the bar in support of the Petition from the Directors against the East India Declaratory Act, and there was a great muster of the forces of Fox, Lord North, Lord Lansdowne, and of the refractory directors, with every appearance that some great exertion was to be made. Erskine made the most absurd speech imaginable: and after having spoke for near three hours, he was taken ill, and obliged to leave the bar. Rous was then heard; and when he had finished, Erskine (who had dined in the coffee-room with the Prince of Wales, and been well primed with brandy), returned to the charge, I understand at the express desire of His Royal Highness. Erskine now spoke for near two hours, and delivered the most stupid, gross, and indecent libel against Pitt, that ever was imagined; the abuse was so monstrous, that the House hissed him at his conclusion. After this, Rous proposed to produce some letters from the Treasury and the Board of Control, as evidence of the construction of Pitt’s East India Bill; on this question we divided—for receiving the evidence, 118; against, 242. The Lansdownes divided against us; Pitt then moved himself for the letters. The Bill was read a second time, and is committed for Wednesday, when another attack will be made.
We reckon this a great triumph. You cannot conceive the clamour that has been attempted to be raised on this occasion; and the question of the new Act is certainly well contrived for the union of the great men whom I have mentioned. It seemed great mismanagement in the Opposition to divide on the question of evidence, instead of pressing an adjournment, on which they might have made a much better appearance. It is hardly to be expected that we shall be quite as strong on the question of the Bill itself; but you know the effect of a great majority, even in preliminary questions, on the main subject.
Pitt took no sort of notice of Erskine’s Billingsgate.
I will write to you after Wednesday, and shall then have some other points to state to you. I am much obliged to you for your kind attention to my Windsor job; but I beg you to consult your own convenience in it, as it is not at all material to me.
Hastings’s trial you hear enough of from others. One fact you cannot have heard, as we have but just received the accounts at the Treasury; the expense of the counsel and solicitors attending the management has already amounted to near £5000, the trial having lasted as yet only eleven days. There are five counsel employed at ten guineas a-day, besides consultation fees, and consultations are held every night. The first charge is not yet finished. Make your own calculations of the probable expense of this business, and of the patronage which it has placed in the immaculate hands of the great orators.
Ever yours most affectionately,
Mornington.
I cannot say how I rejoice in your success in Ireland—we hear nothing but good news of you in every way, and even from all quarters.
MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, March 6th, 1788.
My dear Brother,
I am very sorry to send you, in return for all your good news, an account from hence of a very different nature. By one of those strange caprices, to which our friends in the House of Commons are so peculiarly liable, they have taken the alarm about our explanatory East India Bill; and although that Bill does no more than declare that to be the law which not only every man who can think, but every man who can read, must agree with you is already the law on that subject, they have suffered themselves to be persuaded that we are doing neither more nor less than assuming to ourselves all the power of Fox’s Bill.
You must often have observed, that of all impressions the most difficult to be removed, are those which have no reason whatever to support them, because against them no reasoning can be applied. Under one of these impressions; the question of the Speaker’s leaving the chair came on last night, and after debating till seven this morning, we divided, in a majority of only 57: Ayes, 183; Noes, 125. So many of our friends were against us in this division, and that sort of impression runs so strongly after such a display of weakness, that I have serious apprehensions of our being beat either to-morrow on the report, or Monday on the third reading. I need not tell you, that besides much real inconvenience and embarrassment, with respect to the measure itself, such a defeat would be in the highest degree disreputable to Government, the personal opinions, conduct and character of every leading man in the House of Commons on our side being involved in this discussion. Add to this the impression in the country, where the people will certainly be persuaded that this House of Commons would not have rejected such a Bill, except on just and solid grounds. We must, however, weather it as well as we can, and submit to the consequences of an evil which, I think, you will agree with me it was not easy to foresee. What hurt us, I believe, materially last night was that Pitt, who had reserved himself to answer Fox, was, just at the close of a very able speech of Fox’s, taken so ill as not to be able to speak at all, so that the House went to the division with the whole impression of our adversaries’ arguments, in a great degree, unanswered. I had spoken early in the debate, and Dundas just before Fox. I think this is the most unpleasant thing of the sort that has happened to us; but I console myself with recollecting how many similar disasters we have surmounted. I have seen nobody this morning but apprehend that we shall certainly go on with the Bill, as nothing, I think, would be saved by withdrawing it.
Till within this last day or two I have been much out of order, and this, added to the hurry of this business for the last week, has made it impossible for me to get an answer to your queries. I fear it will be impossible for me to do it before Tuesday, but you may depend upon my exerting myself as much as I can.
I do not agree at all with what I understand from Young to be your opinion on the reduction of interest; holding with Smith, that the hire of money, like that of any other commodity, will find its level, and going even beyond him in thinking the grounds on which he states such a measure to be sometimes justifiable, such as will not support him on his own principles. I have also a doubt, but of that you are a much better judge than I can be, whether it is often desirable to hold a neutrality on the part of Government with respect to such questions. That, however, depends on circumstances, and I can easily conceive such as would make that the only line you could prudently adopt.
This has been the most sickly of all seasons with us. Jemmy has been very ill, and is not recovered, though, I trust, entirely out of all danger. Hester has also been seriously ill, but is out again. I agree most entirely with Fitzgibbon, in reprobating that some lex et consuetudo Parliament, which is to supersede the good old common law of the land. Fox’s whole conduct and language has been singularly indecent.
Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.
It will be seen that Mr. Grenville complains of the failure, on the part of the friends of the Government, in answering the arguments of the Opposition. Amongst those whose talents raised the highest expectations, only to be disappointed in the moment of debate by want of resolution, was Lord Mornington—subsequently distinguished by the brilliancy and solidity of his orations. Mr. Grenville elsewhere alludes to Lord Mornington’s intention of speaking from day to day, which he fears he will suffer the session to pass over without carrying into execution, and begs of Lord Buckingham to write to him urgently on the subject. Lord Bulkeley gives a less dignified version of Mr. Pitt’s retreat from the discussion on this occasion, and, in his usual rattling way, runs on about the prominent topics of the hour. In this letter some names appear which were afterwards destined for a wide celebrity, more especially those of “a Mr. Tierney” and “young Grey.”
LORD BULKELEY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanhope Street, March 10th, 1788.
My dear Lord,
Our politics have worn the most decided aspect till lately. On last Wednesday, on the bringing in the Declaratory Bill of the powers of the Board of Control, Mr. Pitt experienced a mortification, not only from the abilities of those who oppose him, but from the defection of some of his friends, and the luke-warmness of others, that he has not experienced since he has been a Minister. It was an awkward day for him, and he felt it the more because he himself was low-spirited, and overcome by the heat of the House, in consequence of having got drunk the night before at your house in Pall Mall, with Mr. Dundas and the Duchess of Gordon. They must have had a hard bout of it, for even Dundas, who is well used to the bottle, was affected by it, and spoke remarkably ill, tedious and dull. The Opposition, therefore, made the most of their advantages, and raked Pitt fore and aft in such a manner, as evidently made an impression on him. I heard from our own friends that no Minister ever cut a more pitiful figure.
These triumphs were, however, of short duration to the Opposition, for on Friday Pitt made one of the best and most masterly speeches he ever made, and turned the tables effectually on Opposition, by acquiescing in such shackles as they chose to put on the article of patronage, all which they had pressed from an idea that Pitt on that point would be inflexible. This speech of Pitt’s infused spirit into his friends; Dundas spoke very well, and, contrary to expectation, so did Scott and Macdonald. Government kept up their numbers in the division, and Opposition lost ten. I understand from all quarters that last Friday was, considering all circumstances, as good as the Wednesday before was bad for Government. Notwithstanding this happy recovery, there is yet a heavy and severe clamour against Dundas, and I shall not be surprised if his unpopularity should very materially injure Pitt’s character and Government. It was by his influence that a Mr. Tierney was kept out of the direction, and a Mr. Elphinstone brought in, which last has turned out the most violent opposer and the most formidable Government has had at the India House; and there is great reason to think the other, if he had been supported, would have been a friend, though that docs not seem clear. However, those two men have been the most active and useful to the Opposition in all the late contentions in Leadenhall Street, where Mr. Dundas ought to have had a majority.
All this business has given Fox advantages, which he has not neglected; and although Mr. Pitt may be secure as to the continuation of his power, yet the former has and will gain character, as a firm and manly straightforward politician; which the other begins to lose by nearly adopting the principles of a Bill which he had reprobated and condemned. Devaynes tells me that a few dozen of claret, and two or three dinners, would have operated with many in the direction; but Rose and Steele follow Pitt’s example in that respect, and vote such company boors not deserving of such notice.
Your brother William suffered a mortification last Wednesday, which, I am told, has vexed him: the moment he got up to speak, the House cleared as it used to do at one time when Burke got up. I hope it proceeded from accident, for if it continues it must hurt him very essentially. The day after he was in uncommon low spirits, and croaked very much. There seems a general complaint of Pitt’s young friends, who never get up to speak; and I am not surprised at their timidity, for Fox, Sheridan, Burke, and Barré, are formidable opponents on the ground they now stand upon. Young Grey has not yet spoke on either of these last days, and he is hitherto a superior four-year-old to any of our side. I have kept Sir Hugh Williams and Parry steady to their tackle; the latter, I think, unless a judgeship comes soon, will not live much longer, not being of an age or constitution to live for ever on expectation, however good his may be, for I am assured he is to have the first vacancy. What the event of Hastings’s trial will be, I cannot say; the prosecution is carried on with great ability and acrimony, but hitherto the oral evidence has fallen short of the expectations pronounced by the managers.
Fox made a severe attack on the Chancellor and the Court, for which Lord Fortescue was near moving to have the words taken down, and to adjourn to the House of Lords, but letting the proper moment slip, he was advised not to resume it again by the Chancellor and the Duke of Richmond. I think the Chancellor, to a certain degree, provoked Fox’s attack by a speech the day before in the House of Lords, which everybody said had better been left alone.
I dined last Friday with your brother Marquis; in talking of Lord Fortescue, he said he heard he was a sensible man, and asked me whether he stood on his own bottom, or whether he was a follower of the Grenvilles. I felt the aim of his gracious speech, and consoled myself with his dinner and the addition of a new stock of mimicry of those I already possess of him. He and all his Synod are violent against the new Declaratory Bill, and are ready for any mischief against the present Government, though they are the last who would benefit by a change. The Prince of Wales takes an active part in opposition, and goes on the same. The Duke of York in politics talks both ways, and, I think, will end in opposition. His conduct is as bad as possible; he plays very deep, and loses, and his company is thought mauvais ton.
I am told the King and Queen begin now to feel “how much sharper than a serpent’s tooth it is to have an ingrate child.” When the Duke of York is completely done up in the public opinion, I should not be surprised if the Prince of Wales assumes a different style of behaviour; indeed, I am told he already affects to say that his brother’s style is too bad.
I am, my dear Lord,
Your affectionate and sincere
B.
The habits of the Prince and his brother were now become matter of notoriety in the political circles, and in the preceding January had attracted the observation of Mr. Grenville, who thus spoke of them in a letter to Lord Buckingham:
The Prince of Wales has taken this year very much to play, and has gone so far as to win or lose £2,000 or £3,000 in a night. He is now, together with the Duke of York, forming a new club at Weltzies; and this will probably be the scene of some of the highest gaming which has been seen in town. All their young men are to belong to it. Lord T. had even at Oxford shown his turn, having been sent away for being concerned in the Faro then. I leave you to form the conclusion.
Dundas’s character, sketched in a sentence, and the hazards of the Government arising from the Declaratory Bill, are the chief points in the next communication from the sprightly Lord Bulkeley.
LORD BULKELEY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanhope Street, March 26th, 1788.
My dear Lord,
On the whole, there is every appearance that the Declaratory Bill has occasioned a temporary division in the Cabinet, and a run against Dundas, and consequently against Pitt, who stands a willing sponsor for his transgressions, and who supports him through thick and thin. Dundas sticks to Pitt as a barnacle to an oyster-shell, so that if he chose it he cannot shake him off, and everybody believes he does not mean it, let what will be the consequence, because he likes him, and really wants him in the House of Commons; besides, there is no man who eats Pitt’s toads with such zeal, attention, and appetite, as Dundas, and we all know the effect of those qualities. You, who know the interior of things, must laugh at me for what I tell you, but I only can tell you public appearances and opinions, all which you may know to be perfectly false and untrue.
Many of the Opposition with whom I converse seem to think a change of Government at a great distance, while the King and Pitt are on good terms, and others are woefully disappointed that all this late business has passed off so quietly, without Pitt being out and Fox in. What the future consequences of the Declaratory Bill may be to Pitt, I cannot pretend to divine; but certainly it has brought him a temporary unpopularity, and has hurt him in the public opinion. I own, for my own part, that I think Leadenhall Street, sooner or later, will overthrow him, as it did Fox; but in this opinion, I know I differ with la parenté, who all swear to me, even the nervous Jemmy, that Mr. Pitt has gained strength from the measure, both in Parliament and with the public; such, likewise, is the opinion of all Pitt’s intimates. I wish I may be wrong, and shall be very happy to be convinced that I am so.
B.
The ill health of Mr. Rigby, who held the appointment of Master of the Rolls in Ireland, rendering it probable that a vacancy would shortly occur in that office, the friends of Mr. Grenville proposed that it should be given to him, and that he should hold it as a sinecure—a mode of reward for public services which was in accordance with the practice of the period. There were some difficulties, however, attending it, which did not escape the penetration of Mr. Grenville. In the first place, it had become a matter of discussion whether the successor of Mr. Rigby should not be required to perform the duties of the office in person, instead of being permitted to discharge them, as heretofore, by deputy; in which event, Mr. Grenville would have declined the situation. The second point upon which he hesitated referred to the permanency of the office. Some doubt arose on the construction of the statutes as to whether a life patent of the office would hold good; and the apprehension that a future Administration might have it in their power to raise the question, weighed strongly with Mr. Grenville, who discusses the subject minutely in his letters to Lord Buckingham. But there was a third consideration of still greater importance. Several changes were in contemplation in the Ministry. Lord Howe, who was at the head of the Admiralty, had latterly rendered himself extremely unpopular, and signified his intention of resigning, and was only restrained from doing so at once on the representations of Mr. Pitt, who wished to take advantage of the circumstance for the purpose of effecting other alterations in the composition of the Government. Amongst the suggestions arising out of these proposed movements, Lord Buckingham and Mr. Grenville were severally named for the Admiralty; but neither of them were disposed to accept it. Lord Buckingham preferred the position he held in Ireland, and Mr. Grenville held back, having looked for some time to the Seals of the Home Department, for which he had been assiduously qualifying himself, his ambition being constantly urged in that direction by Lord Buckingham. The letter in which he opens all these plans to his brother is affecting in its appeal to those feelings of implicit trust and attachment which existed so warmly between these distinguished men.
MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, April 1st, 1788.
My dear Brother,
I am extremely obliged for the trouble you have been so good as to take about the mode in which it will be most advisable to frame the grant of Rigby’s office, in case of its becoming vacant. I have consulted Pitt upon the subject, and his opinion entirely agrees with mine, that the present form is much preferable to the other; for this, amongst other reasons, that a grant of a judicial office, to be held during good behaviour, might be vacated on account of non-administration of justice, or even of non-residence in the kingdom. He says that, after what has passed with the King, there can clearly be no difficulty whatever when the case arises; and that it will be better not to open it previously to Lord Sydney, as it might by that means become a subject of conversation previous to its taking place, which it is very desirable to avoid. I imagine, by what I now hear from Bath, that it cannot be very long before the event happens. I shall certainly be on the spot, and will immediately take the necessary steps for having the warrant sent over to you; after which you may expect to see me as soon as possible, unless it should be necessary that the admission should take place in Term time, which I will trouble you to ascertain. It would, I think, be very advantageous to me, in case of future discussions which may arise on this subject, if you could procure from the Chancellor and Lord Earlsfort, and perhaps Carleton (when the event happens), written opinions that the making it an efficient judicial office would be attended with no advantage or benefit. It would still remain necessary that some officer should be appointed to have custody and charge of the Rolls; and the only questions then would be, whether such an office was one fit to be made the sort of sinecure which Parliament here have admitted ought to exist as a reward of public service, and whether your humble servant was a fit object for such reward.
The point which I was desirous of mentioning to you in cypher relates to my having been informed by Pitt, a few days before I wrote to you, that Lord Howe has intimated an intention of resigning his office at the close of this session. The particular reason for secrecy is, that it is of the utmost importance that this should not be publicly known till a new arrangement is framed; but especially not till after the motion on the subject of the late promotion is completely disposed of. Notwithstanding this intimation, and the resolution which Lord Howe appears to have taken, Pitt thinks it not impossible that when the time for carrying it into execution draws nearer, he may be induced to remain. Pitt feels it a point of the utmost importance that he should, notwithstanding the sort of objections which exist against him, and of which you are perfectly apprized. But if he retires, there will be the utmost difficulty in finding a proper person to supply his place. I apprehend, that even before your appointment to Ireland you had made up your mind on the subject; but that you would certainly not be inclined to quit your present situation for one in so many respects less agreeable, particularly at this moment. I trust, however, that if you feel the least hesitation, or doubt, in your mind, you will immediately let me know it, in order that I may take the proper steps. If your decision remains the same, I know no person at all fit for the employment that can take it. The most likely person to be fixed upon is, I think, Lord Hood; but there are great objections to him. Whatever he may be in the Navy, which I know not, he is very far from being popular in the House of Commons; and what is worse, he has spoken there, whenever he has opened his lips, with a degree of indiscretion which has been distressing, even in his present situation, but which would be absolutely intolerable if he were to answer for the execution of so responsible an office, made, as it certainly will be, one of the great objects of attack on the part of Opposition. This will make it necessary to send him up to the House of Lords, for which he has neither fortune nor calibre sufficient. It has been a question with Pitt and myself, whether it would be possible for me to accept of it. At one time, he appeared much disposed to this; but I must confess that my mind has never gone to it at all. The situation would unquestionably be highly flattering to me, at my time of life, and in my rank, &c. The patronage annexed to it is so considerable as to be a real object, in a political point of view, to any person engaged in a public line of life, where the acquisition of friends is always an important point. Add to this, the opportunity of distinguishing oneself in a department entirely separate from all others, and the temptation is certainly very great. But I feel two material, and as they now strike me, insuperable objections. First, I think it is not prudent for a person who has already been put forward beyond what many people think his pretensions entitle him to, and who has still much way to make for himself, to incur the risk of shocking and revolting the feelings of almost every one, but those who are most partial to him, by accepting a situation for which he must be thought so little qualified, and which will be judged so much above his rank, either in point of general situation in the country, or with respect to any official situation in which he has yet been engaged. Besides this, I am unwilling—after having been endeavouring for four or five years to qualify myself, in some degree, for almost any other line of public service—that my first ostensible début should be in one where I should have the first A B C to learn.
It is on these grounds that I have discouraged the idea when Pitt threw it out to me, and I think they have had weight with him. I have no doubt, that as far as respects my own interest only, they are well founded; and that it will be infinitely more advantageous to me to go on as I now am, waiting for such events as may happen to open to me other objects, which I could accept with less hazard. The same considerations operate, also, with a view to the general interests of the system of Government in which I am embarked. If I could essentially serve that, even at a greater personal hazard than this, I should certainly feel myself bound to do it. But the very same circumstances which would make my appointment hurtful to my own character in the present moment, would make it prejudicial to the general credit of Pitt’s Government; and the consequences of any failure would hardly be more injurious to myself, personally, than to the Administration of which I should then form a part. I have had an explanation with Pitt, in the course of these discussions, on the subject of Lord Sydney’s office. He told me that he was unwilling to remove him abruptly, without the means of making him, at the same time, some sort of compensation; but that, whenever any such opportunity offered, he should willingly and eagerly embrace it. Lord Hardwicke’s life, Barré’s, the Duke of Montagu’s, Orde’s and the Duke of Bolton’s, with some others, were mentioned as holding out no unreasonable or distant prospect of such an arrangement. And I can with perfect sincerity say to you—to whom I think aloud—that I am by no means desirous that the interval should be so much shortened, as to make the appointment immediate. I am in the train of making myself fitter for it: in the enjoyment of as much confidence as that office ever could give me, and with the consciousness of being admitted to many opportunities of doing real service to the Government that I act with. My present income is sufficient—such an appointment would not in reality increase it—and your goodness holds out to me a near prospect of that future independence, which was the only thing wanting to make my present situation perfectly happy. You see how little temptation I have to exchange it even for that to which I have hitherto looked; but much more for that which is so unexpectedly put within my reach, but which is attended with so many hazards to myself, and to the general system of Administration.
I much wish to receive your opinion on this whole subject, not only as it is connected with myself, but as to the means of finding any other person to undertake the office supposing me out of the question. It is perfectly understood that the Duke of Grafton would not accept it, which I certainly consider as a very fortunate circumstance. With respect to yourself, I have written the whole of what is above; and have listened to any conversation on the subject, only in the idea that your opinion will remain the same. I feel too much confidence in your good opinion of me, to think it necessary to take up your time in saying what you must unquestionably feel, that no conception of competition on this point could ever enter into my head; and that, even if I have taught myself to look to other situations to which you have so much better a claim, it has only been in consequence of what you have said to me on that subject, and subject always to any alteration in your feelings with respect to it.
I am prevented from saying more than a few words on the different questions you ask. I mentioned to you, in my other letter, the line which has been taken here with respect to the Russian fleet, and to their application for transports. The same line ought certainly to be followed in Ireland; but I think it would be very important, for your own security, in so delicate a business, that you should, whenever you receive any intimation of anything of the sort being likely to occur in Ireland, immediately state the particular point to Lord Sydney, in order to receive precise orders upon it, for you see the line of distinction which we draw here is a nice one.
Our Dutch alliance has passed the States of Holland, where alone any difficulty was apprehended, and will probably be signed in about a week. It will be immediately followed by a treaty, by which Prussia and we shall bind ourselves to guarantee to each other our engagements with Holland; but this treaty will not extend to any general alliance between this country and Prussia. The reason for this is, the apprehension that such an alliance would rivet the connection between the two Imperial Courts and France. In the meantime, there is an entire and perfect understanding between this Court and that of Berlin. We have no very accurate knowledge of the views of Spain. She is certainly arming, though to much less extent than is talked of. I imagine that France is trying to persuade her to acquiesce in the Porte’s being compelled to submit to the present demands of the two Imperial Courts, which seem confined to Oxacow, Belgrade, and some pecuniary compensation for the expense incurred. But I think the Porte will clearly not submit to this, till she has tried the success of one campaign; and what part Spain may take in this event it is not easy to say.
Our accounts from India, by the ‘Ravensworth,’ are in general, very good; but we are a little uneasy, on account of Tippoo, who had made peace with the Marattas, and was collecting his forces with a view of attacking the Nizam, or the Raja of Gravancore, whom we must protect, or the Camatre itself. Campbell was preparing for him; and I have little doubt of the event; but the offence and mischief are formidable to us.
I have just received your letter of the 2nd, with the usquebaugh, for which I am much obliged to you. I think there can be no question of the King’s acquiescence, and the mentioning it to him now might set him talking. I have been hindered, by a variety of accidents, from sending this letter off before. It has been written at five or six different times.
Adieu, my dear brother,
Believe me ever most sincerely and affectionately yours,
W. W. G.
We have the same accounts from many different quarters, as that which Miles sends you. The idea is certainly much talked of on the continent; but I have no faith in it. France is, I think, evidently in no better condition for war now than last year. Their annual compte, which was promised for January in every year, is not yet out. The report is, that the deficiency has been found much greater than was ever imagined. Our revenue is most prosperous.
Lord Buckingham appears to have pressed his views respecting the Home Office so earnestly upon Mr. Grenville, that the latter, some months afterwards, grew a little impatient of his zeal. The obstacle was, how to provide for Lord Sydney.
I cannot (says Mr. Grenville, writing in September), even if I wished it, drive Lord Sydney from his situation, without such an opportunity as has not yet presented itself, and may not for a considerable time to come. Even if that were done, I am by no means clear that the difficulty would be removed.
The subject of the Rolls is resumed in subsequent letters.
MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, April 5th, 1788.
My dear Brother,
Since I have sent off your messenger this morning, I have had some further conversation with Pitt about the Mastership of the Rolls, which is expected to be vacant every hour. A considerable difficulty arises from this circumstance, that Sir Lloyd Kenyon has discovered, since he has held the English office, that the sale of the places, from which a part of his profit arose, is illegal; and he has, in consequence of this, resolved to give the offices away, instead of selling them. The doubt arises under a statute of Richard II.; and after such a man as he has decided it against himself, it would neither be creditable, nor even safe, for me to persevere in the old practice.
This makes me think it considerably better, that you should endeavour to negotiate an exchange for me with some person on your side of the water, who may not be troubled with the same scruples. Pitt is to see Kenyon on Monday; and has promised to inquire more particularly into this point. I shall not deliver your letter to Lord Sydney till I hear again from you upon it. If it was not for the difficulty of two re-elections, I should think the best way would be, that I should take the Rolls immediately, and take my chance with respect to any exchange that I could make afterwards; but that, I fear, cannot now be done.
I will write to you again, when I hear from Pitt what he has learnt from Kenyon.
Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.
MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, April 21st, 1788.
My dear Brother,
I have this morning received yours of the 18th enclosing the recommendation during pleasure. I am not a little distressed at this circumstance, as I apprehend, from what you mention about the Chancellor, that your destination of the office will immediately become public. I am unable as yet, under these circumstances, to satisfy my mind as to delivering or keeping back the letter to Lord Sydney; but as I thought it necessary that he should have your private letter, I called upon him with that, and mentioned to him my wish of keeping back the other, at least for the present, in order that I may have time to think it over, and to consult Pitt upon it. But my present disposition is, I think, to withhold it till I can hear again from you, in answer to my letter of Saturday.
My opinion on the subject itself remains entirely the same. If the grant is made during pleasure what ground can there be for thinking that another Government would not instantly create it; especially after it has become, as it probably must, a ground of some popular clamour, and after that specific office has been in a manner applied for by their friend the Duke of Leinster. Surely, under those circumstances, it can never be worth while, either on your account or even on my own, that I should accept an object which would only give me about £1,000 per annum in the very situation in which I do not want it. The arrangement with Hutchinson, or almost any other, appears to me infinitely preferable. On the whole, however, I leave it for your determination; but I think, unless any fresh inconvenience from the delay, beyond what I now see, occurs to my mind, that I shall postpone taking any step in it till I have your answer to my former letter.
As to the state of things here, I know not well what to write. I have very little expectation of our not being beat whenever the Navy Promotion is again brought in question; and what the consequence of such a defeat is to be, I profess not to be prophet enough to foretel. I do not think that people in general are aware of the extent and importance of the blow; but it will not the less have its full effect when it comes. You will not wonder, therefore, that I look forward with no very pleasing reflections to it, and that even that circumstance should make me particularly anxious that the present opportunity may be the means of securing to me something more permanent than any Government in this country seems likely to be.
Adieu, my dear brother,
Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.
You will have seen Sir G. Howard’s speech, and will hear much nonsensical speculation upon it. We have no suspicions of that nature.
MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, April 29th, 1788.
My dear Brother,
I have just received your letter of the 25th. You will have observed by my last letter, that I have not delivered the recommendation, but that I called upon Lord Sydney with your private letter, in order to mention the circumstance to him, and to desire him to say nothing of it till he heard again from me. He behaved with great kindness to me, and assured me he would do in this business exactly what I wished. My own ideas at present incline to taking the Rolls for life: if any other solution should offer while you are in Ireland, it will be always equally possible to arrange it; and if not, I think the question of the legality will bear at least a great deal of argument. My own opinion rather is, that I could support such a patent against anybody. But at all events it will be a much more difficult undertaking to remove me, and one less likely to enter into the mind of our adversaries, than if the grant expressly gave the office only during pleasure. I can lose nothing by taking it for life, even if such a grant is bad, because that will at least be equal to a tenure during pleasure; and if it is good, as I think precedents, and even the true construction of the Act will make it, I have attained the object which your friendship is anxious to secure to me. You will observe that the argument of vacating by non-residence does not apply to a grant for life, with exception of the ministration of justice; but to a grant, quamdiu se bene gesserit, under the statute which enables the King to grant judicial offices in that form. The latter would clearly be forfeited by non-residence, and I strongly think that the former is good in law.
I mention this, because you appear to feel considerable difficulties in any exchange, and I am unquestionably very anxious that an arrangement in which I fear you must, at all events, sacrifice a good deal to my objects, may be attended with as little additional inconvenience to you as possible.
Our friends are sanguine as to the event of Bastard’s motion, which is to come on to day. As this opinion is the result of a personal canvass, I hope it is tolerably founded; but I am not enough acquainted with the particulars to give any opinion of my own upon it. Only I think I see amongst our friends a sort of feeling of our situation, and some revival of that zeal which has been so grievously wanted of late. Against this there is to be set a very general impression of the badness of the question, which is certainly in itself not a strong one on our side, and is made less so in appearance by the necessity we are under of declining all personal discussions, in order to adhere to our principle, of the impropriety of such points being debated in Parliament. I am, however, told that there are a few of Fox’s party who do not like the question, and will not vote against us. Plumer is mentioned in particular, and there are, I believe, two or three others. It is a dreadful thing for the general strength of Government, to have these sort of doubtful days recurring so often. I am inclined to think that the event will be that Lord H. will now remain longer than he before proposed, in order that he may not appear to be driven out by clamour, &c.
Sir G. Yonge is to have the red riband, which is comical enough. I will take particular care of what you mention about Fitzherbert; was he desirous of the riband? if he was, I should think we might manage it on another opportunity; though, if I was in his situation, I should certainly think myself better without it. Trevor is to have the other, and to go immediately to St. Petersburgh. Lord Harrington was to have gone there, but thought he could not unless with the rank of ambassador, which was impossible. Lord Dalrymple goes to Turin, and Ewart is to be appointed to Berlin. Lord Mansfield has resigned. Kenyon is to take his seat the first day of next Term, but not to be created a peer at present, in order to break the practice, which was beginning to grow into a sort of right. I imagine, however, that the state of the House of Lords will make it necessary to have him there next year. McDonald is to be Attorney-General; Arden, Master of the Rolls; Scott, Solicitor; and Bearcroft, Chief Justice of Chester.
The impeachment is going on so slowly, that I see no prospect even of the accusation being concluded this year. They talk of sitting only to the Birthday; and, indeed, after that they would find it impossible to procure an attendance, either of Lords or Commons. Our business will certainly be over by that time. The Budget comes on next Monday, and will be a glorious one; as not only the current service of the year, but the extra expenses, both of the Prince of Wales and of the armament, will be provided for by the exceeding of revenue.
The ‘Rusbridge’ has brought an account from Madras as late as the 9th of January. An answer had been received from Tippoo to Sir A. Campbell’s letter. It disclaims all idea of hostility; and a friendly correspondence had passed between them since; so that this storm is blown over, at least for the present; and in the meanwhile we are acquiring more strength every day. It is impossible to speak in terms of sufficient admiration of Lord Cornwallis’s conduct. I have not yet seen any finance papers from this last ship; but I make no doubt of their turning out well, from the general expressions of prosperity, &c., in his private letters.
I send you over a case given to me by the Duke of Athol, who has particularly desired my attention to the subject. He is to bring it forward this year. Can you tell me where I can find any of my father’s papers upon it?
I have got the cypher, which answers perfectly. I keep it, in order to have another made from it. I shall be anxious to hear of your little girl’s doing well.
Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.
MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, April 30th, 1788.
My dear Brother,
Bastard’s motion came on yesterday, and was lost, on the previous question, by 221 to 169. This division very far exceeded my expectations, and, indeed, I believe those of most people, considering the popular nature of the question, and the many personal considerations which induced people to vote against us on this point, who do so on no other. It has, I imagine, entirely put an end to any further discussion of this subject. It will not diminish your satisfaction on this occasion to hear that the previous question was moved by me, and that I had the good fortune not only to satisfy myself, which I have not done before in the course of this session, but also to satisfy my friends so well, that the question was rested on my speech, no other member of Government saying anything.
This event puts an end to all considerations as to any immediate contingencies to affect our decision of the point which relates to me. It is therefore not necessary to take any immediate steps upon it, till we can find some satisfactory solution. You see that my mind leans at present to taking the Rolls at the diminished value, but for life; thinking, as I do, more and more, every day, that such a grant would be perfectly legal and maintainable against all the world, on the ground of precedent, of authority, and on the words of the statute itself.
The idea of Lord Clanbrassil’s office had occurred to me. I have no difficulty in stating to you fairly my feelings upon it, because I know you will enter into them, and judge, after comparing them with the convenience which you would yourself derive from such an arrangement, preferably to any other. Lord Clanbrassil’s life I had taken from the Peerage at fifty-nine, but sixty would not materially alter the calculation. Such a life, on common averages, is stated in Price’s book as having an expectation of living from fourteen years to a little less than twelve, according to the healthiness of the situation. On pursuing his calculations, I am inclined to believe, that an annuity of £2000 for my life, to commence after Lord C.’s, would not be materially different from an annuity in present for my life of £1000. But these calculations depend on so many nice circumstances, that, without being more used to them, and acquainted with the principles they proceed upon, it is not easy to be accurate in them. Whatever is the result of such a calculation, you cannot, I am sure, but feel that, at the present period of my life, and in my circumstances, a certainty of £1000 would be worth much more to me, in point of happiness, than an expectation of twice that value at an uncertain period, which though, on general averages, it might be expected in about thirteen years, might not fall even in twice that time.
I state this to you, that you may know exactly what I feel upon the subject; but, at the same time, I know too much what I owe to you on this, as on every other occasion, not to be desirous of accommodating my objects to your convenience. On that ground, therefore, I leave it entirely to you.
I wish you would send me some answer about Sir H. Hoghton, which I could show him as a point of civility to a man to whom civility is due from me. I have not done anything about Sneyd, because, to say the truth, this other business put it out of my head. I am now unwilling to communicate your acquiescence to Bagot till I have mentioned it to you once more. You know the object which I have in it, and can best judge how far the inconvenience to you is more than worth while.
I have had Miles with me this morning, to mention that he had written to you on the subject of a publication respecting Lord Gormanston’s business, but had not received any answer from you. I told him that I would mention to you what he had said to me upon it, but that I could not undertake to give him any answer, as he must receive that from you alone. He desired me to say that he made the communication as a mark of respect and attachment. I confess I look upon him as one of those men with whom connexion or communication, beyond what may be absolutely necessary, is not desirable; but I may be mistaken in this; and perhaps that which has already passed may make it better that you should preserve terms of civility towards him.
The Duke of Athol’s statement of his own case has made much impression on me: pray tell me what you think of it. He says he can prove that, although my father passed the Bill of 1765, from the necessity of applying an immediate remedy to the mischief of smuggling, yet that it was his intention to have entered into a fuller investigation of the subject the following year. He presses me to be one of the Commissioners; but this I shall probably decline, on the real ground of other business.
Alexander Hood is to have the red riband, and not Trevor. He made a very good speech for it last night. There is not the smallest ground for believing that Sir G. Howard was actuated by anything else than a sense of the great military character which he sustains, and perhaps some ground of pique at the King’s having refused to interfere with Mulgrave and myself to give the Chaplainship of Chelsea to a friend of his. He asked an audience of the King for the purpose of making this request, and sent an account of it in a paragraph to the newspapers.
Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.
You may, perhaps, have seen in “The World,” a most scandalous misrepresentation of Mornington’s conduct the other evening in the House of Commons. It will, I am sure, give you pleasure to be assured, that there is not the smallest ground for so infamous an imputation; and that his conduct on that occasion is universally felt, and allowed even by those who are least favourably disposed to him, to have been perfectly correct and proper. He spoke remarkably well, and said exactly what his friends could have wished him to say.
Mr. Grenville had now made up his mind to take the reversion of Lord Clanbrassil’s office (the Chief Remembrancership), in preference to the Rolls; for which the Duke of Leinster, who had given considerable trouble to the Government in Ireland, was rather a clamorous candidate.
MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, May 12th, 1788.
My dear Brother,
I have just seen Fitzherbert, and have had some conversation with him about the Mastership of the Rolls. We were interrupted; but he said enough to convince me, that it is clearly better that I should take the reversion of Lord Clanbrassil’s office, leaving the Rolls for such present arrangement as you can make of it. Besides what he mentioned, I have an additional reason, which I did not state to him; but which had nearly decided me before I saw him. It is, that I believe the arrangement which I mentioned to you at Stowe, and which you so clearly thought the most desirable that could occur for me, is now so nearly settled, that it is very unlikely that anything should prevent its taking place before the prorogation of Parliament, which must be in about three weeks, or a month, at furthest. I think you will clearly understand what I mean, when I refer to our conversation in the flower-garden at Stowe, and to the particular sense which I have always entertained of your kindness on that occasion. Fitzherbert, however, tells me, that he sends off the messenger on Thursday, when I will write to you more explicitly on this subject, and on the other arrangements connected with it, which, however, are still in great measure undecided; but the thing itself I now consider as almost certain. It would be an unpardonable affectation in me, especially when writing to you, to whom I have been accustomed to think aloud, if I were to attempt to disguise from you, that the prospect is, in the highest degree, pleasing to me, as holding out to me a situation, though far above my pretensions, yet so circumstanced as to give me hopes of filling it without discredit. I know how much you will share my satisfaction, and have, therefore, no difficulty in expressing it to you. It is not a little heightened, by comparing it with what I mentioned to you as having been since proposed to me, and what I was so near being compelled to accept. There is, however, still one contingency, which may prevent this from taking place: I think it not a probable one. I am obliged to write a little in the Sphinx style, but on Thursday I will speak more openly. I could not, however, resist the desire of taking the first moment to tell you, generally, the situation of this business.
We had the account yesterday of the lit de justice, which was held at Versailles the day after the King had besieged his Parliament at Paris. He has taken from all the different Parliaments throughout the kingdom the power and function of registering edicts, and has created, or (as the “Arrêt” says) renewed a Cour plénière for that purpose. This Cour plénière is to consist of the grande chambre of the Parliament of Paris, with the addition of the Princes and Peers, of one member to be named from each of the other Parliaments, and of the person filling great offices (Charges de la Couronne). These will make, in all, about one hundred and eight persons, if the calculation, I saw, is right. They are all to be named by the King; but all to hold their situations for life. All edicts are to be registered by them for the whole kingdom. This expedient may give a present relief; but it seems a most dangerous experiment to concentre so much power of resistance in one body of men appointed for life.
There had been no tumult whatever at Paris on this occasion. Some difficulty was expected in the provinces, particularly at Rouen and Rennes; but nothing was known of what had passed there. I do not recollect that I have any other news for you.
Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.
The next letter touches upon the reversion, and enters into a detail of the contemplated changes in the Administration consequent upon the retirement of Lord Howe.
MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, May 16th, 1788.
My dear Brother,
I mentioned to you in my last letter, that Fitzherbert’s conversation had decided me in thinking it better for me to take the reversion of Lord Clanbrassil’s office (supposing it clearly grantable in reversion), rather than the Mastership of the Rolls. One reason which weighed with me, was the knowledge of the arrangement which is to take place the first week in June, and which I can now explain to you more particularly. The first move is that of the Admiralty, from which Lord Howe retires, agreeably to his former intimation. From what I understand from Pitt, I doubt very much whether it would have been possible to have prevailed upon him to alter his resolution; but, on the whole, I think it infinitely better, considering his great unpopularity both in the Navy and in the House of Commons, that he should withdraw himself. The last division, and the question having in consequence of it been entirely dropped, are circumstances which I think are sufficient to show that he has not been driven out; and by his retiring, we shall avoid many other discussions, which would, I am persuaded, have been brought forward. Pitt’s intention is to place his brother at the head of that department, giving him Sir Charles Middleton and Hood for assistants; and prevailing with Mulgrave, if possible, to accept the Comptrollership of the Navy. I have no doubt of this arrangement being, in general, very acceptable; the great popularity of Lord Chatham’s manners, added to that of his name, and his near connection with Pitt, are, I think, sufficient to remove the impression of any objection in the public opinion, from his being brought forward in the first instance in so responsible a situation. To those who know him, there can be no doubt that his abilities are fully equal to the undertaking, arduous as it is; and to those who do not, Sir Charles Middleton’s name and character will hold out a solution. On the whole, I am persuaded that this arrangement will not only be the best that could be made under the present circumstances, but that it will be a source of real and solid strength to Pitt’s Government, by bringing Lord Chatham forward, and by connecting the department of the Admiralty with the rest of the Administration, which has never yet been the case under Pitt’s Government, even in the smallest degree. The opening which Mulgrave makes, enables Pitt to make Lord Sydney sole Paymaster, and to give me the Seals of the Home Department. He has shown much anxiety to bring this part of the arrangement to bear; and I sometimes flatter myself, that in this part also of his Government he will be considerably stronger than before.
I have obtained his permission to communicate to you the whole of this plan immediately after its formation. I think its execution probable, though not certain. It has as yet not been communicated even to many of the parties concerned. He is to begin by his brother, whom he sees to-day, in order to obtain his final consent, which, from previous conversations, he has no reason to doubt of. The other persons are to be talked to one by one, and the whole to be done and declared the day before the prorogation, in order that my writ may be moved. He thinks Sir C. M.’s consent quite certain, and Mulgrave’s highly probable; but that part in which I am concerned does not depend on that, as, even if Mulgrave refuses the Comptrollership, there is another arrangement, though not one equally desirable, by which he will vacate the Pay-Office. The only impediment that can be thrown in my way is from the Duke of Richmond, who has, certainly, if he is disposed to push it, a prior claim to Lord Sydney’s office; but there is the greatest reason to believe, that he will prefer to remain where he now is. This will, however, be ascertained in a few days, when I write to you again. I think, if all this takes place, it will be a pretty decisive answer to all the ideas that have been thrown out of the King’s wavering; and in that point of view, independent of all others, it is extremely desirable. Under these circumstances, I have no doubt that you will think that I have done right in eagerly embracing the offer which has been made me; and, also, that you will be of opinion that the reversion is much preferable to the office in Ireland, which would, just at this moment, expose me to much unnecessary odium, besides the great inconvenience of a journey to Ireland, in a situation which requires constant residence and attendance.
Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.
A letter from Sir William Young, of the same date, elucidates the imbroglio still farther, and is especially interesting as an illustration of that peculiar trait in His Majesty’s character—his intimate knowledge and curiosity about persons—to which attention has already been drawn. The whole description of the interview with the King is a good specimen of familiar historical painting.
SIR WILLIAM YOUNG TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Old Bond Street, May 16th, 1788.
My dear Lord,
His Majesty honoured me, on Wednesday, with a pretty long conference in the closet; during which we travelled over the whole carte du pays Hibernois. He was, as usual, much more particular in his inquiries about persons than about business; and he seemed to be, above all, very anxious to learn how we stood with Lord Shannon, having learnt from Mr. O. that his Lordship was to be at dagger-drawing with us, on account of his supposed resentment for your Lordship’s supposed ill-treatment of Mr. Adderley. I acquainted His Majesty with the true state of that matter, with Lord Shannon’s very handsome language respecting it, and his friendly and becoming conduct ever since; with which information the King appeared to be highly pleased, and he was even proceeding to animadvert pretty severely upon Mr. O. for having, as he thought, attempted, though ineffectually, to convert this transaction into a source of mutual coldness and mistrust between your Lordship and Lord Shannon; but I thought it right to disculpate my predecessor from this charge, of which I really believe him to be innocent.
The Duke of Leinster’s name too was more than once upon the tapis, and I detailed to His Majesty the whole history of his Grace’s political conduct and professions, from his first interview with your Lordship down to the letter he received from you, in answer to his application for the Mastership of the Rolls; but I said nothing of your future views with regard to that office, neither did His Majesty manifest any desire to be informed of them. In general, he seemed to me to be perfectly au fait of the Duke’s real character, as well as of the character of all the other leading people in Ireland, whom we talked over, each in his turn, not forgetting our friend, the Archbishop of Cashel.
On points of business, as I have said, His Majesty was much more concise, and I do not recollect anything material or interesting that fell from him, unless it be that he expressed the most entire satisfaction in the planning and in the execution of our new military arrangement. I, of course, did not omit to take this opportunity of offering your Lordship’s humble duty to him, together with every suitable assurance of your zeal, &c., for his service; in answer to which he said many very gracious things, and proceeded to question me very closely and very minutely about your and Lady B.’s health, amusements, house, &c.; upon all which points I took care to be very precise and guarded in my answers, having reason to believe that, from the lively interest he takes in your domestic happiness, they will make a deeper impression upon his memory than any other part of our conversation.
Mr. Grenville tells me that he has written to your Lordship to say that he has finally made up his mind to the acceptance of Lord Clanbrassil’s survivance, in lieu of the Mastership of the Rolls; so I conclude that you will by this time have begun your negotiation with the Duke of Leinster, the result of which I am impatient to learn.
I have not yet been able to see either Mr. Pitt or Lord Sydney, but I learnt this morning at the latter’s office that the King had consented that Major Coote should have the lieutenant-colonelcy of the 70th; and the notification of the appointment will, I believe, be sent to your Lordship by tomorrow’s post.
The papers will have informed you, my Lord, of the events of France since my last, and particularly that the Grand Chamber of the Parliament of Paris has refused to become a constituent part of the new Plenary Court; so that some new expedient must in all probability be adopted. The Duke of Dorset writes word that the Parisian public still remain very quiet spectators of these disputes, but it seems that in Brittany they are apprehensive of some very serious troubles, and accordingly a strong reinforcement of troops has been sent to the Commandant of that province, M. de Thiard.
In Holland, the patriotic party, though still sullen and stubborn, seem to have lost all present hope of reinstating themselves in favour; so the Prince of Orange is now King of the Republic, with Sir T. H., Viceroy, over him. The latter will, I believe, be created a Peer in a few days.
The ferment in the city still continues on account of the failure of the cotton-traders, many of whom are, it seems, so deeply involved, that it will be absolutely impossible to devise any artificial mode of bolstering up their credit; and it is to be feared that their failure will occasion very great distress amongst the merchantmen.
I send you, my Lord, two pamphlets upon the subject of this trade, which you will find to contain some very curious and important facts, though perhaps you will not agree with the author in the conclusions he draws from them.
Adieu, my dear Lord. May I entreat you to present my best respects and remembrances to Lady Buckingham. I have seen Lady Carysfort, who is very well, as is also her child, which is the very image in miniature of your Lady Mary.
Another letter of gossip from the same correspondent.
SIR WILLIAM YOUNG TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stratton Street, June 7th, 1788.
My dear Lord
No intelligence having arrived from St. Vincent’s since my last letter, my mind is most restless, and so occupied with the contingencies which another letter may clear up, and decide, either that I am to see my father this summer, or to see him no more, that I am unfit almost for any employment but that of walking to the Royal Exchange and back again, on inquiry after a ship. It is most necessary, however, to the health of mind, to avert it occasionally from such a subject, so doubtful and so covered with gloom; and I cannot better do it than by writing to your Lordship, thus engaging at once my attention under the impulses of sincerest friendship, and grateful sense of duty. Of events in the political circle, to the intelligence of the newspapers of this day, I will add the death of Ashley Cooper, and the succession of Mr. Rose to the office of Clerk of the Parliaments. I understand he will resume, notwithstanding his seat in the Commons, and continue Secretary of the Treasury. It is expected that on Monday will be moved the new writs for Sir L. Kenyon, Chief Justice; Arden, Master of the Rolls; Macdonald and Scott, Attorney and Solicitor-General; and Rose, Clerk of the Parliaments. The marriage of Fox and Miss Pultency is something more than common talk; at the Duke of York’s ball he sat three hours in a corner with her; attends her weekly to Ranelagh, and is a perfect Philander. The Duke of York lives almost with Lady Tyrconnel, and there has been some fracas on Mrs. Fitzherbert declining Lady Tyrconnel’s visits, as a lady whose character is contaminate! These, with the suicide of George Hesse, form the leading topics of the beau monde. Of our political career, I can only say that I made a good guess when I stated the 20th of June as the close of our sessions; the intermediate time has little business pending that will engage debate, excepting the reform of the Scotch boroughs, on which the alternative for or against is equally a Scotch job. Sheridan takes the lead in it, and comes plumed with his laurels gathered in Westminster Hall. His speech there contained some wonderful stroke in the declamatory style, something fanciful, poetical, and even sublime; sometimes, however, bombast, and the logic not satisfactory, at least to my mind. The performance, however, was a work of great industry, and great genius; and he has had compliments enough on it to turn his head, if to those qualities he does not add great good sense; a quality which, the longer I live, the more I am persuaded is the true rara avis, and not much oftener met with than a black swan:—the white swan of Pindar cannot vie in rarity at any rate.
By this post I enclose two copies of the enlarged edition of my pamphlet, with the Poor Bill annexed. It will be carried, if I can depend on present assurances of support; not merely assurances of individual members, but on the actual letters of instruction which several have had from the justices of their respective counties. Adverting to justices, it is agreed in Bucks to respite all appeals and other matters, with exception of gaol delivery, to the Michaelmas Sessions, on account of the interference of the circuit. Poor Major Tomkins so informed me yesterday. We walked together the best part of the morning, and he seemed restored to a greater degree of tranquillity of mind than might so early have been expected. He talks of quitting Weston, and living wholly in London; and wishes to engage his mind by attention to the law professionally. At his time of life, this may answer (if he can now apply) in giving the relief to a mind disquiet in idleness, but hardly can answer in views of business, under technical acceptation of the term. He has, however, such delusion, and it must be an enemy to his repose who undeceives him. My wife desires to be remembered in the best manner to the Marchioness and Mrs. Nugent, with,
My dear Lord,
Your affectionate, faithful, and obliged friend and servant,
W. Young.
Mr. Hastings’ trial was at its height at this time; and Mr. Bernard, Lord Buckingham’s secretary, gives a brief account of Sheridan’s third day. The point, naturally enough, which made the deepest impression on him was the exhibition in evidence of the private letters that passed between Mr. Hastings and his secretary.
MR. BERNARD TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Bolton Street, June 10th, 1788.
My Lord,
I have been this morning at the trial: it was Sheridan’s third day. It was near one o’clock before he began. There was nothing very striking or brilliant in his oratory: he continued for about an hour and a quarter, and then retired. Mr. Adam assisted him in the reading parts; and continued reading after he retired. Presently he made a lame apology for him, saying that he had a very trifling —— without specifying what, whether illness, agitation, or want of due preparation. Mr. Fox soon afterwards made a more complete apology for him, and the Court adjourned; but till what time I have not heard.
I was gratified with the sight as an object of curiosity, but not as affording either pleasure or entertainment. It would seem preposterous to me, if upon any charge against the Government of Ireland, the Lord-Lieutenant’s, or his secretary’s private and separate letters were to be subjected in a Court of Justice to all the acrimonious, malevolent and palpably strained comments that forty of the ablest men of an opposite party could put upon them, particularly without having an equal number of persons of a similar description in point of talents and political weight to defend them. And yet this seems to be the case in the instance of the present tribunal; for the letters read and commented upon to-day, were chiefly of the above description: the letters absolutely official were very little dwelt upon.
Your Excellency’s most faithful and affectionate servant,
S. Bernard.
Lord Bulkeley, whose talents in the way of pleasant gossip appear to such advantage in this correspondence, regards the trial as a nine hours’ wonder. We get the true colour of contemporary opinion out of communications of this intimate and easy class.
LORD BULKELEY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanhope Street, June 14th, 1788.
My dearest Lord,
We have been exceedingly alarmed here, with a report of Lord Temple’s dangerous illness. I called at your brother W. Grenville’s to know the particulars, but did not find him. I then learnt from Fitzherbert that the crisis was happily passed, and that you and Lady Buckingham were released from the melancholy alarms which you both had on so dreadful a visitation of Providence. I hope this letter will find you all as well as you can wish or expect. I do not know how far employment and a great situation compensate to you for other désagrémens; but you seem to me to have sacrificed more than most men in devoting yourself to your present office, and in quitting your comforts in this country. There is no accounting for taste, and that being yours, I cannot help remarking, with much concern, how heavily you have been visited in your domestic enjoyments, by the illness of Lady B. and yourself, and your boy, and by the death of the unfortunate T——ns.
One is apt to imagine that the air of Pall Mall, Paddington and Stowe, would have kept away such heavy misfortunes, and that you would have been easier and happier than you are now. I sometimes think, that idle men with good fortunes are happier than busy men; their enjoyments perhaps are not so acute, but their cares are fewer.
Poor Parry is retired dans ses terres, with a fret on his mind which will probably soon carry him to the churchyard; this has been much increased by a discovery that the Chancellor objected to his competency, at least Pitt says so, and the other does not deny it: between them all he has certainly been very ill-used, and has been led on to expect what was never meant to be given him.
I shall be much obliged to you for the copy of my letter to Pitt, which I enclosed to you in my last letter, as it is the only one I have. It has never been answered, nor has Pitt ever said a word to me on the subject, which I think unhandsome and unkind. He must be the best judge, whether such personal inattentions can ensure the continuance of zeal and activity in his interests of those who plague themselves with counties and boroughs.
I was told yesterday by Lord Lovaine, that the Duke of Northumberland had refused to bring Rose again into Parliament, which shows a coolness between him and Pitt; but I dare say it will not break out into anything like opposition, though a strong report prevails that he has joined Lord Rawdon’s armed neutrality.
Sheridan finished his summing-up yesterday on the Begum charge, and has certainly throughout displayed the greatest and most artful abilities. The Opposition are very anxious to work it up into a flame against Government; but I cannot say at present, that I see anything more in the public than a nine hours’ wonder, and an anxiety for fashion’s sake to get tickets for wives and daughters. What may be the future impression of the public is impossible to say, but it seems to have been an unwise measure originally in Pitt to give such a handle to such able men as those who conduct the prosecution against Hastings; indeed, he seems so sensible of it himself, that he has suffered Sir E. Impey to escape impeachment, and has protected him against it, which I do not know is not a stronger measure than the other would have been.
I shall remain here till the 24th, when I am to receive £2000 from Mr. Campbell; and then, with my debts paid, I shall take Sir George Warren’s, in Cheshire, in my way to Wales, whence, if I can get leave of absence, I shall certainly come over to you for a short time; the Viscountess being inexorable on the bare mention of Dublin, and we all know she is a steady one in her resolutions.
The Fortescues are by this time perched at Castlehill, and he has mounted a cockade in his title to it, of which he is very proud and happy. He is so much liked and esteemed, and so deservedly, that no appointment ever gave more universal satisfaction.
The Nevilles are at Stanlake, and we were invited there next Monday; but they have put us off till the end of the week, so we shall put them off till another opportunity, as I must be in town on the 24th.
Sir William and Lady Williams are preparing for a tour to Switzerland, with your brother Tom; but I should not be surprised, if the scheme, from some cause or other, would fall to the ground, and end in Brighthelmstone, or some sea-bathing place.
I saw your brother Marquis the day before yesterday, who told me, that he heard, with the greatest concern, that your popularity in Ireland was falling apace, and that the candles were out; and concluded by asking me whether I had heard of it, which I assured him I had not. He followed this up by several eulogies on the comforts of Bowood, and of his domestic life. Hah! hah! hah!
Robert Williams has attended his guard duty very regularly, and General Hyde is very well pleased with him; he goes the 24th, for a month, with a detachment to Hampton Court for a month. Lady B. and he beg their love and respects to Lady Buckingham and yourself.
Pray give me two lines, and believe me ever affectionately your friend and servant,
B.
The first intimation of a break in the King’s health appears in June, soon after the birthday. “The King,” writes Mr. Grenville, “has been a good deal out of order, but is recovered.” The heavy calamity impending over the country, the seeds of which were already sown, was little suspected at that moment.
The meditated arrangements in the Administration came to nothing. Personal obstacles first interrupted, and finally frustrated them altogether. As usual, whenever a difficulty sprang up, Thurlow was found the most impracticable man in the Cabinet.
MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, June 23rd, 1788.
My dear Brother,
I mentioned to you in my other letter of this date, that it appeared to me most probable that the arrangement by which I was to succeed to Lord Sydney’s office will not take place till some new opening is made. The fact is, that the plan, as it was originally formed, depended on Lord Mulgrave’s taking Sir Charles Middleton’s office, and thereby opening the whole Pay-Office for Lord Sydney. But this has been found impracticable, both from the difficulty of placing Sir C. Middleton at the Admiralty, and from the great improbability that Mulgrave could be induced in his present frame of mind to undertake the Comptrollership. It has, therefore, been determined that Lord Chatham should take the Admiralty for the present, with no other alteration in the Board except substituting Lord Hood instead of Brett. Leveson Gower and Middleton are on such bad terms, that it would have been impossible for them to have acted at the same Board; and considering Gower’s conduct, his professional character, and his connections, it seemed equally impossible to drive him from it.
This being the case, there will no longer be any opening by which Lord Sydney could have an adequate provision made for him in case of his retiring. You know that I was never desirous, nor indeed should I choose, to press his being removed to make room for me unless it could be done in a manner perfectly satisfactory to himself, or at least satisfactory to Pitt’s mind; and, even as things now stand, it seems impossible but that some such occasion must soon occur. Any vacancy of a sinecure office in England would immediately hold out a retreat for him; any such vacancy in Scotland might be given to Dundas, who would then vacate the Treasurership of the Navy; and any vacancy of one of the ordinary offices of Government might be given to Mulgrave, which would open the Pay-Office. I know that this arrangement would be considered by Pitt as the first object in the disposal of anything that may fall, and I think, therefore, that I am not very sanguine in believing that it is not postponed to any very distant period. Lord Marchmont, Stuart, McKenzie, and Barré, have all them been thought likely to make openings since this business has been in agitation, and there are a variety of other accidents that would answer the same purpose. The enumerating all these chances bears the appearance of more impatience on my part than I really feel, but I do it to satisfy that which I know you will feel on finding that the object is postponed after we thought it so nearly accomplished. For my own part, I repeat what I told you in a former letter, that the circumstances of my present situation, in almost every point of view, and particularly the confidence with which I am treated, leave me very little to look to, or to hope for, from any change that can arise; and for this reason, as long as I keep my rank and pretensions, and do not see others advanced before me, I am by no means anxious for pressing forward the proposed arrangement.
I have tired you long enough about myself, which I should not have done if I was writing to one less interested in that subject than I know you are. There are a few other things which I am glad to take this opportunity of mentioning to you. I do not know whether you will have heard anything of the strange conduct of the Chancellor. When the Rolls were vacated by Sir Thomas Sewell’s death, the office lay between Kenyon and Eyre. The Chancellor felt that he could not avoid offering it to Kenyon, but was at the same time very desirous that he should decline it, in order that Eyre might be appointed. Pitt was, on the other hand, eager that he should take it, in order that Arden might have the Chief-Justiceship of Chester, and he succeeded in persuading Kenyon to accept. From that time, the Chancellor conceived a pique against Arden; and although there is no competition against him, either from Eyre, who is in a better situation, or from any other person that the Chancellor cares for, yet Thurlow has thrown every difficulty in the way of his appointment. Within this last ten days he has refused to take the necessary steps for giving it effect, and has held language which amounted almost to an intention of resigning rather than putting the Seal to Arden’s patent. This conduct was the more intolerable, because some months ago, when Lord Mansfield’s resignation was in question, he had expressly told Pitt that he felt that Arden must have the Rolls, and that though he disliked the appointment, he would not throw any obstacles in its way. I much doubt whether it has originated in any settled disgust, or desire of picking a quarrel, but rather attribute it to the strange temper of his mind, soured at this particular time by the plague of the trial, and by actual illness. It has, however, made it necessary for Pitt to come to an explanation with him, which, though not fully satisfactory to my feelings, has, however, removed any further obstacles to the particular point in question; which had indeed gone so far as to make it utterly impossible for Pitt to recede, whatever had been the consequences. I have given you this story at full length, because I thought you would certainly hear something of it from report, and that you would be desirous of knowing the real particulars of it.
Our cousin of Northumberland, has, I think, decidedly joined the independent party under the auspices of Lord Rawdon and Bastard, and in consequence of this has refused to re-elect Rose. You see this is a pretty strong declaration of hostilities, considering all the circumstances of Rose’s situation in Government, and of his connection with the Duke himself before he became so great a man. It is peculiarly unhandsome after what has passed about the Riband, which, though it could not be given to him, was kept vacant till another fell. The immediate loss to us is very small in point of numbers, as the greatest part of his votes are already in opposition; and considering his character, it is perfectly plain that there was little chance of his giving any substantial assistance at a general election. I only lament, therefore, that he has got his Riband; and for the rest, “I trust we have about the Court, a thousand’s good as he.” And if we had not, we might have them, for offers of negotiation are coming in from all quarters. I believe Lord Beauchamp will be closed with, being only for a Marquisate for Lord Hertford, and the sole question now being the time of doing it. Upon the whole, I am far from thinking that we end the session at all weaker than we began it, notwithstanding some untoward circumstances which occurred. Our foreign politics are going on, in my apprehension, as successfully as possible. The French were beginning to cabal against us at Berlin, but the signature of the Treaty has completely overthrown them there. They were at the same time giving themselves some airs of importance at the Hague. They presented a memorial, complaining in strong terms of the 6th Article of our Treaty, which is unquestionably as offensive to them as it could be. This has not yet been answered, but it will be, and in terms at least as strong as those in which it is couched. Their Ambassador, M. de St. Priest, appears to have had orders to behave in the most offensive manner possible. By great good luck in the first squabble that has occurred in consequence of this, between one of his servants and the mob of the Hague, his man has put himself completely in the wrong; so that when he presented a memorial complaining of the insult offered to a person in his service, he received for answer a letter enclosing copies of the examinations taken before the Court of Justice, and trusting that as those papers evidently proved the violation of their territory by a person in his service, he would not fail to support the complaint which the States-General had already directed their Minister at Paris to make on this subject. I mention all this, not so much for the importance of the thing itself, which will end in a paper war, as for the sake of showing you how much the temper of our friends must be altered, from the time when no persuasion of ours could induce them to act with the smallest degree of vigour or firmness.
I have not seen any account from France since I last wrote to you, but there is a report that Calonne has had an account of further violences at Grenoble. There is no further news of the Imperialists. Fitzherbert seems to expect more from the Russians than I see any reason for. He is, however, unquestionably much better informed on that subject than I can pretend to be. I confess I am very curious to see the effect that will be produced by the Prussian alliance on the minds of the other European powers, but particularly of the French. In the present moment there seems great reason to believe that the two Imperial Courts and France, are each of them dissatisfied with the other two. To a certain degree, it will have a tendency to reunite them; but there are so many causes of jealousy, that I think one need not be very sanguine to disbelieve the probability of any permanent good understanding being established between them.
Nothing could be handsomer than the manner in which the King acceded to the proposal which Pitt made him, of bringing Lord Chatham and myself forward in the manner then intended. He has since spoken to me on the subject in the most flattering terms, and has shown an eagerness to facilitate the arrangement by proposing expedients for removing the only difficulty which delays it.
Adieu, my dear brother.
Believe me ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.
The King’s personal interference in appointments and promotions had produced, on several occasions, remonstrances and complaints from Lord Buckingham, and the judicious zeal of Mr. Grenville was in constant requisition to prevent an open rupture between the Lord-Lieutenant and the Government. Calm and enduring as he was, Mr. Grenville frankly stated to his brother that, although he could never tire of the employment of serving him, his patience was almost exhausted by finding that one case was no sooner settled or compromised (for it generally ended in that way) than a fresh one came upon the tapis. At length, the tenacity of the King on these points wounded Lord Buckingham so keenly, that it very nearly led to the most serious consequences. Lord Buckingham wished to appoint his nephew, Colonel Nugent, to a vacant lieutenant-colonelcy within his own patronage, and through some friendly channel notified or expressed his desire to do so; but the King, without communicating his intentions, or waiting to go through the ordinary official forms, which usually founded such appointments on the recommendation of the Lord-Lieutenant, appointed another person to the vacancy—Colonel Gwynne.
Lord Buckingham felt the slight so acutely, that he threatened to resign; and was probably dissuaded from that step by the counsels of Mr. Grenville, whose wise and temperate letter on the occasion will be read with admiration. Mr. Pitt also interposed, offering to appease Lord Buckingham’s feelings by any course of proceeding which, under the circumstances, could be resorted to for the purpose of relieving the transaction of the appearance of a personal or official indignity. The grounds upon which the royal excuse rested were, that Lord Buckingham’s wishes were not known to his Majesty, and that military appointments were not expressly included in the Viceroy’s patronage.
MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, July 1st, 1788.
My dear Brother,
I received yesterday morning your two letters of the 25th and 27th, and was preparing to answer them to-day, when I received a third letter from you with its enclosures. Nothing could exceed my surprise at reading Lord Sydney’s letters. The only reason of their having been delayed till the 23rd was, that, at my request, Pitt had desired Lord Sydney not to write to you till he could see him, in order more certainly to secure—what I had understood to have been before settled with him—that the thing should not be done in the form in which it has been done. I had never imagined that the thing itself could be pleasing to you, although I certainly entertained no apprehensions of your thinking of quitting your situation, because in a single instance the King’s private wishes had interfered with your patronage. I had, on the contrary, supposed that if it was done in such a manner as to mark, unequivocally, that it was a personal interference of the King’s in behalf of his own aid-de-camp and equerry, and that it was not a competition for patronage on the part of any other person, you would think it right to do what is done in every other department of Government—to acquiesce in it as a thing out of the ordinary course, and as a gratification of the King’s personal wishes. It was under these impressions, that when I was informed of the circumstance by Fitzherbert, on the Saturday morning, I thought it infinitely more desirable for you that I should confine myself to securing that the attention due to you should be preserved in the mode of doing it, and that it should be stated to you in a private letter, and afterwards be carried into effect upon your recommendation, than that I should endeavour to take any steps for inducing the King to withdraw his interference in favour of a man for whom he felt personally interested, and whom he had acquainted with his intentions in his favour. It was very doubtful whether any endeavours of this sort, from whatever quarter they came, could be successful after he was so far engaged; and he could not fail to consider the attempt in the most ungracious light, both with respect to you and to every other person engaged in it. Add to this, that I did not then know that you had any object in it, beyond the common course of army patronage. With respect to what you mention of the aggravation arising from the preference given in this instance over your own nephew, and of its being publicly known in Dublin that Colonel Nugent’s name, and your wishes in his behalf, had been previously stated to the King, I can positively assure you that neither Pitt nor myself, nor even Fitzherbert, as he has expressly told me, had any knowledge of your intention to recommend Colonel Nugent till several days after this transaction passed. Under these circumstances, I cannot still help thinking that I acted right in not taking such steps as must involve you, whether you wished or not, in a personal contest of this nature with the King.
In the point which I did labour, I have failed; but from what reason, or from what fatality, I am utterly at a loss to conceive. It is certainly true that, both in the commission and in the instructions to the Lord-Lieutenant, all military promotions are expressly reserved to the King, and that they do not fall in the line either of those offices which the Lord-Lieutenant himself disposes of, or of those on which the King declares his intention of waiting for the Lord-Lieutenant’s recommendation. But the practice and the understanding certainly is, and it is so recognised in Lord Sydney’s letter, that the Lord-Lieutenant should recommend to all commissions below the rank of Colonel. It is on this ground that I thought, and continue to think, that the King’s wishes only ought to have been intimated to you, and that your recommendation ought to have preceded the appointment. I understood Fitzherbert, at the time, that he had been assured by Lord Sydney that the thing should be done in this mode. To make this more secure Pitt, undertook, as I have before mentioned, to see him before he wrote to you, and as that was impossible before the Monday, he begged him to delay his letter till then. We none of us conceived that the delay of these two days would have afforded you any additional uneasiness, as the whole circumstance would, in the interim, have been stated to you, and explained by Fitzherbert and myself. When I saw Pitt afterwards, he assured me that the thing would be done as I wished it. How it has happened, after this, that you have received the notification exactly in that form which both Pitt and myself laboured so much to prevent, is to me utterly inexplicable. I know that what I am going to say will seem to you extraordinary, and yet I must say it, because it is the real truth: I am still in the entire, firm, and thorough persuasion that there is not in Lord Sydney the remotest wish (as there cannot be the shadow of an interest) to do anything that can be personally offensive, or even disagreeable to you. Pitt, on whose sincerity I have ever found reason to rely, has assured me that he is in the same belief, and Fitzherbert entirely agrees with me. I am to see Pitt again in the course of to-day; but I am not sure whether it will be time enough for this letter. He will have endeavoured to inform himself upon the subject, and to see whether any and what solution can be found for the difficulties which you feel with respect to it. You will, I am sure, feel—and, indeed, your last letter seems to express it—that after what has passed it is impossible to induce the King to withdraw Colonel Gwynne, as that would be a disgrace to which nothing could make him submit, short of a necessity more absolute than he could see in this case. Whatever else can be done you will, I am sure, find Pitt ready and desirous to do. I showed him your letter, which I received to-day; but I had not communicated to him your two former letters, because he is spoken of there in terms very different from what his conduct in this business has merited. Your letter to him was written in a strain of more justice; but it is surely early in this business for you to complain of having been abandoned.
I shall write to you again to-morrow, and it is not impossible that you may receive that letter even before this, as I think I shall avail myself of Bernard’s offer to be the carrier of it. I have written this in the same free and unreserved manner in which I am happy to think our correspondence has ever been carried on; I am not, however, without uneasiness as to the impression which it may make on your mind. I feel the peculiarity of my situation, and the possibility of your thinking that I am biassed by my own personal objects, to lay less stress upon points affecting your honour than I should otherwise do. I have, however, relied on your entertaining a more favourable opinion of me. If I do not grossly flatter myself, I am capable of forming an opinion unbiassed by the considerations to which I allude; especially on points where my own honour, or that which I value as dearly as my own, is concerned. I have examined my own heart, and can say, with confidence, that it is not from personal motives that I speak, when I say that you lay upon these points a degree of weight far beyond what they deserve. If you were in a situation of inferiority or dependance, a watchful attention to everything of this sort would be necessary, and therefore commendable; because, without that, you could not preserve the degree of respect and consideration which is essential to carrying on the duties of your office. In your actual situation, it is surely not doing justice to yourself to talk of being disgraced by such circumstances as these, or to imagine that your consequence can be lessened or impaired by them. With respect to the thing itself, I believe that it never happened to the most absolute Minister that ever governed this country to feel it in his power to exclude all personal interference from the Crown in the nomination to offices. I am sure it is not a matter of policy to any Minister to wish it; and a very little reflection will convince you that such at least is not the system of the present Government, or of the present times. How, then, are you disgraced, because a single instance of this nature occurs within what are understood to be the limits of your patronage? But you will say this may be repeated, and I shall lose the means of carrying on the Government. My answer is, that you will act in Ireland as you would act here in any of the situations of this Government; that the line is perfectly easy to be defined to every man’s understanding, though not reduced to a written rule, and the limits easily seen, where the King’s recommendations cease to be the casual exertions of private favour, and begin to be systematic interferences with the power entrusted to his servants. Ask yourself which is the case in this instance.
I could say much more upon this subject—particularly to state the effect which a resignation on these grounds would have—but I am satisfied, from the tenour of your last letter, that this is a step you will not adopt, except on more pressing grounds.
I have not time to add anything more to this letter—not even those assurances (which are, however, I trust, unnecessary) of my constant, sincere, and zealous affection and interest in whatever concerns you. You shall hear again from me at latest by to-morrow’s post.
Ever yours,
W. W. G.
MR. PITT TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Downing Street, July 3rd, 1788.
My dear Lord,
Nothing could happen to give me more pain than I have felt from the contents of your letter of the 27th, and from the circumstance which gave occasion to it. I trust, however, that on full consideration you will see that there was, in some respects, less ground than you imagined for the feelings under which you wrote, and that what I have to mention to you will do away every idea of your going to the extremity you mention; which you must forgive my saying that the occasion can never justify, either towards the public or yourself. It is most certainly true that the general practice has been, and ought to be, to wait for the Lord-Lieutenant’s recommendation to vacant commissions, and I undoubtedly understood that the King’s wishes respecting Colonel Gwynne were to be privately intimated to you, so as to give you the opportunity of officially recommending them.
I cannot, however, find that the general rule is founded in anything but practice, or that there is any such promise as you suppose in the instructions—that the King will wait for the Lord-Lieutenant’s recommendation to military commissions. There is a clause containing a promise of this nature, but it refers only to ecclesiastical and civil offices; and from the manner in which commissions are mentioned in the preceding article, as well as from the words of the Lord-Lieutenant’s commission, it appears by no means to apply to them. There seems to me, therefore, to be, strictly speaking, nothing irregular in the King’s directing the appointment in the first instance; though I most sincerely wish such a step had not been taken, and am persuaded there is no danger of a repetition of it. I mention this only to show that there is, at least, no such ground for objecting in point of form to this proceeding as to compel you to take it up in the strong manner you meditated.
But whatever weight you might give to this observation, I trust from what you say in your letter, that you can in no degree feel yourself called upon to carry the business any further, unless on the supposition of receiving from Lord Sydney an official answer, justifying his former letter. He is far from having any intention of sending such an answer, and I am sure, I can prevail upon him either to leave your last letter without reply, or, if it will be more satisfactory to you, to let both that and his letter which gave occasion to it be withdrawn from the office. This is all which appears to me to be now possible. The appointment having actually taken place, and being warranted by the letter both of the instructions and the commission, it is impracticable to propose anything which would amount to disavowing the King’s own act, and renouncing a power which, though I hope he will not again be inclined to exercise, he certainly seems to have reserved in his own hands.
I therefore hope that one of the two expedients I have mentioned will appear to you satisfactory, and I shall wait most anxiously to know your wishes on the subject. As to any intention in Lord Sydney or any one else to show any want of attention personally to you, or to the situation you fill, I trust you will feel the impossibility of such an intention existing; because you must know that there can exist no one motive for such an intention, and there exists, in fact, every motive for the contrary.
With regard to the disappointment of your views for Colonel Nugent, I say less on that subject, because, though I most truly regret it, and most anxiously wish to find any means of repairing it, I am persuaded from your letter, and from the nature of the King, that the mere personal disappointment is what you will not allow to influence your determination on a subject of so much consequence to the public service, and to us all. I am satisfied, however, that you will find no difficulty in obtaining your object for him on some more favourable occasion, which I hope may occur before long; and if I can find any way of making any arrangement on this side of the water, which can make an opening earlier than it would otherwise occur, you may depend upon my doing everything I can for that purpose.
I have not time to add more now, but will write in a few days in answer to your former letter. You will easily imagine how impatiently I shall wait for an answer to this.
Believe me ever, my dear Lord,
Sincerely and affectionately yours,
W. Pitt.
I enclose extracts of those parts of the instructions and commission to which I refer.
MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, July 14th, 1788.
My dear Brother,
I now sit down to answer your three letters of the 5th, the 8th, and the 9th, the last of which I received this morning. I am much concerned that anything which I have said respecting this business should have given you the impression of my having treated it with unfairness towards you. I do most solemnly assure you, that in every reflection that has passed in my mind upon the subject, I have endeavoured to put myself in your place, and to ask what line of conduct would be the most desirable for you to adopt, with a view not only to any present impression, but to your permanent reflections upon it. You must allow me to say, that I persevere in my opinion, that your resigning your office on this ground would neither be justified in the opinion of the world in general, nor by your own cooler reconsideration of the subject; and I must beg you to observe that this is not my sentiment only, but that of every one of the few other friends with whom you have communicated upon it.
The only reason which you yourself adduce, in support of such a measure, injurious to yourself and to your friends, is the sort of impression which you say this transaction has made in Dublin. To this I reply, in the first place, that I must still think that you, of all men, who ever held that situation are exactly in those circumstances in which you can have nothing to fear from such an expression; and although I cannot refuse, on your evidence, to believe the actual existence of such an impression, yet I am fully satisfied that it can neither be permanent in its duration, nor mischievous in its effects. But it is surely at least sufficient, even in your view of the subject, if such a solution accompanies this difficulty, as can leave no doubt in the mind of any man that you have weight and influence fully sufficient for carrying on the business of your situation.
It is on this ground that you rest it, and I think with great propriety, in your letter to Pitt, and his answer, which you will receive with this, can hardly fail of proving to you that you was premature in stating yourself to be abandoned by those on whom you had claims. You cannot wonder that I, who had seen the activity and zeal which he has shown in this business, from his first being acquainted with it, should feel hurt at being obliged to put into his hands a complaint from you so little merited. I felt also that in the generality of that expression I was myself involved, and you must allow me to say that I could not reproach myself with having deserved it.
I trust, however, that there will be no occasion for the exertions which Pitt engages himself to make on this subject, and that your proposal will be acceded to by the King without reluctance. It seems to me that Fawcitt shows a real disposition to accommodate the wishes of Pitt and yourself, and that the terms which he proposes are by no means unreasonable. I sincerely hope that you will not find any difficulty in making the arrangement for the sort of intermediate compensation, which is effected before a Government fall. It has occurred to me that, faute de mieux, Hobart’s office might facilitate such a plan. You know, I presume, that he is coming into Parliament here, and, consequently, that he must be desirous of making some arrangement with respect to his office which he cannot well execute by deputy. I have a place to dispose of at Chelsea (the Comptrollership), which might be made worth about £200 or £250 per annum; but it is the sort of office that Hobart himself could certainly not take or execute. I have endeavoured to find some man fit for it, and who could resign to Hobart a place of equal value, but I cannot find such a man. Perhaps, in some way or other, this may be made useful to you; but you must observe that the Comptroller must be a man of steadiness, integrity, and some clearness of head.
I do not know whether Fitzherbert has written to you about Captain Macgrath. The King thinks him entitled to the preference which he claims, but Lord Sydney does not send over the despatch at present, as till this other business is settled it might be unpleasant to you.
I do not very well see how he could avoid sending over Gwynne’s commission to you, as you yourself agree that there could be no idea of the King’s revoking the appointment which he considered as a thing actually done. You will, I trust, unquestionably think it better to issue this commission without waiting the result of your negotiation with Fawcitt, as a few days can make no difference in point of impression with respect to a thing so publicly known, and the appearance of keeping it back is not, I think, what you yourself wish. I confess, I think, there is the same sort of ground with respect to sending over a recommendation ante-dated, which was not a part of Lord Sydney’s proposal as stated to you by Pitt; that was, that both his letter and yours should be withdrawn. There could then remain nothing but the commission, without any trace how it was granted. Whereas, a recommendation of that sort must be felt by the King as putting him avowedly in the wrong, and to a greater extent than ever your construction of your commission and instructions warrants. I think them more disputable than you do, but they were sent not to prove that the notification ought not to have been waited for, but that there was, according to the letter of those papers, no necessity for the recommendation. The mere writing to say that Lord C.’s appointment vacates his lieutenant-colonelcy, is surely no object to you; and a recommendation goes beyond the claim you can urge under the instructions. If you are satisfied with the assurances you have received that the substantial cause of complaint, viz., the interference with your patronage, shall not be repeated, it is surely better to let this business rest, than to squabble with the King about the form of what has been done, and which substantially you cannot alter.
We hear this evening that Lord J. Townshend is to oppose Lord Hood.
Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.
Lord Hood’s contest for Westminster was now dividing the attention of the Government with graver questions. Mr. Grenville and Sir William Young furnish some details, those of the latter bringing the features of the scene vividly before us.
MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, July 30th, 1788.
My dear Brother,
I have not written to you for the last ten or twelve days, on account of my time being wholly taken up with the election. You know me well enough to imagine, that a canvass of this sort for a fortnight together, especially in such a place as Westminster, was no very agreeable undertaking for me. We were, however, in want of nothing but active exertion; and I felt that I owed it to the cause in which we are embarked to set the example. I am persuaded, that if this had been done a little sooner, nothing could have prevented our success; but Lord Hood’s security for the first three days, and his total inactivity for three days more, after the opposition had been declared, gave the enemy so much the start of us, that it is wonderful we should have been able to do what we have. As it is, Townshend will certainly be returned. It is impossible, without more minute inquiry, to speak with real confidence as to the event of a petition. It is unquestionable, that their majority is owing to bad votes, and to bribed votes; but in what proportion, it is not yet possible to say. Before a Committee, it will be easy to detect and strike off the former; but the proof of bribery is often difficult, if not impossible. It must, therefore, depend on a more minute inquiry to decide what probability there is of succeeding in a petition. Even if we fail, this contest has, I am satisfied, laid the foundation of an opposition at the general election, not to Townshend only, but also to Fox. The advantage of this you will easily see, is not the one vote, more or less, in the House of Commons, or any éclat from this particular place; but the benefit we shall derive from carrying the war into their head-quarters, and engaging their attention to one point—an object, which was, I am sure, of the utmost use to us last time.
The election is not yet over, nor will Lord Hood decline the poll. It will, therefore, last till Monday next, unless closed before by the consent of both parties.
Lord Howard’s peerage, with limitation to Neville, is settled; and will, I believe, take place in a fortnight, at furthest. I have this morning received your letter of Saturday last. You do not mention in it what the sort of expectation is which you wish to be enabled to hold out to Doyle in future. I shall, for that reason, not say anything about it to Lord Sydney at present, as nothing could be done in it till the King comes back from Cheltenham; and by that time I may receive your answer, without which I should be embarrassed what to ask or press for.
I have not yet done anything about the Comptrollership of Chelsea. I need not say, that your wishes (especially in behalf of Tompkins, under all the circumstances which interest you for him), are the most powerful of all considerations with me; but I own that, from my knowledge of him, I cannot help doubting how far he is equal to discharge an office of that sort of detail, without involving himself and me in difficulties, which would in the end be greatly distressing, even to yourself. You, however, know him much better than I do; and I should therefore be obliged to you, if you would consider this doubt, and let me know what you think of it.
Lord Chatham is better, and goes on mending; but he is not yet out. As far as I have an opportunity of judging, his appointment has been well received.
I have been so pestered with that Hoghton, and his eternal Ensign Maudesley, that I shall be obliged to write him word, that if the young man will wait upon you, you will see him, which is the only way that I see of putting an end to a weekly correspondence on the subject.
Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.
You have never sent me any answer about the Bucks Justices, by which means I am offending Powis and the rest of them; nor about the Cranbourne chair proposal, by which means that business is delayed.
SIR WILLIAM YOUNG TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
London, August 10th, 1788.
My dear Lord,
The bustle of the Westminster election had thrown me so far in arrears of private business, which pressed upon me in the various items of correspondence, accounts, and papers, that I have been obliged to delay this letter longer than I intended. My attorney hath now his leave of absence from me, to anew paint the green door, and repolish the brass knocker of his country villa. As soon as Lady Y. is sufficiently strong I propose quitting town, remaining ten days at Delaforde, and then proceeding to swim at Southampton or Lymington, having as just claim to breathe a sweeter air as the said attorney.
On Monday last, I quitted for a few hours the Westminster contest, to dine with the Stoke Club, which was well attended, and your Lordship’s venison declared to be in high season. Captain Salter hath suffered some severe loss of fortune from the bankruptcy of the house of Maine, at Lisbon, as I understand; in consequence thereof, he hath let his house at Stoke to Major Masters, and means himself and family to reside at Bath. He hath let his house for £200 per annum, and for a term.
Late in the evening, I hastened back from Slough to protect my house, in case of a riot; but the precaution of the police, in appointing for the occasion some hundreds of extra constables, kept all quiet. The Foxites, aware of the circumstance, sought to arrogate all credit from that tranquillity of the night which they could not prevent, and advertised “be quiet” accordingly. Unprecedented modesty! I could wish to give some idea of the conduct of the party, but cannot convey a just one. On the hustings a daily farce passed, which even those busy in the general scene, but who attended not that spot, can have no conception of.
At dinner, in Downing Street, I was requested to take “my day or two station” on the hustings; it being necessary to have some gentlemen there who might notice procedure, and prevent the high bailiff yielding in every case to the most abject fears on every threat of Mr. Fox, which he did, insomuch that Lord Apsley and myself were obliged to threaten him with a prosecution. On the hustings were posted a set of young men, neatly dressed in blue and buff for the occasion, blacklegs from all the race-courses, and all the Pharo and E.O. tables in town. Their business was to affront every gentleman who came on the hustings without their livery. “You lie!” “Who are you? damn you!” and a variety of such terms echoed in every quarter; something of the sort soon tingled in my ears.
On observing a dirty-looking man encouraged to swear, and not mind that fellow, meaning your humble servant, I could not refrain expressing my disgust, at hearing even invitations to a disregard of perjury; on which, Counsellor Garrow, of Newgate education, addressed me with, “Damn your eyes and limbs! and who are you, who give yourself these airs?” Having made up my mind to put a stop, in limine, to such mode of address, I gave him my card, and told him we had better settle the rest of the business elsewhere, “and immediately.” He was for the first time in his life abashed, and made excuses, which I gladly enough accepted; observing aloud, that being incapable of using an illiberal term, I should in similar manner insist on none being used towards me. I was afterwards treated civilly for that place. I have mentioned the above anecdote, as characteristic of the deportment of the blue and buff for special purpose of clearing the hustings; and too often they succeeded, occasioning moderate men, who did not choose to commit themselves, to withdraw; and thus getting whole divisions of the hustings to themselves, where they polled every beggar from the streets. The question is not of title to vote in most cases, but of identity; most families being at this season out of town, a rascal was found to personate every absentee. The suborners of perjury not regularly conferring, very many instances occur of an absentee being represented by four or five, all admitted to vote on their mere attestation.
The petition, I understand, will be founded on bribery, as well as other allegations of violence, and false votes. Details of bribery advanced are numerous, and well attested; but I doubt if it can be brought home to direct agency. The publicans, who immediately distributed the money, whom we know, and who may turn informers to save themselves, will probably only have to tell us of a false name and a disguised person; however, Lord Hood and his solicitors are more sanguine.
It is generally understood that future elections in Westminster are to be regulated by a new statute, the heads of which are to be: parochial polls, churchwardens and overseers, and inspectors, and parish rate-books conclusive, if against any voter—that is to say, if his name is not there.
Our second dinner of the Constitutional Club, on Wednesday, went off exceedingly well, and may prove a good political net to catch young men just launching into the world from College. Such use hath been made of the Whig Club, and something was wanting to counteract. Other good effects, not merely confined to a Westminster election, may too have place. In short, the late business seems to have awakened us all to our good cause and just political interests, as well as to have drilled us against the period of our being called out to the general election.
I shall not leave town till the 1st of September, and ere I quit it shall again make my remittance of such news as occurs.
My last boy is a fine fellow, and my wife is as well as possible. She desires in the best manner to be kindly remembered to the Marchioness, with, my dear Lord, your ever affectionately faithful, and obliged friend and servant,
W. Young.
If we did not know that matters of higher import engaged the attention of the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, it might almost appear that his chief business consisted in controlling the pretensions of a variety of persons to every office that fell vacant, and of keeping a host of disappointed expectants in check and good-humour, so large a space does this matter of patronage occupy in the semi-official correspondence of the period. Amongst the most urgent of them was the appointment of Fitzgibbon (afterwards Earl of Clare) to the Chancellorship of Ireland, which Lord Lifford was daily expected to resign.
Lord Lifford seems to have been a man of limited capacity and singular simplicity of character, formal and credulous, and tedious in his intercourse with the world. His letters to Lord Buckingham, written in a great clerkly hand, are full of solemn platitudes and ceremonious civilities; and whatever other excellent qualities he possessed, it cannot be inferred that he was a man of much mental reach or vigour. Obsolete in manners and ideas, and living in the modes of a past age, he was respected for the sincerity of his disposition and the rectitude of his character, rather than for the strength or activity of his intellect. In his seventy-fourth year he came over to London to resign the Seals to His Majesty, laden with the burden of years and hypochondriacal infirmities; yet, up to the last, vacillating in his resolution. Lord Mornington, who met him at dinner at Pitt’s during this visit, says: “I met old Lifford at dinner at Pitt’s, and never saw him look in better health or spirits; he is, as you may well believe, most generally quizzed in London.” The letter in which he announces to Lord Buckingham his intention of resigning of the Seals, after many misgivings before he could make up his mind to it, is thoroughly characteristic.
LORD LIFFORD TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Royal Hotel, Pall Mall,
Saturday, August 30th, 1788.
My very good Lord,
My complaints at times to your Excellency, and my apprehensions expressed to you that bodily weakness and the infirmities of old age were coming upon me apace, will prevent your Excellency from being much surprised when I tell you that my journey hither, which at first I thought would have relieved me, hath served only to confirm me in the apprehensions I had conceived that the hour of infirmity, which is an enemy to all exertion, and first weakens and slackens the course of business, and soon afterwards disables, was not far off.
I now grow so clumsy and weak in my limbs, and so soon grow tired and fatigued to a degree painful to me, that although my mind seems as well as ever, yet I am sure that I cannot long do my duty, and there is nothing I dread so much as sitting upon a great seat of justice as a kind of ruin, and in a state of decay. In my seventy-fourth year, I am not sure that avarice may not lay hold of me, and tempt me to stay where I am, until I feel or am made to feel, by being told that I have stayed too long; and that peevishness too, an attendant upon old age, may not put an end to that command of temper, which I have ever endeavoured to preserve; and that, with such enemies to fair fame, I may soon impair and sully the character and esteem which I may at present have.
Under these impressions, my wishes to retire become divided, which they were not until within these few days past. I should have been happy in first declaring this to you, wishing in everything to do that which but expresses my sincere attachment to and regard for your Excellency. But being going into the royal presence, I resolved to lay myself at His Majesty’s feet, and express to him my apprehensions and my wishes to retire, if I could do so in a manner honourable and convenient to myself, when His Majesty’s service would admit of it. Accordingly, yesterday, in the closet, I did as I had resolved. His Majesty’s kindness and goodness to me was beyond what I can express. Retirement, before decay actually comes on, meets his ideas perfectly; and I have every reason to think that I am lucky in the choice I have made of the present opportunity.
I have also communicated my wishes to Mr. Pitt, who received me with attention and kindness. He said he would confer with His Majesty upon the subject, and forthwith communicate the matter to you, without whose participation and concurrence I cannot be at ease and happy. Upon a measure of such importance as this is to me, I exceedingly wish that you should be possessed of the motives and principles upon which I act; and I will state them to you without reserve. But permit me first to say, that I hope and think that avarice cannot be imputed to me; for, parting with £10,000 per annum, for what must be greatly below it, excludes the imputation. Ambition must be equally out of the question, for I want no advancement in the Peerage.
Now, as to my motives and principles at this time. I am in my seventy-fourth year, and although my mind, assisted by experience for a number of years, that makes few things new to me, may be as good as ever, yet the weakness of my limbs, my inability to go through any bodily fatigue, and many other monitions that tell me the day of great infirmity is at hand, ought not to be unattended to by any man who hath sound sense or any religion about him.
I stand well, as I flatter myself, with the people of Ireland, to whom I have administered justice for more than twenty years, with both Houses of Parliament, and with the Bar of Ireland; with all of whom I have lived without a quarrel with any man, but I hope without forgetting what belonged to me to be mindful of.
The country of Ireland quiet beyond what I have known it at any time: a circumstance corresponding and consisting with my declarations, at all times, that I would not ever be found to act like a man who leaves the ship in a storm. And to these I hope I may add that I have friends in Administration; that, in particular, I have a friend in your Excellency; and that, although in one of our last conversations you concluded your expressions of great kindness with something that threatened reluctance to my retirement, yet it was done with a countenance and in a manner that flattered me with hopes that there was a friendship under it, that would afford me your assistance whenever the occasion should direct me to look up to and solicit your Excellency for it.
All these circumstances concurring (and so many concurring together I cannot, according to a reasonable calculation of human affairs, much expect), determined me to do as I have done. I have struggled to overcome my passion for my office in Ireland; but I submit, because I am worn out, or rather am as near being worn out as, I think, a man who wishes to preserve a dignity of character should approach to. I have exceedingly wished to afford your Excellency every assistance in my power during your Administration; and if I retire from the Great Seal, I shall most certainly retain that wish, and display it by such proof as you can desire, and as I can with the warmest attachment afford you. Your Excellency will be a gainer by a change, as you will have the exertions of a younger and more vigorous man, and my best help added to it.
I did not come out of the King’s closet until between six and seven yesterday evening, and I was then so fatigued that I could not set pen to paper.
I have not said anything upon this subject to anybody here, save only to the King and Mr. Pitt.
Permit me to beg your Excellency’s friendship in this matter, that so much concerns me and my family. Your kindness in it, you may rely upon it, will never be forgotten by me, and I shall transmit the remembrance of it to those who are to come after me. I have now done, and have the honour to be, with the most sincere attachment and respect, my very good Lord, your Excellency’s most faithful and most obedient, humble servant,
Lifford.
His Excellency the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland
The only obstruction to the appointment of Fitzgibbon, was the disqualifying circumstance of his birth. It was held to be a dangerous precedent to appoint an Irishman to the office; but it was maintained on the other side, that Fitzgibbon’s was an exceptional case, and could not pass into a precedent. Having come to London, to see Mr. Pitt on the subject, he writes thus to Lord Buckingham:
MR. FITZGIBBON TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
No. 5, Arlington Street, Oct. 6th, 1788.
My dear Lord,
Immediately after my arrival in England I saw Mr. Pitt, and mentioned to him that I had your Excellency’s authority to say that Lord Lifford had, a very few days before he left Ireland, intimated a wish to resign the Great Seal. Under the impression of the opinion you were so good to give me, I did not go further than to request of Mr. Pitt that he would apprise me of any vacancy which might happen in the first instance, that I might have a fair opportunity of stating my claims, which I considered to be pretty strong, upon the King’s Government, not to be passed by in any promotion which might take place in the line of my profession. This he has promised to do; but I have not since heard from him. However, I waited upon the Chancellor a few days since, and he told me that Lord Lifford had, when he was in town, intimated his wishes to Mr. Pitt, as he had done to your Excellency, not to return to Ireland. I am confident, however, that nothing is finally arranged, either with respect to accepting Lord Lifford’s resignation, or appointing a successor to him, or I should have heard from Mr. Pitt.
The Chancellor’s reception of me was very flattering, as he was pleased unequivocally to declare his good opinion of me as a public and a professional man; and from what fell from him, I have reason to suppose that with your Excellency’s support, and Mr. Pitt’s approbation, I shall not meet any opposition from him. What Mr. Pitt’s sentiments upon the subject may be, I have not a conjecture, as he never in any degree opened himself to me, further than in general terms of his personal good opinion of me. With him, however, I must conclude that your Excellency’s recommendation would be decisive.
Lord Lifford returns to London on the 20th of this month, and I must suppose that very shortly after, something decisive will be done. One thing is extremely clear—that if he should return to Ireland, he cannot very long remain in his present situation. And, circumstanced as I am in that country, your Excellency cannot wonder that I wish fairly to see my way. I shall therefore certainly endeavour, before I leave London, to possess myself of Mr. Pitt’s sentiments upon this subject; to which end, it will be very material to me that he should be possessed of your Excellency’s. May I therefore request of you, to give me such an answer to this letter as I may show to him. Your Excellency, I am satisfied, most perfectly understands, that I am not by any means anxious to quit my present situation, and that so long as I continue to hold it, I will continue to serve the Crown with zeal and fidelity. My only object at present is, fairly to know the ground upon which I stand on this side of the water. The very open and friendly communications which your Excellency has had the goodness to make to me from your first arrival in Ireland, leave me no room to doubt of my situation there.
I have the honour to be, my Lord, with perfect respect and esteem, your Excellency’s obedient and very humble servant,
John Fitzgibbon.
His Excellency the Marquis of Buckingham.
Up to this time, notwithstanding the interview with the King, Lord Lifford had not relinquished the Seals. Lord Buckingham was in favour of Fitzgibbon’s claims, but seems to have been a little plagued by the incessant correspondence in which they involved him, especially as he had strong reasons for desiring to postpone the retirement of the Chancellor. “I again say,” he writes to Fitzgibbon in one of the numerous epistles this affair cost him, “that nothing will make me happier than your success; but for very many reasons, which I frankly stated to you, I trust that the opening will not be made immediately, and I as fairly tell you that I will not facilitate it. You know what I mean by all this mystery.” He did not facilitate it; and Fitzgibbon was compelled to wait upon the convenience of Government.
In the meanwhile, some new vexations had arisen between Lord Buckingham and the Ministry; but what they were, does not appear.
MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Castlehill, Sept. 20th, 1788.
My dear Brother,
Your letter of the 14th reached me here this morning. I say nothing to you of the feelings which have been excited in my mind, by your detail of the particulars of your situation, because I am sure that you do justice to my sentiments on such a subject. Pitt has written to desire me to meet him at Burton on Monday next; and in the present state of this business, I feel peculiarly anxious for an opportunity of conversing with him upon it.
It is unquestionably better in every point of view, that I should have such an opportunity before I go over to you; and I am persuaded you would not wish me to neglect this. After I have seen him, as I shall then be within little more than a day’s journey from town, I shall wish to return there for a day or two, even if I should immediately afterwards set out for Ireland. But you may assure yourself, that if I should see any reason to think that my going over there could be of the least service, or advantage to you, I will not let any personal inconvenience stand in the way of it so long as it continues possible.
It gives me an inexpressible satisfaction to find, from your letter, that Pitt’s conduct to you in this instance has been such as I expected. If I am not grossly deceived in the opportunities which I have had of observing his character and disposition, you will find his behaviour uniformly the same on every other occasion that may occur. I make you no assurances on this occasion with respect to myself, having a pleasure in thinking them unnecessary.
I confess the motive for this whole transaction, in the quarter where it evidently originates, is to me utterly inexplicable; the whole being so entirely inconsistent with every idea that I can form to myself of his situation, his present or future views, his interest, or his personal feelings. I by no means think the circumstance which you mention sufficient to afford a clue for it; and the more I reflect upon it, the more incomprehensible it seems to me.
Adieu, my dear brother; whatever, and wherever you are.
Believe me ever most sincerely and affectionately yours,
W. W. G.
MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
(Most Secret.) Whitehall, Oct. 22nd, 1788.
My dear Brother,
I have just received your letter of the 18th. You will have seen, by my last, the delay which has arisen in examining Lord Nugent’s papers, and proving his will, on account of the absence of Macnamara and the Drummonds. I sent off a messenger to the former immediately after I had written to you; and have received an answer from him, by which I understand he will be in town on Thursday night.
23rd.—I was interrupted yesterday, and could not, by any contrivance, return to finish my letter, though I was anxious that you should hear from me, that there has as yet been no sort of difficulty or interruption; and I conclude, therefore, that there will be none.
I have forwarded your letter to the Chancellor, and added to it one from myself. I mean, if possible, to see him, though that, you know, is no easy matter, as I understand the Duke of Grafton is asking it, at Selby’s request, for a man who was active against me. I could wish that you would write Wodley a few lines, to explain that you were hampered by former engagements, &c., as I found from a conversation with Camplin, that he had been perfectly satisfied with the explanation you had with him on the subject of Newport, and that he was in expectation of having this. Camplin thinks him of considerable importance.
My impatience, in the letter to which your last was an answer, was owing to my having made no allowance for east winds, which detained the mail near a week, and brought me two of your letters together. You must, therefore, excuse a very unprovoked lecture on punctuality.
I wish I could say to you that anything more is done about your commissions; but this has been, and continues to be, absolutely impossible, for a reason which gives us all no small degree of uneasiness—I mean the King’s illness, which begun with a violent spasmodic attack in his stomach; and has continued with more or less violence, and with different symptoms ever since. We put as good a face as we can upon it; and, indeed, I hope that the danger is now over, but I cannot but own to you that I think there is still ground for a good deal of alarm. He brought on this particular attack by the great imprudence of remaining a whole day in wet stockings; but, on the whole, I am afraid that his health is evidently much worse than it has been, and that there is some lurking disorder in his constitution, which he has not strength to throw out. I have again mentioned to Pitt the subject of the commissions; and he has promised to endeavour to bring it to a conclusion as soon as the King is sufficiently recovered to allow him to see him on that business. But this may yet be some time, as a part of the King’s disorder is an agitation and flurry of spirits, which hardly gives him any rest. I need not mention to you, that I should not allow myself to say all this, but in the strictest confidence, and that, independently of the King’s great dislike to its being known that he is ill, we have the strongest reasons of policy, both foreign and domestic, in the present moment particularly, to wish that idea not to prevail.
Your conjecture about Denmark and Sweden, and your subsequent reasoning upon it, are both perfectly just. The Cabinet of the former is, in the present moment, entirely subservient to the views of Russia, which are to annihilate Sweden, and thereby to gain the entire dominion of the north. Both Prussia and England have a strong and evident interest to prevent the accomplishment of this plan, but it can be done only by a vigorous exertion. Such an exertion is now making; and I certainly think that if we had any enemies able to stir, it would involve us in a most unwelcome, though necessary war. But I rely with no little confidence upon the weakness of France, whose difficulties, instead of being at all diminished, are hourly increasing; their public credit falling even below what it was at the time of Neckar’s appointment, and their discontents again getting to the most serious pitch. Add to this, that we have every reason to believe that we have the concurrence and good wishes of Spain in the object which we are pursuing, and I think we have, I may say, nothing to apprehend from measures which would, in any other situation of Europe, be most critical indeed. The K. of P. has already required Denmark to evacuate Sweden, under the threat of the invasion of Holstein; and we are seconding him with remonstrances very near as strong, though couched in more conciliatory terms. It remains to see what she will do.
I am called away, and have only time to add that the account of the King this morning, from Sir G. Baker, is much more favourable; and that if he does well, there is a plan now, I believe settled, by which the arrangement about which you inquire will certainly take place before the meeting of Parliament.
Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.
The lecture on punctuality alluded to, occurs in a previous letter, in which Mr. Grenville said: “I earnestly wish you would answer the questions I put to you about your own business with a little more punctuality. I know your other avocations; but you cannot conceive how distressing your silence often is to me.”
In the above letter, which is marked “most secret,” we have the first announcement of the King’s illness and its origin. The utmost pains were taken to conceal it from the public; and two days afterwards the King went to the levée, to dissipate suspicion. “I find from Pitt,” says Mr. Grenville, writing on the 25th, “that the King went to the levée yesterday, in order to show himself, but that he was very weak and unfit for business.” The effect of the appearance at the levée is subsequently described.
MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, Oct. 26th, 1788.
My dear Brother,
I am very sorry to be obliged to give you a less favourable account of the King’s health than that which you received by my last letter. His appearance at the levée on Friday was an effort beyond his strength, but made with a view of putting an end to the stories that were circulated with much industry. He has, however, considerably weakened himself by it, and his physician now declares that rest, and an absolute cessation from all business, are of indispensable necessity to him. I am much mortified at the delay which this occasions in the final conclusion of the business about your commissions; but you must easily see that, in the present crisis, it must be productive of other bad consequences, which you would yourself think of more importance. God knows what the result of it will be. The present situation is sufficiently embarrassing; but if it turns out ill, all sense of personal inconvenience, mortification, or disappointment, will, I fear, be lost in considerations of infinitely greater moment. At present, however, there is, I believe, unquestionably no danger; but I cannot divest myself of the persuasion that these are only the symptoms of some disorder lurking in his constitution, and which he has not sufficient strength of habit to throw out. I need not say that you may depend upon hearing from me as often as I hear anything authentic as to his situation, and that if I do not write constantly, it will only be because I have nothing new to communicate on which I can at all depend.
There are no fresh accounts from the Bannat. The troops of Denmark, acting in Sweden, had agreed on the 10th to a suspension of hostilities for eight days, and there seemed reason to hope that this period would be prolonged. They had passed the Gothelba on which Gothenburg stands, but had retreated again beyond it.
27th.—I have heard no further account of the King. The story which you will see in the papers about Lord Holland, is, I believe, utterly unfounded. I have found the list of the deeds, &c., contained in the iron chest. Camplin says that Colonel Nugent has two duplicates of it. I have therefore directed him to send the list itself over to you by this day’s post. You will see that Lord G. B.’s renunciation deed is not mentioned in the list; and Camplin, who made the list, says he never heard of it.
Ever yours,
W. W. G.
The letters that follow, depict the distressing anxieties which, day by day, throughout this painful interval, attended the progress of the fatal malady.
MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall,
Nov. 5th, 1788, Five o’clock.
My dear Brother,
I have delayed till this hour writing to you to-day, as I have nothing of any consequence to write about, excepting the King’s health; and I wished to send you the account which I have just received from Pitt, and which I now enclose. The general alarm on the subject is very great, and it is impossible not to feel that so long an illness without much amendment, if any on the whole, and without coming to any crisis, has a most serious appearance. You may naturally conceive the exultation, not wearing even the appearance of disguise, which there is in one party, and the depression of those who belong to the other. I think some few days more must now decide the point, not, perhaps, by the blow actually happening within that time, which I trust there can be no reason to fear, but by showing whether he has strength sufficient in his constitution to throw out the disorder which is evidently lurking in it, and which will otherwise infallibly destroy it by no very slow degrees.
Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.
MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, Nov. 7th, 1788.
My dear Brother,
I waited yesterday before I wrote to you, in the hopes of seeing Pitt, who had promised to call upon me, and carry me to the place where we were to dine; but he was delayed by a visit from the Chancellor so long, that I found myself too late for the post.
I sincerely wish that I had better news to communicate to you; but I believe you must consider the thing as completely over. The King has now been two days entirely delirious, and during part of the time has been thought to be in the most imminent danger. It now appears that Warren, Heberden and Sir G. Baker, who are the three physicians who attend him, profess themselves unable to decide whether the disorder is or is not of such a nature as may soon produce a crisis which may lead either to health or death. The other alternative is one to which one cannot look without horror—that of a continuance of the present derangement of his faculties, without any other effect upon his health. He is certainly at present stronger in body than he has been, but I understand with much fever. I believe the general idea of his danger is now very prevalent; but we endeavour (I know not with what success) to keep these particulars as much as we can from the public. I have ventured to write this and a former letter by the post, because you do not seem to have entertained any apprehensions that, under the sort of precautions which I take in sealing, &c., this mode is unsafe; and I think they are such as must have enabled you to detect any improper tricks being played. The sending a messenger would give so much alarm, that I thought it much better to avoid it. If the event happens, which there is now so much reason to dread, it is possible that I may have much to write to you, and I should not then have the same confidence in the post. For this reason I have enclosed a paper, of which you know the use. It is a transcript of what you left with me, which I have been prevented sending you before, and cannot send now. Bernard can supply it in a temporary manner with pasteboard.
Fox is not yet returned, nor have we as yet any ground for judging of the immediate measures which would be taken, beyond those which result from former conduct and language.
Since I wrote the above, I understand that Lord Sydney sends off a messenger. Lest, however, there should be any mistake in this, I send this letter by the post. The enclosure I will send by the messenger.
I received your letter of the 3rd this morning. You may easily conceive that I cannot now enter into the particulars of it. I will only say that, with regard to the papers, I am persuaded that, if you yourself have an opportunity of conversing with M. (as is perhaps too probable), there will be no difficulty in anything which you desire.
Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.
There is one point on which I much wish for your answer, with as little delay as possible. Suppose an immediate dissolution, and an opposition started in Bucks—as will certainly be the case, either for one or both members—would you have me stand? I mention this, because the delay may be decisive.
MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Nov. 7th, 1788.
My dear Brother,
I have written to you by this day’s post, and now take the opportunity of Lord Sydney’s messenger. I am afraid that it would be very sanguine indeed to say that there is even any hope that the King will recover both his health and his understanding, though the physicians do not say that it is absolutely impossible for his disorder to have a crisis which may produce such an effect. His disease is now almost entirely confined to his brain. He has all along had an agitation of spirits, which has been gradually increasing; and for these two days he has been quite delirious. It is apprehended that this is the effect either of water on the brain, or of an ossification of the membrane. If it is only an humour checked, it is still possible that he might throw it out by some violent crisis, such as either to destroy him, or entirely to restore him. But this, I again repeat, there seems little reason to hope.
If his indisposition of mind continues, without some more material bodily illness, he may live years in this melancholy state; and this, of all events that can happen, is perhaps the most to be feared. He was, however, thought yesterday to be in imminent danger of death. Should this not happen, but the other, it seems generally agreed that the Prince of Wales must be appointed Regent, with kingly power.
We have no grounds on which to judge of our own situation, except from such conjectures as you are equally able to form on the grounds of the P.’s former conduct and language.
He sent yesterday for Thurlow to Windsor; and about half an hour ago, Pitt received a note from the Chancellor, who is returned to town, saying that the P. had commanded him to desire Pitt’s attendance at Windsor to-morrow morning at eleven.
Pitt is gone to call upon the Chancellor, to learn the nature of his conversation of yesterday. We understood that the object of his going down yesterday was only that he might be consulted as to the steps that might safely be taken with the King in his present unhappy situation. The message of to-day looks like something more, though it seems too early for any negotiation, even if other considerations made that probable.
Fox is out of England, but has, as we understand, been sent for. It appears a great question whether they will offer any negotiation, or, if they do, what measures ought to be pursued. I think the opinions rather lean to the idea that Pitt cannot at once decline all negotiation, but that he will be sufficiently grounded in refusing to listen to any proposal that shall not leave him in his present situation, from whence he cannot be removed without disgrace and degradation.
I need not say, that I am very desirous of knowing your sentiments on the possible circumstances that may arise out of this melancholy event, and that without them, I shall enter into no engagements with a view to any new Government.
As these events may possibly produce much interesting discussion, which I should be unwilling to trust to the post, I have enclosed a transcript of our cypher, not having got a duplicate. It can easily be made for present use either with paper or pasteboard.
Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.
My own persuasion is, that they will not attempt to negotiate at all, but turn us all out at once, which I am sure is the thing we ought most to wish. I trust I am not mistaken in the confidence that you wish, in this, or indeed any other course that this situation may give rise to, that I should act in the fullest concert with Pitt; whom, indeed, I could not desert without the most despicable ingratitude.
MR. NEVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanlake, Nov. 7th, 1788.
My dearest Lord B.,
I have but one moment, before the post goes out, to tell you that I am this instant returned from Windsor; and find from the best authority that the King’s life is unfortunately despaired of. Warren, Heberden, Baker, and Reynolds are attending. I believe the fever has settled on the brain, as there is much delirium. The Chancellor was at Windsor last night, and all the Princes of the Blood are sitting up in the next room to him. The Queen has had fits, but is better to-day.
Doubtless your situation will enable you to hear sooner and more authentically, but I could not avoid giving you myself this lamentable detail.
The Prince seems frightened, and was blooded yesterday.
Kate undertook to write in my name to Hester, instead of you and Lady B. I sincerely condole with her, and hope soon to hear a better account of her.
Ever yours most affectionately,
R. A. Neville.
LORD SIDNEY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
(Most Private.) Whitehall, Nov. 7th, 1788.
My dear Lord,
It is with the utmost concern and mortification that I am under the necessity of acquainting your Excellency of the dangerous state in which His Majesty’s health has been for these last two days. Notwithstanding the various reports which you may have seen, real symptoms of danger did not appear till yesterday. The disorder, about the middle of yesterday, attacked His Majesty’s head, and he has had a very indifferent night, and, I am afraid, is not much better to-day.
The Queen supports herself with her usual good sense and fortitude, but is still much affected both in health and spirits, though tolerably composed.
His Majesty, during his whole illness, has had the consolation of receiving the unremitted attention of the whole Royal Family, of the value of which he has shown himself affectingly sensible.
In short, my dear Lord, the case may not be desperate; but it is full of extreme danger. God send us a happy issue of it.
My best respects to Lady Buckingham and Lord Temple. I write, as you may imagine, in great confusion and anxiety.
I am, with great esteem and regard,
Your Excellency’s most obedient, humble servant.
MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, Nov. 8th, 1788.
My dear Brother,
I am afraid that I shall be obliged to send this letter away without any particular or authentic account of the King. Pitt is gone down to Windsor this morning, and is not yet returned; unless he comes back before the post goes out I shall have little more than common report to send you.
I understand the immediate object of the Prince’s desiring to see him, was to inquire about a paper which the Queen imagined the King had put into Pitt’s hands respecting an arrangement for the younger part of his family; but Pitt has no such paper.
The latest authentic account I have seen, was a note which Pitt received from Sir G. Baker, about nine yesterday evening, and which was, therefore, probably written about six or seven. He then says that the King appeared better in his health, but that there seemed reason to fear that his delirium would be permanent. And this, I am sure, you will agree with me in thinking the worst thing than can happen.
Since that, the idea is, as far as I can collect from a variety of different reports, that his fever was considerably increased afterwards, and that between two and four this morning he was in the utmost danger, but that he is since better. One account adds, but I am afraid to give credit to it, that he was relieved by the bursting of a swelling on one of his legs, and by a very great discharge from it. Some crisis of that sort is unquestionably the only thing to which we can look with any reasonable ground of hope for the recovery both of his health and of his faculties. But this very consideration makes me very backward in giving credit to this report, unless it had more foundation than any which I can trace for it.
In the event which Sir George Baker’s note gives reason to apprehend, there will be the greatest embarrassment as to the mode in which it is possible to proceed to any appointment of a Regent. The Parliament is now prorogued only till the 23rd instant, and must meet at that time, because no person but the King has authority to prorogue it further. But, as you well know, Parliament cannot proceed to business without the session being opened by the King, or by some Commission authorized by him. No Regent can be appointed or authorized to exercise acts of royal authority but by Act of Parliament; nor can any such Act be valid and binding in law without the King’s consent.
The Revolution affords the only thing like a precedent even for the principles on which we can proceed; and yet that is a case widely different from the present, because then the person possessed of the right was declared either to have abdicated that right, or forfeited it, or both. Here the King may not live many years under an incapacity of exercising the right, and yet may afterwards be restored to his faculties.
It is a heavy calamity that is inflicted upon us in any case except that of his perfect recovery; but in the event which there seems most ground to fear, it may give rise to serious and difficult questions, such as cannot even be discussed without shaking the security and tranquillity of the country.
I am obliged to close this letter without any more information.
Ever yours,
W. W. G.
MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, Nov. 9th, 1788.
My dear Brother,
I am much concerned that I was obliged to send off my letter yesterday evening, and the rather as there will be no opportunity of sending this till to-morrow. I find that there was not the least foundation for any part of the reports which I mentioned to you.
Pitt came back last night. He said the physicians do not apprehend present danger, but that their fear is that the insanity will be permanent, but they will not pronounce anything yet. The Prince had a long conversation with him relating to the King’s situation, but nothing from which he could collect what he thought of doing in the two cases that may arise. The general notion is, that he will try to negotiate with Pitt from the fear of his popularity; but I do not think it probable. He treated Pitt with civility, but nothing more.
MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Sunday, Nov. 9th, 1788.
My dear Brother,
There was no truth in any of the reports which I mentioned to you in my letter by the post yesterday. Pitt came back to town last night about nine, and afterwards called here. He had seen all the physicians, and had much conversation with them. They seemed still unwilling, or unable, to decide as to the nature of his disorder; but Warren appeared to incline to the opinion of an ossification. They told him that they had determined, as an experiment, to give the King medicines to remove his fever, in order to observe whether this produced any effect on the state of his mind, and to draw an inference from that whether the disorder on his brain was connected with the fever. They accordingly gave him two doses of James’s powder in the course of the day, but without any other effect than lowering his pulse; and this morning we have the severe mortification of hearing that a third dose has operated by a profuse perspiration, so as almost entirely to remove the fever, but that the state of his mind continues unaltered. The physicians, however, all agree that it must still be at least a fortnight before they can venture even to pronounce that it is a disorder of the brain. That even in that case they can give no further opinion; that disorders of that sort are of all others those that are least understood; and that this may continue for many years, or may suddenly leave him, or as suddenly kill him.
I need not tell you the effect which this dreadful calamity produces. Pitt had yesterday a long conference with the Prince; but it turned chiefly on the situation of the King, and the state and progress of his disorder. Nothing passed from which any conclusion can be drawn with respect to future measures. He treated him with civility, but nothing more.
The general idea is that they mean to try a negotiation. But whether the Prince means that, and whether Pitt ought in any case to listen to it at all, or in what degree, are questions which it is difficult indeed to decide. There could never be a more favourable moment for Pitt’s leaving the Government, with a view to his own credit and character. But then, on the other hand, his own personal situation must be so embarrassed: there is so much danger of an imputation of pride, and a factious desire of keeping alive differences, that my opinions fluctuate almost from hour to hour. I am still, however, inclined to believe that they will not make the experiment, though the conversation upon it, and the general persuasion of its being intended, make it more difficult for them to avoid doing something of that sort.
The present idea is, to let Parliament meet on the 23rd, because, indeed, no one has authority to prorogue it further. That then it should be stated to them—supposing things to continue in their present unhappy state—that the King’s health has not admitted either of his proroguing them, or of his signing a Commission to open the session, and, therefore, to propose that they should adjourn. As soon as the physicians feel themselves able to pronounce it a disorder seated on the brain, they must be examined before the Council, and the circumstance stated to Parliament, and a Bill brought in to enable the Prince of Wales to act as Regent. It seems a great doubt whether any, and what limitations ought to be proposed. Those under which the King was authorized to appoint a Regent, in case of minority, appear too great; nor, indeed, would it as I conceive be possible, in the present state of things, to carry on such a Government. The great object to be looked to, seems to be the keeping the Government in such a state as that if the King’s health should be restored he might be, as far as possible, enabled to resume it, and to conduct it in such a manner as he might judge best.
I suppose there never was a situation in which any set of men ever had, at once, so many points to decide, so essentially affecting their own honour, character, and future situation, their duty to their country in a most critical situation, and their duty to their unhappy master, to whom they are unquestionably bound by ties of gratitude and honour, independent of considerations of public duty towards him. I hope God, who has been pleased to afflict us with this severe and heavy trial, will enable us to go through it honestly, conscientiously, and in a manner not dishonourable to our characters.
God bless you, my dear brother. Nothing would be such a satisfaction to me as to be able to talk all this over with you, instead of this slow and imperfect communication.
I found that Bernard was still in town, and have therefore desired him to stay, because I thought he could be of little use to me, and that all this may take a sudden turn which may make his being on the spot very important.
I send you a letter which I had begun in cypher, that you may see how far you can make it out. In going it over, which you will observe I was doing, I observe a few mistakes, but not, I think, such as would materially embarrass you.
Ever yours,
W. W. G.
MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, Nov. 10th, 1788.
My dear Brother,
I have nothing of any consequence to add to the account which I sent you yesterday by Lord Sydney’s messenger. Pitt is gone down to Windsor this morning, but will probably not be back before the post goes out. The account of this morning is, that the King has slept well last night, but is in other respects much the same.
The last, which is a material part, shows that we have little to hope from the effect of the medicines with respect to the state of his mind; the consequence must be such as I mentioned to you in my last. If Pitt makes offers to Fox, his situation may be very difficult; but I think he should hold off as much as he can.
Pray let me know your opinion on that point, and on the various others which are connected with it. I hope I may depend on these letters not being seen by any person. I have a real confidence in Fitzherbert’s honour; but I should not write with the same freedom if I thought even he saw what I may have to write.
Ever yours,
W. W. G.
LORD BULKELEY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanlake, Tuesday, Nov. 11th, 1788.
My dear Lord,
It was my intention to have left this place yesterday for Baronhill, but the most natural and justifiable anxiety keeps me here until Thursday or Friday. We have been at Windsor the last three mornings, and sorry am I to tell you that poor Rex’s state seems worse than a thousand deaths; for unless God interposes by some miracle, there is every appearance of his living with the loss of his intellects. Yesterday the fever, which had raged the day before, was abated; but the lucid intervals were few, and lasted a very short time. I saw the General, who was exceedingly guarded, as they all are who really love poor Rex; the real state, however, of his melancholy condition seems now to have transpired, and my letters from London are full of the greatest consternation. The Queen sees nobody but Lady Constance, Lady Charlotte Finch, Miss Burney, and her two sons, who, I am afraid, do not announce the state of the King’s health with that caution and delicacy which should be observed to the wife and the mother, and it is to them only that she looks up. I understand her behaviour is very feeling, decent, and proper. The Prince has taken the command at Windsor, in consequence of which there is no command whatsoever; and it was not till yesterday that orders were given to two grooms of the bedchamber to wait for the future and receive the inquiries of the numbers who inquire; nor would this have been done, if Pitt and Lord Sydney had not come down in person to beg that such orders might be given. Unless it was done yesterday, no orders have been given for prayers in the churches, nor for the observance of other forms, such as stopping the playhouses, &c., highly proper at such a juncture. What the consequences of this heavy misfortune will be to Government, you are more likely to know than I am; but I cannot help thinking that the Prince will find a greater difficulty in making a sweep of the present Ministry, in his quality of Fiduciary Regent, than in that of King. The Stocks are already fallen 2 per cent, and the alarms of the people of London are very little flattering to the Prince. I am told messenger after messenger has been sent for Fox, who is touring with Mrs. Armstead on the continent; but I have not heard whether the Prince has sent for him, or given any orders to Fox’s friends to that effect. The system of favouritism is much changed since Lord Bute’s and the Princess-Dowager’s time, for Jack Payne, Master Leigh, an Eton schoolboy, and Master Barry, brother to Lord Barrymore, and Mrs. Fitz, form the Cabinet at Carlton House.
I am, my dear Lord,
Sincerely yours,
B.
MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, Nov. 11th, 1788.
My dear Brother,
The account of to-day is in every particular exactly the same with that of yesterday. The disorder in the brain is increased. The Cabinet is to meet on Thursday, to receive the report of the physicians; a Privy Council will be called for Monday or Tuesday.
Parliament must meet on Thursday sevennight, to which day it now stands prorogued; and it will then, I imagine, adjourn itself. I wait with impatience to hear from you. I am called off, and prevented from writing any more.
Ever yours,
W. W. G.
MR. NEVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Windsor Castle,
Wednesday, Nov. 11th, Four o’clock, 1788.
The King had more sleep last night than the night before; but is in other respects the same as before. I fear there is very little hope of amendment, as he has no fever, and his pulse and appetite are as good as ever. The King had some lucid intervals this morning, conversing with great composure with a page, whom he recollected but to have seen since his illness; and he also mentioned his son, Prince Augustus, who is going to the South of France. He soon, however, returned to his unfortunate agitation and delirium, in which he still continues. Sad state!
Ever yours affectionately, in haste,
R. A. N.
LORD SYDNEY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
(Secret and Separate.) Whitehall, Nov. 13th, 1788.
My dear Lord,
I am not at all surprised that your Excellency should participate in the distress, which every honest man feels upon the present unhappy state of the King’s health. The account, however, of this morning is rather more favourable than those of some days past; though certainly not such as to lay any part of our anxiety at rest. There does not, however, appear any symptoms which seem to threaten His Majesty’s life with immediate danger. He had more fever yesterday than for some days past, but since it has subsided, he has been in a state of more composure than before.
The Parliament will meet this day sevennight, and adjourn; if in the intermediate time there should not be an opportunity of receiving His Majesty’s pleasure for a prorogation.
You may easily believe that the hurry and ferment is great at present. People in general, of all ranks, seem to be truly sensible of the calamitous effects to be dreaded from an unfavourable termination of His Majesty’s disorder. But, as you may easily imagine, there are not wanting those who are thinking of extracting good to themselves out of this misfortune; nor are they over anxious to conceal their eagerness to accomplish their ends. I am old enough to have been in the scene on a demise of the Crown, an event which does not bring the virtues of men more into light than the contrary qualities. I do not promise myself a more agreeable picture of mankind, than one which I have never thought of but with disgust and detestation.
I refer your Excellency to my official despatch for the business which has passed in a Committee of the Privy Council to-day, on the subject of a prayer. The Dissenters and the Jews have begun upon that subject already. Indeed every demonstration of alarm and affection has been shown through the whole town, and, as far as can be learned, in all parts of the country.
I am, with the truest esteem and regard, my dear Lord,
Your most obedient humble servant,
Sydney.
The next letter from Mr. Grenville is of special importance; he lays down the whole plan of the Ministry in reference to the proposed Regency, developing and investigating the arguments with remarkable clearness and penetration.
MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, Nov. 13th, 1788.
My dear Brother,
Your messenger has performed his journey with uncommon expedition, and brought me your letters at a little after eleven this morning. The account of to-day is, I think, more favourable than that of the two preceding days. The King had last night a strong return of his fever, which left him this morning more composed than he has been for several days. Warren’s account adds that he even “understood questions that were put to him, though he soon relapsed into his former inconsistency.” The material part of this, I think, is that it proves him never to have been without fever, though it has been kept under, and therefore affords ground still to hope for such a crisis as may end this scene, either by his death or by his total recovery. And there can be no doubt that even, for his sake, either of those alternatives is preferable to his continuing in his present situation, though with the possibility of recovering his reason by intervals.
This circumstance affords an additional and strong reason for delaying as long as possible the taking any decisive steps for providing for carrying on the Government under the present circumstances. It is intended to meet Parliament on the 20th, and circular letters are to be sent to-day to all the members, notifying the probability of this. But, as things now stand, Pitt means immediately to propose to them to adjourn; and it is most likely that this will meet with no opposition, especially as Fox cannot be in town by that time.
If the present circumstances should still continue, Pitt means to propose a Bill, declaring the Prince of Wales Regent, or Guardian, to exercise the King’s authority during his illness, but in the King’s name only. We have, I think, not yet entirely made up our minds as to the degree of power and authority which it will be right to put into his hands for that purpose. That it cannot be necessary to invest him with the whole regal authority, is, I think, quite evident; and we owe it to the King, both as public men professing allegiance to him, and as individuals bound to him by many ties of gratitude and honour, to take whatever steps we can with propriety to preserve to him, in case of his recovery, not merely his legal rights, of which he cannot be deprived, but also the political means of exercising those rights according to the opinions which he entertains both of public men and public measures. And to this extent I am inclined to hope that the general opinion will bear us out; but we must be extremely cautious that we do nothing which shall bear in the public estimation the appearance of wishing to establish ourselves under this pretence in the continuance of our power in opposition to the Prince of Wales, in whom we are to propose the supreme authority to be vested. All the precedents, as far as they apply to this case, would justify the appointment of a Council of Regency, to be named by Parliament, by the majority of which the Regent would be bound. And I think it is not clear that in all events we shall not be obliged, by the strong analogy to be drawn from some of those cases, to provide some such Council. But it seems now to be agreed that we ought not to propose their being named by Parliament, because that would be in effect to propose that the executive authority should be vested by Parliament in our hands, instead of those of the Prince of Wales. Such a proposition would be difficult to carry, and might be seen by the public in such a light as materially and permanently to affect our characters. Besides this, what is more important even than these considerations, is, that on the fullest consideration, we are persuaded such a proposal ought not to be made, and would, if carried, be injurious to the country. Examine the provisions of the last Regency Bill, and you will, I think, be convinced that the present Government, being joined in such a Council with the Prince of Wales and the Royal Family, could produce nothing but discord, confusion and anarchy; and that on such a plan the administration of public affairs cannot proceed.
This line of argument leads to the nomination of the Prince of Wales, either without a Council, or with a Council, consisting only of the Cabinet Ministers for the time being, and removable by him, limiting at the same time his authority in other respects in such a manner as may not be inconsistent with the means of carrying on a temporary Government; but may provide in the manner I have already mentioned for securing to the King, in case of his recovery, the possession and exercise of his rights, such as he enjoyed them before his illness. The means of doing this appear to be the restraining the Prince from granting any office or pension for life, or in reversion, except those only which must by law be granted either for life, or during good behaviour; restraining him from creating or advancing peers, and, perhaps, from dissolving the present or any future Parliament. The last of these points appear to be that which admits of most doubt, whether it should be stated to the extent which I have mentioned, or whether it should be confined to this Parliament, or should be entirely omitted. My own opinion, I think, rather leans to inserting it in its full extent, though I see and confess that there are weighty objections to it.
I have now mentioned to you all I know of our views and intentions on this most important subject. The next point relates to our own situation. We have no knowledge at all, any more than when I wrote to you before, of the Prince of Wales’s intentions, nor has any overture, direct or indirect, been made to Mr. Pitt. This circumstance, joined to the affectation with which Sheridan appears to be consulted on all occasions, seems sufficiently to indicate what is to be expected. A part of this, however, is to be attributed to Sheridan’s eagerness to display his personal importance, by which silly vanity I am told he has much offended the Duke of Portland and Fox’s immediate friends.
We are therefore still much in doubt whether there is any idea of proposing terms of junction. We are all agreed that the most desirable thing would be, that Pitt should be removed at once, and without management. The difficulties of a real bonâ fide junction appear insuperable, and in anything short of that, duplicity and dishonesty might give them advantages which, though we should not certainly envy, yet we might have much cause to lament. There is, however, one circumstance arising from the present state of things which, if that should continue, will, I think, afford a clear and distinct line for us to follow. The King’s illness being such as it is now described to be, it is not only possible, but much the most probable event, that he will at some period be restored to the use of his reason, either permanently, or during intervals of considerable length. Under this impression, it seems impossible for us for a moment to entertain proposals which might involve us in contradictory obligations, and our acceptance of which might be not only injurious to the King’s feelings, which we are so much bound to consult, but even prejudicial to the state of his mind. Suppose him to awake out of the sort of dream, in which he now is, and to find that Pitt had, by his own consent and his own act, brought into his Government those very men whom he was pledged to him to keep at a distance from it; suppose the King’s aversion and dislike to those men, so justly founded as it is, to remain in full force and vigour. What then is Pitt to do? Is he to separate himself from people whom he has joined on the promise of mutual good faith and confidence, or is he to abandon the King in the very point to which he has pledged him, and on which he has always received from him a full and unequivocal support? Besides the difficulties in which Pitt would thus find himself involved, must not the very idea of such a situation striking the King’s imagination at the first moments of his recovery, and agitating him in the same manner as these very situations have done before, drive him back into his former state, and render all further hopes of recovery desperate and impossible?
This consideration I think unanswerable, and have no doubt that it will continue to be so felt. In the case, therefore, of a Regency, all proposals of junction will instantly be negatived as inconsistent with our duty to the King. In the case of a demise, which there is to-day more reason to think probable than there has been for several days past, we shall feel ourselves considerably embarrassed. I put the idea of a bonâ fide junction, as I have already said, wholly out of the question, being persuaded that the thing is impossible, and that our opponents will never seriously intend it. Their proposals, if any are made, will, I am convinced, have no other object than that perhaps of satisfying the Prince of Wales, if your information respecting him is well grounded, and of lessening the odium of Pitt’s removal in the eyes of the public, and holding him out as a haughty and impracticable character. Against this he must defend himself as well as he can, but the whole will, I am persuaded, be nothing more than a match at fencing; and the guard which I mentioned to you before, of insisting on his present situation, seems as good a one as any other. I have delivered to him your letter, and shown him that which you wrote to me. He has desired me to say that he will, if possible, write a few words to you by this messenger, but if he should find that quite impossible, without delaying him, he has begged me to express how strongly he feels your kind and affectionate conduct towards him.
His popularity was never greater than in the present moment, and if the Prince should be so ill-advised as to dismiss him, it is probable that the current will run at least as strongly in his favour as it did in his father’s.
I have written you a dissertation rather than a letter, but I know the desire which you must feel to be as fully informed as possible, not only of facts, but also of opinions and intentions. I need not mention to you how confidential every part of this letter is, but particularly that part which respects our intentions as to the settlement of a Regency; because we conceive it of the utmost importance, though these and many other ideas are floating in the public, to keep our enemies as ignorant as we can of our real intentions in this respect.
Of the different questions which you have stated respecting Ireland, in the case of a demise, you will certainly be much better able to judge than I am; but I cannot help wishing you to look into the Act of Settlement in Queen Anne’s time, and to consider whether that does not provide for the continuance of Irish officers, civil and military, as well as English.
In the case of a Regency, my idea is that as soon as the King’s illness is communicated to Parliament here, which will not be till after the adjournment, directions should be given to the Lord-Lieutenant and Council of Ireland to assemble the two Houses by special summons; and that our Bill, whatever it is, should be communicated to them in a speech from the Lord-Lieutenant, and should be passed verbatim in the Irish Parliament. Some opinions here seem to doubt the necessity of this; there has, however, been very little discussion upon it.
You will easily see the impossibility of doing anything about your commissions, which must share the fate of many others in England. I much fear that Tompkins’s office at Chelsea will stand in this predicament. The form is, that a recommendation goes from this office to the Secretary of State, who takes the King’s pleasure upon it. The first step has been taken, but the latter has been impossible. If my successor is a gentleman, he will confirm the appointment; but the chances are so much against that, that I almost despair.
Adieu, my dear brother.
Believe me ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.
I had written before your messenger arrived a long letter in cypher, which this opportunity of writing will save you the labour of decyphering. In case, however, we should want to use the cypher any more, pray add the following names: 5, Sheridan; 6, Duke of Portland; 7, First Lord of the Treasury.
MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, Nov. 14th, 1788.
My dear Brother,
By a cursed blunder of Lord Sydney’s messenger, he went away last night without calling for my letter. Lord Sydney sends another man to-day; but I have resolved to keep him till I can send you this morning’s account. That of yesterday evening was, I think, in so far favourable, as it clearly shows that the King is no longer in that settled state of derangement without other disease, which was most to be apprehended, but that his disorder is taking some turn, and whatever that may ultimately be, it must be far more desirable than the continuance of his former state. I am assured, that it was last night the opinion of medical people, that the turn which seemed probable was one from which it was not too sanguine to hope the best effects. I do not, however, indulge this idea too far.
I mentioned yesterday, to Mornington, your kind intentions towards him. He will write to you, to explain his situation fully.
Pitt is gone down this morning to Windsor.
Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.
You will be, perhaps, surprised to hear that Pitt has received a very handsome letter from Lord Chesterfield, dated from Weymouth, stating the alarm there for the King’s life; and desiring Pitt to do him the justice of believing him in that and every other contingency, sincerely and personally attached to him. I am not without hopes, that this may be improved into a decided support of your interest in case of a contest; but you well know the difficulties with which this would be attended.
I have just received the copy of the paper sent to St. James’s, which is by no means such as one could wish it. I wait for a more particular account before I send this off.
One o’clock.
I now send off the messenger, though with little more intelligence than before; but this is all I can get till Pitt returns from Windsor, which may not be till late at night.
Here is Lord Mornington’s letter, alluded to by Mr. Grenville.
LORD MORNINGTON TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Hertford Street, Nov. 15th, 1788.
My dear Lord,
Grenville has informed me of a new and most flattering instance of your regard for me; you may well conceive how sensibly I feel the value of the offer of a seat from you, in the event of Grenville’s failure in the county; and I should certainly at once throw myself on the chance of his success, (which, I trust, cannot be doubtful), if I did not feel it to be my duty to strain every nerve in the general cause, and to the utmost extent of my ability to increase our numbers in the House of Commons, by purchasing a seat for myself.
If the King should remain in his present unhappy state of mind, and the Parliament be either dissolved, or expire by its natural death under the government of a Regent, I shall think myself, under those circumstances, bound, by my respect for the person who placed me at Windsor, to endeavour to preserve that seat for him; that he may find his own friends, where he was pleased to leave them, whenever he may happen to recover his reason. But I might fail in this attempt to maintain the trust reposed in me, and the expense of the attempt might be such as to disable me from purchasing any other seat; in that case your offer would be most acceptable.
My brother Pole has found an opening in a borough, long the property of Anderson Pelham (Grimsby); and there is every reason to suppose, indeed I think it certain, that Pitt, in any event, will have two seats at that place at the general election for about £5000. My brother is able to advance £1000 of this money, and I mean to give him £1500, which will bring him in; another friend of Pitt’s agrees to pay the remaining money for the other seat. By these means, as far as I am able, I have secured a vote which will count as well as mine, whatever misfortune may befal me. It has, however, been necessary to take immediate steps for the attainment of this object; and my brother and Mr. Wood are to be at Grimsby on Monday next. Now, if any sudden stroke should produce a dissolution of Parliament (which is possible), I might find myself unable, from the shortness of the notice, to raise a larger sum than the £1500 necessary for my brother’s election. In this case also, your offer would afford me a most desirable resource.
You will perceive that I have stated to you the whole of my situation openly, and without reserve; and you will, I am persuaded, understand that I should gladly embrace any occasion of uniting more closely my political fortunes with your protection; but I think you will agree, that it is my duty to endeavour in the first instance to strengthen the general cause in which we are all embarked, and the support of which at this moment presses most strongly on every feeling of public and private honour, and affection.
Grenville has given you (I suppose) to-day the improved accounts of the King’s health; I really think them very encouraging, and it seems to be the general opinion.
Ever, my dear Lord,
Your most obliged and affectionate friend,
Mornington.
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