Henry VIII

Chapter XVI Conclusion

So died and so was buried the most remarkable man who ever sat on the English throne. His reign, like his character, seems to be divided into two inconsistent halves. In 1519 his rule is pronounced more suave and gentle than the greatest liberty anywhere else; twenty years later terror is said to reign supreme. It is tempting to sum up his life in one sweeping generalisation, and to say that it exhibits a continuous development of Henry’s intellect and deterioration of his character. Yet it is difficult to read the King’s speech in Parliament at the close of 1545, without crediting him with some sort of ethical ideas and aims; his life was at least as free from vice during the last, as during the first, seven years of his reign; in seriousness of purpose and steadfastness of aim it was immeasurably superior; and at no time did Henry’s moral standard vary greatly from that of many whom the world is content to regard as its heroes. His besetting sin was egotism, a sin which princes can hardly, and Tudors could nowise, avoid. Of egotism Henry had his full share from the beginning; at first it moved in a limited, personal sphere, but gradually it extended its scope till it comprised the whole realm of national religion and policy. The obstacles which he encountered in prosecuting his suit for a divorce from Catherine of Aragon were the first check he experienced in the gratification of a personal whim, and the effort to remove those impediments drew him on to the world-wide stage of the conflict with Rome. He was ever proceeding from the particular to the general, from an attack on a special dispensation to an attack on the dispensing power of the Pope, and thence to an assault on the whole edifice of papal claims. He started with no desire to separate England from Rome, or to reform the Anglican Church; those aims he adopted, little by little, as subsidiary to the attainment of his one great personal purpose. He arrived at his principles by a process of deduction from his own particular case.

As Henry went on, his “quick and penetrable eyes,” as More described them, were more and more opened to the extent of what he could do; and he realised, as he said, how small was the power of the Pope. Papal authority had always depended on moral influence and not on material resources. That moral influence had long been impaired; the sack of Rome in 1527 afforded further demonstration of its impotence; and, when Clement condoned that outrage, and formed a close alliance with the chief offender, the Papacy suffered a blow from which it never recovered. Temporal princes might continue to recognise the Pope’s authority, but it was only because they chose, and not because they were compelled so to do; they supported him, not as the divinely commissioned Vicar of Christ, but as a useful instrument in the prosecution of their own and their people’s desires. It is called a theological age, but it was also irreligious, and its principal feature was secularisation. National interests had already become the dominant factor in European politics; they were no longer to be made subservient to the behests of the universal Church. The change was tacitly or explicitly recognised everywhere; and cujus regio, ejus religio was the principle upon which German ecclesiastical politics were based at the Peace of Augsburg. It was assumed that each prince could do what he liked in his own country; they might combine to make war on an excommunicate king, but only if war suited their secular policy; and the rivalry between Francis and Charles was so keen, that each set greater store upon Henry’s help than upon his destruction.

Thus the breach with Rome was made a possible, though not an easy, task; and Henry was left to settle the matter at home with little to fear from abroad, except threats which he knew to be empty. England was the key of the situation, and in England must be sought the chief causes of Henry’s success. If we are to believe that Henry’s policy was at variance with the national will, his reign must remain a political mystery, and we can offer no explanation of the facts that Henry was permitted to do his work at all, and that it has stood so long the test of time. He had, no doubt, exceptional facilities for getting his way. His dictatorship was the child of the Wars of the Roses, and his people, conscious of the fact that Henry was their only bulwark against the recurrence of civil strife, and bound up as they were in commercial and industrial pursuits, were willing to bear with a much more arbitrary government than they would have been in less perilous times. The alternatives may have been evil, but the choice was freely made. No government, whatever its form, whatever its resources, can permanently resist the national will; every nation has, roughly speaking, the government it deserves and desires, and a popular vote would never in Henry’s reign have decreed his deposition. The popular mind may be ill-informed, distorted by passion and prejudice, and formed on selfish motives. Temporarily, too, the popular will may be neutralised by skilful management on the part of the government, by dividing its enemies and counterworking their plans; and of all those arts Henry was a past master. But such expedients cannot prevail in the end; in 1553 the Duke of Northumberland had a subtle intellect and all the machinery of Tudor government at his disposal; Queen Mary had not a man, nor a shilling. Yet Mary, by popular favour, prevailed without shedding a drop of blood. Henry himself was often compelled to yield to his people. Abject self-abasement on their part and stupendous power of will on Henry’s, together provide no adequate solution for the history of his reign.

With all his self-will, Henry was never blind to the distinction between what he could and what he could not do. Strictly speaking, he was a constitutional king; he neither attempted to break up Parliament, nor to evade the law. He combined in his royal person the parts of despot and demagogue, and both he clothed in Tudor grace and majesty. He led his people in the way they wanted to go, he tempted them with the baits they coveted most, he humoured their prejudices against the clergy and against the pretensions of Rome, and he used every concession to extract some fresh material for building up his own authority. He owed his strength to the skill with which he appealed to the weaknesses of a people, whose prevailing characteristics were a passion for material prosperity and an absolute indifference to human suffering. “We,” wrote one of Henry’s Secretaries of State, “we, which talk much of Christ and His Holy Word, have, I fear me, used a much contrary way; for we leave fishing of men, and fish again in the tempestuous seas of this world for gain and wicked Mammon.”1170 A few noble examples, Catholic and Protestant, redeemed, by their blood, the age from complete condemnation, but, in the mass of his subjects, the finer feelings seem to have been lost in the pursuit of wealth. There is no sign that the hideous tortures inflicted on men condemned for treason, or the equally horrible sufferings of heretics burnt at the stake, excited the least qualm of compassion in the breast of the multitude; the Act of Six Articles seems to have been rather a popular measure, and the multiplication of treasons evoked no national protest.

Henry, indeed, was the typical embodiment of an age that was at once callous and full of national vigour, and his failings were as much a source of strength as his virtues. His defiance of the conscience of Europe did him no harm in England, where the splendid isolation of Athanasius contra mundum is always a popular attitude; and even his bitterest foes could scarce forbear to admire the dauntless front he presented to every peril. National pride was the highest motive to which he appealed. For the rest, he based his power on his people’s material interests, and not on their moral instincts. He took no such hold of the ethical nature of men as did Oliver Cromwell, but he was liked none the less for that; for the nation regarded Cromwell, the man of God, with much less favour than Charles II., the man of sin; and statesmen who try to rule on exclusively moral principles are seldom successful and seldom beloved. Henry’s successor, Protector Somerset, made a fine effort to introduce some elements of humanity into the spirit of government; but he perished on the scaffold, while his colleagues denounced his gentleness and love of liberty, and declared that his repeal of Henry’s savage treason-laws was the worst deed done in their generation.1171

The King avoided the error of the Protector; he was neither behind nor before the average man of the time; he appealed to the mob, and the mob applauded. Salus populi, he said in effect, suprema lex, and the people agreed; for that is a principle which suits demagogues no less than despots, though they rarely possess Henry’s skill in working it out. Henry, it is true, modified the maxim slightly by substituting prince for people, and by practising, before it was preached, Louis XIV.’s doctrine that L’État, c’est moi. But the assumption that the welfare of the people was bound up with that of their King was no idle pretence; it was based on solid facts, the force of which the people themselves admitted. They endorsed the tyrant’s plea of necessity. The pressure of foreign rivalries, and the fear of domestic disruption, convinced Englishmen of the need for despotic rule, and no consideration whatever was allowed to interfere with the stability of government; individual rights and even the laws themselves must be overridden, if they conflicted with the interests of the State. Torture was illegal in England, and men were proud of the fact, yet, in cases of treason, when the national security was thought to be involved, torture was freely used, and it was used by the very men who boasted of England’s immunity. They were conscious of no inconsistency; the common law was very well as a general rule, but the highest law of all was the welfare of the State.

This was the real tyranny of Tudor times; men were dominated by the idea that the State was the be-all and end-all of human existence. In its early days the State is a child; it has no will and no ideas of its own, and its first utterances are merely imitation and repetition. But by Henry VIII.’s reign the State in England had grown to lusty manhood; it dismissed its governess, the Church, and laid claim to that omnipotence and absolute sovereignty which Hobbes regretfully expounded in his Leviathan.1172 The idea supplied an excuse to despots and an inspiration to noble minds. “Surely,” wrote a genuine patriot in 1548,1173 “every honest man ought to refuse no pains, no travail, no study, he ought to care for no reports, no slanders, no displeasure, no envy, no malice, so that he might profit the commonwealth of his country, for whom next after God he is created.” The service of the State tended, indeed, to encroach on the service of God, and to obliterate altogether respect for individual liberty. Wolsey on his death-bed was visited by qualms of conscience, but, as a rule, victims to the principle afford, by their dying words, the most striking illustrations of the omnipotence of the idea. Condemned traitors are concerned on the scaffold, not to assert their innocence, but to proclaim their readiness to die as an example of obedience to the law. However unfair the judicial methods of Tudor times may seem to us, the sufferers always thank the King for granting them free trial. Their guilt or innocence is a matter of little moment; the one thing needful is that no doubt should be thrown on the inviolability of the will of the State; and the audience commend them. They are not expected to confess or to express contrition, but merely to submit to the decrees of the nation; if they do that, they are said to make a charitable and godly end, and they deserve the respect and sympathy of men; if not, they die uncharitably, and are held up to reprobation.1174 To an age like that there was nothing strange in the union of State and Church and the supremacy of the King over both; men professed Christianity in various forms, but to all men alike the State was their real religion, and the King was their great High Priest. The sixteenth century, and especially the reign of Henry VIII., supplies the most vivid illustration of the working, both for good and for evil, of the theory that the individual should be subordinate in goods, in life and in conscience to the supreme dictates of the national will. This theory was put into practice by Henry VIII. long before it was made the basis of any political philosophy, just as he practised Erastianism before Erastus gave it a name.

The devotion paid to the State in Tudor times inevitably made expediency, and not justice or morality, the supreme test of public acts. The dictates of expediency were, indeed, clothed in legal forms, but laws are primarily intended to secure neither justice nor morality, but the interests of the State; and the highest penalty known to the law is inflicted for high treason, a legal and political crime which does not necessarily involve any breach whatever of the code of morals. Traitors are not executed because they are immoral, but because they are dangerous. Never did a more innocent head fall on the scaffold than that of Lady Jane Grey; never was an execution more fully justified by the law. The contrast was almost as flagrant in many a State trial in the reign of Henry VIII.; no king was so careful of law,1175 but he was not so careful of justice. Therein lay his safety, for the law takes no cognisance of injustice, unless the injustice is also a breach of the law, and Henry rarely, if ever, broke the law. Not only did he keep the law, but he contrived that the nation should always proclaim the legality of his conduct. Acts of attainder, his favourite weapon, are erroneously supposed to have been the method to which he resorted for removing opponents whose conviction he could not obtain by a legal trial. But acts of attainder were, as a rule, supplements to, not substitutes for, trials by jury;1176 many were passed against the dead, whose goods had already been forfeited to the King as the result of judicial verdicts. Moreover, convictions were always easier to obtain from juries than acts of attainder from Parliament. It was simplicity itself to pack a jury of twelve, and even a jury of peers; but it was a much more serious matter to pack both Houses of Parliament. What then was the meaning and use of acts of attainder? They were acts of indemnity for the King. People might cavil at the verdict of juries; for they were only the decisions of a handful of men; but who should impugn the voice of the whole body politic expressed in its most solemn, complete and legal form? There is no way, said Francis to Henry in 1532, so safe as by Parliament,1177 and one of Henry’s invariable methods was to make the whole nation, so far as he could, his accomplice. For pardons and acts of grace the King was ready to assume the responsibility; but the nation itself must answer for rigorous deeds. And acts of attainder were neither more nor less than deliberate pronouncements, on the part of the people, that it was expedient that one man should die rather than that the whole nation should perish or run any risk of danger.

History, in a democratic age, tends to become a series of popular apologies, and is inclined to assume that the people can do no wrong; some one must be the scapegoat for the people’s sins, and the national sins of Henry’s reign are all laid on Henry’s shoulders. But the nation in the sixteenth century deliberately condoned injustice, when injustice made for its peace. It has done so before and after, and may possibly do so again. It is easy in England to-day to denounce the cruel sacrifices imposed on individuals in the time of Henry VIII. by their subordination in everything to the interests of the State; but, whenever and wherever like dangers have threatened, recourse has been had to similar methods, to government by proclamation, to martial law, and to verdicts based on political expediency.

The contrast between morals and politics, which comes out in Henry’s reign as a terrible contradiction, is inherent in all forms of human society. Politics, the action of men in the mass, are akin to the operation of natural forces; and, as such, they are neither moral nor immoral; they are simply non-moral. Political movements are often as resistless as the tides of the ocean; they carry to fortune, and they bear to ruin, the just and the unjust with heedless impartiality. Cato and Brutus striving against the torrent of Roman imperialism, Fisher and More seeking to stem the secularisation of the Church, are like those who would save men’s lives from the avalanche by preaching to the mountain on the text of the sixth commandment. The efforts of good men to avert a sure but cruel fate are the truest theme of the Tragic Muse; and it is possible to represent Henry’s reign as one long nightmare of “truth for ever on the scaffold, wrong for ever on the throne”; for Henry VIII. embodied an inevitable movement of politics, while Fisher and More stood only for individual conscience.

That is the secret of Henry’s success. He directed the storm of a revolution which was doomed to come, which was certain to break those who refused to bend, and which may be explained by natural causes, but cannot be judged by moral considerations. The storm cleared the air and dissipated many a pestilent vapour, but it left a trail of wreck and ruin over the land. The nation purchased political salvation at the price of moral debasement; the individual was sacrificed on the altar of the State; and popular subservience proved the impossibility of saving a people from itself. Constitutional guarantees are worthless without the national will to maintain them; men lightly abandon what they lightly hold; and, in Henry’s reign, the English spirit of independence burned low in its socket, and love of freedom grew cold. The indifference of his subjects to political issues tempted Henry along the path to tyranny, and despotic power developed in him features, the repulsiveness of which cannot be concealed by the most exquisite art, appealing to the most deep-rooted prejudice. He turned to his own profit the needs and the faults of his people, as well as their national spirit. He sought the greatness of England, and he spared no toil in the quest; but his labours were spent for no ethical purpose. His aims were selfish; his realm must be strong, because he must be great. He had the strength of a lion, and like a lion he used it.

Yet it is probable that Henry’s personal influence and personal action averted greater evils than those they provoked. Without him, the storm of the Reformation would still have burst over England; without him, it might have been far more terrible. Every drop of blood shed under Henry VIII. might have been a river under a feebler king. Instead of a stray execution here and there, conducted always with a scrupulous regard for legal forms, wars of religion might have desolated the land and swept away thousands of lives. London saw many a hideous sight in Henry’s reign, but it had no cause to envy the Catholic capitals which witnessed the sack of Rome and the massacre of St. Bartholomew; for all Henry’s iniquities, multiplied manifold, would not equal the volume of murder and sacrilege wrought at Rome in May, 1527, or at Paris in August, 1572.1178 From such orgies of violence and crime, England was saved by the strong right arm and the iron will of her Tudor king. “He is,” said Wolsey after his fall,1179 “a prince of royal courage, and he hath a princely heart; and rather than he will miss or want part of his appetite he will hazard the loss of one-half of his kingdom.” But Henry discerned more clearly than Wolsey the nature of the ground on which he stood; by accident, or by design, his appetite conformed to potent and permanent forces; and, wherein it did not, he was, in spite of Wolsey’s remark, content to forgo its gratification. It was not he, but the Reformation, which put the kingdoms of Europe to the hazard. The Sphinx propounded her riddle to all nations alike, and all were required to answer. Should they cleave to the old, or should they embrace the new? Some pressed forward, others held back, and some, to their own confusion, replied in dubious tones. Surrounded by faint hearts and fearful minds, Henry VIII. neither faltered nor failed. He ruled in a ruthless age with a ruthless hand, he dealt with a violent crisis by methods of blood and iron, and his measures were crowned with whatever sanction worldly success can give. He is Machiavelli’s Prince in action. He took his stand on efficiency rather than principle, and symbolised the prevailing of the gates of Hell. The spiritual welfare of England entered into his thoughts, if at all, as a minor consideration; but, for her peace and material comfort it was well that she had as her King, in her hour of need, a man, and a man who counted the cost, who faced the risk, and who did with his might whatsoever his hand found to do.

INDEX.

Abbeville, 142.
Abergavenny, Baron. See Neville, George.
Abingdon, 128.
Acts of Succession. See Succession.
Adrian VI., Pope, 155, 156 n, 161, 162.
Agnadello, battle of, 52, 53.
Agostini, Augustine, 247, 248 n.
Albany, Duke of. See Stewart, John.
Albret, Jean d’, 85, 93, 136, 144.
Aless, Alexander, 347.
Alexander VI., Pope, 212, 229.
Amicable Loan, 165, 243.
Ampthill, 354.
Ancona, Peter, Cardinal of, 212.
Ancrum Moor, battle of, 413, 415.
André, Bernard, 20 and note, 21.
Angus, Earl of. See Douglas, Archibald.
Annates, 290 and note, 297, 302, 320. See also First-fruits.
Anne Boleyn. See Boleyn.
—— of Brittany, wife of Louis XII., 74, 212, 217.
—— of Cleves, suggested marriage of, 383, 384;
arrival in England and marriage, 385, 386;
repudiation of, 210, 392, 395, 397, 404.
—— of Hungary, 51.
Antigone, 333.
Antwerp, 396.
Apparel, Act of, 128.
Appeals, Acts of, 298, 299, 319.
Aquinas, St. Thomas, 123, 334.
Aragon, 26, 28, 31, 51, 93, 104, 313.
—— Catherine of. See Catherine.
—— Ferdinand of. See Ferdinand.
Arc, Jeanne d’, 65.
Ardres, 64, 141, 143.
Armada, Spanish, 249, 307, 376.
Army, Henry VIII.’s, 3, 109, 313, 315, 354;
wages of, 57, 58;
commissariat difficulties, 68, 69;
invasions of France, 64, 80, 160, 161.
Arthur, King, 14.
—— Prince of Wales, 11, 14, 38, 48, 283, 284.
Artois, 93, 157.
Ashton, Christopher, 11.
Aske, Robert, 354, 356, 357.
Athequa, George, Bishop of Llandaff, 319.
Attainder, use and meaning of, 36, 37, 390, 404, 423, 436.
Audley, Edmund, Bishop of Salisbury, 338.
—— Sir Thomas, Speaker and Lord Audley of Walden, 273, 278, 330 n, 393.
Augmentations, Court of. See Court.
Augsburg, Peace of, 429.
Austria, 26, 30, 51, 104, 382.
Auxerre, Bishop of. See Dinteville, François de.

Bacon, Francis, Lord Verulam, 44.
Badajos, Bishop of, 73.
Badoer, Piero, 49, 53, 67, 78, 109.
Bagnal, Sir Henry, 253 n.
Bainbridge, Christopher, Cardinal and Archbishop of York, 1 n, 53, 55, 89, 229.
Bangor, Bishopric of, 318.
—— Bishop of. See Skeffington, Thomas.
Barbarossa, 311.
Barcelona, Treaty of, 225, 226.
Barnes, Robert, 193, 394.
Barton, Elizabeth, 305, 324, 374.
Bath and Wells, Bishops of. See Clerk, John;
Hadrian de Castello;
Stillington, Robert.
Bavaria, Albert of, 28.
Bayard, Chevalier, 54.
Beaton, David, Cardinal, 373, 405, 409, 415.
Beaufort, Edmund, second Duke of Somerset, 6.
—— Henry, Bishop of Winchester, 6.
—— John, Earl of Somerset, 6.
—— John, first Duke of Somerset, 6.
—— Lady Margaret, 6, 8, 10, 20, 24.
—— Thomas, Duke of Exeter, 6, 272 n.
Beauforts, the, 6, 8.
Beaulieu, 11, 375.
Becket, Thomas à, Archbishop of Canterbury, 106, 270, 271, 372, 377.
Bedford, Earl of. See Russell, John.
Belgrade, surrender of, 164.
Bembridge, 414.
Bennet, Dr. William, 207.
Berlin, 68.
Bermondsey Abbey, 5, 10.
Berwick, 368, 375.
Biez, Maréchal Oudart du, 413.
Bilney, Thomas, 272.
Bishops’ Book, or Institution of a Christian Man, 379, 417.
Blackheath, Cornishmen defeated at, 11.
Bloody Assize, 357.
Blount, Elizabeth, 47, 183, 185, 210.
—— William, fourth Baron Mountjoy, 22-24, 183.
Boerio, Dr. Baptista, 22.
Boleyn, Anne, Henry’s passion for, 173, 186-192, 209;
her “Lutheranism,” 203-205, 237, 274, 347, 349, 397, 399;
canonical obstacles to her marriage with Henry VIII., 206, 208;
her unpopularity, 250, 314;
accompanies Henry to France, 294, 295;
her marriage, 281, 300, 319, 398;
coronation, 300;
unkindness to Princess Mary, 304 and note;
her issue, 300, 315 n, 321, 342, 343, 348, 360;
nullity of her marriage, 210, 344, 345;
her trial and death, 233, 344-346, 404, 434 n.
—— George, Viscount Rochford, 344, 434 n.
—— Mary, 185, 188, 208, 344.
—— Thomas, Earl of Wiltshire, 138, 188, 203, 273.
Bologna, 55, 86, 88, 283, 297 n.
Bolton, William, prior of St. Bartholomew, 237.
Bonner, Edmund, Bishop of London, 316.
—— Humphrey, 234 n.
Bordeaux, 131, 156.
Borough, Edward, Lord, 410.
Bosworth, battle of, 3, 7, 9, 11, 49, 79.
Boulogne, 68, 294;
besieged, 133, 160, 412-415.
Bourbon, Charles, Duc de, 151, 158 and note, 159, 160, 162, 163, 171, 176.
Bourges, 283.
Boxley, Rood of, 380.
Bradshaw, Thomas, 259 n.
Brandenburg, Margrave of, 100.
Brandon, Charles, Duke of Suffolk, his family, 79;
promotion and suggested marriage, 80;
his previous wives, 80, 81, 199, 205;
embassy to France, 81, 85, 86;
marriage to Mary Tudor, 3, 15, 37, 82, 83;
Henry’s displeasure, 82, 83;
his favour with Henry, 84;
tilts with the King, 41, 95;
army under, 159, 160, 162, 354, 412;
claim to the throne, 181;
objects to legatine courts, 223;
other references, 2 n, 111, 116, 246, 385.
—— William, 79.
Bray, 160.
Brereton, William, 344.
Brescia, 61.
Brest, blockade of, 063.
Brewer, John Sherren, 84 n, 189 n, 192 n, 197 n, 234 n, 249 n, 252 n, 261 n, 270 n.
Brian, Sir Francis, 203.
Brinkelow, Henry, 256, 257 n.
Bristol, 401.
Brittany, 30, 31.
Browne, Ann, 199.
Bruges, 111, 145, 146, 155, 281.
Brussels, 94.
Brydges, John, 260 n.
Buckingham, Duke of. See Stafford, Edward.
Bullinger, Henry, 380.
Buonarotti, Michael Angelo, 44.
Burgundy, 26, 27, 30, 51, 104, 136, 168. See also Netherlands.
Butler, Piers, Earl of Ormond, 189.
—— Thomas, Earl of Ormond, 187.
Byzantinism, 180 n, 370 n.

Cadwallader, 5.
Caistor, 353.
Calais, 63-65, 74, 83, 93, 97, 112, 114, 129, 131, 139, 140, 142-146, 154, 159, 160, 203, 224, 254 n, 308-310, 315, 370, 375, 384;
parliamentary representation of, 368.
Calshot Castle, 375.
Cambrai, 094, 296.
—— League of (1508), 29, 52, 53, 90, 98.
—— Peace of (1529), 224, 246, 250, 309.
Cambridge, 20, 49, 77, 283, 334, 354.
Campeggio, Lorenzo, Cardinal, 97, 112, 155, 184, 185 n, 186, 190, 204, 206 n, 211, 215-218, 219 n, 220 n, 222, 223, 225, 237, 238, 247, 270, 311 n, 318.
Canon Law, 6, 117, 200, 336, 337, 349.
Canterbury, 106, 140, 143, 260 n, 372.
—— Archbishopric of, 16, 296, 298, 318, 329, 417.
—— Archbishops of. See Becket, Thomas à;
Cranmer, Thomas;
Langton, Stephen;
Pole, Reginald;
Warham, William.
Capua, Archbishop of, 225.
Carroz, Luis, 49, 59, 61 n, 62, 67, 70, 76 and note, 132, 192.
Casale, Giovanni, 170, 207, 211, 224, 226.
Castello, Hadrian de. See Hadrian.
Castile, 26-29, 51, 52, 72, 75, 92, 104, 167, 176, 313.
—— Isabella of. See Isabella.
—— See also Philip of Burgundy and Juaña.
Castillon, Louis de Perreau, Sieur de, 370.
Catherine of Aragon, marriage to Prince Arthur, 11, 14, 48, 283;
proposals for second marriage of, 26, 27;
betrothed to Henry VIII., 27;
possibly taught Henry Spanish, 22;
marriage deferred, 28;
marriage to Henry VIII., 45, 46;
coronation, 46;
commissioned as Ferdinand’s ambassador, 51;
regent in England, 65;
ally of Charles V., 137;
attends Field of Cloth of Gold, 141, 142;
legality of her marriage questioned, 173, 174, 281;
premature death of her children, 174-177;
divorce threatened, 76, 176;
ceases to bear children, 178-181;
her conscience, 178;
purity and courage of, 192, 193;
divorce unjust to her, 193, 212;
proceedings against her, 202;
correspondence with Charles, 220;
protests in person against the Legates’ Court, 221;
her popularity, 250, 314;
championed by Charles, 226, 294;
alleged nullity of her marriage, 296, 319;
sentence by Cranmer, 300;
her treatment by Henry VIII. and Anne Boleyn, 303, 304, 309, 310, 311 n;
dissuaded by Charles V. from leaving England, 311;
Pope pronounces her marriage valid, 321;
her death, 335, 336, 342;
other references to, 51 n, 70, 106, 200, 208, 210, 216, 251, 259, 265, 275, 282, 289, 304 n, 305, 312, 313, 327, 347-350, 364, 428.
—— of France, Queen of Henry V., 5.
—— sister of Charles V., Queen of Portugal, 100.
—— Howard, character before her marriage, 397;
her marriage, 398, 399;
misconduct, 403;
death, 404;
her fall impairs Duke of Norfolk’s influence, 416.
—— Parr, her previous marriages, 410;
marriage to Henry, 410;
her tact, 411;
favour towards New Learning, 416.
Caxton, William, 20.
Cecil, William, Lord Burghley, 38.
Cervia, 224, 226.
Chancery, See Courts.
Chapuys, Eustace, 114 n, 132, 185, 192 n, 194, 197 n, 247, 248 n, 262, 268, 271 n, 273 n, 274, 275, 284 sqq., 285 n, 295, 298, 300, 303, 304 and note, 305-308, 311, 313-315 and note, 319, 321, 332, 335, 339 n, 342 n, 343, 345 n, 350, 352, 359, 362 n, 364, 366, 373, 374, 403, 405.
Charlemagne, 52, 76.
Charles I. of England, 25 n, 258, 259.
—— II., 186, 432.
—— V., Emperor, suggested marriage to Mary Tudor, 26, 28, 45, 48, 65, 72-81, 83;
heir to both grandfathers, 51 and note;
assumes government of the Netherlands, 85;
succeeds Ferdinand, 73, 92, 93;
enters into Treaty of Noyon, 93;
difficulties in Spain, 96;
election as Emperor, 100-105;
treated by Wolsey as an equal, 111;
pensions to Wolsey, 115, 116;
his foreign possessions, 136;
reasons for peace with England, 137;
invitation to visit England, 139;
second meeting with Henry, 143;
war with France, 144, 148;
Wolsey’s mediation between Francis and Charles, 145-147;
proposed marriage to Mary of England, 143, 146, 156;
Wolsey sides with Charles, 148-152;
battle of Pavia, 154;
influence on papal elections, 154, 155;
promises to aid Wolsey’s candidature for the Papacy, 161, 162;
joins England against France, 159;
his supremacy in Europe, 163, 164;
marriage with Isabella of Portugal, 167;
plans for deposing Henry, 180;
his morals, 186;
champions his aunt’s cause, 202, 205, 294;
peace with Henry, 224;
Treaty of Barcelona, 226;
appeal to a general council, 230 n;
appealed to by Wolsey, 247;
alliance with Clement, 249, 295, 297;
alliance with Francis, 250, 371, 381, 382, 392;
objects to carry out the papal sentence, 309, 310;
rivalry with Francis, 108, 312, 429;
anxious for Henry’s friendship, 322, 359;
engaged in conquering Tunis, 334;
meeting with Francis and Paul III., 372;
breach with Francis, 404, 405;
intrigues with James V. of Scotland, 406;
secret treaty with Henry, 410;
peace with Francis, 412;
other references to, 76, 78, 88, 98, 108, 118, 132, 158, 193-196, 197 n, 201, 204, 206, 207, 212, 216, 223, 251, 261, 275, 283, 295, 301, 302 n, 304, 308, 311 n, 314, 332, 349, 361, 366, 370, 373, 376, 377, 383, 386, 393, 396, 398.
—— VIII. of France, 10, 30.
—— the Bold, 30, 51 n, 136.
Charlotte, daughter of Francis I., 93, 143.
Chester, Bishopric of, 318, 401.
Chichester, Bishop of. See Sampson, Richard.
—— Bishopric of, 319.
Chieregati, 95, 96, 113, 121, 135.
Chièvres, William de Croy, Lord of, 85, 183.
Chobham, 421.
Christina of Milan, 370, 371 and note, 384.
Cinque Ports, 16.
Civil Law, 38, 334, 362 n.
Clarence, Duke of. See George.
Clarendon, Constitutions of, 271.
Claude, Queen of France, 188.
Clement VII., Pope, his policy as Cardinal de Medici, 148, 152-154, 230;
proclaimed Pope, 162 n;
forms the Holy League, 168;
his imperial interests, 169;
confirmed Suffolk’s divorce, 199;
his captivity, 201;
gives Wolsey legatine powers, 202;
warned by Wolsey that his fall means ruin to the Church in England, 204-206, 211, 212, 237;
suggests two wives for Henry, 207;
anxious to avoid responsibility, 213;
urges Catherine to enter a nunnery, 213 and note, 214;
commission to Campeggio and Wolsey to try the divorce, 214, 215, 221;
his indecision, 216, 224-227, 280, 294;
instructs Campeggio to procrastinate, 216, 222;
refuses to declare the brief a forgery, 220;
his motives for siding against Henry VIII., 224, 225;
his treaty with the Emperor, 225, 226;
revokes his commission to Campeggio and Wolsey, 226, 227;
bull of 1530, 281, 282;
interviews Charles, 295;
apparent friendship with Henry VIII., 296, 297;
delays in the divorce suit, 298;
prepares the final ban of the Church against Henry VIII., 302, 303, 316;
pronounces Catherine’s marriage valid, 321;
his dispensation for the marriage of Anne Boleyn, 208-210, 344;
his death, 322;
other references to, 187 n, 210, 218, 230 n, 247, 276, 309, 319, 428.
Clerk, John, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 154, 155, 161, 197 n, 318, 338.
Cleves, Anne of. See Anne.
—— Duke John of, father of Anne of Cleves, 382, 383.
—— Duke William of, brother of Anne, 383, 386, 393.
Coinage, debasement of, 418.
Coire, 99.
Colet, John, Dean of St. Paul’s, 134.
Commons, House of. See also Parliament.
—— —— More pleads its privileges, 165, 259;
throws out attainder against Wolsey, 246;
packing of, 252 sqq.;
free speech in, 259, 288, 289;
powers of, 259 n;
feared by the Church, 270, 280;
Audley chosen Speaker, 278;
refuses to remit Henry’s loan, 279;
attacks abuses, 291;
passes Act of Appeals, 299;
waits on Henry, 320;
passes attainder against Cromwell, 390;
opposition to Cromwell, 391.
Conquêt, 63.
Constable, Sir Robert, 357.
Constantine, the Emperor, 363 n.
Contarini, Cardinal, 153, 318, 359.
Copley, Sir Roger, 253.
Cork, 10.
Corneto, 215.
Cornwall, Dukes of. See Arthur, Prince, and Henry VIII.
Coron, 312.
Corpus Christi College, Oxford, 49, 206 n.
Council, Ordinary, 364 n.
—— government by, 364 n.
—— Privy, 288, 289, 356, 365, 403, 416.
—— of the North, 358, 366.
—— of Wales, 364 n, 365, 366.
—— of Trent, 299.
Court of Augmentations, 337.
—— Chancery, 319, 320, 327.
—— Requests, 38, 368.
—— Star Chamber, 35, 38, 119, 120, 368.
—— Wards and Liveries, 368.
Courtenay, Henry, Marquis of Exeter, 183, 305, 374, 375.
—— Sir William, 374.
Coventry and Lichfield, Bishopric of, 318.
Coverdale, Miles, 379.
Cowes, 57.
Cradock, Sir Matthew, 11.
Cranmer, Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, suggests an appeal to the Universities, 282;
appointed Archbishop, 296;
expedition of his bulls, 296-298;
his court made final, 299;
declares Catherine’s marriage void and Anne’s valid, 300, 302;
crowns Anne as queen, 300;
declares Anne’s marriage invalid, 344;
licenses Henry to marry a third wife, 346;
informs Henry of Catherine Howard’s misconduct, 403;
his hold on Henry, 416;
discusses the King’s Book with Henry, 417;
is attacked, 418;
sent for in Henry’s illness, 424, 425;
other references to, 191, 197 n, 230 n, 282 and note, 325 n, 327 and note, 354, 379, 385, 391 n, 393, 401 n.
Croke, Richard, 282 n.
Crome, Edward, 274.
Cromwell, Oliver, 368, 432.
—— Thomas, Earl of Essex, humble birth, 38, 42;
rising to notice, 159;
opposes Wolsey’s attainder in the Commons, 246, 278;
his agents, 254;
his interference in elections, 260 and note, 261, 317;
reports on Parliament to the King, 263 n;
becomes secretary, 273, 323;
prepares bills for Parliament, 289 n, 291;
said to “rule everything,” 318;
anxious to make Henry despotic, 323 and note, 329;
anxious to make Henry rich, 341;
never in Wolsey’s position, 350;
anxious for government by council, 364;
appointed vicar-general, 378;
vice-gerent, 379;
induces Henry to marry Anne of Cleves, 384, 385;
packs Parliament in favour of his own policy, 392;
his fall, 397, 416;
created Earl of Essex;
his death, 2, 394;
other references to, 290, 325 n, 339 n, 349, 354, 366 n, 381, 399, 400, 434 n, 436 n.
Crowley, Robert, 257 n.
Crown, succession to the. See Succession.
Culpepper, Thomas, 398, 403.

Dacre, Thomas, Lord Dacre of the North, 156, 157, 247 n.
Dante, 29.
Darcy, Thomas, Baron Darcy, 305, 353-355, 357.
Deal, 385.
Denmark, 312.
Denny, Sir Anthony, 424.
Deptford, 126.
Derby, Earl of. See Stanley, Thomas.
Dereham, Francis, 398, 403.
Derknall, Robert, 260 n.
D’Ewes, Giles, 20 and note, 21.
Dinteville, François de, Bishop of Auxerre, 280.
Dispensation, papal power of, 173, 174, 176, 193, 207-209, 212, 213, 218, 219, 284, 344;
transferred to Cranmer, 320, 346.
Divorce, the law of, 173 n, 208, 218, 219, 344, 345, 395.
—— of Catherine of Aragon, first suggestion of, 76, 173, 176, 197 and note;
origin of, 173;
causes of, 179, 183, 186;
motives for, 177-179, 189;
Wolsey’s attitude towards, 204, 205;
commission to try, 214 sqq., 214 n;
its influence on the Reformation, 232, 238, 428;
disliked by the people, 250, 251;
decision of the Universities, 283, 284, 296, 358;
its injustice to Catherine, 192, 193;
sentence of divorce, 187.
—— of Anne Boleyn, 344.
—— of Anne of Cleves, 395.
—— other instances of, 199, 200, 209 n, 212.
Dodieu, Claude, 196.
Doncaster, 356.
Doria, 216.
Dorset, Marquis of. See Grey, Sir Thomas.
Douglas, Archibald, sixth Earl of Angus, 88, 200.
Dourlens, 157.
Dover, 139, 140, 375.
—— Castle, 16, 375.
Drogheda, Parliament of, 18.
Du Bellay, John, Bishop of Bayonne, 185 n, 196, 197, 203 n, 223-225, 237, 244, 246, 273, 282 n, 284, 295 n, 319.
Dublin, 9, 367.
Dubois, Pierre, 329.
Dudley, Edmund, 2 n, 44, 48.
—— John, Viscount Lisle, afterwards Duke of Northumberland, 261, 408, 414, 430.
Dunkirk, 281.
Dunstable, 300, 302.
Du Prat, Cardinal Antoine, 145.
Durham, Bishopric of, 318.
—— Bishops of. See Ruthal, Thomas;
Tunstall, Cuthbert.
Dymock, Sir Robert, 46.

Edinburgh, 69, 413.
—— Duke of, 18 n.
Education under Henry VII., 19, 20.
Edward I., 37, 187.
—— III., 180, 182, 346.
—— IV. beheads Owen Tudor, 5;
his right to the throne, 7;
his descendants and their claims, 8, 9, 181, 183, 305, 314;
his daughter Elizabeth marries Henry VII., 13;
his tastes, 15, 39;
his marriage pronounced void, 306.
—— VI., birth at Greenwich, 16, 360, 361;
forward as a pupil, 19, 267;
proposed marriage of, 348, 362, 408, 409, 415;
his claim to the throne, 349;
his early death, 12;
homilies printed in his reign, 417.
—— Earl of Warwick, 9, 11, 179.
Eleanor, daughter of Philip of Burgundy, Queen of Portugal, 26, 168, 196, 197 n.
Elizabeth, Queen, born at Greenwich, 16, 300, 301;
forward as a pupil, 19;
foundress of Jesus College, Oxford, 21 n;
contended for the supremacy of the State, 233;
arbitrary with Parliament, 263, 329;
pronounced illegitimate, 343 and note, 348 and note;
claim to the throne, 348 n;
other references to, 35, 191, 267, 304, 411.
—— of York, married to Henry VII., 13;
described by Erasmus, 20.
Ely, Bishop of. See West, Nicholas.
—— Bishopric of, 318.
Embrun, 86.
Emmanuel, King of Portugal, 167.
Emperors. See Maximilian I. and Charles V.
Empire, Holy Roman, 32, 101, 108.
Empson, Sir Richard, 2 n, 44, 48.
Enclosure movement, 119, 120, 256, 352.
Erasmus, Desiderius, his description of Elizabeth of York, 20 and note;
of Henry VIII., 22, 23, 40, 106, 122, 123, 125;
other references to, 19 and note, 89, 115 n, 134, 183, 236.
Essex, Earl of. See Cromwell, Thomas.
Este, Alfonso d’, 153.
—— Isabella d’, 135.
Estrada, Duke of, 26.
Étaples, Treaty of, 48, 75.
Eton College, 426.
Evers, William, Lord, 413.
Exeter, Marquis of. See Courtenay, Henry.
—— Bishops of. See Fox, Richard;
Coverdale, Miles.

Falier, Ludovico, 179.
Farnham, 370.
Ferdinand of Aragon, his negotiations for Catherine’s marriage, 11, 14, 26, 45, 47;
claims Castile, 27;
his methods of government, 37;
advises Henry VIII., 43, 50;
his schemes for the aggrandisement of his family, 50-52, 60;
attacks the Moors, 55;
makes peace with them and attacks France, 56;
conquers Navarre, 57, 58;
betrays Henry, 59-62;
his duplicity, 61, 70, 72, 73;
his death, 92;
other references to, 28-30, 51 n, 52-54, 67, 75-77, 085, 088, 100, 105, 107, 145, 174-176, 179, 284, 351.
—— Archduke and Emperor, 51 and note, 52-54, 61 n, 71, 76, 94, 101.
Ferrara, 100, 153, 159, 283.
Ferrers, Sir Edward, 252 n.
Ferrers’ case, 258, 259.
Fidei Defensor, 107, 126, 325.
Field of Cloth of Gold, 141-143, 151, 294.
First-fruits and Tenths, 324, 327, 336, 368.
Fisher, John, Cardinal Bishop of Rochester, preaches Henry VII.’s funeral sermon, 43, 44;
denounces Luther’s books, 125;
defends the validity of Catherine’s marriage, 222, 236, 282;
his treasonable practices, 282, 305;
sent to the Tower, 324;
attainted, 331-333;
created Cardinal, 332;
death, 333;
other references to, 1 n, 50, 150, 279, 280, 287, 289, 319, 331 n, 350, 438.
Fitzgerald, Gerald, eighth Earl of Kildare, 9, 11, 149, 305, 366, 367.
Fitzroy, Henry, Duke of Richmond and Somerset, 183-185, 197, 213, 348.
Fitzwilliam, Sir William, Earl of Southampton, 144, 146, 147, 157, 203, 254 n, 385, 389 n, 390, 393.
Flanders, 52, 93, 140, 144, 223, 224, 308-311, 358, 359, 373.
See also Burgundy and Netherlands.
Flodden Field, 49, 66, 80, 87, 200, 408.
Florence, 51, 86, 226.
Floyd’s case, 259 n.
Foix, Germaine de, 29, 100.
—— Odet de. See Lautrec.
Fox, Richard, Bishop of Exeter, afterwards Bishop of Winchester, baptises Henry VIII., 16;
his fortunes linked with the Tudors, 48;
chancellor of Cambridge, 49;
founder of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, 49;
an intimate counsellor of Henry VIII., 49;
retires to his diocese, 92;
debates the legality of Henry’s marriage, 174, 198;
death, 117;
other references to, 62, 98, 109, 114, 158, 159, 273.
Foxe, Edward, Bishop of Hereford, 211, 214.
—— John, martyrologist, 191.
France, unity of, 30, 31;
Roman law in, 32;
English antipathy to, 53;
invasion of, 57, 60, 62-66;
friendship with Venice, 61;
truce with Venice, 60;
war against, 64, 65;
campaigns in, 68, 69;
Suffolk’s embassy to, 85;
Wolsey’s embassy to, 112, 144-146;
treaty with England, 138;
Henry’s visit to, 140-143;
war with Spain, 144;
English pretence to the crown of, 149, 150, 158;
suggested assembly of cardinals in, 201;
alliance with England, 223;
threatens Italy from the North, 51, 228, 229;
other references to, 29, 108, 181, 204, 220, 370, 373, 393.
—— Catherine of. See Catherine.
—— Kings of. See Charles VIII.,
Francis I.,
Louis XI.,
Louis XII.
Francis, Duke of Angoulême, afterwards Francis I. of France, description of, 39, 78;
relations with Mary Tudor, 78-83;
designs on Milan, 85, 86;
omnipotence in Italy, 93;
joins second League of Cambrai, 94;
is deceived by Charles V., 96;
his efforts to be elected Emperor, 98-104;
rivalry with Charles V., 108, 312, 429;
his pensions to Wolsey, 115, 116;
his claim to Naples, 136;
Wolsey’s opposition to, 137 and note;
is anxious for a personal interview with Henry VIII., 138, 139;
meets Henry VIII. at the Field of Cloth of Gold, 141-143;
his war with Charles V., 144-148;
his immorality, 150, 186;
his influence on the papal election, 154, 155;
is convinced of English hostility, 156;
English make war on, 157, 158;
his defeat at Pavia, 30, 163, 164;
signs Treaty of Madrid, 168;
suggested marriage to Princess Mary, 195-197 n;
his defeat at Landriano, 226;
is appealed to by Wolsey, 247;
his alliance with Charles V., 250;
his meeting with Henry at Boulogne (1532), 294;
disapproves of Henry’s breach with the Church, 306;
meditates fresh Italian schemes, 310, 351;
his meeting with Clement at Marseilles (1533), 316;
orders Pole to leave France, 359;
his friendship with Charles V., 371, 381, 382, 392;
his meeting with Charles V. and Paul III. (1538), 372;
his breach with Charles V., 404, 405;
intrigues with James V., 406, 409;
his peace with Henry (1546), 412;
his advice about Parliament, 436;
other references to, 81, 88, 94, 97, 127, 129 n, 137, 151, 162, 163 n, 169, 173, 193, 216, 225, 280, 297, 302 n, 311, 315, 334, 349, 361, 369, 370, 376, 377, 383, 386, 393, 396.
—— Dauphin of France, 138, 143, 148.
Frederick II., Emperor, 329.
Frith, John, 272.
Fuentarabia, 160.

Gardiner, Stephen, Bishop of Winchester, goes to Rome to obtain a commission to try the divorce case in England, 214, 220;
would be more powerful if he abandoned his order, 237, 273;
his pocket-boroughs, 254 and note, 317, 390;
secretary, 273;
led the bishops in the House of Lords to reject the concessions made to the King by the Church, 293;
retires to Winchester, 294;
his opposition to the divorce, 306;
on parliamentary liberties, 259;
on the limits of Henry’s power, 323 n, 330;
encounters Barnes in a theological discussion, 394;
patron of Catherine Howard, 397, 399;
champion of the Catholic faith, 416, 418;
other references to, 211, 259, 290, 316, 327 n, 336, 435 n.
Gattinara, Mercurio, 147.
Gatton, 253 and note.
Gaunt, John of, 6, 180.
Genoa, 51, 70, 71, 76, 147, 168.
George, Duke of Clarence, 8, 18, 305, 314, 358, 373.
Germany, 30-32, 69, 101, 104, 124, 139, 272, 311, 381, 382, 393, 418.
Ghinucci, Girolamo, Bishop of Worcester, 202, 206, 207, 218, 318, 338.
Giglis, Silvester de, Bishop of Worcester, 86, 229.
Giustinian, Sebastian, Venetian ambassador, 67, 72, 77 n, 87, 88, 92, 97, 98, 102, 106, 108, 109 and note, 110-115, 118, 121, 127, 129, 132, 177, 181, 240.
Gloucester, 40.
Gordon, Lady Catherine, 11 and note.
Grammont, Gabriel de, Bishop of Tarbes, 173, 195-197, 280, 281.
Gravelines, 143.
Greenwich, 15, 16, 22, 46, 83, 86, 134, 239, 300, 324, 385.
Grey, Lady Jane, 19, 435.
—— Lord Leonard, 366, 367.
—— Thomas, second Marquis of Dorset, 37 n, 57.
Guelders, 54, 144, 168, 383, 393.
Guienne, 57, 58, 61, 62.
Guildford, 389, 421.
Guinegate, 64, 65.
Guipuscoa, 57.
Guisnes, 129, 140, 141, 375.
Gustavus Vasa, King of Sweden, 238.

Hadrian de Castello, Cardinal Bishop of Bath and Wells, 97, 112, 115.
Hailes, Blood of, 380.
Hales, John, 433 n.
Halidon Rig, 407.
Hamburg, 311.
Hampton Court, 140, 239, 398, 410, 421.
Harwich, 375.
Henry II., 4, 271 and note, 275.
Henry IV., 4, 6, 15, 180, 232.
—— IV. of Castile, 207.
—— V., 53, 66.
—— VI., 5, 7.
—— VII., his descent, 5-8;
his birth, 7;
His claim to the throne recognised by Parliament, 8, 13;
Yorkist rivals to, 9;
his sons and daughters, 13;
marriage, 13;
bestows Greenwich on his wife, 15;
sends Arthur and Catherine to Ludlow Castle, 14;
centralising policy, 17;
Irish policy, 18;
Renaissance under, 20;
praised by Erasmus, 23;
his theological conservatism, 24;
proposes marriages for his children, 26;
discusses Catherine’s dower, 26;
suggests marrying her himself, 27;
entertains Philip of Burgundy, 27;
designs on Castile, 28, 29;
his suggested marriage with Margaret of Savoy, 28, 48;
his methods of government, 36-38;
last advice to his son, 43;
death, 43;
funeral and tomb, 44;
his treasure, 149, 245, 246;
other references to, 79, 80, 173, 178, 180, 182, 183, 232, 284, 374, 409, 426.
—— VIII., his descent and parentage, 5;
birth, 15;
baptised and said to have been destined for a clerical career, 16;
offices and titles, 16, 17;
his tutors, 20-22;
his handwriting, 21;
studies languages, 22;
is visited by Erasmus, 22, 23;
corresponds with Erasmus, 23;
studies theology, 24;
is devoted to music, 24;
his minstrels, 24;
his choristers and compositions, 25, 47;
becomes heir-apparent and Duke of Cornwall, 25;
created Prince of Wales and Earl of Chester, 25;
suggested matrimonial alliances, 26;
is betrothed to Catherine of Aragon, 27;
protests against the marriage, 28;
methods of government, 36;
decay of the peerage under, 37;
the ministers of, 38, 48-50;
peaceful accession, 43;
executes Dudley and Empson, 44;
marriage to Catherine, 45, 46;
coronation, 46, 48;
intervenes in favour of Venice, 53;
renews his father’s treaties, 54;
his first crusade, 55;
joins Ferdinand against France, 56;
unsuccessfully attacks Guienne, 57, 58;
his league with Maximilian, 61 and note;
his desertion by Ferdinand, 61-63;
his success in France, 64-66;
the pacific character of his reign, 67, 68;
makes the Treaty of Lille, 69;
his honesty, 72, 73;
discovers duplicity of his allies, 73, 74;
makes peace with France, 74, 75;
his promotion of Charles Brandon, 80;
anger at Brandon’s marriage to Mary Tudor exaggerated, 82-84;
rivalry with Francis I., 86, 87;
claims title of “Protector of Scotland,” 87, 88;
is suggested as Emperor, 99, 102-104;
allows Wolsey much power, 109 sqq.;
his services to the Papacy, 107;
his book against Luther, 123-126;
receives title of Fidei Defensor, 126;
his political activity, 128-131;
his meeting with Charles, 139, 140;
his meeting with Francis at the Field of Cloth of Gold, 141-143;
his second meeting with Charles, 143;
his rights to the crown of France, 149, 158;
his recourse to war loans, 164, 165;
doubts the legality of his marriage with Catherine of Aragon, 173, 174, 195-199, 219;
the premature death of his children, 174-177, 182;
his passion for Anne Boleyn, 189-192;
his conscience, 193, 194, 209, 218;
his first steps towards divorce, 198-201;
his justification for expecting divorce, 199, 200;
licence to commit bigamy, 206;
ceases to work in harmony with Wolsey, 203, 204;
his canonical affinity to Anne Boleyn, 206-208, 344;
is urged by Clement to settle the divorce for himself, 213;
attends the Legates’ Court in person, 221;
praises Catherine, 221, 222;
finds the impossibility of obtaining a favourable verdict at Rome, 226;
breaks with Rome, 228, 231, 428, 429;
appeals to a General Council, 230;
contends for the supremacy of the State, 233;
his support necessary to the Church, 238;
makes peace with Charles, 224;
reproves Wolsey, 242, 243;
the difference between the results of his policy and Wolsey’s, 244, 245;
the difficulty of his position, 250;
his divorce interwoven with the question of papal jurisdiction in England, 251;
he summons Parliament, 251 sqq.;
his harmony with Parliament, 256, 261 sqq.;
his observance of the constitution and parliamentary privileges, 258, 430, 435, 436;
his interest in Parliament, 263;
encourages the Commons to bring complaints to him, 266;
his recognition as “Supreme Head,” 268, 286, 325, 328, 330 n, 331;
is compared to Henry II., 271 and note;
his anti-clerical bias, 272, 273, 285;
his position between two parties, 276;
decisions of the Universities, 283, 284, 288;
his influence with Parliament, 284, 285, 287 sqq.;
meets Francis at Boulogne, 294;
his marriage with Anne Boleyn, 295, 296, 300;
Cranmer pronounces the divorce, 296, 300, 302;
sentence of greater excommunication drawn up against him, 303;
his treatment of Catherine, 303, 304;
his position abroad, 305 sqq.;
closes the Staple at Calais, 308;
his position at home, 313;
his episcopal appointments, 318;
his marriage to Catherine pronounced valid by Clement, 321;
becomes more despotic, 322, 323;
sends Fisher and More to the Tower, and the Friars Observants to the block, 324;
position as Supreme Head of the Church, 325-330;
executes Fisher and More, 331-334;
rejoices at Catherine’s death, 335;
obtains the Statute of Uses, 336;
orders a general visitation of the monasteries, 337-339;
dissolves the monasteries and divides monastic spoils with the laity, 341;
dislikes, divorces, and beheads Anne Boleyn, 343-346;
marries Jane Seymour, 346, 347;
power to bequeath the crown given him by Parliament (see Acts of Succession), 348;
his position strengthened by the death of Catherine and of Anne Boleyn, 349, 350;
refuses to side against Francis I., 350, 351;
deals with the Pilgrimage of Grace, 355;
his answer to the rebels, 356;
conference with Aske, 357;
establishes Council of the North, 358;
his relations with Cardinal Pole, 358, 359;
his good fortune culminates in the birth of Edward VI., 360, 361;
development of his intellect, 363, 364;
completes the Union of England and Wales, 365, 366;
establishes peace in Ireland, 367;
thinks of marrying a French princess, 369, 370;
and then of Christina of Milan, 370, 371;
desecrates the shrine of St. Thomas, 372;
is excommunicated by the Pope, 373;
removes possible claimants to the throne, 374, 375;
and takes other measures for defence, 375-377;
issues the Ten Articles, 378, and The Bishops’ Book, 379;
permits the Bible in English and destroys images, 379, 380;
and dissolves the greater monasteries, 381;
issues a manifesto against the Pope’s authority to summon a General Council, and enters into negotiations with the German princes, 381, 382;
marries Anne of Cleves, 382-386;
but remains a Catholic at heart, 387-389;
and presses the Six Articles, 390;
repudiates the German alliance, 393;
ruins Cromwell, 394;
and divorces Anne, 395;
marries Catherine Howard, 398, 399;
renews his alliance with Charles V. and represses heresy, 400;
erects new bishoprics and endows new professorships, 401;
executes the Countess of Salisbury and Catherine Howard, 403, 404;
makes war on Scotland, renewing his feudal claims to that kingdom, 406 sqq.;
joins Charles V. against France, 409, 410;
marries Catherine Parr, 410;
invades France and captures Boulogne, 412;
is deserted by Charles, and left to face alone the French invasion, 413;
on its failure makes peace with France, 415;
issues various religious proclamations and The King’s Book, 416, 417;
debases the coinage and appropriates the lands of chantries, 418, 419;
his last speech to Parliament, 419, 420;
his illness, 424;
and death, 425;
will and burial, 426.
—— —— descriptions of, as a child, 19;
on his accession, 39;
by Mountjoy, 40;
by Sir Thomas More, 48, 428;
by Falier in 1529, 240;
in 1541, 402.
—— —— his popularity, 35, 38;
his accomplishments, 22, 25, 39, 40, 239;
his athletic prowess, 39-41, 95, 239;
his display of wealth, 96;
his love of pleasure in the beginning of his reign, 46-48;
his morality, 185-187;
his love of gambling, 241;
his hasty temper, 132, 133;
his hardening of character, 240, 323, 402;
his affection for Mary, 304;
his egotism, 427;
his imperial ideas, 362-364;
his piety, 105, 106, 274;
his illnesses, 240 and note, 402, 424.
—— —— gradual evolution of his character, 427, 428;
causes of his dictatorship, 429;
a constitutional king, 430;
the typical embodiment of his age, 431;
careful of law, but careless of justice, 435;
use of Acts of Attainder, 436;
imitates Tiberius, 436 n;
illustrates the contrast between morals and politics, 437, 438;
character of his aims, 439;
comparison of the good and evil that he did, 439, 440.
“Henry VIII.” by Shakespeare, 110, 116 n, 197 n, 434 n.
Henry of Navarre, 186.
Herbert, Lord, of Cherbury, 16.
Hereford, Bishops of. See Foxe, Edward, and Bonner, Edmund.
Hertford, Earl of. See Seymour, Edward.
Hildebrand, 233.
Hobbes, Thomas, 433.
Holbein, Hans, 140, 371, 384 and note.
Holy League (of 1511), 55, 64, 88, 107.
—— —— (of 1526), 168-170, 225.
—— Roman Empire. See Empire.
Horsey, Dr. William, Chancellor of London, 236 and note.
Houghton, John, 331.
Howard, Admiral Sir Edmund, 63.
—— Catherine. See Catherine.
—— Henry, Earl of Surrey, poet, 21, 422, 423.
—— Thomas I., Earl of Surrey, afterwards second Duke of Norfolk, one of the four dukes in Henry VIII.’s reign, 2 n;
Lord High Treasurer, 49;
wins Flodden and is made Duke of Norfolk, 68, 80;
his opinions on the imperial election, 102;
his pensions, 116.
—— Thomas II., Earl of Surrey, afterwards third Duke of Norfolk, was one of the four dukes in Henry VIII.’s reign, 2 n;
his military campaigns, 157, 413, 422;
his relationship to Anne Boleyn, 203, 343 n;
takes the seal from Wolsey, 246;
his pocket-boroughs, 253;
speaks of the “infinite clamours” against the Church, 271, 291;
sent to the papal nuncio, 282;
talks to Sir Thomas More of the fickleness of princes, 248;
presides at Anne Boleyn’s trial, 344;
is sent to the North, 355, 357, 358 n, 407;
mouthpiece of the King in Parliament, 391;
his relationship to Catherine Howard, 397, 399, 416;
possibility of ruling during Edward VI.’s minority, 421;
is attainted, 423, 424.
Hull, 357.
Hungary, 51, 226 n.
Hunne, Richard, 236 n.
Hurst Castle, 375.
Hussey, Sir John, Baron Hussey, 353.
Hutton, John, 370.

Imperialism, Henry VIII.’s, 362, 363.
Indies, the, 51, 104.
Innocent III., 334.
Inquisition, the, 292.
Institution of a Christian Man. See Bishops’ Book.
Intercursus Magnus, 48.
Ireland, Yorkist influence in, 9;
rebellions in, 10, 11, 305, 306, 366, 367;
Henry VIII. made Lord-Lieutenant of, 17;
Henry VII.’s policy in, 18;
English hold over, 245, 250;
tributary to the Pope, 275;
English rule firmly established in, 367;
other references to, 131, 150, 373.
Irish Parliament. See Parliament.
Isabella of Castile, 11, 14, 26, 27, 30, 51 n, 370.
Isabella of Portugal, 96, 167.
Italy, 29-31, 51, 53, 56, 58, 60, 66, 67, 69-71, 76, 90, 93, 94, 100, 104, 105, 114, 144, 148, 154, 159, 164, 168, 170, 215, 216, 224, 225, 227, 228, 251, 294, 358, 376, 382.

James II., 186.
—— IV. of Scotland, 11, 12, 22, 48, 65, 66, 87, 88, 105, 200, 229, 234.
—— V. of Scotland, 13, 180, 305, 314, 315 n, 357, 369, 373, 402-403, 406.
Jane Seymour, Henry’s attentions to, 343 n, 346-348;
her marriage to Henry, 346;
birth of her son, 360;
her death and burial, 360, 361;
other references to, 379, 384 n, 426.
Jesus College, Oxford, 21 n.
John, King, 275.
Juaña, Queen of Castile, 27, 28, 51 and note, 52, 93 n.
Julius II., his warlike tendencies, 1 n, 52, 53, 228;
grants the dispensation for Henry VIII. to marry his brother’s widow, 26, 45, 173, 193, 316 n;
joins the League of Cambrai, 29;
renews his treaties with Henry VIII., 54;
is besieged by Louis at Bologna, 55, 56, 106, 107;
Ferdinand’s relations with, 59, 60;
supposed existence of a brief of, 218;
is succeeded by the peaceful Leo, 69;
other reference to, 176.

Ladislaus of Hungary, 90.
Lambeth, 120.
Lancastrian claim to the throne, 7, 8, 32, 180 n.
—— rule, 32, 33.
Landriano, battle of, 226.
Langton, Stephen, Archbishop of Canterbury, 270.
Lark, Peter, prebendary of St. Stephen’s, 117, 118 n.
Latimer, Hugh, Bishop of Worcester, 273, 354, 401.
Lautrec, Odet de Foix, Sieur de, 215, 216, 224.
Lawson, Sir George, 407.
Lee, Edward, Archbishop of York, sent to Spain to examine the forged brief, 218;
opposition to the divorce, 306;
letter to Cromwell, 366 n.
Leicester, 248.
Leith, 413.
Leo X., his election as Pope, 229;
styles Henry defender of the faith, 3, 126;
gives Henry permission to bury James IV. who was excommunicate, 66;
becomes Pope, 69;
makes Wolsey a cardinal, 77 and note;
interview with Francis, 86;
forms a Holy League, 88, 107;
sends Campeggio to England, 97;
desires neither Francis nor Charles as Emperor, 101, 102, 104;
refuses preferment to Spanish inquisitors, 105;
intercedes for Polydore Vergil, 112;
issues bull against Luther, 124;
receives Henry’s book, 126;
negotiates with Charles, 147;
is anxious for family aggrandisement, 153;
death, 154;
supposed attempt to poison, 230;
efforts at reform, 234 n, 268;
other references to, 70, 100, 108, 121, 146, 234 n.
Leviathan, The, by Hobbes, 433.
Lewis the Bavarian, 329.
Lewisham, 15.
Leyva, Antonio de, 163.
Lichfield, Bishopric of, 318.
Lille, 65, 69, 80.
Lincoln, 353.
—— Earl of. See Pole, John de la.
—— Bishops of. See Longland, John;
Wolsey, Thomas.
Lisle, Viscount. See Dudley, John.
Llandaff, Bishop of. See Athequa, George.
Lollardy, 232.
London, 11, 52, 128, 129, 147, 165, 166, 177, 187, 221, 225, 236, 247, 253, 260, 298, 313, 318, 319, 353, 358, 366, 388, 421, 439.
—— Bishops of. See Bonner, Edmund;
Stokesley, John; and Tunstall, Cuthbert.
—— Treaty of (1518), 110, 138, 144, 147.
Longland, John, Bishop of Lincoln, confessor to Henry VIII., 198 n, 306, 403;
defends the divorce in the House of Lords, 259 n, 318;
for a time is in confinement, 402.
Longueville, Duc de, 64, 74.
Lords, House of. See also Parliament.
—— —— passes attainder against Wolsey, 246;
freedom of speech in, 259 n;
clerical representation in, 287, 318;
is anxious to abolish the Pope’s authority, 319;
Henry’s last address to, 419-421;
passes bills of Wills and Uses, 293.
Louis XI., 30, 136.
—— XII., joins in League of Cambrai, 29;
anxious to prevent Catherine’s marriage to Henry, 45;
at peace with Henry, 47;
besieges the Pope in Bologna, 55, 106, 107;
his impiety denounced, 56;
his secret negotiations with Ferdinand, 59, 60;
rumours of his intention to proclaim the White Rose King of England, 64;
agrees to Ferdinand’s Italian plans, 70, 71;
makes peace with Henry, 74;
marries Mary Tudor, 74;
anxious to attack Spain, 75;
his death, 78, 79;
other references to, 52, 53, 62, 81, 87, 176, 212, 297 n.
—— XIV., 432.
Louise of Savoy, 138, 150, 167, 201, 224.
Lovell, Francis, first Viscount Lovell, 9, 10, 50.
Lübeck, 311.
Ludlow Castle, 14.
Luke, Ann, 16.
Luther, Martin, Henry’s book against, 24, 123, 124, 126;
his books burned in St. Paul’s Churchyard, 125;
his books, 272, 388;
Pope’s bull against, 124;
other references to, 193 n, 351.
Lydgate, John, 21.

Macerata, Dr., 161.
Machiavelli, Nicholas, 69, 276, 436 n, 440.
Madrid, 68.
—— Treaty of, 168.
Magna Carta, 35 and note, 271.
Maidstone, 380.
Mainz, Archbishop of, 100.
Manners, Edward, third Earl of Rutland, 253 n.
Mannock, Henry, 398, 403.
Mantua, Marquis of, 86.
Manuel, Don Juan, 154.
Marck, Robert de la, 144, 168.
Margaret of Burgundy, 9, 10, 51 n.
—— of Navarre, 370.
—— of Savoy, 27, 28, 45, 48, 65, 73, 80, 81, 89, 139, 224.
—— Tudor, Queen of Scotland, her children, 12, 13;
visited as a child by Erasmus, 22;
increases English influence in Scotland, 87, 88;
divorce granted to, 200, 212;
is lectured on her sinfulness by Henry, 209, 210;
Mary’s issue preferred to her’s, 84, 348.
Marguerite de Valois, 28, 146.
Marignano, battle of, 86, 89, 132.
Marillac, Charles de, 393-395, 397, 398, 403.
Marny, Harry, Lord Marny, 50, 355.
Marseilles, 162, 316.
Marsiglio of Padua, 329 and note.
Martyr, Peter, of Angera, 66, 176.
Mary of Burgundy, daughter of Charles the Bold, 30, 51 n.
—— of Guise, 369.
—— Queen of England, her birth, 176;
her claim to the throne, 179, 180, 309, 310, 312, 344, 348 n;
proposed marriages for, 97, 138, 143, 146, 148, 156, 167, 168, 173, 177, 185, 195-197, 213, 305, 422;
her legitimacy, 273, 300 n, 348;
Henry’s affection for, 304 and note;
treatment of, 304, 347, 349;
accession, 430;
conscience of, 194;
persecutions of, 401;
childlessness 12;
other references to, 261, 342.
—— Queen of Scots, 348, 362, 407-409, 415.
—— Regent of the Netherlands (sister of Charles V.), 344 n, 370.
Mary, Tudor, daughter of Henry VII., is visited as a child by Erasmus, 22;
proposed marriages for, 26, 28, 29, 45, 65, 71-74;
marriage to Louis XII., 74, 107, 188;
her appearance, 78;
her marriage to Suffolk, 78-85, 83 n;
her children to succeed to the crown by Henry’s will, before those of her elder sister Margaret, 84, 348;
other reference to, 212.
Mason, Sir John, 402, 432 n.
Matilda, Empress, 179, 180.
Matthew’s Bible, 379.
Maximilian I., Emperor, his designs on Castile, 28, 29;
marries Mary of Burgundy, 30;
the lands of, 51;
his alliance with Henry, 61 and note;
serves as a private soldier, 64, 65;
signs the Treaty of Lille, 69;
his intended attack on Venice, 70, 71;
renews his truce with France, 70, 71;
makes a secret treaty with Ferdinand, 72;
his perfidy, 74;
joins the Holy League, 88;
his Milan expedition, 89-91, 93;
shifts for money, 89-91;
joins second League of Cambrai, 94;
failing health, 98;
death, 99;
other references to, 51 n, 52, 53, 55, 56, 59, 69, 72, 73, 75, 77, 81, 101, 105, 108, 133.
May Day Riots, 119, 135.
Medici, Cardinal de. See Clement VII.
—— Lorenzo de, 86.
Melancthon, Philip, 396.
Melfi, 215.
Membrilla, 50.
Memo, Dionysius, 25.
Mendoza, Inigo de, Bishop of Burgos, imperial ambassador, 114 n, 132, 202, 203, 220.
Michelet, Jules, 32, 36, 142 n.
Milan, 51, 52, 61, 66, 70, 71, 75, 76, 78, 85, 86, 89-91, 93, 99, 101, 107, 108, 115, 116 n, 136, 147, 154, 155, 163, 168, 310, 351, 393, 404, 412.
Military science in the sixteenth century, 68, 69.
Modena, 153.
Mohacz, battle of, 164, 312.
Monarchy, mediæval and modern, 29-32.
Monasteries, condition of, 338-340; visitation of, 337 sqq.;
dissolution of, 339, 341, 342.
Moncada, Hugo de, 170, 171, 215.
Montdidier, 160.
Montmorenci, Anne de, grand master of France, 203 n, 247 n.
More, Sir Thomas, Lord Chancellor, 2, 273;
visits Henry with Erasmus, 22, 23, 42;
a friend of Richard Pace, 89;
opposes the divorce, 293 n;
resigns chancellorship, 294;
anxious for peace, 158, 159;
as Speaker, defends the liberty of the House of Commons, 165;
his persecution of heretics, 194 and note;
denounces Wolsey, 278;
is sent to the Tower, 324;
attainted, 331;
refuses to acknowledge the royal supremacy, 332;
death, 333;
other references to, 110, 133, 150 and note, 236, 248, 293, 328, 331 n, 350, 428, 438.
Morlaix, 157.
Mortimer, Margaret, 199, 200.
Mortimer’s Cross, 5.
Morton’s fork, 49.
Mountjoy, Lord. See Blount, William.
Muxetula, J.A., Spanish ambassador, 215.

Najera, Abbot of, 163.
Naples, 29, 51, 52, 71, 93, 100, 101, 104, 136, 147, 168, 215, 216, 225, 230 n, 380.
Napoleon Bonaparte, 154.
Nassau, Henry, Count of, 144.
Navarre, 29, 57-59, 75, 85, 93, 96, 136, 144, 147, 148, 168.
Navy, the, 57, 63, 109, 122, 126, 127, 157, 315, 369, 375.
—— the French, 145, 413.
Necessary Doctrine, The. See King’s Book.
Nero, Henry VIII. compared to, 172.
Netherlands, the, commercial treaty with, 27;
Margaret of Savoy regent of, 27, 28, 65;
joined to Austria, 30;
aided by Henry, 54;
armies in, 69;
Charles assumes government of, 85;
Maximilian joins Charles in, 93;
wool-market of, 137, 299;
protection of, 156;
union with Spain, 181;
executioners in, 344 n;
other references to, 96, 104, 272, 370, 383, 393.
See also Burgundy and Flanders.
Neville, George, third Baron Abergavenny, 305.
—— Sir John, 402.
—— John, Baron Latimer, 410.
Newgate Prison, 5.
Nice, 295, 372.
Nix, Richard, Bishop of Norwich, 273, 319.
Nonsuch Palace, 239.
Norfolk, Dukes of. See Howard.
Normandy, 148, 150.
Norris, Henry, 343, 345.
Northumberland, Duke of. See Dudley, John.
—— Earl of. See Percy, Henry.
Norwich, Bishop of. See Nix, Richard.
Nottingham, 248.
Novara, French defeat at, 66.
Noyon, Treaty of, 93, 94, 147.

Oatlands, 398, 421.
Orléans, Louis d’. See Longueville, Duc de.
—— Charles, Duc d’, son of Francis I., 168.
—— 283.
Ortiz, Dr. Pedro, Imperial ambassador, 305.
Oxford, 9, 49, 123, 243, 254, 255, 274, 283, 334, 401.
—— Earl of. See Vere.

Pace, Richard, Dean of St. Paul’s, his mission to Maximilian, 90, 91, 99;
mission to the Electors, 102, 103;
his treatment by Wolsey, 114 and note, 116, 129, 130, 155, 161;
other references to, 77 n, 89, 121, 123, 124, 128, 152, 159, 230, 236, 237.
Padua, 283, 329.
Paget, William, first Baron Paget of Beaudesert, 194, 424.
Papacy, the, its triumph over general councils, 174, 328;
its corruption in sixteenth century, 154, 229;
becomes increasingly Italian, 153, 226, 229, 230;
Englishmen excluded from, 230;
confusion of temporal and spiritual interests, 153, 228-231;
its subservience to Charles V., 153, 169, 216, 224, 225.
Papal Curia, 230, 294, 300.
—— powers of dispensation. See Dispensation.
Paris, 65, 68, 83 and note, 127, 141, 283, 358, 386, 411, 439.
Parlement, the French, 436 n.
Parliament, discredited by failure of Lancastrian experiment, 32-34;
distrusted by Wolsey, 120, 235, 258;
revived by Henry VIII. as an instrument of government, 236, 257, 264;
Henry’s treatment of, 258, 260, 262, 263 and note, 264-266;
how far packed (in 1529, 1534, 1536, 1539), 252 sqq., 252 n, 260 and note, 261, 389, 390;
elections and royal nominations to, 252, 261, 368, 389, 390;
extensive powers of, 259 n;
freedom of speech in, 235, 259, 260, 288;
Strode and Ferrers’ cases, 259;
resists Wolsey’s demands (1523), 165;
independence under Henry VIII., 259 and note, 262, 264;
refuses to grant taxes, 260;
rejects Statutes of Wills and Uses, 262, 289, 293;
rejects bill against Wolsey, 246, 278;
rejects first draft of Proclamations Act, 391;
refuses taxes, 246, 260, 289;
criticises Henry’s divorce, 259, 260, 289;
modifies Government measures, 263 n;
but supports Henry against the Church and the Papacy, 266, 267;
complains of clerical exactions and jurisdiction, 235;
and passes measures against them, 279, 289, 293;
passes the Act of Annates, 289, 290;
Act of Appeals, 298, 299, 319;
Act of Supremacy, 325;
Acts of Succession (see Succession);
other references to, 2, 8, 13, 35, 159, 166, 234, 238, 250, 257, 270, 272, 273, 284, 286, 313, 315 n, 329, 336, 337, 341, 348 and note, 392, 400, 401, 419-421, 427, 430.
See also Lords, House of, and Commons, House of.
—— of Drogheda, 18.
—— Irish, 367.
Parr, Catherine. See Catherine.
Pasqualigo, 66, 73, 79, 86, 240.
Passages, 57.
Paston, John, 253 n.
Paul III. publishes bull against Henry, 302;
creates Fisher a cardinal, 332, 350;
finds himself powerless to deprive Henry of his kingdom, 334;
sends Pole to Flanders, 358, 372;
other references to, 339, 361.
Pavia, 154, 163, 169, 216, 283, 351.
Peerage, decay of the, 37.
Percy, Henry, Lord Percy, afterwards Earl of Northumberland, 188, 344.
Pescara, Marquis de, 163.
Peter’s pence, 320.
Peterborough, 335, 401.
Petit, John, M.P. for London, 260.
Peto, Cardinal William, 338.
Petre, Dr. William, 378, 431 n.
Philip of Burgundy, King of Castile, 23, 26, 27, 38, 51 and note, 93 n, 137.
—— of Hesse, 311.
—— IV., 329.
Philippa, granddaughter of Edward III., 180.
Physicians, College of, 401.
Piedmont, 351.
Pilgrimage of Grace, 357, 358, 369, 406.
Pisa, 55, 69.
Plantagenets, the, 4.
Plymouth, 14, 55.
Pole, Edmund de la, Earl of Suffolk, the White Rose, 27, 38, 43, 44, 64.
—— Margaret, Countess of Salisbury, 358, 373, 403, 436 n.
—— Sir Geoffrey, 373, 374.
—— Sir Henry, Baron Montague, 374.
—— John de la, Earl of Lincoln, 10, 44.
—— Reginald, Cardinal, 1, 305, 332 n, 358-360, 369, 372-374, 376.
—— Richard de la, 44.
Pommeraye, Giles de la, 291 n.
Pontefract, 248, 355.
Popes. See Adrian VI.;
Alexander VI.;
Clement VII.;
Julius II.;
Leo X.;
Paul III.
Portsmouth, 413, 414.
Portugal, King of. See Emmanuel.
—— Queens of. See Catherine, Eleanor, Isabella.
Poynings, Sir Edward, 18, 50.
Poynings’ Law, 18.
Præmunire, 35 n, 120, 234, 246, 284, 285, 349, 381.
Praet, Louis de Flandre, Sieur de, 113.
Prester John, 229.
Privy Council. See Council.
Proclamations, Act of, 391.
Protestantism, 194, 232, 272, 326, 380-382, 387, 416.
Provence, 30, 162.
Provisors, Statute of, 282.

Quignon, Cardinal, 202.

Ravenna, 224, 226.
Reading, Prior of, 273.
Reformation, the, partly due to the divorce, 232, 233;
partly due to the anti-ecclesiastical bias of the laity, 267 sqq., 272;
different aspects of, 325-329;
not due to Henry VIII., 439, 440;
other references to, 275, 348.
Reggio, 153.
Reigate, 253 n.
Renaissance, the, under Henry VII., 20, 31.
Renard, Simon, 261.
Renée, daughter of Louis XII., 61 n, 71, 85, 100, 202, 205, 206.
Rhodes, 164, 312.
Rich, Sir Richard, first Baron Rich, 332, 354.
Richard III., 4, 7, 10, 49, 80, 158, 165, 305, 306.
—— Duke of York, 9, 18, 19.
Richmond, 20 n, 43, 44.
—— Duke of. See Fitzroy, Henry.
—— Earl of. See Henry VII. and Tudor, Edmund.
Rochester, 385.
—— Bishop of. See Fisher, John.
Rogers, John, 379.
Roman Empire, Holy. See Empire.
—— law, 3, 32, 38, 323 n, 362.
Rome, 1, 12, 17, 69, 74, 89, 93, 99, 115, 119, 126, 132, 162, 186, 191, 197 n, 200, 202, 205, 206, 208, 211, 238, 249, 251, 267, 269, 276, 282, 287, 290, 291, 294, 295, 297, 305, 315, 316, 319, 320-323, 349, 350, 351, 359, 364, 372, 381, 387, 402, 428-430, 439.
Rose, Red and White, union of, 13.
—— the White. See Pole, Edmund de la, and Courtenay, Henry.
Roses, Wars of the, 5, 6, 181, 429.
Rovere, Francis Maria della, Duke of Urbino, 153.
Royal marriages, 37.
Roye, 160.
Russell, John, first Earl of Bedford, 307.
Ruthal, Thomas, Bishop of Durham, one of Henry’s ministers, 49, 127;
appointed privy seal, 92, 273;
death, 116, 117.
Rutland, Earl of. See Manners, Edward.

Sack of Rome, 171, 172, 178, 200, 212, 216, 226, 230, 316, 428, 439.
Sadleir, Sir Ralph, 394, 402.
Sagudino, 95.
St. Albans, 6, 117.
—— Andrews, 88, 248, 415.
—— Angelo, 170, 171.
—— Asaph, Bishop of. See Standish, Henry.
—— Bartholomew Massacre, 439.
—— Januarius, 380.
—— John, 172.
—— —— Knights of, 164, 381.
—— Leger, Sir Anthony, 367.
—— Mathias, 163.
St. Omer, 344 and note.
—— Paul, 194, 296, 326.
—— Paul’s Cathedral, 14, 43, 66, 125.
—— Peter’s, 170, 171.
—— Pol, Francis de Bourbon, Count of, 225.
Salisbury, Bishopric of, 318.
—— Bishops of. See Audley, Edmund; Shaxton, Nicholas.
—— Countess of. See Pole, Margaret.
Sampson, Richard, Bishop of Chichester, 394.
Sandwich, 140.
Sandys, Sir William, 131.
Sanga, Gio. Batt., 206, 213 n, 216, 225.
Sarpi, Paolo, 16 n.
Sarum Use, The, 417.
Savoy, Louise of. See Louise.
—— Margaret of. See Margaret.
Saxony, Duke of, 103, 383.
Scarborough, 357.
Schwartz, Martin, 10.
Scotland, Henry VIII.’s claim to suzerainty over, 406 n, 408, 409;
war with, 11, 405-408;
Roman law in, 32;
infant king of, 69;
English influence in, 88;
Albany leaves, 97;
English interests in, 149, 150;
Albany again in, 156;
peace with, 315, 324;
other references to, 159, 250, 369, 375, 383, 399.
Scottish borders, 11, 17, 66, 157, 315, 362, 364, 375.
Scotus, Duns, 123, 334.
Selim, Sultan, 164.
Sessa, Duke of, 169.
Seymour, Edward, Earl of Hertford, afterwards Duke of Somerset, Scottish expeditions, 69, 411, 413, 415;
rises in Henry’s favour, 346, 416, 422;
commands in France, 413;
speech at his execution, 434 n.
—— Queen Jane. See Jane.
—— Sir John of Wolf Hall, 346.
—— Sir Thomas, 410.
Sforza, Francesco Maria, 66, 76, 89.
Shakespeare, William, 21, 35, 110, 114, 116 n, 197 n, 308, 434 n.
Shanklin Chine, 414.
Shaxton, Nicholas, Bishop of Salisbury, 401.
Sheen, 43.
Sheffield, Sir Robert, 113.
Ships:— Great Harry or Henry Grace à Dieu, 140.
Henry Imperial, 63, 363.
Katherine Pleasaunce, 140.
Mary Rose, 157, 414.
Princess Mary, 127.
Royal George, 414.
Shoreham, 414.
Shrewsbury, 252 n.
—— Earl of. See Talbot, George.
Sibylla of Cleves, 383.
Sicily, 230 n.
Simnel, Lambert, 9, 10, 18.
Sinclair, Oliver, 407.
Sittingbourne, 385.
Six Articles, The, 390, 392, 400, 401, 411, 415, 418, 431.
Skeffington, Thomas, Bishop of Bangor, 114 n.
—— Sir William, 366.
Skelton, John, 19, 21 and note, 66, 338.
Smeaton, Mark, 344, 345.
Smithfield, 400.
Solway Moss, 407, 408.
Somerset, Charles, Lord Herbert, afterwards Earl of Worcester, 50, 110, 122.
—— Duke of. See Seymour, Edward.
Southampton, 52, 57, 127, 390.
—— Earls of. See Fitzwilliam, Sir William; Wriothesley, Sir Thomas.
Southwell, Sir Richard, 423.
Spain, 31, 32, 57, 69, 73, 75, 78, 94, 95, 101, 104, 108, 137, 139, 143, 156, 159, 162, 166, 167, 178, 181, 201, 218, 223, 228, 292, 301, 309, 312, 316, 370, 382.
Spanish alliance, 26, 143, 410.
Spithead, 414.
Spurs, battle of, 64, 65, 74.
Stafford, Edward, third Duke of Buckingham, 9, 37 n, 38, 50, 111, 118, 179, 181, 182, 248, 434 n.
—— Henry, Earl of Wiltshire, 50.
Stafileo, Dean of the Rota, 197 n.
Standish, Henry, Bishop of St. Asaph, 130, 234-236, 259 n, 269.
Stanley, Thomas, first Earl of Derby, 8.
—— Sir William, 10.
Star Chamber. See Court.
Stephen, King, 180.
Stewart, Henry, first Lord Methven, 200.
—— John, Duke of Albany, 87, 88, 97, 156, 157.
Stile, John, 37 n.
Stillington, Robert, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 306.
Stirling, 88.
Stoke-on-Trent, 10.
Stokesley, John, Bishop of London, 259 n, 282 n, 300, 327 n.
Strode’s case, 259.
Stuarts, the, 8, 32, 35 and note, 233, 261, 341, 366.
Succession to the Crown, 179-184, 348 n;
denied to women, 179, 180.
—— Acts of, 321, 324, 348.
Suffolk, Countess of. See Pole, Margaret.
—— Duke of. See Brandon, Charles.
—— Earl of. See Pole, Edmund de la.
Supreme Head, Henry VIII. as, 268, 286, 325, 328, 330 n, 331, 377, 378, 421.
Surgeons, College of, 401.
Surrey, Earl of. See Howard, Henry.
Switzerland, 272.
Swynford, Catherine, 6.

Talbot, George, fourth Earl of Shrewsbury, 50, 355 n.
Tarbes, Bishop of. See Grammont, Gabriel de.
Taunton, 255.
Taylor, Dr. John, 64 n, 235, 236.
Ten Articles, The, 378.
Thames, 63.
Thérouanne, 64, 65.
Thomas, St. See Aquinas.
Torregiano, Pietro, 44.
Torture, use of, 432.
Toulouse, 283.
Tournay, 10, 65, 68, 73, 74, 77, 80, 115, 181.
Tower of London, 2, 10, 19, 38, 44, 50, 112, 114 and note, 272, 324, 332, 345, 367, 374, 394, 402-404, 422-424.
Trinity House, 126.
Tudors, the, pedigree of, 5, 7, 8, 14;
infant mortality of, 12, 174-177, 342, 343;
education of, 19;
orthodoxy of, 24;
courage of, 63;
liveries of, 21;
adulation paid to, 32, 35, 36, 239, 248;
autocracy, characteristics of, 38, 233, 433, 435;
government of, 30, 34, 36, 134, 270, 279 n, 329, 366, 368, 430, 434;
discontent under, 256, 313.
Tudor, Edmund, Earl of Richmond, 5, 6.
—— —— Duke of Somerset, son of Henry VII., 22, 38.
—— Jasper, 5.
—— Owen, 5, 6.
Tunstall, Cuthbert, Bishop of London and Durham, his opinions on foreign policy, 92, 94;
present at the burning of Luther’s books, 125;
wide discretion allowed him by Henry, 133;
sent to Spain, 166;
is Lord Privy Seal, 273;
is not summoned to Parliament (1532), 289;
in opposition to the divorce, 306;
president of the Council of the North, 358;
other references to, 102, 289, 297 n, 386, 394.
Tyndale, William, 272, 274.

Uniformity, Act of, 391, 417.
Urbino, the Pope’s seizure of, 376.
—— Duke of. See Rovere.

Vaux, John Joachim, 247 n.
Vendôme, Duc de, 160.
Venice, 25, 29, 51-54, 61, 69-71, 76, 89, 90, 99, 112, 114, 118, 159, 168, 224.
Vere, John de, thirteenth Earl of Oxford, 355 n.
Vergil, Polydore, 77, 111, 112, 182.
Vinci, Leonardo da, 140.
Vinea, Peter de, 329.

Wales, 315, 364 and note.
—— Prince of. See Arthur, Prince;
also Henry VIII.
—— Statute of, 365-367.
Wallop, Sir John, 402, 410.
Walsingham, Sir Edmund, Lieutenant of the Tower, 272.
—— Sir Francis, 38.
Warbeck, Perkin, 10, 11, 18, 19.
Warham, William, Archbishop of Canterbury, marries Henry VIII. to Catherine of Aragon, and crowns them, 46, 48;
is diplomatist, Lord Chancellor and Archbishop, 48, 92, 258;
is Chancellor of Oxford University, 49;
is present at the burning of Luther’s books, 125;
debates the legality of Henry’s marriage, 174;
his views on papal authority, 269;
compares Henry VIII. with Henry II., 271;
but admits that Ira principis mors est, 270;
death, 296;
other references to, 120, 248, 286.
Warwick, Earl of. See Edward.
Waterford, 11.
Welz, 99.
West, Nicholas, Bishop of Ely, 110, 122, 338.
Westminster, 2, 278, 421, 424.
—— Abbey, 5, 44, 46, 175, 300, 395, 426.
—— Bishopric of, 401.
Weston, Sir Francis, 344.
Whitehall Palace, 239, 421.
Wight, Isle of, 375.
William the Conqueror, 3.
—— III., 186.
Wills and Uses, Statute of, 262, 289, 293, 336.
Wilton, 242.
Wiltshire, Earls of. See Boleyn, Thomas;
Stafford, Henry.
Winchcombe, Abbot of, 234, 235.
Winchester, 14, 198, 247, 254, 255, 294, 318.
—— Bishops of. See Beaufort, Henry;
Fox, Richard;
Gardiner, Stephen.
Windsor, 156, 157, 167, 361, 421, 425, 426.
—— Sir Andrew, 119.
Wingfield, Sir Richard, 166.
—— Sir Robert, 91.
Woking, 421.
Wolf, John, 259 n.
Wolman, Dr. Richard, 198, 199.
Wolsey, Thomas, Cardinal Archbishop of York, his birth, 38;
becomes Henry’s almoner and member of council, 56;
his industry and many preferments, 177 and note;
is made cardinal, 77 and note;
is made legate, 97;
his domestic policy, peacefulness of, 119;
his distrust of parliaments, 120, 235, 258;
his partnership with the King, 121, 122, 129-132;
his neglect of the navy, 127;
his demands for money, 164, 165;
his results contrasted with Henry’s, 244;
his foreign policy, 56, 62, 77, 78, 89, 98, 108-110, 137 and note, 144-147, 160, 166, 167;
opposition to his foreign policy, 92;
results of his foreign policy, 163, 164, 224, 245, 246;
his alliances with Charles V., 148-152, 156, 157;
his alliances with Francis I., 141, 142, 195;
conducts the conference at Calais, 144-147;
is a candidate for the Papacy, 146, 154, 155, 230;
his projects for ecclesiastical reform, 268, 269, 338;
suppresses monasteries, 338;
his educational endowments, 243, 338;
his wealth, 97, 115, 209;
his pensions, 115, 116;
his arrogance, 109 sqq.;
his jealousy of others, 82, 83, 112-114, 182 and note;
his mistress and children, 117, 118;
his impatient temper, 132, 133;
his genius for diplomacy, 135, 136;
his character by Giustinian, 118;
his unpopularity, 203;
his first steps towards the divorce, 198, 200;
visits France in connection with the divorce, 201, 202;
his commission with Campeggio to try, and the trial of, the divorce, 214, 221-223;
his fall precipitated by his failure to obtain the divorce, 154, 204, 223, 239;
his fall involves the ruin of the Church, 211, 237, 238;
his real attitude towards the divorce, 205, 206;
his attainder passed in the House of Lords, but rejected in the House of Commons, 246, 247;
devotes his last days to his archiepiscopal duties, 247;
accused of treason and arrested, 247;
his remarks on the fickleness of royal favour; and his death, 248;
other references to, 66, 81, 94, 119, 123, 138, 141, 142, 177, 235, 242, 248 n, 251, 272, 273, 278, 350, 399, 401, 410, 426, 439.
Woodstock, 177.
Woodville, Elizabeth, 15.
Woolwich, 126.
Worcester, 254 n.
—— Bishopric of, 318.
—— Bishops of. See Ghinucci, Girolamo;
Giglis, Sylvester de;
Latimer, Hugh;
Pace, Richard.
—— Cathedral, 14.
—— Earl of. See Somerset, Charles.
Worsley, Sir James, 259 n.
Wotton, Dr. Nicholas, 384.
Wriothesley, Sir Thomas, afterwards Earl of Southampton, 390, 394, 402, 411, 423.
Wulford, Ralf, 11.
Würtemberg, 311.
Wyatt, Sir Thomas, 188 and note, 189, 402.
Wycliffe, John, 232, 270, 274.
Wynter, Thomas, 118.

Ximenes, Cardinal, 73.

York, 9, 39, 114, 247, 358, 403, 406.
—— Archbishopric of, 88, 117, 298, 318, 329.
York, Archbishops of. See Bainbridge, Christopher;
Lee, Edward;
Wolsey, Thomas.
—— Dukes of. See Richard;
Henry VIII.;
Charles I. of England.
—— House, 239.
Yorkist claimants, 9-11, 13.
—— plots, 9-11, 15.

Zapolya, John, 226 n.
Zurich, 89.

Footnote 1: The edition cited in the text is that of 1672.(back)

Footnote 2: This series, unlike the Calendars of State Papers, includes documents not preserved at the Record Office; it is often inaccurately cited as Calendar of State Papers, but the word “Calendar” does not appear in the title and it includes much besides State papers; such a description also tends to confuse it with the eleven volumes of Henry VIII.’s State papers published in extenso in 1830-51. The series now extends to Dec., 1544, and is cited in the text as L. and P.(back)

Footnote 4: Cited as Ven. Cal.; this correspondence diminishes in importance as the reign proceeds, and also, after 1530, the documents are epitomised afresh in L. and P.(back)

Footnote 5: Three series, viz., that edited by Thorp (2 vols., 1858), a second edited by Bain (2 vols., 1898) and the Hamilton Papers (2 vols., 1890-92).(back)

Footnote 6: Vol. i. of the Irish Calendar, and also of the Carew MSS.; see also the Calendar of Fiants published by the Deputy-Keeper of Records for Ireland.(back)

Footnote 7: Correspondance de MM. Castillon et Marillac, edited by Kaulek, and of Odet de Selve, 1888.(back)

Footnote 8: The most important of these is vol. i. of Lord Salisbury’s MSS.; other papers of Henry VIII.’s reign are scattered up and down the Appendices to a score and more of reports.(back)

Footnote 9: E.g., Wriothesley’s Chronicle, Chron. of Calais, and Greyfriars Chron.(back)

Footnote 10: E.g., Leadam, Domesday of Inclosures, and Transactions, passim.(back)

Footnote 11: Paderborn, 1893; cf. Engl. Hist. Rev., xix., 632-45.(back)

Footnote 12: Henry VIII. and the English Monasteries, 2 vols., 1888.(back)

Footnote 13: Of these the most important are Polydore Vergil (Basel, 1534), Hall’s Chronicle (1548) and Fabyan’s Chronicle (edited by Ellis, 1811). Holinshed and Stow are not quite contemporary, but they occasionally add to earlier writers on apparently good authority.(back)

Footnote 14: I have in this edition added references to those which seem most important; for a collected bibliography see Dr. Gairdner in Cambridge Modern History, ii., 789-94. I have also for the purpose of this edition added references to the original sources—a task of some labour when nearly every fact is taken from a different document. The text has been revised, some errors removed, and notes added on special points, especially those on which fresh light has recently been thrown.(back)

Footnote 15: In Lectures on Mediæval and Modern History, 1887.(back)

Footnote 16: Bainbridge, Wolsey, Fisher, Pole. Bainbridge was a cardinal after Julius II’s own heart, and he received the red hat for military services rendered to that warlike Pope (Ven. Cal., ii., 104).(back)

Footnote 17: There were two Dukes of Norfolk, the second of whom was attainted, as was the Duke of Buckingham; the fourth Duke was Henry’s brother-in-law, Suffolk.(back)

Footnote 18: Empson and Dudley.(back)

Footnote 19: “Sua cuique civitati religio est, nostra nobis.” Cicero, Pro Flacco, 28; cf. E. Bourre, Des Inequalités de condition resultant de la religion en droit Romain, Paris, 1895.(back)

Footnote 20: Cf. Bishop Scory to Edward VI. in Strype, Eccl. Mem., II., ii., 482; Fortescue, ed. Plummer, pp. 137-142.(back)

Footnote 21: E.g., L. and P., i., 679.(back)

Footnote 22: Archæologia Cambrensis, 1st ser., iv., 267; 3rd ser., xv., 278, 379.(back)

Footnote 23: See the present writer in D.N.B., lii., 261.(back)

Footnote 24: Perkin was the first of Lady Catherine Gordon’s four husbands; her second was James Strangways, gentleman-usher to Henry VIII., her third Sir Matthew Cradock (d. 1531), and her fourth Christopher Ashton, also gentleman-usher; she died in 1537 and was buried in Fyfield Church (L. and P., ii., 3512).(back)

Footnote 25: See the present writer in Dict. Nat. Biog., lxiii., 172.(back)

Footnote 26: Sp. Cal., i., No. 249; see below, p. 179.(back)

Footnote 27: There is no definite evidence that he had more.(back)

Footnote 28: Ven. Cal., i., 833.(back)

Footnote 29: Cf. Skelton, Works, ed. Dyce. vol. i., pp. ix-xi.(back)

Footnote 30: L. and P., Henry VII., i., 413-415; L. and P., Henry VIII., iv., 5791.(back)

Footnote 31: L. and P., i., 4871.(back)

Footnote 32: Fox’s own statement, L. and P., iv., 5791.(back)

Footnote 33: Herbert gives Paolo Sarpi as his authority.(back)

Footnote 34: G.E.C [okayne], Complete Peerage, s.v. Cornwall.(back)

Footnote 35: L. and P., Henry VII., Rolls Ser., ii., 374.(back)

Footnote 36: Ib., i., 388-404; Paston Letters, iii., 384-85.(back)

Footnote 37: L. and P., Henry VII., ii., 57.(back)

Footnote 38: See the present writer in D.N.B., xlvi., 271.(back)

Footnote 39: An exception was made in the case of the late Duke of Edinburgh. It was designed if Henry VIII. had a second son, to make him Duke of York (L. and P., vii., 1364).(back)

Footnote 40: This is an anonymous portrait of Henry at the age of eighteen months or two years belonging to Sir Edmund and Lady Verney.(back)

Footnote 41: Erasmus, Epist., p. 1182; L. and P., iv., 5412.(back)

Footnote 42: This testimonial was written in 1528 before Henry VIII. had given the most striking demonstrations of its truth.(back)

Footnote 43: See D.N.B., i., 398. Erasmus, however, described André as being “of mean abilities” (L. and P., iv., 626).(back)

Footnote 44: D.N.B., xiv., 449; cf. L. and P., i., 513. On Henry VIII’s accession D’Ewes was appointed keeper of the King’s library at Richmond with a salary of £10 per year.(back)

Footnote 45: Skelton, Works, ed. Dyce, vol. i., p. xiii.; the white and green still survive as the colours of Jesus College, Oxford, founded by Queen Elizabeth.(back)

Footnote 46: Ib., p. xxi.; a copy of the latter, which Dyce could not find, is in Brit. Mus. Addit. MS. 26787.(back)

Footnote 47: Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 26787.(back)

Footnote 48: Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 19553.(back)

Footnote 49: F.M. Nichols, Epistles of Erasmus, i., 201.(back)

Footnote 50: Printed in 1500 at the end of Erasmus’s Adagia.(back)

Footnote 51: F.M. Nichols, pp. 423-24; L. and P., iv., 5412.(back)

Footnote 52: Cotton MS., Vitellius, A., xvi., f. 172.(back)

Footnote 53: Hist. MSS. Comm., 5th Rep., App., p. 549.(back)

Footnote 54: L. and P., i., 4314.(back)

Footnote 55: L. and P., ii., 410, 4024.(back)

Footnote 56: Ven. Cal., ii., 780; L. and P., ii., 2401, 3455.(back)

Footnote 57: E.g., Add. MS. 31922.(back)

Footnote 58: The next prince to hold the title was Charles, afterwards Charles I., who was created Duke of York on 6th Jan., 1605.(back)

Footnote 59: Afterwards Queen of Portugal and then of France. L. and P., Henry VII., i., 285, 425.(back)

Footnote 60: Sp. Cal., i., 267.(back)

Footnote 61: L. and P., Henry VII., ii., 158; Ven. Cal., i., 867.(back)

Footnote 62: Sp. Cal., i., 458; L. and P., iv., 5791.(back)

Footnote 63: L. and P., Henry VII., i., 241-47; ii. 342-43.(back)

Footnote 64: Sp. Cal., Suppl., p. 23.(back)

Footnote 65: Cf. A.O. Meyer, Die Englische Diplomatie, Breslau, 1901.(back)

Footnote 66: The conclusion of the maxim utpote cum lege regia quae de imperio ejus lata est, populus ei et in eum omne suum imperium et potestatem conferat (Ulpian, Digest, I., iv., 1), was conveniently forgotten by apologists for absolutism, though the Tudors respected it in practice.(back)

Footnote 67: Hist. de France, ed. 1879, ix., 301.(back)

Footnote 68: Fortescue, Governance of England, ed. Plummer, 1885.(back)

Footnote 69: Magna Carta may almost be said to have been “discovered” by the parliamentary opponents of the Stuarts; and in discovering it, they misinterpreted several of its clauses such as the judicium parium. Allusion was, however, made to Magna Carta in the proceedings against Wolsey for Præmunire (Fox, vi., 43).(back)

Footnote 70: Ven Cal., ii., 336.(back)

Footnote 71: The Duke was Buckingham, and the Marquis was Dorset.(back)

Footnote 72: See a description of Ferdinand’s court by John Stile, the English envoy, in L. and P., i., 490.(back)

Footnote 73: See the present writer’s England under Protector Somerset, p. 38.(back)

Footnote 74: L. and P., Henry VII., i., 180, 233, 319.(back)

Footnote 75:L. and P., ii., 395.(back)

Footnote 76: Giustinian, Despatches, ii., 312; Ven. Cal., ii., 1287; L. and P., iii., 402.(back)

Footnote 77: F.M. Nichols, Epistles of Erasmus, i., 457.(back)

Footnote 78: Sp. Cal., ii., 4.(back)

Footnote 79: L. and P., i., 2, 12.(back)

Footnote 80: Cf. L. and P., i., 1004.(back)

Footnote 81: Sp. Cal., ii., 3.(back)

Footnote 82: Ibid., ii., 8, 15.(back)

Footnote 83: L. and P., i., 224.(back)

Footnote 84: L. and P., iv., 5774.(back)

Footnote 85: L. and P., vol. ii., p. 1461.(back)

Footnote 86: Sp. Cal., ii., 19.(back)

Footnote 87: Ibid., ii., 44, 45.(back)

Footnote 88: Ven. Cal., ii., 11.(back)

Footnote 89: L. and P., i., 811, 2082; ii., 114.(back)

Footnote 90: D.N.B., xx., 152.(back)

Footnote 91: Ven. Cal., ii., 63.(back)

Footnote 92: Sp. Cal., ii., 44.(back)

Footnote 93: He is a link in the hereditary chain which began with Beauforts, Dukes of Somerset and ended in Somersets, Dukes of Beaufort.(back)

Footnote 94: By Bergenroth in his prefaces to the Calendar of Spanish State Papers. He greatly exaggerates Ferdinand’s influence.(back)

Footnote 95: Sp. Cal., ii., 12, 21; L. and P., i., 368.(back)

Footnote 96: Ibid., ii., 153, 159. The following pedigree may be useful for reference:—

   Charles = Margaret
  the Bold | of York, “aunt to all the Pretenders”
          |
         Mary = Emperor Ferdinand = Isabella
          | Maximilian of Aragon of Castille
          | (d. 1519) |
          | +——+
          | | |
          Archduke = Juaña Catherine
          Philip | of Aragon
          (d. 1506) |
          |
          +——+
          | |
  Charles V., Emperor Ferdinand, Emperor
       1519-1556 1556-1564
(back)

Footnote 97: Ven. Cal., i., 941, 942, 945; ii., 1.(back)

Footnote 98: L. and P., i., 922, 932, 3333; Ven. Cal., ii., 5, 7, 9, 19-22, 28, 33, 39, 40, 45, 51.(back)

Footnote 99: Sp. Cal., ii., 23.(back)

Footnote 100: L. and P., i., 679.(back)

Footnote 101: Ven. Cal., ii., 16; L. and P., i., 1740.(back)

Footnote 102: L. and P., i., 1531.(back)

Footnote 103: Ibid., ii., 4688; Ven. Cal., ii., 178.(back)

Footnote 104: Sp. Cal., ii., 59.(back)

Footnote 105: L. and P., i., 1828.(back)

Footnote 106: Ven. Cal., ii., 177.(back)

Footnote 107: L. and P., i., 1980; Sp. Cal., ii., 59; Ven. Cal., ii., 122.(back)

Footnote 108: Ibid., ii., 159.(back)

Footnote 109: L. and P., i., 3243.(back)

Footnote 110: Ibid., i., 3352.(back)

Footnote 111: L. and P., i., 3298, 3355; Ven. Cal., ii., 198, 205. The financial accounts for the expedition are in L. and P., i., 3762.(back)

Footnote 112: Sp. Cal., ii., 68, 70, 72; cf. L. and P., i., 3350, 3356.(back)

Footnote 113: Sp. Cal., ii., 89, 118; L. and P., i., 3839.(back)

Footnote 114: Ibid., ii., 96, 101.(back)

Footnote 115: Sp. Cal., ii., 106.(back)

Footnote 116: Ibid., ii., 107.(back)

Footnote 117: Ibid., ii., 104.(back)

Footnote 118: Sp. Cal., ii., 70.(back)

Footnote 119: L. and P., i., 3325.(back)

Footnote 120: Ven. Cal., ii., 208, 234, 254, 283, 298. Bergenroth, in his zeal for Ferdinand, represents the Pope and not Ferdinand as being responsible for driving Venice into the arms of France.(back)

Footnote 121: L. and P., i., 3649, 3859-61. The league between Henry and Maximilian was concluded 5th April, 1513; Carroz ratified it on Ferdinand’s behalf on 25th April, though Ferdinand had already signed a truce with France. A good instance of Ferdinand’s duplicity may be found in Sp. Cal., ii., 104, 207; in the former he is asking for the hand of Renée for his grandson Ferdinand, in the latter he tells the Pope that the report that he had made this request was pure invention.(back)

Footnote 122: Sp. Cal., ii., 101.(back)

Footnote 123: Ib., ii., 118, 122.(back)

Footnote 124: Ib., ii., 125.(back)

Footnote 125: L. and P., i., 3356, 3451.(back)

Footnote 126: Ib., i., 3443.(back)

Footnote 127: L. and P., i., 3809, 3820.(back)

Footnote 128: Ib., i., 3977.(back)

Footnote 129: Ib., i., 4005; see also The War of 1512-13 (Navy Records Society) where the documents are printed in full.(back)

Footnote 130: L. and P., i., 3885, 3915. There are three detailed diaries of the campaign in L. and P., two anonymous (Nos. 4253, and 4306), and the other (No. 4284) by John Taylor, afterwards Master of the Rolls, for whom see the present writer in D.N.B., lv., 429; the original of his diary is in Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C., v. 64.(back)

Footnote 131: Ib., i., 4324, 4328-29.(back)

Footnote 132: Taylor’s Diary.(back)

Footnote 133: Besides the English accounts referred to, see L. and P., i., 4401.(back)

Footnote 134: L. and P., i., 4431.(back)

Footnote 135: Ven. Cal., ii., 328.(back)

Footnote 136: L. and P., i., 4398; Ellis, Original Letters, 1st ser., i., 83.(back)

Footnote 137: L. and P., i., 4439, 4441, 4461; cf. popular ballads in Weber’s Flodden Field, and La Rotta de Scocese (Bannatyne Club).(back)

Footnote 138: Ven. Cal., ii., 909; Sp. Cal., i., 137; L. and P., i., 4502, 4582.(back)

Footnote 139: Ven. Cal., ii., 340.(back)

Footnote 140: L. and P., i., 4864.(back)

Footnote 141: Ven. Cal., ii., 362.(back)

Footnote 142: L. and P., ii., 1991.(back)

Footnote 143: Ven. Cal., ii., 1287; Giustinian, Desp., App., ii., 309.(back)

Footnote 144: Sp. Cal., ii., 142.(back)

Footnote 145: Ib., ii., 201.(back)

Footnote 146: Ven. Cal., ii., 298; cf. L. and P., i., 3081.(back)

Footnote 147: In 1520 he described his title “King of France” as a title given him by others which was “good for nothing” (Ven. Cal., iii., 45). Its value consisted in the pensions he received as a sort of commutation.(back)

Footnote 148: Machiavelli, Opera, iv., 139.(back)

Footnote 149: Sp. Cal., ii., 138, 143; L. and P., i., 4511, 4560.(back)

Footnote 150: Sp. Cal., ii., 132.(back)

Footnote 151: Ibid., ii., 159.(back)

Footnote 152: Ibid., ii., 158, 163.(back)

Footnote 153: Ibid., ii., 131.(back)

Footnote 154: Sp. Cal., ii., 153.(back)

Footnote 155: Ibid., ii., 164; Ven. Cal., ii., 389, 391, 401, 405.(back)

Footnote 156: Sp. Cal., ii., 167.(back)

Footnote 157: L. and P., i., 4560.(back)

Footnote 158: Ibid., i., 5203.(back)

Footnote 159: Ven. Cal., ii., 295. Charles was fourteen, Mary eighteen years of age.(back)

Footnote 160: L. and P., ii., 3163.(back)

Footnote 161: Ven. Cal., ii., 406.(back)

Footnote 162: Sp. Cal., ii., 246.(back)

Footnote 163: L. and P., i., 4864.(back)

Footnote 164: Ven. Cal., ii., 505.(back)

Footnote 165: Ibid., ii., 372.(back)

Footnote 166: Ibid., ii., 505; L. and P., i., 5173, 5278.(back)

Footnote 167: Ven. Cal., ii., 383.(back)

Footnote 168: L. and P., i., 5305; Ven. Cal., ii., 482, 483.(back)

Footnote 169: Ven. Cal., ii., 495.(back)

Footnote 170: Ibid., ii., 532, 542.(back)

Footnote 171: Sp. Cal., ii., 192; L. and P., i., 5637.(back)

Footnote 172: Sp. Cal., ii., 201. A Venetian reports that the English were so enraged that they would have killed Carroz had it not been for Henry (Ven. Cal., ii., 248), and Carroz was actually placed in confinement.(back)

Footnote 173: L. and P., i., 5718; Ven. Cal., ii., 464.(back)

Footnote 174: L. and P., i., 5319.(back)

Footnote 175: Ibid., i., 4499, 4921.(back)

Footnote 176: Cf. Ven. Cal., ii., 695; L. and P., ii., 1380. Giustinian complains that Wolsey “never said what he meant but the reverse of what he intended to do” (Ibid., ii., 3081). This perhaps is no great crime in a diplomatist.(back)

Footnote 177: L. and P., i., 5110, 5121. Henry’s request that Leo should make Wolsey a Cardinal was not made till 12th Aug., 1514 (L. and P., i., 5318), at least six months after Wolsey had instructed Pace to negotiate for that honour.(back)

Footnote 178: Ven. Cal., ii., 582.(back)

Footnote 179: L. and P., i., 4953.(back)

Footnote 180: L. and P., i., 5203.(back)

Footnote 181: Ven. Cal., ii., 499, 500.(back)

Footnote 182: Ibid., ii., 511.(back)

Footnote 183: L. and P., i., 5470.(back)

Footnote 184: Ibid., ii., 227.(back)

Footnote 185: L. and P., i., 4386.(back)

Footnote 186: Ibid., i., 4405.(back)

Footnote 187: Ven. Cal., ii., 464. He had made contracts with three different ladies, but had not actually married them all. See below, p. 199 and D.N.B., s.v. “Brandon”.(back)

Footnote 188: L. and P., ii., 134, 138, 163.(back)

Footnote 189: Ven. Cal., ii., 574.(back)

Footnote 190: L. and P., ii., 70, 85, 114.(back)

Footnote 191: Ven. Cal., ii., 594; L. and P., ii., 124.(back)

Footnote 192: L. and P., ii., 80, Suffolk to Henry VIII. This letter is placed under January in the Calendar, but it was obviously written about 6th March, 1514-15.(back)

Footnote 193: L. and P., ii., 224.(back)

Footnote 194: L. and P., ii., 228.(back)

Footnote 195: Ibid., ii., 367.(back)

Footnote 196: Ibid., ii., 367, 226. The letters relating to this episode in L. and P. are often undated and sometimes misplaced; e.g., this last is placed under March, although from Nos. 295, 296, 319, 327, 331, we find that Mary did not leave Paris till 16th April.(back)

Footnote 197: L. and P., ii., 468.(back)

Footnote 198: Ven. Cal., ii., 618.(back)

Footnote 199: Ven. Cal., ii., 638.(back)

Footnote 200: L. and P., ii., 436.(back)

Footnote 201: Brewer’s view is that Wolsey saved Suffolk from ruin on this occasion.(back)

Footnote 202: Ven. Cal., ii., 919.(back)

Footnote 203: L. and P., ii., 4057, 4308; iii., 1.(back)

Footnote 204: Sp. Cal., ii., 246.(back)

Footnote 205: L. and P., ii., 1281.(back)

Footnote 206: Ibid., ii., 411; Giustinian, Desp., i., 90; Ven. Cal., ii., 624.(back)

Footnote 207: Ven. Cal., ii., 652(back)

Footnote 208: L. and P., i., 4483, 4502; ii., 654.(back)

Footnote 209: It was said by the Scots Estates that she had forfeited her claim to their custody by her marriage with Angus (ibid., ii., 1011).(back)

Footnote 210: L. and P., ii., 1065.(back)

Footnote 211: Ibid., ii., 1817.(back)

Footnote 212: Ibid., ii., 1231.(back)

Footnote 213: Ibid., ii., 1877.(back)

Footnote 214: L. and P., ii., 1697, 1699, 1721, 1729, 1736, 1754, 1831, 2011, 2034, 2114.(back)

Footnote 215: Ibid., ii., 1877.(back)

Footnote 216: Ibid., ii., 2152, 1892, 1896, 2034, 2035.(back)

Footnote 217: L. and P., ii., 1231, 1792, 1854.(back)

Footnote 218: Ibid., ii., 1877.(back)

Footnote 219: Ibid., ii., 1817.(back)

Footnote 220: Ibid., ii., 1566, 1567.(back)

Footnote 221: Ibid., ii., 1775.(back)

Footnote 222: Ibid., ii., 1813.(back)

Footnote 223: Ibid., ii., 2177.(back)

Footnote 224: L. and P., ii., 2270.(back)

Footnote 225: Ibid., ii., 1814, 2487, 2500.(back)

Footnote 226: Ven. Cal., ii., 750, 798, 801; L. and P., ii., 2183.(back)

Footnote 227: L. and P., ii., 2205.(back)

Footnote 228: On 23rd Jan. (L. and P., ii., 1541, 1610). Brewer in his introduction to vol. ii. of the L. and P. says “in February”.(back)

Footnote 229: His mother Juaña was rightfully Queen, but she was regarded as mad; she thought her husband, the Archduke Philip, might come to life again, and carried him about in a coffin with her wherever she went (Ven. Cal., ii., 564).(back)

Footnote 230: L. and P., ii., 2930.(back)

Footnote 231: L. and P., ii., 2303, 2327, 2387; Ven. Cal., ii., 769, 773.(back)

Footnote 232: L. and P., ii., 2406, 2573, 2626, 2702.(back)

Footnote 233: Ibid., ii., 2930.(back)

Footnote 234: L. and P., ii., 2891.(back)

Footnote 235: Ibid., ii., 2923, 2940.(back)

Footnote 236: Ibid., ii., 2910.(back)

Footnote 237: Ibid., ii., 2930.(back)

Footnote 238: Ibid., ii., 2632, 3008; Monumenta Habsburgica, ii., 37.(back)

Footnote 239: L. and P., ii., 3076, 3077, 3081.(back)

Footnote 240: L. and P., ii., 3402, 3439-41.(back)

Footnote 241: Ven. Cal., ii., 918; L. and P., ii., 3455, 3462.(back)

Footnote 242: L. and P., ii., 3705.(back)

Footnote 243: Ibid., ii., 4022.(back)

Footnote 244: Ibid., ii., 4164, 4188.(back)

Footnote 245: L. and P., ii., 4047.(back)

Footnote 246: Ibid., ii., 4348.(back)

Footnote 247: Chosroes I. (Nushirvan) of Persia.(back)

Footnote 248: Ven. Cal., ii., 1085, 1088; cf. Shakespeare, Henry VIII.(back)

Footnote 249: L. and P., ii., 4468, 4483, 4564, 4669.(back)

Footnote 250: Ibid., ii., 4540.(back)

Footnote 251: Ibid., ii., 4172.(back)

Footnote 252: L. and P., ii., 4159.(back)

Footnote 253: Ibid., ii., 1923.(back)

Footnote 254: Ibid., ii., 1398, 1878, 1902, 2218, 2911, 4257.(back)

Footnote 255: Cf. W. Boehm, Hat Kaiser Maximilian I. im Jahre 1511 Papst werden wollen? 1873.(back)

Footnote 256: For details of the sums promised to the various German princes see L. and P., iii., 36, etc.; it has been said that there was really little or no bribery at this election.(back)

Footnote 257: Ven. Cal., ii., 1165, 1187; L. and P., ii., 4159; iii., 130.(back)

Footnote 258: Sp. Cal., ii., 267.(back)

Footnote 259: L. and P., iii., 149.(back)

Footnote 260: Ven. Cal., ii., 1227.(back)

Footnote 261: Ibid., ii., 1246.(back)

Footnote 262: Ibid., ii., 1163.(back)

Footnote 263: L. and P., iii., 137.(back)

Footnote 264: Ibid., ii., 2911.(back)

Footnote 265: Ven. Cal., ii., 1220.(back)

Footnote 266: L. and P., ii., 241.(back)

Footnote 267: Ven. Cal., ii., 1227.(back)

Footnote 268: L. and P., iii., 326.(back)

Footnote 269: L. and P., iii., 339.(back)

Footnote 270: L. and P., ii., 3054.(back)

Footnote 271: Sp. Cal., ii., 80, 89, 167, 175.(back)

Footnote 272: Ven. Cal., ii., 1287; Giustinian, Desp., ii., App., 309; L. and P., iii., 402.(back)

Footnote 273: These details are from the King’s “Book of Payments” calendared at the end of L. and P., vol. ii.(back)

Footnote 274: L. and P., i., 4417.(back)

Footnote 275: Ibid., ii., 4115.(back)

Footnote 276: L. and P., i., 3876, 4283.(back)

Footnote 277: Arch. R. Soc. Rom., xix., 3, 4.(back)

Footnote 278: L. and P., i., 5543.(back)

Footnote 279: Ven. Cal., ii., 53-54, 361; L. and P., i., 976, 4621.(back)

Footnote 280: Ibid., ii., 887, 967.(back)

Footnote 281: Ibid., ii., 1456, 1928; iii., 1369.(back)

Footnote 282: L. and P., iii., 125; Giustinian, Desp., ii., 256.(back)

Footnote 283: L. and P., iii., 125. Men were shocked when the Pope was styled “comes” instead of “princeps confederationis” of 1518. “The chief author of these proceedings,” says Giustinian, “is Wolsey, whose sole aim is to procure incense for his king and himself” (Desp. ii., 256).(back)

Footnote 284: Ven. Cal., ii. 1287.(back)

Footnote 285: L. and P., ii., 1380.(back)

Footnote 286: Ibid., ii., 3558.(back)

Footnote 287: Cf. Ven. Cal., ii., 671, 875, 894.(back)

Footnote 288: L. and P., ii., 4438.(back)

Footnote 289: Ibid., ii., 4664. On other occasions Wolsey took it upon himself to open letters addressed to the King (Ibid., iii., 2126).(back)

Footnote 290: Ven. Cal., ii., 1215.(back)

Footnote 291: It will be found in Ven. Cal., iii., p. 43; Shakespeare, Henry VIII., Act III., Sc. ii.(back)

Footnote 292: Ven. Cal., iii., 56.(back)

Footnote 293: Ibid., iii., 50.(back)

Footnote 294: Ibid., vol. iii., p. 29.(back)

Footnote 295: Ibid., iii., 298.(back)

Footnote 296: L. and P., ii., 3733.(back)

Footnote 297: Giustinian, Desp., App. ii., 309.(back)

Footnote 298: Giustinian, Desp., App. ii., 309.(back)

Footnote 299: Ven. Cal., iii., p. 84.(back)

Footnote 300: L. and P., ii., 215.(back)

Footnote 301: Ibid., ii., 491, 865, 1229.(back)

Footnote 302: Ibid., ii., 3581, 3584; Ven. Cal., ii., 902, 951.(back)

Footnote 303: L. and P., ii., 4348.(back)

Footnote 304: Ven. Cal., ii., 951, 953, 978; L. and P., ii., 3584.(back)

Footnote 305: L. and P., ii., 2643.(back)

Footnote 306: Sp. Cal., iii., pp. 50, 76, 78, 92.(back)

Footnote 307: L. and P., ii., 3487.(back)

Footnote 308: L. and P., ii., 3558.(back)

Footnote 309: Ibid., iii., 1713.(back)

Footnote 310: Ven. Cal., iii., 975.(back)

Footnote 311: Brewer (Henry VIII., ii., 388; L. and P., vol. iv., Introd., p. dxxxv. n.) is very indignant at this allegation, and when recording Chapuys’ statement in 1529 that Pace had been imprisoned for two years in the Tower and elsewhere by Wolsey, declares that “Pace was never committed to the Tower, nor kept in prison by Wolsey” but was “placed under the charge of the Bishop of Bangor,” and that Chapuys’ statement is “an instance how popular rumour exaggerates facts, or how Spanish ambassadors were likely to misrepresent them”. It is rather an instance of the lengths to which Brewer’s zeal for Wolsey carried him. He had not seen the despatch from Mendoza recording Pace’s committal to the Tower on 25th Oct., 1527, “for speaking to the King in opposition to Wolsey and the divorce” (Sp. Cal., 1527-29, p. 440). It is true that Pace was in the charge of the Bishop of Bangor, but he was not transferred thither until 1528 (Ellis, Orig. Letters, 3rd ser., ii., 151); he was released immediately upon Wolsey’s fall. Erasmus, thereupon, congratulating him on the fact, remarked that he was consoled by Pace’s experience for his own persecution and that God rescued the innocent and cast down the proud (ibid., iv., 6283). The D.N.B. (xliii., 24), has been misled by Brewer. Wolsey had long had a grudge against Pace, and in 1514 was anxious to make “a fearful example” of him (L. and P., i., 5465); and his treatment of Pace was one of the charges brought against him in 1529 (ibid., iv., p. 2552).(back)

Footnote 312: Giustinian, Desp., App. ii., 309.(back)

Footnote 313: Ven. Cal., ii., 1045.(back)

Footnote 314: L. and P., i., 5457.(back)

Footnote 315: Ibid., ii., 4354.(back)

Footnote 316: L. and P., ii., 1053, 1066.(back)

Footnote 317: Ibid., ii., 1931; cf. Shakespeare, Henry VIII., Act. I., Sc. i.:—

Thus the Cardinal
Does buy and sell his honour as he pleases
And for his own advantage. (back)

Footnote 318: L. and P., iii., 709, 2307 (where it is given as nine thousand “crowns of the sun”); Sp. Cal., ii., 273, 600. In 1527 Charles instructed his ambassador to offer Wolsey in addition to his pension of nine thousand ducats with arrears a further pension of six thousand ducats and a marquisate in Milan worth another twelve or fifteen thousand ducats a year (L. and P., iv., 3464).(back)

Footnote 319: L. and P., iv., 4824.(back)

Footnote 320: There is no doubt about his eagerness for the power which would have enabled him to carry out a reformation. As legate he demanded from the Pope authority to visit and reform the secular clergy as well as the monasteries; this was refused on the ground that it would have superseded the proper functions of the episcopate (L. and P., ii., 4399; iii., 149).(back)

Footnote 321: L. and P., ii., 629, 2637, 4068. Lark became prebendary of St. Stephen’s (Ibid., iv., Introd., p. xlvi.).(back)

Footnote 322: Called Thomas Wynter, see the present writer’s Life of Cranmer, p. 324 n. Some writers have affected to doubt Wolsey’s parentage of Wynter, but this son is often referred to in the correspondence of the time, e.g., L. and P., iv., p. 1407, Nos. 4824, 5581, 6026, 6075. Art. 27.(back)

Footnote 323: Ibid., iii., 1284; iv., p. 2558; ii., 2930.(back)

Footnote 324: Ven. Cal., ii., 1287; Giustinian, D sp., App. ii., 309; L. and P., iii., 402.(back)

Footnote 325: Ibid., ii., 3973.(back)

Footnote 326: L. and P., ii., App. No. 38; for the Star Chamber see Scofield, Star Chamber, 1902, and Leadam, Select Cases (Selden Soc., 1904).(back)

Footnote 327: L. and P., App. No. 53; cf. Leadam, Domesday of Enclosures (Royal Hist. Soc.).(back)

Footnote 328: Ibid., iii., 77, 98; cf. ii., 3973; iii. 1142.(back)

Footnote 329: L. and P., ii., 1105; cf. ibid., ii., 215.(back)

Footnote 330: Giustinian, Desp., App. ii., 309.(back)

Footnote 331: L. and P., iii., 950; cf. iii., 1160, where Fitzwilliam describes Henry as a “master” in deer-hunting.(back)

Footnote 332: Ven. Cal., ii., 788.(back)

Footnote 333: Sp. Cal., ii., 281.(back)

Footnote 334: L. and P., iii., 1.(back)

Footnote 335: Ibid., iii., 1453, 3377.(back)

Footnote 336: Ven. Cal., ii., 1110.(back)

Footnote 337: L. and P., ii., 4115.(back)

Footnote 338: L. and P., iii., 226.(back)

Footnote 339: Ibid., iii., 251.(back)

Footnote 340: Ibid., ii., 4340.(back)

Footnote 341: Ibid., iv., 5412; for the freedom with which Cranmer in later days debated with Henry see the present writer’s Cranmer, p. 169.(back)

Footnote 342: Ibid., iii., 1659, 1772.(back)

Footnote 343: Ibid., ii., 3673.(back)

Footnote 344: L. and P., ii., 4257.(back)

Footnote 345: Ibid., iii., 1220.(back)

Footnote 346: Ibid., 1233.(back)

Footnote 347: L. and P., iii., 1297.(back)

Footnote 348: Ibid., iii., 1273.(back)

Footnote 349: F.M. Nichols, Epistles of Erasmus, p. 424; L. and P., iv., 5412.(back)

Footnote 350: L. and P., iii., 1450.(back)

Footnote 351: Ibid., iii., 1574, 1654, 1655, 1659.(back)

Footnote 352: Ibid., i., 3807. In 1513 an English consul was appointed at Scio (ibid., i., 3854).(back)

Footnote 353: L. and P., iii., 1440; cf. ibid., 2421.(back)

Footnote 354: Ibid., iii., 748.(back)

Footnote 355: Ibid., ii., 1113.(back)

Footnote 356: L. and P., ii., 4232.(back)

Footnote 357: Ibid., ii., 1223.(back)

Footnote 358: Ibid., ii., 4060, 4061, 4089.(back)

Footnote 359: L. and P., ii., 4276.(back)

Footnote 360: Ven. Cal., ii., 1220, 1230; L. and P., iii., 246, 247, 249, 250. Francis I. thought they were dismissed as being too favourable to him, and as a rule the younger courtiers favoured France and the older Spain.(back)

Footnote 361: L. and P., iii., 1713.(back)

Footnote 362: Ibid., ii., 4074, 4083, 4089.(back)

Footnote 363: Ibid., iii., 576.(back)

Footnote 364: L. and P., iii., 1454, 1473, 1474.(back)

Footnote 365: Ibid., iii., 1629, 1630.(back)

Footnote 366: Ibid., iii., 2224.(back)

Footnote 367: L. and P., iii., 1544, 1762.(back)

Footnote 368: Ibid., ii., 1113, 1653.(back)

Footnote 369: Ven. Cal., iii., 493.(back)

Footnote 370: Sp. Cal., ii., 314.(back)

Footnote 371: Ibid., iii., 109.(back)

Footnote 372: L. and P., xiii., p. xli.(back)

Footnote 373: Ibid., iii., 2421, 3346.(back)

Footnote 374: L. and P., iii., 303.(back)

Footnote 375: For the extraordinary freedom of speech which Henry permitted, see L. and P., xii., ii., 952, where Sir George Throckmorton relates how he accused Henry to his face of immoral relations with Mary Boleyn and her mother.(back)

Footnote 376: Ven. Cal., ii., 918.(back)

Footnote 377: L. and P., iii., 728. Wolsey’s opposition is attributed by the imperial ambassador to Francis I.’s promise to make him Pope, “which we might have done much better”.(back)

Footnote 378: The interview had been agreed upon as early as October, 1518, when it was proposed that it should take place before the end of July, 1519 (L. and P., ii., 4483).(back)

Footnote 379: Ibid., iii., 416.(back)

Footnote 380: Ibid., iii., 514.(back)

Footnote 381: Ibid., iii., 592.(back)

Footnote 382: L. and P., iii., 672; cf. iii., 742.(back)

Footnote 383: Ibid., iii., 681, 725.(back)

Footnote 384: Ibid., iii., 697.(back)

Footnote 385: Ven. Cal., iii., 50; Sp. Cal., ii., 274.(back)

Footnote 386: L. and P., iii., 558, an account-book headed “expense of making the Kateryn Pleasaunce for transporting the King to Calais 22 May, 10 Henry VIII.”.(back)

Footnote 387: Ven. Cal., iii., 81, 88; cf. L. and P., iii., 303-14; Hall, Chronicle, p. 604, etc.(back)

Footnote 388: L. and P., iii., 306.(back)

Footnote 389: Ven. Cal., iii., 80.(back)

Footnote 390: Erroneously called “Field of the Cloth of Gold”; cloth of gold is a material like velvet, and one does not talk about “a coat of the velvet”.(back)

Footnote 391: See Michelet, x., 137-38.(back)

Footnote 392: Ibid., p. 312.(back)

Footnote 393: Ven. Cal., iii., 119.(back)

Footnote 394: L. and P., iii., 836, 842, 843.(back)

Footnote 395: Ven. Cal., iii., 80.(back)

Footnote 396: Ibid., iii., 90.(back)

Footnote 397: Ibid., iii., 121.(back)

Footnote 398: L. and P., iii., 914.(back)

Footnote 399: Ibid., iii., 1149, 1150.(back)

Footnote 400: Ibid., iii., 883, 891, 964, 976, 988, 994.(back)

Footnote 401: L. and P., iii., 1303, 1310, 1315.(back)

Footnote 402: See his various and ample commissions, ibid., iii., 1443.(back)

Footnote 403: Ibid., iii., 1462.(back)

Footnote 404: L. and P., iii., 1622.(back)

Footnote 405: Ibid., iii., 1507. “The Cardinal apologised for not having met them so long on account of his illness, but said he could not otherwise have gained so much time without causing suspicion to the French” (Gattinara to Charles V., 24th September, 1521, ibid., iii., 1605).(back)

Footnote 406: Ibid., iii., 1440.(back)

Footnote 407: L. and P., iii., 1395, 1433; cf. iii., 1574, where Henry VIII.’s envoy tells Leo X. that the real object of the conference was to gain time for English preparations.(back)

Footnote 408: Ibid., iii., 1508; Cotton MS., Galba, B, vii., 102; see also an account of the conference in L. and P., iii., 1816, 1817.(back)

Footnote 409: Ibid., iii., 1868, 1876.(back)

Footnote 410: L. and P., iii., 1581.(back)

Footnote 411: In July, 1521, Gattinara drew out seven reasons for peace and ten for war; the former he playfully termed the seven deadly sins, and the latter the ten commandments (L. and P., iii., 1446; Sp. Cal., ii., 337).(back)

Footnote 412: Sp. Cal., ii., 626.(back)

Footnote 413: L. and P., iii., 853.(back)

Footnote 414: L. and P., iii., 2333, iv.(back)

Footnote 415: Desp., App. ii., 309.(back)

Footnote 416: L. and P., iii., 1252, 1646, 1675.(back)

Footnote 417: The policy of abstention was often urged at the council-table and opposed by Wolsey, who, according to More, used to repeat the fable of the men who hid in caves to keep out of the rain which was to make all whom it wetted fools, hoping thereby to have the rule over the fools (L. and P., vii., 1114; More, English Works, p. 1434). It had cost England, says More, many a fair penny.(back)

Footnote 418: “To hear how rich and poor lament the war would grieve any man’s heart” (Fitzwilliam to Wolsey, 18th Jan., 1521-22, L. and P., iii., 1971).(back)

Footnote 419: L. and P., ii., 3702-3.(back)

Footnote 420: Ibid., iii., 378.(back)

Footnote 421: Ibid., iii., 404; cf. iii., 2446 ad fin.(back)

Footnote 422: Michelet, x., 131.(back)

Footnote 423: L. and P., iii, 2026.(back)

Footnote 424: For another view see Busch, Cardinal Wolsey und die Englisch-Kaiserliche Allianz, 1522-25. Bonn, 1886.(back)

Footnote 425: L. and P., iii., 1370.(back)

Footnote 426: Ven. Cal., iii., 312.(back)

Footnote 427: L. and P., iii., 1947.(back)

Footnote 428: Sp. Cal., iii., pp. 510-11.(back)

Footnote 429: Ibid., ii., p. 717.(back)

Footnote 430: L. and P., ii., 3617.(back)

Footnote 431: Ibid., iii., 1209, 1400.(back)

Footnote 432: Creighton, Papacy, ed. 1901, vi., 184 n. The edict was not issued till 25th May, but there was an intimate connection between the two events. It was in the same month that Luther’s books were solemnly burnt in England, the ally of Pope and Emperor, and the extirpation of heresy was the first motive alleged for the alliance.(back)

Footnote 433: Sp. Cal., ii., 365; L. and P., ii., 1795.(back)

Footnote 434: Sp. Cal., ii., 370.(back)

Footnote 435: L. and P., iii., 1960.(back)

Footnote 436: L. and P., iii., 1884.(back)

Footnote 437: Ibid., iii., 1952, 1960.(back)

Footnote 438: Sp. Cal., ii., 375. It is not quite clear how these votes were recorded, for there were not eighty-one cardinals.(back)

Footnote 439: Ibid., ii., 371.(back)

Footnote 440: Francis “begged Henry to consider what would happen now that a Pope had been elected entirely at Charles’s devotion” (L. and P., iii., 1994); but Adrian’s attitude was at first independent (Sp. Cal., ii., 494, 504, 533). In July, 1522, however, he joined the league against Francis (ibid., ii., 574).(back)

Footnote 441: L. and P., iii., 2140, 2224, 2290.(back)

Footnote 442: Ibid., iii., 2322, 2333; Sp. Cal., ii., 430, 435, 561.(back)

Footnote 443: L. and P., iii., 2362.(back)

Footnote 444: Ibid., iii., 2541.(back)

Footnote 445: Ibid., iii., 2551.(back)

Footnote 446: L. and P., iii., 2537.(back)

Footnote 447: Sp. Cal., ii., 584; L. and P., iii., 2450, 2567, 2770, 2772, 2879, 3154. Bourbon had substantial grievances against Francis I. and his mother.(back)

Footnote 448: Ibid., iii., 2770.(back)

Footnote 449: Ibid., iii., 2555.(back)

Footnote 450: Ellis, Orig. Letters, 2nd series, ii., 4; L. and P., iii., 2207.(back)

Footnote 451: L. and P., iii., 3207, 3271, 3291; Sp. Cal., ii., 576, 594.(back)

Footnote 452: Merriman, Cromwell’s Letters, i., 30-44; L. and P., iii., 2958, 3024; Hall, Chronicle, pp. 656, 657.(back)

Footnote 453: L. and P., iii., 3281.(back)

Footnote 454: Ibid., iii., 2360, 3319.(back)

Footnote 455: Ibid., iii., 3346.(back)

Footnote 456: Ibid., iii., 3452, 3485, 3505, 3516.(back)

Footnote 457: Ibid., iii., 2798, 2869.(back)

Footnote 458: Ibid., iii., 3559, 3580, 3601.(back)

Footnote 459: Brewer’s Introd. to L. and P., vol. iv., p. ii., etc.(back)

Footnote 460: Ibid., iii., 3464.(back)

Footnote 461: Ibid., iii., 3372.(back)

Footnote 462: Ibid., 3389.(back)

Footnote 463: Sp. Cal., ii., 615.(back)

Footnote 464: Ibid., ii., 604, 606.(back)

Footnote 465: L. and P., iii., 3547, 3592; Sp. Cal., ii., 610. He thought of retaining his name Julius, but was told that Popes who followed that practice always had short pontificates.(back)

Footnote 466: Sp. Cal., ii., 686; L. and P., iv., 751, 753, 773, 774, 776.(back)

Footnote 467: Sp. Cal., ii., 692-94, 711.(back)

Footnote 468: Ibid., ii., 722; cf. Hall’s Chron., p. 693, which professes to give the “very words” of Francis I.’s much misquoted letter to his mother (L. and P., iv., 1120-24).(back)

Footnote 469: L. and P., iii., 2483.(back)

Footnote 470: L. and P., iii., 2956, 2958, 3249.(back)

Footnote 471: Hall, Chronicle, ed. 1809, p. 698.(back)

Footnote 472: L. and P., iii., 3076.(back)

Footnote 473: Ibid., iii., 3082.(back)

Footnote 474: Ibid., iv., 1212, 1249, 1255, 1264, 1296; Stowe MS., 147, ff. 67, 86 (Brit. Mus.).(back)

Footnote 475: L. and P., iv., 1525, 1531, 1600, 1633.(back)

Footnote 476: L. and P., iv., 1891.(back)

Footnote 477: Ibid., iv., 2039, 2148, 2320, 2325.(back)

Footnote 478: Sp. Cal., ii., 610.(back)

Footnote 479: Ibid., ii., 619.(back)

Footnote 480: Ibid., ii., 707.(back)

Footnote 481: Ibid., ii., 699, 30th Nov., 1524.(back)

Footnote 482: Ibid., ii., 702-11.(back)

Footnote 483: Ven. Cal., iii, 413.(back)

Footnote 484: Sp. Cal., ii., 898.(back)

Footnote 485: L. and P., iv., 2510.(back)

Footnote 486: Buonaparte’s Narrative, ed. Buchon, p. 190, ed. Milanesi, p. 279; cf. Gregorovius, Gesch. der Stadt Rom., viii., 568 n., and Alberini’s Diary, ed. Drano 1901 (extracts are printed in Creighton, Papacy, ed. 1901, vi., 419-37).(back)

Footnote 487: Cardinal Como in Il Sacco di Roma, ed. C. Milanesi, 1867, p. 471.(back)

Footnote 488: Il Sacco di Roma, ed. Milanesi, pp. 499, 517.(back)

Footnote 489: It is impossible to avoid the term “divorce,” although neither from Henry VIII.’s nor from the Pope’s point of view was there any such thing (see the present writer’s Cranmer, p. 24 n.).(back)

Footnote 490: See, besides the original authorities cited in this chapter, Busch, Der Ursprung der Ehescheidung König Heinrichs VIII. (Hist. Taschenbuch, Leipzig, VI., viii., 271-327).(back)

Footnote 491: L. and P., iv., 5773; Pocock, Records of the Reformation, i., 1.(back)

Footnote 492: Sp. Cal., vol. ii., Pref., p. xiv., No. 8.(back)

Footnote 493: L. and P., iv., 5774 [6].(back)

Footnote 494: Ibid., iv., 5376.(back)

Footnote 495: D.N.B., ix., 292, gives this date. Catherine herself, writing on 27th May, 1510, says that “some days before she had been delivered of a still-born daughter” (Sp. Cal., ii., 43). On 1st November, 1509, Henry informed Ferdinand that Catherine was pregnant, and the child had quickened (ibid., ii., 23).(back)

Footnote 496: Ven. Cal., ii., 95-96; L. and P., vol. i., 1491, 1495, 1513, Pref., p. lxxiii.; ii., 4692.(back)

Footnote 497: Ven. Cal., ii., 329.(back)

Footnote 498: L. and P., i., 5192.(back)

Footnote 499: L. and P., i., 5718.(back)

Footnote 500: See above p. 76.(back)

Footnote 501: Ven. Cal., ii., 479. The Pope was really Alexander VI.(back)

Footnote 502: L. and P., ii., 1505, 1573.(back)

Footnote 503: L. and P., ii., 1563, 1610.(back)

Footnote 504: Ven. Cal., ii., 691.(back)

Footnote 505: Cotton MS., Vespasian, F, iii., fol. 34, b; cf. L. and P., ii., 4074, 4288.(back)

Footnote 506: Ven. Cal., ii., 1103.(back)

Footnote 507: L. and P., iii., 432.(back)

Footnote 508: Du Bellay to Montmorenci, 1st Nov., 1528, L. and P., iv., 4899.(back)

Footnote 509: Sp. Cal., i., 249; L. and P. of Richard III. and Henry VII., vol. i., pp. xxxiii., 113; Hall, Chron., p. 491; Bacon, Henry VII., ed. 1870, p. 376; Transactions of the Royal Hist. Soc., N.S., xviii., 187.(back)

Footnote 510: L. and P., iii., 1284.(back)

Footnote 511: Ven. Cal., iv., 300.(back)

Footnote 512: L. and P., v., 609, 817.(back)

Footnote 513: Ibid., vi., 446.(back)

Footnote 514: Chronicon Angliae, Rolls Ser., p. 92, s.a., 1376; D.N.B., xxix., 421. This became the orthodox Lancastrian theory (cf. Fortescue, Governance of England, ed. Plummer, pp. 352-55).(back)

Footnote 515: Stubbs, Const. Hist., iii., 58. This Act was, however, repealed before the end of the same year.(back)

Footnote 516: Professor Maitland has spoken of the “Byzantinism” of Henry’s reign, and possibly the objection to female sovereigns was strengthened by the prevalent respect for Roman imperial and Byzantine custom (cf. Hodgkin, Charles the Great, p. 180).(back)

Footnote 517: Ven. Cal., ii., 1287. Buckingham’s end was undoubtedly hastened by Wolsey’s jealousy; before the end of 1518 the Cardinal had been instilling into Henry’s ear suspicions of Buckingham (L. and P., iii., 1; cf. ibid., ii., 3973, 4057). Brewer regards the hostility of Wolsey to Buckingham as one of Polydore Vergil’s “calumnies” (ibid., vol. iii., Introd., p. lxvi.).(back)

Footnote 518: L. and P. of Richard III. and Henry VII., i., 233.(back)

Footnote 519: See detailed accounts in L. and P., iii., 1284, 1356. Shakespeare’s account in “Henry VIII.” is remarkably accurate, except in matters of date.(back)

Footnote 520: L. and P., iii., 386.(back)

Footnote 521: Ibid., ii., p. 1461.(back)

Footnote 522: See G.E. C[okayne]’s and Doyle’s Peerages, s.v. “Richmond”.(back)

Footnote 523: Sp. Cal., iii., 109; L. and P., iv., 2988, 3028, 3140.(back)

Footnote 524: L. and P., iv., 3051. In ibid., iv., 3135, Richmond is styled “The Prince”.(back)

Footnote 525: Laemmer, Monumenta Vaticana, p. 29; L. and P., iv., 4881. It was claimed that the Pope’s dispensing power was unlimited, extending even to marriages between brothers and sisters (ibid., v., 468). Campeggio told Du Bellay in 1528 that the Pope’s power was “infinite” (ibid., iv., 4942).(back)

Footnote 526: L. and P., iv., 5072.(back)

Footnote 527: Sp. Cal., iii., 482.(back)

Footnote 528: L. and P., vi., 241.(back)

Footnote 529: E.L. Taunton, Wolsey, 1902, p. 173, where the words are erroneously given as “To the King’s ten mistresses”; “the King’s” is an interpolation.(back)

Footnote 530: L. and P., iv., 3748.(back)

Footnote 531: Ibid., iv., 4858.(back)

Footnote 532: No conclusive evidence on this point is possible; the French ambassador, Clement VII. and others believed that Henry VIII. and Anne Boleyn had been cohabiting since 1529. On the other hand, if such was the case, it is singular that no child should have been born before 1533; for after that date Anne seems to have had a miscarriage nearly every year. Ortiz, indeed, reports from Rome that she had a miscarriage in 1531 (L. and P., v., 594), but the evidence is not good.(back)

Footnote 533: See Friedmann’s Anne Boleyn, 2 vols., 1884, and articles on the Boleyn family in D.N.B., vol. v.(back)

Footnote 534: See George Fisher, Key to the History of England, Table xvii.; Gentleman’s Magazine, May, 1829.(back)

Footnote 535: Henry would then be fifteen, yet a fable was invented and often repeated that Henry VIII. was Anne Boleyn’s father. Nicholas Sanders, whose De Origine ac Progressu Schismatis Anglicani became the basis of Roman Catholic histories of the English Reformation, gave currency to the story; and some modern writers prefer Sanders’ veracity to Foxe’s.(back)

Footnote 536: The error that it was Anne who accompanied Mary Tudor in 1514 was exposed by Brewer more than forty years ago, but it still lingers and was repeated with innumerable others in the Catalogue of the New Gallery Portrait Exhibition of 1902.(back)

Footnote 537: L. and P., iii., 1994.(back)

Footnote 538: In Harpsfield’s Pretended Divorce there is a very improbable story that Wyatt told Henry VIII. his relations with Anne were far from innocent and warned the King against marrying a woman of Anne’s character.(back)

Footnote 539: Wyatt, Works, ed. G.F. Nott, 1816, p. 143.(back)

Footnote 540: L. and P., iv., 3422.(back)

Footnote 541: Ibid., iv., 3218-20, 3325-26, 3990, 4383, 4403, 4410, 4477, 4537, 4539, 4597, 4648, 4742, 4894. They have also been printed by Hearne at the end of his edition of Robert of Avesbury, in the Pamphleteer, vol. xxi., and in the Harleian Miscellany, vol. iii. The originals in Henry’s hand are in the Vatican Library; one of them was reproduced in facsimile for the illustrated edition of this book.(back)

Footnote 542: L. and P., iv., 3326.(back)

Footnote 543: In 1531 he was said to have written “many books” on the divorce question (ibid., v., 251).(back)

Footnote 544: Ven. Cal., iv., 365.(back)

Footnote 545: Cranmer, Works (Parker Soc.), ii., 245; cf. Ven. Cal., iv., 351, 418.(back)

Footnote 546: L. and P., iv., Introd., p. ccxxxvii.(back)

Footnote 547: There is not much historical truth in Gray’s phrase about “the Gospel light which dawned from Bullen’s eyes”; but Brewer goes too far in minimising the “Lutheran” proclivities of the Boleyns. In 1531 Chapuys described Anne and her father as being “more Lutheran than Luther himself” (L. and P., v., 148), in 1532 as “true apostles of the new sect” (ibid., v., 850), and in 1533 as “perfect Lutherans” (ibid., vi., 142).(back)

Footnote 548: Sp. Cal., ii., 201.(back)

Footnote 549: Ven. Cal., ii., 1230.(back)

Footnote 550: L. and P., vi., 775. Hoc volo, sic jubeo; stet pro ratione voluntas. Luther quoted this line à propos of Henry; see his preface to Robert Barnes’ Bekenntniss des Glaubens, Wittemberg, 1540.(back)

Footnote 551: L. and P., vi., 351; vii., 148.(back)

Footnote 552: Ibid., iv., 6111.(back)

Footnote 553: It has been denied that More either persecuted or gloried in the persecution of heretics; but he admits himself that he recommended corporal punishment in two cases and “it is clear that he underestimated his activity” (D.N.B., xxxviii., 436, and instances and authorities there cited).(back)

Footnote 554: Dr. Gairdner (Engl. Hist. Rev., xi., 675) speaks of the “full diplomatic correspondence which we possess”; the documents are these: (1) an undated letter (L. and P., iv., App. 105) announcing the ambassador’s arrival in England; (2) a letter of 21st March (iv., 2974); (3) a brief note of no importance to Dr. Brienne, dated 2nd April (ibid., 3012); (4) the formal commission of Francis I., dated 13th April (ibid., 3059); (5) the treaty of 30th April (3080); and (6) three brief notes from Turenne to Montmorenci, dated 6th, 7th and 24th April. From Tarbes himself there are absolutely no letters relating to his negotiations, and it would almost seem as though they had been deliberately destroyed. Our knowledge depends solely upon Dodieu’s narrative.(back)

Footnote 555: L. and P., iv., 4942.(back)

Footnote 556: “There will be great difficulty,” wrote Clerk, “circa istud benedictum divortium.” Brewer interpreted this as the earliest reference to Henry’s divorce; it was really, as Dr. Ehses shows, in reference to the dissolution of the precontract between Francis I. and Charles V.’s sister Eleanor (Engl. Hist. Rev., xi., 676).(back)

Footnote 557: L. and P., iv., 3231.(back)

Footnote 558: Ibid., iv., 4231, 4942. Henry’s own account of the matter was as follows: “For some years past he had noticed in reading the Bible the severe penalty inflicted by God on those who married the relicts of their brothers”; he at length “began to be troubled in his conscience, and to regard the sudden deaths of his male children as a Divine judgment. The more he studied the matter, the more clearly it appeared to him that he had broken a Divine law. He then called to counsel men learned in pontifical law, to ascertain their opinion of the dispensation. Some pronounced it invalid. So far he had proceeded as secretly as possible that he might do nothing rashly” (L. and P., iv., 5156; cf. iv., 3641). Shakespeare, following Cavendish (p. 221), makes Henry reveal his doubts first to his confessor, Bishop Longland of Lincoln: “First I began in private with you, my Lord of Lincoln” (“Henry VIII.,” Act II., sc. iv.); and there is contemporary authority for this belief. In 1532 Longland was said to have suggested a divorce to Henry ten years previously (L. and P., v., 1114), and Chapuys termed him “the principal promoter of these practices” (ibid., v., 1046); and in 1536 the northern rebels thought that he was the beginning of all the trouble (ibid., xi., 705); the same assertion is made in the anonymous “Life and Death of Cranmer” (Narr. of the Reformation, Camden Soc., p. 219). Other persons to whom the doubtful honour was ascribed are Wolsey and Stafileo, Dean of the Rota at Rome (L. and P., iv., 3400; Sp. Cal., iv., 159).(back)

Footnote 559: L. and P., iv., 5291. This examination took place on 5th and 6th April.(back)

Footnote 560: Ibid., iv., 3140.(back)

Footnote 561: L. and P., iv., 5859; cf. iv., 737.(back)

Footnote 562: L. and P., iv., 4130.(back)

Footnote 563: Ibid., iv., 3147.(back)

Footnote 564: L. and P., iv., 3311.(back)

Footnote 565: Ibid., iv., 3247, 3263.(back)

Footnote 566: Ibid., iv., 3291.(back)

Footnote 567: Sp. Cal., iii., 273.(back)

Footnote 568: Sp. Cal., iii., 193, 276, 300; L. and P., iv., 3312.(back)

Footnote 569: Ibid., iv., 3400.(back)

Footnote 570: Sp. Cal., iii., 109, 190, 192, 193; cf. iv., 3951, Du Bellay to Montmorenci, “those who desire to catch him tripping are very glad the people cry out ‘Murder’”.(back)

Footnote 571: L. and P., iv., 1411.(back)

Footnote 572: Ibid., iv., 3304.(back)

Footnote 573: L. and P., iv., 4112, 4865, 5512.(back)

Footnote 574: Sp. Cal., iii., 432, 790; Ven. Cal., 1529, 212.(back)

Footnote 575: “He showed me,” writes Campeggio, “that in order to maintain and increase here the authority of the Holy See and the Pope he had done his utmost to persuade the King to apply for a legate... although many of these prelates declared it was possible to do without one” (iv., 4857; cf. iv., 5072, 5177).(back)

Footnote 576: Wolsey “certainly proves himself very zealous for the preservation of the authority of the See Apostolic in this kingdom because all his grandeur is connected with it” (Campeggio to Sanga, 28th Oct., 1528, L. and P., iv., 4881).(back)

Footnote 577: Henry VIII. to Knight in Corpus Christi College, Oxford, MS., 318, f. 3, printed in the Academy, xv., 239, and Engl. Hist. Rev., xi., 685.(back)

Footnote 578: L. and P., iv., 4977.(back)

Footnote 579: Sp. Cal., ii., 379.(back)

Footnote 580: L. and P., iv., 6627, 6705, App. 261.(back)

Footnote 581: L. and P., iv., 4404.(back)

Footnote 582: Ibid., iv., 4542.(back)

Footnote 583: Ibid., iv., 4131. Wolsey writes the letter, but he is only giving Henry’s “message”. The letter is undated, but it refers to the “shameless sentence sent from Rome,” i.e., sentence of divorce which is dated 11th March, 1527.(back)

Footnote 584: For these intricate negotiations see Stephan Ehses, Römische Dokumente zur Geschichte der Ehescheidung Heinrichs VIII. von England, 1893; these documents had all, I think, been previously printed by Laemmer or Theiner, but only from imperfect copies often incorrectly deciphered. Ehses has printed the originals with the utmost care, and thrown much new light on the subject. The story of the divorce is retold in this new light by Dr. Gairdner in the English Historical Review, vols. xi. and xii.; the documents in L. and P. must be corrected from these sources.(back)

Footnote 585: L. and P., iv., 4881.(back)

Footnote 586: Ibid., iv., 4897.(back)

Footnote 587: Ibid., iv., 4167; cf. iv., 5156, and Ehses, Römische Dokumente, No. 20, where Cardinal Pucci gives a somewhat different account of the interviews.(back)

Footnote 588: L. and P., iv., 5038, 5417, 5476.(back)

Footnote 589: Sp. Cal., iii., 309.(back)

Footnote 590: L. and P., iv., 5152, where Henry’s ambassadors quote this precedent to the Pope. Cf. ibid., v., 45, for other precedents.(back)

Footnote 591: The sentence was actually pronounced by the Cardinal of Ancona, and the date was 11th March, 1527, just before Henry commenced proceedings against Catherine. Henry called it a “shameless sentence”; but it may nevertheless have suggested to his mind the possibility of obtaining one like it.(back)

Footnote 592: L. and P., iv., 5966.(back)

Footnote 593: Ibid., iv., 3802, 6290.(back)

Footnote 594: Ibid., iv., 5072. “It would greatly please the Pope,” writes his secretary Sanga, “if the Queen could be induced to enter some religion, because, although this course would be portentous and unusual, he could more readily entertain the idea, as it would involve the injury of only one person.”(back)

Footnote 595: L. and P., iv., 5518.(back)

Footnote 596: It was called a “decretal commission,” and it was a legislative as well as an administrative act; the Pope being an absolute monarch, his decrees were the laws of the Church; the difficulties of Clement VII. and indeed the whole divorce question could never have arisen had the Church been a constitutional monarchy.(back)

Footnote 597: L. and P., iv., 3913.(back)

Footnote 598: Ibid., iv., 4345.(back)

Footnote 599: Engl. Hist. Rev., xii., 110-14.(back)

Footnote 600: Ehses, Römische Dok., No. 23; Engl. Hist. Rev., xii., 8.(back)

Footnote 601: L. and P., iv., 3682, 3750.(back)

Footnote 602: Ibid., iv., 3934, 3949, 4224.(back)

Footnote 603: Ibid., iv., 4605.(back)

Footnote 604: L. and P., iv., 4626.(back)

Footnote 605: Ibid., iv., 4663.(back)

Footnote 606: Ibid., iv., 4713.(back)

Footnote 607: Ibid., iv., 4721.(back)

Footnote 608: Ibid., iv., 4736-37.(back)

Footnote 609: Sp. Cal., iii., 779.(back)

Footnote 610: L. and P., iv., 4857.(back)

Footnote 611: Ibid., iv., 4736.(back)

Footnote 612: Ibid., iv., 4858.(back)

Footnote 613: L. and P., iv., 4977.(back)

Footnote 614: Ibid., iv., 5376-77, 5470-71, 5486-87. For the arguments as to its validity see Busch, England under the Tudors, Eng. trs., i., 376-8; Friedmann, Anne Boleyn, ii., 329; and Lord Acton in the Quarterly Rev., cxliii., 1-51.(back)

Footnote 615: She made this statement to Campeggio in the confessional (L. and P., iv., 4875).(back)

Footnote 616: Ibid., iv., 5377, 5438; Sp. Cal., iii., 276, 327.(back)

Footnote 617: L. and P., iv., 3217. See this point discussed in Taunton’s Cardinal Wolsey, chap. x.(back)

Footnote 618: Sp. Cal., iii., 882.(back)

Footnote 619: L. and P., iv., 4841.(back)

Footnote 620: Ibid., iv., 5154, 5177, 5211 (ii.); Sp. Cal., iii., 877, 882.(back)

Footnote 621: L. and P., iv., 5474. Yet there is a letter from Clement to Campeggio (Cotton MS., Vitellius, B, xii., 164; L. and P., iv., 5181) authorising him “to reject whatever evidence is tendered in behalf of this brief as an evident forgery”. Clement was no believer in the maxim qui facit per alium facit per se; he did not mind what his legates did, so long as he was free to repudiate their action when convenient.(back)

Footnote 622: L. and P., iv., 5611, 5612.(back)

Footnote 623: Ibid., iv., 5685, 5694, 5695, 5702.(back)

Footnote 624: L. and P., iv., Introd., p. cccclxxv.(back)

Footnote 625: Ibid., iv., Introd., p. cccclxxix.(back)

Footnote 626: Ibid., iv., 5732, 5734.(back)

Footnote 627: Ibid., iv., 3604.(back)

Footnote 628: Ibid., iv., 5789.(back)

Footnote 629: It was alleged that this adjournment was only the usual practice of the curia; but it is worth noting that in 1530 Charles V. asserted that it was usual to carry on matters so important as the divorce during vacation (ibid., iv., 6452), and that Clement had repeatedly ordered Campeggio to prolong the suit as much as possible and above all to pronounce no sentence.(back)

Footnote 630: L. and P., iv., 5703, 5715, 5780.(back)

Footnote 631: Ibid., iv., 4564; Sp. Cal., iii., 729.(back)

Footnote 632: L. and P., iv., 3930.(back)

Footnote 633: L. and P., iv., 4310.(back)

Footnote 634: Ibid., iv., 4012, 4040, 4043, 4044, 4239.(back)

Footnote 635: Ibid., iv., 3262.(back)

Footnote 636: Ibid., iv., 4147.(back)

Footnote 637: Ibid., iv., 4376.(back)

Footnote 638: Ibid., iv., 5679, 5701, 5702, 5713.(back)

Footnote 639: Ibid., iv., 5179.(back)

Footnote 640: Ibid., iv., 4680-84.(back)

Footnote 641: L. and P., iv., 4900.(back)

Footnote 642: Ibid., iv., 5447.(back)

Footnote 643: Sp. Cal., iii., 875.(back)

Footnote 644: L. and P., iv., 5209.(back)

Footnote 645: Sp. Cal., iii., 890.(back)

Footnote 646: Ibid., iv., 72.(back)

Footnote 647: Ibid., iv., 154.(back)

Footnote 648: L. and P., iv., 5705, 5767; cf. Sp. Cal., iv., 150.(back)

Footnote 649: L. and P., iv., 5779; Sp. Cal., iv., 117, 161.(back)

Footnote 650: L. and P., iv., 5780; Sp. Cal., iv., 156. Another detail was the excommunication of Zapolya, the rival of the Habsburgs in Hungary—a step which Henry VIII. denounced as “letting the Turk into Hungary” (L. and P., v., 274).(back)

Footnote 651: L. and P., iv., 5650, 5715.(back)

Footnote 652: See, besides the documents cited, Busch, Der Sturz des Cardinals Wolsey (Hist. Taschenbuch, VI., ix., 39-114).(back)

Footnote 653: L. and P., i., 3838, 3876.(back)

Footnote 654: Ibid., ii., 3781; cf., i., 4283, “all here have regard only to their own honour and profit”.(back)

Footnote 655: Ibid., ii., 2362.(back)

Footnote 656: L. and P., ii., 3277, 3352.(back)

Footnote 657: Ibid., ii., 3523.(back)

Footnote 658: Sp. Cal., iii., 209, 210, 309; cf., L. and P., iv., 3051, 3352. Clement had given away Sicily and Naples to one of Charles’s vassals “which dealing may make me not take him as Pope, no, not for all the excommunications that he can make; for I stand under appellation to the next general council”. Every one—Charles V., Henry VIII., Cranmer—played an appeal to the next general council against the Pope’s excommunication.(back)

Footnote 659: L. and P., i., 3320. In 1516 one Humphrey Bonner preached a sermon ridiculing the Holy See (ibid., ii., 2692).(back)

Footnote 660: In this, as in many other reforms, the English Parliament only anticipated the action of the Church; for on 12th February, 1516, Leo X. issued a bull prohibiting any one from being admitted, for the next five years, into minor orders unless he were simultaneously promoted to be sub-deacon; as many persons, to avoid appearing before the civil courts and to enjoy immunity, received the tonsure and minor orders without proceeding to the superior (L. and P., ii., 1532).(back)

Footnote 661: L. and P., ii., 1313. Brewer impugns the authority of Keilway’s report of this incident on the ground that he lived in Elizabeth’s reign; that is true, but according to the D.N.B. he was born in 1497, which makes him a strictly contemporary authority.(back)

Footnote 662: L. and P., ii., 1131.(back)

Footnote 663: Ibid., ii., 1314.(back)

Footnote 664: Ibid., ii., 1312.(back)

Footnote 665: Ibid., ii., 1315; cf. another petition to the same effect from the inhabitants of London (ibid., i., 5725 (i.)).(back)

Footnote 666: Ibid., ii., 1223.(back)

Footnote 667: See Dr. Gairdner, History of English Church in Sixteenth Century, ch. iii., where the story of Richard Hunne is critically examined in detail. Its importance consists, however, not in the question whether Hunne was or was not murdered by the Bishop’s chancellor Horsey, but in the popular hostility to the clergy revealed by the incident.(back)

Footnote 668: L. and P., ii., 2.(back)

Footnote 669: Ibid., ii., 2492.(back)

Footnote 670: Ibid., ii., 4074.(back)

Footnote 671: Ibid., iii., 929.(back)

Footnote 672: L. and P., ii., 4082.(back)

Footnote 673: Ibid., ii., 4074.(back)

Footnote 674: Ibid., iv., 4898.(back)

Footnote 675: Ibid., iv., 5210, 5255, 5581, 5582.(back)

Footnote 676: Ibid., iv., 6011.(back)

Footnote 677: Ibid., 6019.(back)

Footnote 678: L. and P., iv., 5416.(back)

Footnote 679: Ibid., iv., 5995. Henry VIII. no doubt also had his eye on Gustavus in Sweden where the Vesteräs Recess of 1527 had provided that all episcopal, capitular and monastic property which was not absolutely required should be handed over to the King, and conferred upon him an ecclesiastical jurisdiction as extensive as that afterwards conferred upon Henry VIII. (Cambridge Modern Hist., ii., 626).(back)

Footnote 680: Harrison, Description of England, in Holinshed, ed. 1577, bk. ii., chap. ix.(back)

Footnote 681: Ven. Cal., iv., 184, 185, 293.(back)

Footnote 682: L. and P., iv., 4546. Henry had had small-pox in February, 1514 (ibid., i., 4831), without any serious consequences, but apart from that he had had no great illness.(back)

Footnote 683: Cavendish, Life of Wolsey, p. 397.(back)

Footnote 684: Brewer, Introd. to L. and P., iv., p. dcxxi.(back)

Footnote 685: See various entries in Privy Purse Expenses, L. and P., v., 747-62.(back)

Footnote 686: L. and P., iv., 4477, 4488, 4507, 4509.(back)

Footnote 687: L. and P., iv., 5983; cf. iv., 3992, where Henry has an interview (March, 1528) with a Scots ambassador and tells no one about it.(back)

Footnote 688: Ibid., iv., 4649.(back)

Footnote 689: Brewer, Ibid., iv., Introd., p. dcxxii.(back)

Footnote 690: L. and P., iv., 5209. One Hochstetter was imported from Germany in connection with “the gold mines that the King was seeking for” (Du Bellay to Montmorenci, 25th January, 1529).(back)

Footnote 691: Ibid., iv., 4933.(back)

Footnote 692: L. and P., iii., 1978.(back)

Footnote 693: Ibid., iv., 5231.(back)

Footnote 694: Ibid., iv., 5983.(back)

Footnote 695: Ibid., iv., 6017.(back)

Footnote 696: L. and P., iv., 6199, 6050; cf. iv., 6295, where Henry orders Dacre to treat Wolsey as became his rank; Ven. Cal., 1529, p. 237.(back)

Footnote 697: Ibid., iv., 6220.(back)

Footnote 698: Ibid., iv., 6018, 6199, 6273, 6738.(back)

Footnote 699: De Vaux writes on 8th November, 1530, to Montmorenci, that the King had told him “where and how” Wolsey had intrigued against him, but he does not repeat the information (ibid., iv., 6720), though Bryan’s remark (ibid., iv., 6733) that “De Vaux has done well in disclosing the misdemeanour of the Cardinal” suggests that De Vaux knew more than he says.(back)

Footnote 700: So Chapuys reports (iv., 6738); that Wolsey had used Agostini to sound Chapuys is obvious from the latter’s remark, “were the physician to say all that passed between us, he could not do anything to impugn me”.(back)

Footnote 701: Cf. Buckingham’s remark in L. and P., iii., 1356: “An he had not offended no more unto God than he had done to the Crown, he should die as true a man as ever was in the world”.(back)

Footnote 702: D.N.B., xxxviii., 437.(back)

Footnote 703: Rymer, Fœdera, xiv., 302.(back)

Footnote 704: It has been alleged that the immediate object of this Parliament was to relieve the King from the necessity of repaying the loan (D.N.B., xxvi., 83); and much scorn has been poured on the notion that it had any important purpose (L. and P., iv., Introd., p. dcxlvii.). Brewer even denies its hostility to the Church on the ground that it was composed largely of lawyers, and “lawyers are not in general enemies to things established; they are not inimical to the clergy”. Yet the law element was certainly stronger in the Parliaments of Charles I. than in that of 1529; were they not hostile to “things established” and “inimical to the clergy”? Contemporaries had a different opinion of the purpose of the Parliament of 1529. “It is intended,” wrote Du Bellay on the 23rd of August, three months before Parliament met, “to hold a Parliament here this winter and act by their own absolute power, in default of justice being administered by the Pope in this divorce” (ibid., iv., 5862; cf. iv., 6011, 6019, 6307); “nothing else,” wrote a Florentine in December, 1530, “is thought of in that island every day except of arranging affairs in such a way that they do no longer be in want of the Pope, neither for filling vacancies in the Church, nor for any other purpose” (ibid., iv., 6774).(back)

Footnote 705: L. and P., iv., 4909, 4911; cf. 5177, 5501.(back)

Footnote 706: Ibid., vi., 1528.(back)

Footnote 707: L. and P., iv., 5797.(back)

Footnote 708: Cavendish, p. 210; L. and P., iv., Introd., p. dv.(back)

Footnote 709: Sp. Cal., iii., 979.(back)

Footnote 710: “The choice of the electors,” says Brewer (L. and P., iv., Introd., p. dcxlv.), “was still determined by the King or his powerful ministers with as much certainty and assurance as that of the sheriffs.”(back)

Footnote 711: L. and P., i., 792, vii., 1178, where mention is made of “secret labour” among the freeholders of Warwickshire for the bye-election on Sir E. Ferrers’ death in 1534; and x., 1063, where there is described a hotly contested election between the candidate of the gentry of Shropshire and the candidate of the townsfolk of Shrewsbury.(back)

Footnote 712: Acts of the Privy Council, 1547-50, pp. 516, 518, 519; England under Protector Somerset, pp. 71, 72.(back)

Footnote 713: Narratives of the Reformation, Camden Soc., pp. 295, 296.(back)

Footnote 714: Cf. Duchess of Norfolk’s letter to John Paston, 8th June, 1455 (Paston Letters, ed. 1900, i., 337), and in 1586 Sir Henry Bagnal asked the Earl of Rutland if he had a seat to spare in Parliament as Bagnal was anxious “for his learning’s sake to be made a Parliament man” (D.N.B., Suppl., i., 96).(back)

Footnote 715: L. and P., xiv., 645; cf. Hallam, 1884, iii., 44-45.(back)

Footnote 716: Foxe, ed. Townsend, vi., 54. There are some illustrations and general remarks on Henry’s relations with Parliament in Porritt’s Unreformed House of Commons, 2 vols., 1903.(back)

Footnote 717: At Reigate, says the Duke, “I doubt whether any burgesses be there or not” (L. and P., x., 816); and apparently there were none at Gatton.(back)

Footnote 718: This seems to have been the object of Southampton’s tour through the constituencies of Surrey and Hampshire in March, 1539; with one of Gardiner’s pocket-boroughs he did not meddle, because the lord chamberlain was the Bishop’s steward there (L. and P., xiv., i., 520). There were some royal nominees in the House of Commons. In 1523 the members for Cumberland were nominated by the Crown (ibid., iii., 2931); at Calais the lord-deputy and council elected one of the two burgesses and the mayor and burgesses the other (ibid., x., 736). Calais and the Scottish Borders were of course exceptionally under Crown influence, but this curious practice may have been observed in some other cities and boroughs; in 1534, for instance, the King was to nominate to one of the two vacancies at Worcester (ibid., vii., 56).(back)

Footnote 719: Ibid., iv., App. 238.(back)

Footnote 720: Official Return of Members of Parliament, i., 370.(back)

Footnote 721: Occasionally there were divisions, e.g., in 1523 when the court party voted a subsidy of 2s. in the pound; but this was only half the sum demanded by Wolsey (Hall, pp. 656, 657, Ellis, Orig. Letters, I., i., 220, 221).(back)

Footnote 722: Brinkelow, Complaynt of Roderik Mors (Early English Text Society), pp. 12, 13; for other evidence of the attitude of Parliament towards social grievances, see John Hales’s letter to Somerset in Lansdowne MS., 238; Crowley’s Works (Early English Text Society), passim; Latimer, Sermons, p. 247.(back)

Footnote 723: The first Parliament of the reign met in January, 1510, the second in February, 1512. It had a second session, November-December of the same year (L. and P., i., 3502). A third Parliament met for its first session on 23rd January, 1514, for its second on 5th February, 1515, and for its third on 12th November, 1515 (ibid., i., 5616, 5725, ii., 1130). It was this last of which Wolsey urged “the more speedy dissolution”; then for fourteen years there was only one Parliament, that of 1523. These dates illustrate the antagonism between Wolsey and Parliament and show how natural it was that Wolsey should fall in 1529, and that his fall should coincide with the revival of Parliament.(back)

Footnote 724: L. and P., i., 2082.(back)

Footnote 725: Holinshed, Chronicles, iii., 956.(back)

Footnote 726: Hallam, Const. Hist., ii., 4.(back)

Footnote 727: L. and P., ii., 1314. In some respects the House of Commons appears to have exercised unconstitutional powers, e.g., in 1529 one Thomas Bradshaw, a cleric, was indicted for having conspired to poison members of Sir James Worsley’s household, and on 27th February, 1531, Henry VIII. orders Lady Worsley not to trouble Bradshaw any more, “as the House of Commons has decided that he is not culpable” (ibid., iv., 6293; v., 117; cf. the case of John Wolf and his wife, ibid., vi., 742; vii., passim). The claim to criminal jurisdiction which the House of Commons asserted in Floyd’s case (1621) seems in fact to have been admitted by Henry VIII.; compare the frequent use of acts of attainder.(back)

Footnote 728: Foxe, ed. Townsend, vi., 33.(back)

Footnote 729: Ibid., vi., 43.(back)

Footnote 730: In the House of Lords in 1531 the Bishops of St. Asaph and of Bath with a similar immunity attacked the defence of Henry’s divorce policy made by the Bishops of Lincoln and London (L. and P., v., 171).(back)

Footnote 731: Narratives of the Reformation (Camden Soc.), p. 25.(back)

Footnote 732: Hence the complaints of the northern rebels late in that year (L. and P., xi., 1143, 1182 [15], 1244, 1246); these are so to speak the election petitions of the defeated party; the chief complaint is that non-residents were chosen who knew little about the needs of their constituents, and they made the advanced demand that all King’s servants or pensioners be excluded.

The most striking instance of interference in elections is Cromwell’s letter to the citizens of Canterbury, written on 18th May, 1536, and first printed in Merriman’s Cromwell, 1902, ii., 13; he there requires the electors to annul an election they had made in defiance of previous letters, and return as members Robert Derknall (a member of the royal household, L. and P., xv., pp. 563-5) and John Brydges, M.P. for Canterbury in 1529-36, instead of the two who had been unanimously chosen by eighty electors on 11th May (L. and P., x., 852). The Mayor thereupon assembled ninety-seven citizens who “freely with one voice and without any contradiction elected the aforesaid” (ibid., x., 929). These very letters show that electors did exercise a vote, and the fact that from 1534 to 1539 we find traces of pressure being put upon them, affords some presumption that before the rise of Cromwell, when we find no such traces no such pressure was exerted. The most striking exception must not be taken as the rule. See p. 317 n.(back)

Footnote 733: “Parliament,” says Brewer, “faithfully reflected the King’s wishes.” It is equally true to say that the King reflected the wishes of Parliament; and the accusation of servility is based on the assumption that Parliament must either be in chronic opposition to the Crown or servile. One of Brewer’s reasons for Henry’s power is that he “required no grants of money”! (L. and P., iv., Introd., p. dcxlv.).(back)

Footnote 734: “Henry,” writes Chapuys in 1532, “has been trying to obtain from Parliament the grant of a third of the feudal property of deceased lords, but as yet has got nothing” (L. and P., v., 805). Various other instances are mentioned in the following pages, and they could doubtless be multiplied if the Journals of the House of Commons were extant for this period.(back)

Footnote 735: Cromwell used to report to the King on the feeling of Parliament; thus in 1534 (L. and P., vii., 51) he tells Henry how far members were willing to go in the creation of fresh treasons, “they be contented that deed and writing shall be treason,” but words were to be only misprision; they refused to include an heir’s rebellion or disobedience in the bill, “as rebellion is already treason and disobedience is no cause of forfeiture of inheritance,” and they thought “that the King of Scots should in no wise be named” (there is in the Record Office a draft of the Treasons Bill of 1534 materially differing from the Act as passed. Therefore either the bill did not originate with the Government and was modified under Government pressure, or it did originate with the Government and was modified under parliamentary pressure). This is how Henry’s legislation was evolved; there is no foundation for the assertion that Parliament merely registered the King’s edicts.(back)

Footnote 736: E.g., L. and P., v., 120. At other times Parliament visited him. “On Thursday last,” writes one on 8th March, 1534, “the whole Parliament were with the King at York Place for three hours” (ibid., vii., 304).(back)

Footnote 737: Some at least of the royal nominations to Parliament were due to the fact that nothing less than a royal command could produce a representative at all.(back)

Footnote 738: L. and P., vii., 302.(back)

Footnote 739: Ibid., v., 120.(back)

Footnote 740: Cf. ibid., iv., App. 1.(back)

Footnote 741: The phrase occurs in Cromwell’s draft bill for the submission of Convocation (L. and P., v., 721).(back)

Footnote 742: Ibid., v., 361. This was in reference to Henry’s refusal to allow a visitation of the Cistercian monasteries, of which Chapuys thought they stood in great need (31st July, 1531).(back)

Footnote 743: Cf. Maitland, Roman Canon Law; Pollock and Maitland, History of English Law, i., 90 (Bracton regards the Pope as the Englishman’s “Ordinary”); and Leadam, Select Cases from the Star Chamber, Introd., pp. lxxxvi.-viii.(back)

Footnote 744: L. and P., v., 1247. A curious point about this document, unnoticed by the editor, is that the Bishop of St. Asaph had been consecrated as far back as 1518, and that he was the Standish who had played so conspicuous a part in the early Church and State disputes of Henry’s reign. This is an echo of the “Investiture” controversy (Luchaire, Manuel, pp. 509, 510).(back)

Footnote 745: “It was not from Parliament,” says Brewer (L. and P., iv., Introd., p. dcxlvii.), “but from Convocation that the King had to anticipate any show of independence or opposition.” True, to some extent; but the fact does not prove, as Brewer alleges, that Convocation was more independent than Parliament, but that Henry was doing what Parliament liked and Convocation disliked.(back)

Footnote 746: “The Queen replied that they were all fine councillors, for when she asked advice of the Archbishop of Canterbury, he replied that he would not meddle in these affairs, saying frequently, Ira principis mors est” (Chapuys to Charles V., 6th June, 1531). Warham was one of the counsel assigned to the Queen for the divorce question.(back)

Footnote 747: L. and P., v., 1247. Warham also made a formal protest against the legislation of 1529-32 (ibid., v., 818). The likeness between Henry VIII. and Henry II. extended beyond their policy to their personal characteristics, and the great Angevin was much in the Tudor’s mind at this period. Chapuys also called Henry VIII.’s attention to the fate of Henry II. (ibid., vii., 94).(back)

Footnote 748: L. and P., v., App. 10.(back)

Footnote 749: Ibid., v., 831; cf. v., 898, 989, App. 28.(back)

Footnote 750: L. and P., v., 1458.(back)

Footnote 751: Ibid., v., 522; vii., 171.(back)

Footnote 752: Thomas Beaufort, afterwards Duke of Exeter, who was Chancellor in 1410-12, and Richard, Earl of Salisbury, who was Chancellor in 1454-5, are exceptions.(back)

Footnote 753: L. and P., iv., 6019.(back)

Footnote 754: Ibid., v., 1013.(back)

Footnote 755: Ibid., v., 805; vii., 232. Chapuys had told him that “all the Parliament could not make the Princess Mary a bastard, for the cognisance of cases concerning legitimacy belonged to ecclesiastical judges”; to which Henry replied that “he did not care for all the canons which might be alleged, as he preferred his laws according to which he should have illegitimacy judged by lay judges who could also take cognisance of matrimonial causes”.(back)

Footnote 756: L. and P., iv., 5925.(back)

Footnote 757: Ibid., iv., 6325.(back)

Footnote 758: Ibid., iv., 6385.(back)

Footnote 759: The net result at the time was a royal proclamation promising an authorised version of the Scriptures in English “if the people would come to a better mind” (L. and P., iv., 6487).(back)

Footnote 760: L. and P., v., App. 7.(back)

Footnote 761: Ibid., v., 148, 850.(back)

Footnote 762: Ibid., v., 129, 148.(back)

Footnote 763: Ibid., iv., 6546.(back)

Footnote 764: L. and P., v., 326.(back)

Footnote 765: Ibid., vi., 235.(back)

Footnote 766: Cf. A. Zimmermann, “Zur kirchlichen Politik Heinrichs VIII., nach den Trennung vom Rom,” in Römische Quartalschrift, xiii., 263-283.(back)

Footnote 767: L. and P., iv., 6043-44.(back)

Footnote 768: Hall, Chronicle, p. 764.(back)

Footnote 769: L. and P., iv., 6075.(back)

Footnote 770: That it passed at all is often considered proof of parliamentary servility; it is rather an illustration of the typical Tudor policy of burdening the wealthy few in order to spare the general public. If repayment of the loan were exacted, fresh taxation would be necessary, which would fall on many more than had lent the King money. It was very irregular, but the burden was thus placed on the shoulders of those individuals who benefited most by Henry’s ecclesiastical and general policy and were rapidly accumulating wealth. Taxation on the whole was remarkably light during Tudor times; the tenths, fifteenths and subsidies had become fixed sums which did not increase with the national wealth, and indeed brought in less and less to the royal exchequer (see L. and P., vii., 344, “considerations why subsidies in diverse shires were not so good in Henry’s seventh year as in his fifth”; cf. vii., 1490, and xix., ii., 689, where Paget says that benevolences did not “grieve the common people”).(back)

Footnote 771: L. and P., iv., 6083.(back)

Footnote 772: Hall, Chronicle, p. 766.(back)

Footnote 773: Cf. Stubbs, Lectures, 1887, p. 317.(back)

Footnote 774: L. and P., v., 562.(back)

Footnote 775: L. and P., iv., 6290.(back)

Footnote 776: See above p. 207.(back)

Footnote 777: L. and P., iv., 6256.(back)

Footnote 778: Ibid., iv., 6279.(back)

Footnote 779: L. and P., iv., 6199, 6596, 6738; v., 460.(back)

Footnote 780: Ibid., iv., 6772.(back)

Footnote 781: Ibid., v., 27.(back)

Footnote 782: Ibid., iv., 6759.(back)

Footnote 783: Ibid., iv., 6615; v., 45.(back)

Footnote 784: See the present writer’s Cranmer, pp. 39-41. Cranmer’s suggestion was made early in August, 1529, and on the 23rd Du Bellay writes that Wolsey and the King “appeared to desire very much that I should go over to France to get the opinions of the learned men there about the divorce” (L. and P., iv., 5862). In October Stokesley was sent to France and Croke to Italy (ibid., p. 2684); Cranmer did not start till 1530.(back)

Footnote 785: L. and P., iv., 6332, 6448, 6491, 6632, 6636.(back)

Footnote 786: L. and P., vii., App. 12.(back)

Footnote 787: Ibid., v., 468.(back)

Footnote 788: Ibid., iv., 6513.(back)

Footnote 789: Cf. L. and P., iv., 6199. Chapuys writes on 6th February, 1530, “I am told the King did not wish the Cardinal’s case to be tried by Parliament, as, if it had been decided against him, the King could not have pardoned him”.(back)

Footnote 790: Ibid., iv., 6488, 6699.(back)

Footnote 791: Cf. ibid., vi., 1381 [3], “that if the Pope attempts war, the King shall have a moiety of the temporal lands of the Church for his defence”.(back)

Footnote 792: L. and P., v., 62. Dr. Stubbs (Lectures, 1887, p. 318) represents the nuncio as being pressed into the King’s service, and the clergy as resisting him as the Commons had done Wolsey in 1523. But this independence is imaginary; “it was agreed,” writes Chapuys, “between the nuncio and me that he should go to the said ecclesiastics in their congregation and recommend them to support the immunity of the Church.... They were all utterly astonished and scandalised, and without allowing him to open his mouth they begged him to leave them in peace, for they had not the King’s leave to speak with him.”(back)

Footnote 793: L. and P., v., 105.(back)

Footnote 794: Ibid., v., 112.(back)

Footnote 795: L. and P., v., 124.(back)

Footnote 796: Ibid., v., 120.(back)

Footnote 797: L. and P., v., 171. This and other incidents (see p. 289) form a singular comment on Brewer’s assertion (ibid., iv., Introd., p. dcxlvii.) that “there is scarcely an instance on record, in this or any succeeding Parliament throughout the reign, of a parliamentary patriot protesting against a single act of the Crown, however unjust and tyrannical it might be”.(back)

Footnote 798: L. and P., v., 171.(back)

Footnote 799: L. and P., v., 737.(back)

Footnote 800: Henry had ordered Cromwell to have a bill with this object ready for the 1531 session (L. and P., v., 394), and another for the “augmentation of treasons”; apparently neither then proved acceptable to Parliament.(back)

Footnote 801: L. and P., v., 805.(back)

Footnote 802: Ibid., v., 989.(back)

Footnote 803: Ibid., v., 1046.(back)

Footnote 804: Ibid., v., 989. This was in May during the second part of the session, after the other business had been finished; redress of grievances constitutionally preceded supply.(back)

Footnote 805: Annates were attacked first, partly because they were the weakest as well as the most sensitive part in the papal armour; there was no law in the Corpus Juris Canonici requiring the payment of annates (Maitland in Engl. Hist. Rev., xvi., 43).(back)

Footnote 806: L. and P., v., 723.(back)

Footnote 807: Ibid., v., 898.(back)

Footnote 808: Ibid., v., 832.(back)

Footnote 809: Ibid., v., 886.(back)

Footnote 810: L. and P., v., 150. This letter is misplaced in L. and P.; it should be under 23rd March, 1532, instead of 1531. The French envoy, Giles de la Pommeraye, did not arrive in England till late in 1531, and his letter obviously refers to the proceedings in Parliament in March, 1532; cf. v., 879.(back)

Footnote 811: Ibid., v., 831.(back)

Footnote 812: Ibid., v., 1017-23. If the Court was responsible for all the documents complaining of the clergy drawn up at this time, it must have been very active. See others in L. and P., v., 49, App. 28, vi., 122.(back)

Footnote 813: L. and P., v., 989.(back)

Footnote 814: Stubbs, Lectures, 1887, pp. 320-24; Hall, pp. 784, 785; see also Lords’ Journals, 1532.(back)

Footnote 815: L. and P., v., 1013. More had, as Henry knew, been all along opposed to the divorce, but as More gratefully acknowledged, the King only employed those whose consciences approved of the divorce on business connected with it (vii., 289).(back)

Footnote 816: See P.A. Hamy, Entrevue de François I. avec Henri VIII., à Boulogne en 1532. Paris, 1898.(back)

Footnote 817: L. and P., v., 1187.(back)

Footnote 818: L. and P., v., 1274.(back)

Footnote 819: In 1529 Du Bellay had written si le ventre croist, tout sera gasté (L. and P., iv., 5679).(back)

Footnote 820: L. and P., v., 1633.(back)

Footnote 821: Ibid., v., 1579.(back)

Footnote 822: Cranmer, Works, ii., 246. The antedating of the marriage to 14th November, 1532, by Hall and Holinshed was doubtless due to a desire to shield Anne’s character; Stow gives the correct date.(back)

Footnote 823: See the present writer’s Cranmer, p. 60 n.(back)

Footnote 824: L. and P., vi., 131.(back)

Footnote 825: L. and P., vi., 26. The interview took place at Bologna in December, 1532.(back)

Footnote 826: Ibid., v., 326.(back)

Footnote 827: Ibid., v., 555.(back)

Footnote 828: Ibid., vi., 89, 212.(back)

Footnote 829: E.g., ibid., v., 820, where Henry tells Tunstall that to follow the Pope is to forsake Christ, that it was no schism to separate from Rome, and that “God willing, we shall never separate from the universal body of Christian men,” and admits that he was misled in his youth to make war upon Louis XII. by those who sought only their own pomp, wealth and glory.(back)

Footnote 830: Ibid., vi., 296.(back)

Footnote 831: L. and P., vi., 142.(back)

Footnote 832: Ibid., vi., 296.(back)

Footnote 833: Ibid., vi., 89.(back)

Footnote 834: Ibid., vi., 142, 160. The nuncio sat on Henry’s right and the French ambassador on his left, this trinity illustrating the league existing between Pope, Henry and Francis.(back)

Footnote 835: Ibid., vi., 276, 311, 317, 491.(back)

Footnote 836: The germ of this Act may be found in a despatch from Henry dated 7th October, 1530; that the system of appeals had been subject to gross abuse is obvious from the fact that the Council of Trent prohibited it (Cambridge Modern Hist., ii., 671).(back)

Footnote 837: L. and P., vi., 1489.(back)

Footnote 838: Ibid., vi., 296.(back)

Footnote 839: Ibid., XII., ii., 952.(back)

Footnote 840: Cranmer, Works, ii., 237.(back)

Footnote 841: Ibid., ii., 241, 244; L. and P., vi., 332, 469, 470, 525. This sentence did not bastardise the Princess Mary according to Chapuys, for “even if the marriage were null, the Princess was legitimate owing to the lawful ignorance of her parents. The Archbishop of Canterbury had foreseen this and had not dared to be so shameless as to declare her a bastard” (ibid., vii., 94).(back)

Footnote 842: See Tudor Tracts edited by the present writer, 1903, pp. 10-28, and L. and P., vi., 561, 563, 584, 601.(back)

Footnote 843: L. and P., vi., 1089, 1111.(back)

Footnote 844: L. and P., vi., 1112.(back)

Footnote 845: L. and P., vi., 793.(back)

Footnote 846: Ibid., vi., 807, App. 3; vii., 185. The declaration of it was at the same time suspended until September, and the delicate question of entrusting the executoriales to princes who repudiated the honour caused further delays. The bull of excommunication was eventually dated 30th August, 1535 (ix., 207); and a bull depriving Henry of his kingdom was sanctioned, printed and prepared for publication (x., Introd., p. xv., Nos. 82, 107), but first Francis and then Charles put difficulties in the way. In December, 1538, Paul III., now that he, Charles and Francis were united in the bond of friendship, published with additions the bull of August, 1535 (XIII., ii., 1087, Introd., p. xli.). Even then no bull of deprivation was published. Apparently that was an honour reserved for Henry’s daughter.(back)

Footnote 847: Jeremiah i. 10. The Vulgate text adopted in Papal bulls differs materially from that in the English Authorised Version.(back)

Footnote 848: See the text in Burnet, ed. Pocock, iv., 318-31.(back)

Footnote 849: L. and P., vi., 805, 1186.(back)

Footnote 850: Ibid., vi., 351; vii., 171, 871; cf. v., 216, where Chapuys says Anne hated the Princess Mary more than she did Queen Catherine because she saw that Henry had some affection for Mary, and praised her in Anne’s presence. At the worst Henry’s manners were generally polite; on one occasion, writes Chapuys, “when the King was going to mount his horse, the Princess went on to a terrace at the top of the house to see him. The King, either being told of it or by chance, turned round, and seeing her on her knees with her hands joined, bowed to her and put his hand to his hat. Then all those present who had not dared to raise their heads to look at her [surely they may not have seen her] rejoiced at what the King had done, and saluted her reverently with signs of good-will and compassion” (ibid., vii., 83).(back)

Footnote 851: Ibid., vii., 171.(back)

Footnote 852: Ibid., vi., 918.(back)

Footnote 853: L. and P., vi., 508; vii., 121.(back)

Footnote 854: Ibid., v., 1324.(back)

Footnote 855: Ibid., v., 416.(back)

Footnote 856: See Transactions of the Royal Hist. Soc., N.S., xviii.; L. and P., vi., 1419, 1445, 1464, 1467, 1468.(back)

Footnote 857: L. and P., v., 609, 807; vi., 815, 821.(back)

Footnote 858: Ibid., vi., 446, 541; vii., 114.(back)

Footnote 859: Ibid., vi., 1164.(back)

Footnote 860: L. and P., vii., 1368.(back)

Footnote 861: Even Norfolk, and Suffolk and his wife wanted to dissuade Henry in 1531 from persisting in the divorce (ibid., v., 287).(back)

Footnote 862: Ibid., v., 696.(back)

Footnote 863: Ibid., vii., 14.(back)

Footnote 864: Daniel xi., 36-45.(back)

Footnote 865: L. and P., vi., 948.(back)

Footnote 866: Ibid., v., 148.(back)

Footnote 867: Ibid., v., 738.(back)

Footnote 868: Ibid., v., 1292.(back)

Footnote 869: Ibid., v., 287.(back)

Footnote 870: L. and P., vi., 1479.(back)

Footnote 871: Ibid., vi., 324.(back)

Footnote 872: Ibid., vi., 1460.(back)

Footnote 873: Ibid., vi., 1510, 1523, 1571.(back)

Footnote 874: L. and P., vi., 568.(back)

Footnote 875: Ibid., vi., 570.(back)

Footnote 876: In January, 1534, Charles’s ambassador at Rome repudiated the Pope’s statement that the Emperor had ever offered to assist in the execution of the Pope’s sentence (L. and P., vii., 96).(back)

Footnote 877: Ibid., vi., 774. The sense of this passage is spoilt in L. and P. by the comma being placed after “better” instead of after “is”.(back)

Footnote 878: Control over England was the great objective of Habsburg policy. In 1513 Margaret of Savoy was pressing Henry to have the succession settled on his sister Mary, then betrothed to Charles himself (ibid., i., 4833).(back)

Footnote 879: L. and P., vii., 229. All that Charles thought practicable was to “embarrass Henry in his own kingdom, and to execute what the Emperor wrote to the Irish chiefs” (cf. vii., 342, 353).(back)

Footnote 880: Ibid., vi., 351. Charles’s conduct is a striking vindication of Wolsey’s foresight in 1528, when he told Campeggio that the Emperor would not wage war over the divorce of Catherine, and said there would be a thousand ways of keeping on good terms with him (Ehses, Römische Dokumente, p. 69; L. and P., iv., 4881). Dr. Gairdner thinks Wolsey was insincere in this remark (English Hist. Rev., xii., 242), but he seems to have gauged Charles V.’s character and embarrassments accurately.(back)

Footnote 881: L. and P., vi., 863. Her departure would have prejudiced Mary’s claim to the throne, but Charles’s advice was particularly callous in view of the reports which Chapuys was sending Charles of her treatment.(back)

Footnote 882: L. and P., vii., 737, 871, 957-58, and vol. viii., passim; cf. C.F. Wurm, Die politischen Beziehungen Heinrichs VIII. zu Mercus Meyer und Jürgen Wullenwever, Hamburg, 1852.(back)

Footnote 883: L. and P., vi., 1572.(back)

Footnote 884: Ibid., vii., 670.(back)

Footnote 885: L. and P., vi., 720.(back)

Footnote 886: Ibid., vi., App. 7.(back)

Footnote 887: L. and P., vii., 114.(back)

Footnote 888: Ibid., vii., 24.(back)

Footnote 889: Chapuys is quite plaintive when he hints at the advantages which might follow if only “your Majesty were ever so little angry” with Henry VIII. (L. and P., vii., 114). A few days later he “apologises for his previous letters advocating severity” (ibid., vii., 171).(back)

Footnote 890: Ibid., vi., 351.(back)

Footnote 891: Ibid., vi., 729, 1161. One of Henry’s baits to James V. was a suggestion that he would get Parliament to entail the succession on James if his issue by Anne Boleyn failed (ibid., vii., 114).(back)

Footnote 892: Ibid., vi., 721, 979, 980, 998.(back)

Footnote 893: L. and P., vi., 997.(back)

Footnote 894: He is said, while there, to have privately admitted to Francis that the dispensation of Julius II. was invalid (ibid., vii., 1348, App. 8).(back)

Footnote 895: Ibid., vi., 1425, 1426, 1427.(back)

Footnote 896: On his side he was angry with Francis for telling the Pope that Henry would side against the Lutherans; he was afraid it might spoil his practices with them (ibid., vi., 614, 707); the Lübeckers had already suggested to Henry VIII. that he should seize the disputed throne of Denmark (ibid., vi., 428; cf. the present writer in Cambridge Modern History, ii., 229).(back)

Footnote 897: L. and P., vi., 1435, 1479.(back)

Footnote 898: L. and P., vi., 1382; vii., 56. A whole essay might be written on this latter brief document; it is not, what it purports to be, a list of knights of the shires who had died since the beginning of Parliament, for the names are those of living men. Against most of the constituencies two or three names are placed; Dr. Gairdner suggests that these are the possible candidates suggested by Cromwell and to be nominated by the King. But why is “the King’s pleasure” placed opposite only three vacancies, if the whole twenty-eight were to be filled on his nomination? The names are probably those of influential magnates in the neighbourhood who would naturally have the chief voice in the election; and thus they would correspond with the vacancies, e.g., Hastings, opposite which is placed “Not for the Warden of the Cinque Ports,” and Southwark, for which there is a similar note for the Duke of Suffolk. It is obvious that the King could not fill up all the vacancies by nomination; for opposite Worcester town, where both members, Dee and Brenning, had died, is noted, “the King to name one”. It is curious to find “the King’s pleasure” after Winchester city, as that was one of the constituencies for which Gardiner as bishop afterwards said he was wont to nominate burgesses (Foxe, ed. Townsend, vi., 54). It must also be remembered that these were bye-elections and possibly a novelty. In 1536 the rebels demand that “if a knight or burgess died during Parliament his room should continue void to the end of the same” (L. and P., xi., 1182 [17]). In the seventeenth century supplementary members were chosen for the Long Parliament to fill possible vacancies; there were no bye-elections.(back)

Footnote 899: L. and P., vi., 716, 816, 847, 1007, 1056, 1057, 1109 (where by the Bishopric of “Chester” is meant Coventry and Lichfield, and not Chichester, as suggested by the editor; the See of Coventry and Lichfield was often called Chester before the creation of the latter see), 1239, 1304, 1376, 1408, 1513; vii., 108, 257, 297, 344, 376.(back)

Footnote 900: Ibid., vi., 1445.(back)

Footnote 901: Ibid., vii., 1554.(back)

Footnote 902: Ibid., vii., 48, 54, 634.(back)

Footnote 903: L. and P., vii., 171.(back)

Footnote 904: Ibid., vii., App. 13.(back)

Footnote 905: Ibid., vii., 171; cf. XII., ii., 952.(back)

Footnote 906: This commission was not appointed till 1551: see the present writer’s Cranmer, pp. 280-4.(back)

Footnote 907: 25 Henry VIII., c. 19. The first suggestion appears to have been “to give the Archbishop of Canterbury the seal of Chancery, and pass bulls, dispensations and other provisions under it” (L. and P., vii., 14; cf. vii., 57); his title was changed from Apostolicæ Sedis legatus to Metropolitanus (ibid., vii., 1555).(back)

Footnote 908: L. and P., vii., 304, 393, 399; the provision about two witnesses was in 1547 extended to treason.(back)

Footnote 909: The succession to the crown was one of the last matters affected by the process of substituting written law for unwritten right which began with the laws of Ethelbert of Kent. There had of course been ex post facto acts recognising that the crown was vested in the successful competitor.(back)

Footnote 910: L. and P., vii., 51.(back)

Footnote 911: Ibid., vii., 362.(back)

Footnote 912: L. and P., vii., 469.(back)

Footnote 913: Ibid., vii., 368.(back)

Footnote 914: Ibid., vii., 184.(back)

Footnote 915: Ibid., vii., 804.(back)

Footnote 916: Ibid., vii., 1262.(back)

Footnote 917: “The Lord Cromwell,” says Bishop Gardiner, “had once put in the King our late sovereign lord’s head, to take upon him to have his will and pleasure regarded for a law; for that, he said, was to be a very King,” and he quoted the quod principi placuit of Roman civil law. Gardiner replied to the King that “to make the laws his will was more sure and quiet” and “agreeable with the nature of your people”. Henry preferred Gardiner’s advice (Foxe, ed. Townsend, vi., 46).(back)

Footnote 918: L. and P., vii., 483, 647.(back)

Footnote 919: Ibid., vii., 522.(back)

Footnote 920: Ibid., vii., 665.(back)

Footnote 921: Ibid., vii., 499.(back)

Footnote 922: Ibid., vii., 841, 856. The order had been particularly active in opposition to the divorce (ibid., iv., 6156; v., 266.)(back)

Footnote 923: Ibid., vii., 1377.(back)

Footnote 924: These were not actually created till 1540; the way in which Henry VIII. sought statutory authority for every conceivable thing is very extraordinary. There seems no reason why he could not have created these bishoprics without parliamentary authority.(back)

Footnote 925: With limitations, of course. Henry’s was only a potestas jurisdictionis not a potestas ordinis (see Makower, Const. Hist. of the Church of England, and the present writer’s Cranmer, pp. 83, 84, 95, 232, 233). Cranmer acknowledged in the King also a potestatem ordinis, just as Cromwell would have made him the sole legislator in temporal affairs; Henry’s unrivalled capacity for judging what he could and could not do saved him from adopting either suggestion.(back)

Footnote 926: L. and P., XIV., ii., p. 141.(back)

Footnote 927: Ibid., vi., 797 [2]; a Venetian declared that Huguenotism was “due to the abolition of the election of the clergy” (Armstrong, Wars of Religion, p. 11).(back)

Footnote 928: For one year, indeed, Cranmer remained legatus natus, and by a strange anomaly exercised a jurisdiction the source of which had been cut off. Stokesley objected to Cranmer’s use of that style in order to escape a visitation of his see, and Gardiner thought it an infringement of the royal prerogative. It was abolished in the following year.(back)

Footnote 929: The comparison has been drawn by Huillard-Bréholles in his Vie et Correspondence de Pierre de la Vigne, Paris, 1865.(back)

Footnote 930: Marsiglio’s Defensor Pacis was a favourite book with Cromwell who lent a printer £20 to bring out an English edition of it in 1535 (see the present writer in D.N.B., s.v. Marshall, William). Marshall distributed twenty-four copies among the monks of Charterhouse to show them how the Christian commonwealth had been “unjustly molested, vexed and troubled by the spiritual and ecclesiastical tyrant”. See also Maitland, English Law and the Renaissance, pp. 14, 60, 61.(back)

Footnote 931: Defensor Pacis, ii., 6.(back)

Footnote 932: A much neglected but very important constitutional question is whether the King quâ Supreme Head of the Church was limited by the same statute and common law restrictions as he was quâ temporal sovereign. Gardiner raised the question in a most interesting letter to Protector Somerset in 1547 (Foxe, vi., 42). It had been provided, as Lord Chancellor Audley told Gardiner, that no spiritual law and no exercise of the royal supremacy should abate the common law or Acts of Parliament; but within the ecclesiastical sphere there were no limits on the King’s authority. The Popes had not been fettered, habent omnia jura in suo scrinio; and their jurisdiction in England had been transferred whole and entire to the King. Henry was in fact an absolute monarch in the Church, a constitutional monarch in the State; he could reform the Church by injunction when he could not reform the State by proclamation. There was naturally a tendency to confuse the two capacities not merely in the King’s mind but in his opponents’; and some of the objections to the Stuarts’ dispensing practice, which was exercised chiefly in the ecclesiastical sphere, seem due to this confusion. Parliament in fact, as soon as the Tudors were gone, began to apply common law and statute law limitations to the Crown’s ecclesiastical prerogative.(back)

Footnote 933: L. and P., viii., 52; Rymer, xiv., 549.(back)

Footnote 934: The general idea that Fisher and More were executed for refusing to take an oath prescribed in the Act of Supremacy is technically inaccurate. No oath is there prescribed, and not till 1536 was it made high treason to refuse to take the oath of supremacy; even then the oath was to be administered only to civil and ecclesiastical officers. The Act under which they were executed was 26 Henry VIII., c. 13, and the common mistake arises from a confusion between the oath to the succession and the oath of supremacy.(back)

Footnote 935: L. and P., viii., 876.(back)

Footnote 936: L. and P., iv., 6199; vi., 1164, 1249. He told Chapuys that if Charles invaded England he would be doing “a work as agreeable to God as going against the Turk,” and suggested that the Emperor should make use of Reginald Pole “to whom, according to many, the kingdom would belong” (Chapuys to Charles, 27th September, 1533). Again, says Chapuys, “the holy Bishop of Rochester would like you to take active measures immediately, as I wrote in my last; which advice he has sent to me again lately to repeat” (10th October, 1533). Canon Whitney, in criticising Froude (Engl. Hist. Rev., xii., 353), asserts that “nothing Chapuys says justifies the charge against Fisher!”(back)

Footnote 937: This statement has been denounced as “astounding” in a Roman Catholic periodical; yet if More believed individual conscience (i.e., private judgment) to be superior to the voice of the Church, how did he differ from a Protestant? The statement in the text is merely a paraphrase of More’s own, where he says that men are “not bound on pain of God’s displeasure to change their conscience for any particular law made anywhere except by a general council or a general faith growing by the working of God universally through all Christian nations” (More’s English Works, p. 1434; L. and P., vii., 432).(back)

Footnote 938: Οὑ γἁρ τἱ μοι Ζευς ἡν ὁ κηρυξας τἁδε
οὑδ ἡ ξὑνοικος τὡν κἁτω θεὡν Δἱκη
Sophocles, Antigone, 450.(back)

Footnote 939: L. and P., vii., 83.(back)

Footnote 940: Ibid., x., 28, 59, 60, 141.(back)

Footnote 941: Dr. Norman Moore in Athenæum, 1885, i., 152, 215, 281.(back)

Footnote 942: L. and P., x., 51.(back)

Footnote 943: Ibid. Hall only tells his readers that Anne Boleyn wore yellow for the mourning (Chronicle, p. 818).(back)

Footnote 944: L. and P., x., 256.(back)

Footnote 945: This Act has generally been considered a failure, but recent research does not confirm this view (see Joshua Williams, Principles of the Law of Real Property, 18th ed., 1896).(back)

Footnote 946: L. and P., x., 246.(back)

Footnote 947: See the documents in L. and P., vols. ix., x. The most elaborate criticism of the Dissolution is contained in Gasquet’s Henry VIII. and the Monasteries, 2 vols., 4th ed. 1893; some additional details and an excellent monastic map will be found in Gairdner’s Church History, 1902.(back)

Footnote 948: “Religion” of course in the middle ages and sixteenth century was a term almost exclusively applied to the monastic system, and the most ludicrous mistakes are often made from ignorance of this fact; “religiosi” are sharply distinguished from “clerici”.(back)

Footnote 949: L. and P., ii., 1733.(back)

Footnote 950: Ibid., ii., 4399.(back)

Footnote 951: Ibid., iii., 1863; see also iii., 77, 533, 567, 569, 600, 693, 1690; iv. 4900.(back)

Footnote 952: D.N.B., xlv., 89. Chapuys had stated in 1532 that the Cistercian monasteries were greatly in need of dissolution (L. and P., iii., 361).(back)

Footnote 953: Cambridge Modern History, ii., 643.(back)

Footnote 954: Nor, of course, were the symptoms peculiar to England; it is absurd to attribute the dissolution of the monasteries solely to Henry VIII. and Cromwell, because monasteries were dissolved in many countries of Europe, Catholic as well as Protestant. So, too, the charges are not naturally incredible, because the kind of vice alleged against the monks has unfortunately been far from unknown wherever and whenever numbers of men, young or middle-aged, have lived together in enforced celibacy.(back)

Footnote 955: See Fortescue, Governance of England, ed. Plummer, cap. xviii., and notes, pp. 337-40.(back)

Footnote 956: E.g., Christ Church, London, which surrendered to Henry in 1532, was deeply in debt to him (L. and P., v., 823).(back)

Footnote 957: The Complaynt of Roderick Mors (Early Eng. Text Soc.), pp. 47-52. The author, Henry Brinkelow (see D.N.B., vi., 346), also suggested that both Houses of Parliament should sit together as one assembly “for it is not rytches or autoryte that bringeth wisdome” (Complaynt, p. 8). Some of the political literature of the later part of Henry’s reign is curiously modern in its ideas.(back)

Footnote 958: “The King,” says Chapuys in September, 1534, “will distribute among the gentlemen of the kingdom the greater part of the ecclesiastical revenues to gain their good-will” (L. and P., vii., 1141).(back)

Footnote 959: Ibid., x., 307.(back)

Footnote 960: Anne was pregnant in Feb., 1534, when Henry told Chapuys he thought he should have a son soon (L. and P., vii., 232; cf., vii., 958).(back)

Footnote 961: Ibid., x., 199.(back)

Footnote 962: Ibid., vi., 1054, 1069. As early as April, 1531, Chapuys reports that Anne “was becoming more arrogant every day, using words and authority towards the King of which he has several times complained to the Duke of Norfolk, saying that she was not like the Queen [Catherine] who never in her life used ill words to him” (ibid., v., 216). In Sept., 1534, Henry was reported to be in love with another lady (ibid., vii., 1193, 1257). Probably this was Jane Seymour, as the lady’s kindness to the Princess Mary—a marked characteristic of Queen Jane—is noted by Chapuys. This intrigue, we are told, was furthered by many lords with the object of separating the King from Anne Boleyn, who was disliked by the lords on account of her pride and that of her kinsmen and brothers (ibid., vii., 1279). Henry’s behaviour to the Princess was becoming quite benevolent, and Chapuys begins to speak of his “amiable and cordial nature” (ibid., vii., 1297).(back)

Footnote 963: In 1533 Anne had accused her uncle of having too much intercourse with Chapuys and of maintaining the Princess Mary’s title to the throne (L. and P., vi., 1125).(back)

Footnote 964: Ibid., x., 902, 910, 919. The Regent Mary of the Netherlands writes: “That the vengeance might be executed by the Emperor’s subjects, he sent for the executioner of St. Omer, as there were none in England good enough” (ibid., x., 965). It is perhaps well to be reminded that even at this date there were more practised executioners in the Netherlands than in England.(back)

Footnote 965: This Act indirectly made Elizabeth a bastard and Henry’s marriage with Anne invalid, (cf. Chapuys to Granvelle L. and P., x., 909). The Antinomian theory of marital relations, which Chapuys ascribes to Anne, was an Anabaptist doctrine of the time. Chapuys calls Anne a Messalina, but he of course was not an impartial witness.(back)

Footnote 966: According to some accounts, but a Spaniard who writes as an eye-witness says she cried “mercy to God and the King for the offence she had done” (L. and P., x., 911).(back)

Footnote 967: Ibid., x., 910.(back)

Footnote 968: The execution of Anne was welcomed by the Imperialists and Catholics, and it is possible that it was hastened on by rumours of disquiet in the North. A few days later the nobles and gentry who were in London were ordered to return home to put the country in a state of defence (L. and P., x., 1016).(back)

Footnote 969: Ibid. x., 915, 926, 993, 1000. There is a persistent fable that they were married on the day or the day after Anne’s execution; Dr. Gairdner says it is repeated “in all histories”.(back)

Footnote 970: See Wilts Archæol. Mag., vols xv., xvi., documents printed from the Longleat MSS.(back)

Footnote 971: L. and P., x., 245.(back)

Footnote 972: Luther, Briefe, v., 22; L. and P., xi., 475.(back)

Footnote 973: Strype, Eccl. Memorials, I., ii., 304.(back)

Footnote 974: L. and P., x., 901.(back)

Footnote 975: Parliament prefered to risk the results of Henry’s nomination to the risk of civil war, which would inevitably have broken out had Henry died in 1536. Hobbes, it may be noted, made this power of nomination an indispensable attribute of the sovereign, and if the sovereign be interpreted as the “King in Parliament” the theory is sound constitutionalism and was put in practice in 1701 as well as in 1536. But the limitations on Henry’s power of bequeathing the crown have generally been forgotten; he never had power to leave the crown away from Edward VI., that is, away from the only heir whose legitimacy was undisputed. The later acts went further, and entailed the succession upon Mary and Elizabeth unless Henry wished otherwise—which he did not. The preference of the Suffolk to the Stuart line may have been due to (1) the common law forbidding aliens to inherit English land (cf. L. and P., vii., 337); (2) the national dislike of the Scots; (3) a desire to intimate to the Scots that if they would not unite the two realms by the marriage of Edward and Mary, they should not obtain the English crown by inheritance.(back)

Footnote 976: L. and P., x., 54.(back)

Footnote 977: Ibid., x., 230.(back)

Footnote 978: L. and P., x., 887.(back)

Footnote 979: Ibid., x., 977.(back)

Footnote 980: Cf. Stern, Heinrich VIII. und der Schmalkaldische Bund, and P. Singer, Beziehung des Schmalkald. Bundes zu England. Greifswald, 1901.(back)

Footnote 981: L. and P., x., 699.(back)

Footnote 982: Ibid., x., 678, 684, 968.(back)

Footnote 983: E.g., the Prioress of Tarent received £100 a year, the Abbot of Evesham, £240 (Gasquet, ii., 230, 310); these sums must be multiplied by ten to bring them to their present value. Most of these lavish pensions were doubtless given as bribes or rewards for the surrender of monasteries.(back)

Footnote 984: L. and P., xi., 385, 519.(back)

Footnote 985: Ibid., xi., 42.(back)

Footnote 986: The exact proportion is of course difficult to determine; Mr. E.F. Gay in an admirable paper (Trans. Royal Hist. Soc., N.S., xviii., 208, 209) thinks that I have exaggerated the part played by the propertyless class in the rebellion. They were undoubtedly present in large numbers; but my remark is intended to guard against the theory that the grievances were entirely religious, not to exclude those grievances; and the northern lords were of course notable examples of the discontent of the propertied class.(back)

Footnote 987: L. and P., vii., 1206; viii., 48.(back)

Footnote 988: Ibid., xi., 768, 826[2].(back)

Footnote 989: L. and P., xi., 786, 1182, 1244, 1246.(back)

Footnote 990: Surrey to Norfolk, 15th Oct., xi., 727, 738.(back)

Footnote 991: L. and P., xi., 864.(back)

Footnote 992: Ibid., xi., 957.(back)

Footnote 993: The records of the Privy Council for the greater part of Henry’s reign have disappeared, and only a rough list of his privy Councillors can be gathered from the Letters and Papers. Surrey, of course, was one of the two nobles, and probably Shrewsbury was the other, though Oxford, whose peerage was older than theirs, seems also to have been a member of the Privy Council (L. and P., i., 51). The complaint of the rebels applied to the whole Tudor period; at Henry’s death no member of his Privy Council held a peerage twelve years old.(back)

Footnote 994: L. and P., xi., 1244-46.(back)

Footnote 995: Ibid., xi., 1306.(back)

Footnote 996: L. and P., XII., i., 20, 23, 43, 44, 46.(back)

Footnote 997: Ibid., XII., i., 46, 64, 102, 104, 141, 142.(back)

Footnote 998: Henry, says Dr. Gairdner, examined “the evidence sent up to him in the spirit of a detective policeman” (XII., i., p. xxix.).(back)

Footnote 999: L. and P., XII., i., 227, 228, 401, 402, 416, 457, 458, 468, 478, 498.(back)

Footnote 1000: L. and P., XII., i., 594, 595, 636, 667. Norfolk thought Henry’s plan was to govern the North by the aid of thieves and murderers.(back)

Footnote 1001: Much of the correspondence of this Council found its way to Hamilton Palace in Scotland, and thence to Germany; it was purchased for the British Museum in 1889 and now comprises Addit. MSS., 32091, 32647-48, 32654 and 32657 (printed as Hamilton Papers, 2 vols., 1890-92).(back)

Footnote 1002: L. and P., XII., i., 367, 368, 779.(back)

Footnote 1003: Ibid., ii., 3943 (reference misprinted in D.N.B., xlvi., 35, as 3493); iii., 1544.(back)

Footnote 1004: Ibid., iv., 6003, 6252, 6383, 6394, 6505.(back)

Footnote 1005: Ibid., v., 737.(back)

Footnote 1006: L. and P., x., 420, 426; xi., 72, 93, 156.(back)

Footnote 1007: On 22nd December, 1536 (Ibid., xi., 1353).(back)

Footnote 1008: Ibid. XII., i., 760, 939, 987, 988, 996.(back)

Footnote 1009: L. and P., XII., i., 997, 1061, 1135, 1167, 1174.(back)

Footnote 1010: The fable that the Cæsarean operation was performed on her, invented or propagated by Nicholas Sanders, rests upon the further error repeated by most historians that Queen Jane died on the 14th of October, instead of the 24th (see Nichols, Literary Remains of Edward VI., pp. xxiv., xxv.).(back)

Footnote 1011: Odet de Selve, Corresp. Pol., p. 268.(back)

Footnote 1012: This was part of the revived influence of the Roman Civil Law in England which Professor Maitland has sketched in his English Law and the Renaissance, 1901. But the influence of these ideas extended into every sphere, and not least of all into the ecclesiastical. Englishmen, said Chapuys, were fond of tracing the King’s imperial authority back to a grant from the Emperor Constantine—giving it thus an antiquity as great and an origin as authoritative as that claimed for the Pope by the false Donation of Constantine (L. and P., v., 45; vii., 232). This is the meaning of Henry’s assertion that the Pope’s authority in England was “usurped,” not that it was usurped at the expense of the English national Church, but at the expense of his prerogative. So, too, we find instructive complaints from a different sort of reformers that the reformation as effected by Henry VIII. was merely a translatio imperii (ibid., XIV., ii., 141). Henry VIII.’s encouragement of the civil law was the natural counterpart of the prohibition of its study by Pope Honorius in 1219 and Innocent IV. in 1254 (Pollock and Maitland, i., 102, 103).(back)

Footnote 1013: Cromwell has a note in 1533, “for the establishing of a Council in the Marches of Wales” (L. and P., vi., 386), and there had been numerous complaints in Parliament about their condition (ibid., vii., 781). Henry was a great Unionist, though Separatist as regards his wives and the Pope.(back)

Footnote 1014: See an admirable study by Miss C.A.J. Skeel, The Council in the Marches of Wales, 1904. Cromwell’s great constitutional idea was government by council rather than by Parliament; in 1534 he had a scheme for including in the King’s Ordinary Council (not of course the Privy Council) “the most assured and substantial gentlemen in every shire” (L. and P., vii., 420; cf. his draft bill for a new court of conservators of the commonwealth and the more rigid execution of statutes, vii., 1611).(back)

Footnote 1015: L. and P., vii., 1554.(back)

Footnote 1016: Cf. Maitland, English Law and the Renaissance, p. 70; Lee to Cromwell: “if we should do nothing but as the common law will, these things so far out of order will never be redressed” (D.N.B., xxxii., 375; the letter is dated 18th July, 1538, by the D.N.B. and Maitland, but there is no letter of that date from Roland Lee in L. and P.; probably the sentence occurs in Lee’s letter of 18th July, 1534, or that of 18th July, 1535 (L. and P., vii., 988, viii., 1058), though the phrase is not given in L. and P.).(back)

Footnote 1017: See R. Dunlop in Owens College Studies, 1901, and the Calendar of Carew MSS. and Calendar of Irish State Papers, vol. i.(back)

Footnote 1018: L. and P., xvi., 43, 77.(back)

Footnote 1019: L. and P., xvi., 28; cf. Leadam, Court of Requests, Selden Soc., Introd.(back)

Footnote 1020: Official Return of Members of Parliament, i., 369.(back)

Footnote 1021: See G.T. Lapsley, The County Palatine of Durham, in Harvard Historical Series.(back)

Footnote 1022: There are no records in the Official Return for 1536 and 1539, but Calais had been granted Parliamentary representation by an Act of the previous Parliament (27 Hen. VIII., Private Acts, No. 9; cf. L. and P., x., 1086).(back)

Footnote 1023: Vols. xii. and xiii. of the L. and P. are full of these attempts.(back)

Footnote 1024: For the negotiations with France from 1537 onwards see Kaulek, Corresp. de MM. Castillon et Marillac, Paris, 1885.(back)

Footnote 1025: L. and P., XIII., i., 165, 273.(back)

Footnote 1026: Is this another trace of “Byzantinism”? It was a regular custom at the Byzantine and other Oriental Courts to have a “concourse of beauty” for the Emperor’s benefit when he wished to choose a wife (Histoire Générale, i., 381 n., v., 728); and the story of Theophilus and Theodora is familiar (Finlay, ii., 146-47).(back)

Footnote 1027: L. and P., XIII., ii., 77; Kaulek, p. 80.(back)

Footnote 1028: Ibid., XII., ii., 1125; XIII., ii., p. xxxi.(back)

Footnote 1029: Ibid., XIII., ii., 77.(back)

Footnote 1030: Ibid., XII., ii., 1172.(back)

Footnote 1031: L. and P., XII., ii., Pref. p. xxviii., No. 1187.(back)

Footnote 1032: Ibid., XIII., i., 380, 507. The magnificent portrait of Christina belonging to the Duke of Norfolk, and now on loan at the National Gallery, must have been painted by Holbein afterwards.(back)

Footnote 1033: It may have crystallised from some such rumour as is reported in L. and P., XIV., ii., 141. “Marry,” says George Constantyne, “she sayeth that the King’s Majesty was in so little space rid of the Queens that she dare not trust his Council, though she durst trust his Majesty; for her council suspecteth that her great-aunt was poisoned, that the second was innocently put to death, and the third lost for lack of keeping in her childbed.” Constantyne added that he was not sure whether this was Christina’s answer or Anne of Cleves’.(back)

Footnote 1034: L. and P., XIII., ii., 232, 277, 914, 915.(back)

Footnote 1035: The burning of the bones is stated as a fact in the Papal Bull of December, 1538 (L. and P., XIII., ii., 1087; see Pref., p. xvi., n.); but the documents printed in Wilkins’s Concilia, iii., 835, giving an account of an alleged trial of the body of St. Thomas are forgeries (L. and P., XIII., ii., pp. xli., xlii., 49). A precedent might have been found in Pope Stephen VI.’s treatment of his predecessor, Formosus (Hist. Générale, i., 536).(back)

Footnote 1036: L. and P., XIII., ii., 1108-9, 1114-16, 1130, 1135-36.(back)

Footnote 1037: Ibid., XIII., ii., 950, 1110.(back)

Footnote 1038: Ibid., vii., 1368; viii., 750.(back)

Footnote 1039: Ibid., XIII., ii., 835, 838, 855.(back)

Footnote 1040: He had, however, been sending information to Chapuys as early as 1534 (L. and P., vii., 957), when Charles V. was urged to make use of him and of Reginald Pole (ibid., vii., 1040; cf. ibid., XIII., ii., 702, 830, 954).(back)

Footnote 1041: Ibid., XIII., pt. ii., passim. He attempted to commit suicide (ibid., 703).(back)

Footnote 1042: Ibid., v., 416; vi., 1419, 1464.(back)

Footnote 1043: Ibid., XIII., ii., 802, 961.(back)

Footnote 1044: L. and P., XIV., i., 478, 533, 630, 671, 762, 899.(back)

Footnote 1045: Ibid., XIV., i., 540, 564, 573, 615, 655, 682, 711, 712.(back)

Footnote 1046: L. and P., XIV., i., Introd., pp. xi.-xiii.(back)

Footnote 1047: Ibid., XIV., i., 714, 728, 741, 767.(back)

Footnote 1048: Cf. ibid., XIV., i., 1011, 1013; ii., 99.(back)

Footnote 1049: Ibid., XIV., i., 27, 37, 92, 98, 104, 114, 144, 188, 235, 884; ii., 357.(back)

Footnote 1050: L. and P., XIV., i., 37, 92, 371.(back)

Footnote 1051: L. and P., XIV., i., 373.(back)

Footnote 1052: L. and P., xi., 1110; cf. ibid., 59, 123, 377, 954.(back)

Footnote 1053: Wilkins, Concilia, iii., 803.(back)

Footnote 1054: Fuller, Church History, ed. 1845, iii., 145-59; Burnet, Reformation, ed. Pocock, iv., 272-90; Strype, Cranmer, i., 58-62.(back)

Footnote 1055: L. and P., XII., ii., 618; Cranmer, Works, ii., 469; cf. Jenkyns, Cranmer, ii., 21; and Cranmer, Works, ii., 83, 359, 360.(back)

Footnote 1056: See the present writer’s Cranmer, pp. 110-13; Dixon, Church History, ii., 77-79.(back)

Footnote 1057: See these injunctions in Burnet, iv., 341-46; Wilkins, Concilia, iii., 815.(back)

Footnote 1058: L. and P., XIII., i., 231, 348.(back)

Footnote 1059: Father Bridgett in his Blunders and Forgeries repudiates the idea that these “innocent toys” had been put to any superstitious uses.(back)

Footnote 1060: L. and P., XIII., i., 347, 564, 580; ii., 186, 409, 488, 709, 710, 856.(back)

Footnote 1061: John Hoker of Maidstone to Bullinger in Burnet (ed. Pocock, vi., 194, 195).(back)

Footnote 1062: Gairdner, Church History, p. 195; L. and P., XII., i., 1310; ii. 1088-89.(back)

Footnote 1063: L. and P., XIII., i., 352, 353, 367, 645, 648-50, 1102, 1166, 1295, 1305, 1437.(back)

Footnote 1064: Ibid., XIII., ii., 741; Cranmer, Works, ii., 397; Burnet, i., 408; Strype, Eccl. Mem., i., App. Nos. 94-102.(back)

Footnote 1065: Burnet, iv., 373.(back)

Footnote 1066: L. and P., iv., 6364.(back)

Footnote 1067: See the present writer in Cambridge Modern History, ii., 236, 237. The Duke of Cleves was not a Lutheran or a Protestant, as is generally assumed. He had established a curious Erasmian compromise between Protestantism and Roman Catholicism, which bears some resemblance to the ecclesiastical policy pursued by Henry VIII., and by the Elector Joachim II. of Brandenburg; and the marriage of Anne with Henry did not imply so great a change in ecclesiastical policy as has usually been supposed. The objections to it were really more political than religious; the Schmalkaldic League was a feeble reed to lean upon, although its feebleness was not exposed until 1546-47.(back)

Footnote 1068: L. and P., XIV., i., 103; cf. Bouterwek, Anna von Cleve; Merriman, Cromwell, chap. xiii.; and articles on the members of the Cleves family in the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie.(back)

Footnote 1069: L. and P., XIV., ii., 285, 286.(back)

Footnote 1070: Ibid., XIV., ii., 33. Holbein did not paint a flattering portrait any more than Wotton told a flattering tale; if Henry was deceived in the matter it was by Cromwell’s unfortunate assurances. As a matter of fact Anne was at least as good looking as Jane Seymour, and Henry’s taste in the matter of feminine beauty was not of a very high order. Bishop Stubbs even suggests that their appearance was “if not a justification, at least a colourable reason for understanding the readiness with which he put them away” (Lectures, 1887, p. 284).(back)

Footnote 1071: L. and P., XIV., i., 552.(back)

Footnote 1072: Ibid., XIV., ii., 33.(back)

Footnote 1073: L. and P., XIV., ii., 664, 674, 677, 726, 732, 753, 754, 769.(back)

Footnote 1074: Hall, Chronicle, p. 836.(back)

Footnote 1075: Burnet, i., 434. The phrase appears to have no extant contemporary authority, but Burnet is not, as a rule, imaginative, and many records have been destroyed since he wrote.(back)

Footnote 1076: Cromwell to Henry VIII., in Merriman, ii., 268-72.(back)

Footnote 1077: E.g., L. and P., v., 285; XIII., ii., 849, Introd., p. xxviii. Sir John Wallop admired the “charitable dexterity” with which Henry treated them (ibid., xv., 429).(back)

Footnote 1078: When a book was presented to him which he had not the patience to read he handed it over to one of his lords-in-waiting to read; he then took it back and gave it to be examined to some one of an entirely different way of thinking, and made the two discuss its merits, and upon that discussion formed his own opinion (Cranmer to Wolfgang Capito, Works, ii., 341; the King, says Cranmer, “is a most acute and vigilant observer”). Henry was also, according to modern standards, extraordinarily patient of theological discourses; when Cranmer obtained for Latimer an appointment to preach at Court, he advised him not to preach more than an hour or an hour and a half lest the King and Queen should grow weary! (L. and P., vii., 29).(back)

Footnote 1079: L. and P., XIV., i., 967, an interesting letter which also records how the King rowed up and down the Thames in his barge for an hour after evensong on Holy Thursday “with his drums and fifes playing”.(back)

Footnote 1080: Ibid., i., 967. This had been made a capital offence as early as the days of Charlemagne (Gibbon, ed. 1890, iii., 450 n.).(back)

Footnote 1081: In 1536 Henry had sent round a circular to the sheriffs; but its main object was to show that another Parliament was indispensable, to persuade the people that “their charge and time, which will be very little and short, would be well spent,” and to secure “that persons are elected who will serve, and for their worship and qualities be most meet for this purpose” (L. and P., x., 815). The sheriffs in fact were simply to see that the burden was placed on those able and willing to bear it. The best illustration of the methods adopted and of the amount of liberty of election exercised by the constituents may be found in Southampton’s letter to Cromwell (ibid., XIV., i., 520). At Guildford he told the burgesses they must return two members, which would be a great charge to the town, “but that if they followed my advice it would cost little or nothing, for I would provide able men to supply the room”. They said that one Daniel Modge wanted one of the seats, but Southampton might arrange for the other. About the Sussex election he was doubtful, but various friends had promised to do their parts. Farnham, he said, returned burgesses (though it does not appear in the Official Return), but that was the bishop’s town, “and my Lord Chamberlain is his steward there; so I forbear to meddle”.(back)

Footnote 1082: L. and P., XIV., i., 662, 800, 808. By a singular fatality the returns for this Parliament have been lost, so there is no means of ascertaining how many of these nominees were actually elected.(back)

Footnote 1083: Ibid., XIV., i., 573, and “although he fears my lord of Winchester has already moved men after his own desires”. He also spoke with Lord St. John about knights of the shire for Hampshire, and St. John “promised to do his best”. Finally he enclosed a “schedule of the best men of the country picked out by them, that Cromwell may pick whom he would have chosen”.(back)

Footnote 1084: “We of the temporality,” writes a peer, “have been all of one mind” (L. and P., XIV., i., 1040; Burnet, vi., 233; Narratives of the Reformation, p. 248).(back)

Footnote 1085: See the present writer’s Cranmer, p. 129 n. Cranmer afterwards asserted (Works, ii., 168) that the Act would never have passed unless the King had come personally into the Parliament house, but that is highly improbable.(back)

Footnote 1086: Husee (L. and P., XIV., i., 1158) says the House had been fifteen days over this bill; cf. Lords’ Journals, 1539.(back)

Footnote 1087: Parliament is sometimes represented as having almost committed constitutional suicide by this Act; but cf. Dicey, Law and Custom of the Constitution, p. 357, “Powers, however extraordinary, which are conferred or sanctioned by statute, are never really unlimited, for they are confined by the words of the Act itself, and what is more by the interpretation put upon the statute by the judges”. There was a world of difference between this and the prerogative independent of Parliament claimed by the Stuarts. Parliament was the foundation, not the rival, of Henry’s authority.(back)

Footnote 1088: L. and P., xv., 486.(back)

Footnote 1089: Ibid., xv., 735.(back)

Footnote 1090: L. and P., xv., 306, 312, 334.(back)

Footnote 1091: Ibid., xv., 486, 804.(back)

Footnote 1092: Ibid., XIV., ii., 141.(back)

Footnote 1093: Ibid., xv., 737.(back)

Footnote 1094: Burnet, iv., 415-23; L. and P., xv., 765-67.(back)

Footnote 1095: Merriman, Cromwell, ii., 268, 273.(back)

Footnote 1096: For the canonical reasons on which this decision was based, see the present writer’s Cranmer, pp. 140, 141.(back)

Footnote 1097: “She is,” writes Marillac in August, “as joyous as ever, and wears new dresses every day” (xv., 976; cf. Wriothesley Chronicle, i., 120).(back)

Footnote 1098: L. and P., xv., 863.(back)

Footnote 1099: Ibid., xv., 932.(back)

Footnote 1100: Ibid., xvi., 106.(back)

Footnote 1101: Ibid., xvi., Introd., p. ii. n.(back)

Footnote 1102: Ibid., xv., 870.(back)

Footnote 1103: Ibid., xv., 951.(back)

Footnote 1104: Original Letters, Parker Society, i., 202. cf. L. and P., xv., 613 [12]. Winchester, says Marillac, “was one of the principal authors of this last marriage, which led to the ruin of Cromwell” (ibid., xvi., 269).(back)

Footnote 1105: L. and P., xvi., 1334.(back)

Footnote 1106: So says the D.N.B., ix., 308; but in L. and P., xv., 901, Marillac describes her as “a lady of great beauty,” and in xvi., 1366, he speaks of her “beauty and sweetness”.(back)

Footnote 1107: Venetian Cal., v., 222.(back)

Footnote 1108: This is the date given by Dr. Gairdner in D.N.B., ix., 304, and is probably correct, though Dr. Gairdner himself gives 8th August in his Church History, 1902, p. 218. Wriothesley (Chron., i., 121) also says 8th August, but Hall (Chron., p. 840) is nearer the truth when he says: “The eight day of August was the Lady Katharine Howard... shewed openly as Queen at Hampton court”. The original authority for the 28th July is the 3rd Rep. of the Deputy Keeper of Records, App. ii., 264, viz., the official record of her trial.(back)

Footnote 1109: It was popularly thought that Henry called Gardiner “his own bishop” (L. and P., XIV., i., 662).(back)

Footnote 1110: 32 Henry VIII., c. 10. Married priests of course would come under this opprobrious title.(back)

Footnote 1111: Wriothesley, Chron., i., 120, 121.(back)

Footnote 1112: Henry soon recognised this himself, and a year after the Act was passed he ordered that “no further persecution should take place for religion, and that those in prison should be set at liberty on finding security for their appearance when called for” (L. and P., xvi., 271). Cranmer himself wrote that “within a year or a little more” Henry “was fain to temper his said laws, and moderate them in divers points; so that the Statute of Six Articles continued in force little above the space of one year” (Works, ii., 168). The idea that from 1539 to 1547 there was a continuous and rigorous persecution is a legend derived from Foxe; there were outbursts of rigour in 1540, 1543, and 1546, but except for these the Six Articles remained almost a dead letter (see L. and P., XVIII., i., Introd., p. xlix.; pt. ii., Introd., p. xxxiv.; Original Letters, Parker Society, ii., 614, 627; Dixon, Church Hist., vol. ii., chaps, x., xi.).(back)

Footnote 1113: In 1518 (L. and P., ii., 4450).(back)

Footnote 1114: L. and P., xvi., 449, 461, 466, 467, 469, 470, 474, 482, 488, 506, 523, 534, 611, 640, 641; cf. the present writer in D.N.B., on Mason and Wriothesley.(back)

Footnote 1115: Ibid., XIV., ii., 142; xvi., 121, 311, 558, 589, 590; D.N.B., xxvi., 89.(back)

Footnote 1116: L. and P., xvi., 1334.(back)

Footnote 1117: Herbert, Life and Reign, ed. 1672, p. 534.(back)

Footnote 1118: Ibid., xvi., 1403.(back)

Footnote 1119: Ibid., xvi., 1426.(back)

Footnote 1120: Lords’ Journals, pp. 171, 176.(back)

Footnote 1121: L. and P., xvii., 124.(back)

Footnote 1122: Ibid.(back)

Footnote 1123: L. and P., xvi., 984, 991, 1042.(back)

Footnote 1124: Ibid., xvii., 124.(back)

Footnote 1125: For relations with Scotland see the Hamilton Papers, 2 vols., 1890-92; Thorp’s Scottish Calendar, vol. i., 1858, and the much more satisfactory Calendar edited by Bain, 1898. A few errors in the Hamilton Papers are pointed out in L. and P., vols. xvi.-xix.(back)

Footnote 1126: This had been asserted by Henry as early as 1524; Scotland was only to be included in the peace negotiations of that year as “a fief of the King of England”; it was to be recognised that supremum ejus dominium belonged to Henry, as did the guardianship of James and government of the kingdom during his minority (Sp. Cal., ii., 680). For the assertion of supremacy in 1543 see the present writer’s England under Somerset, p. 173; L. and P., xvii., 1033. In 1527 Mendoza declared that all wise people in England preferred a project for marrying the Princess Mary to James V. to her betrothal to Francis I. or the Dauphin (Sp. Cal., iii., 156) and that the Scots match was the one really intended by Henry (ibid., p. 192; cf. L. and P., v., 1078, 1286).(back)

Footnote 1127: L. and P., xvii., 731, 754, 771.(back)

Footnote 1128: Ibid., xvii., 996-98, 1000-1, 1037.(back)

Footnote 1129: See Hamilton Papers, vol. i., pp. lxxxiii.-vi.; and the present writer in D.N.B., s.v. “Wharton, Thomas,” who commanded the English.(back)

Footnote 1130: L. and P., xvii., 1221, 1233.(back)

Footnote 1131: Wriothesley, Chron., i., 140.(back)

Footnote 1132: 35 Hen. VIII., c. 27.(back)

Footnote 1133: L. and P., vol. xviii., passim.(back)

Footnote 1134: D.N.B., ix., 309.(back)

Footnote 1135: Foxe, ed. Townsend, v., 553-61.(back)

Footnote 1136: See for the Scottish war the Hamilton Papers, and for the war in France Spanish Cal., vol. vii., and L. and P., vol. xix., pt. ii. (to December, 1544).(back)

Footnote 1137: For Charles’s motives see the present writer in Cambridge Modern History, ii., 245, 246.(back)

Footnote 1138: Herbert, ed. 1672, p. 589; Hall, p. 862.(back)

Footnote 1139: Du Bellay, Memoirs, pp. 785-9.(back)

Footnote 1140: State Papers, ed. 1830-51, i., 794, 816.(back)

Footnote 1141: State Papers, ed. 1830-51, i., 877, 879; Odet de Selve, pp. 31, 34.(back)

Footnote 1142: State Papers, v., 448-52; Harleian MS., 284; Original Letters, i., 37.(back)

Footnote 1143: Odet de Selve, Corresp. Politique, 1886, pp. 50-120, passim.(back)

Footnote 1144: L. and P., xvi., 819; Burnet, iv., 509.(back)

Footnote 1145: L. and P., xvi., 978, 1022, 1027.(back)

Footnote 1146: Ibid., xvi., 1262; xvii., 176.(back)

Footnote 1147: See the present writer’s Cranmer, pp. 166-72.(back)

Footnote 1148: Ibid., pp. 172-75.(back)

Footnote 1149: L. and P., XVIII., i., 534.(back)

Footnote 1150: Canon Dixon.(back)

Footnote 1151: See the present writer’s Cranmer, pp. 144-60.(back)

Footnote 1152: Foxe, on the authority of Cranmer’s secretary, Morice, in Acts and Monuments, v., 563, 564; it receives some corroboration from Hooper’s letter to Bullinger in Original Letters, i., 41.(back)

Footnote 1153: See Hasenclever, Die Politik der Schmalkaldener vor Ausbruch des Schmalkaldischen Krieges, 1901.(back)

Footnote 1154: Hall, Chron., pp. 864-66; Foxe, ed. Townsend, v., 534-36; Herbert, ed. 1672, pp. 598-601.(back)

Footnote 1155: This itinerary is worked out from the Acts of the Privy Council, ed. Dasent, vol. i.(back)

Footnote 1156: This is the usual view, but it is a somewhat doubtful inference. Henry’s one object was the maintenance of order and his own power; he would never have set himself against the nation as a whole, and there are indications that at the end of his reign he was preparing to accept the necessity of further changes. The fall of the Howards was due to the fear that they would cause trouble in the coming minority of Edward VI. Few details are known of the party struggle in the Council in the autumn of 1546, and they come from Selve’s Correspondance and the new volume (1904) of the Spanish Calendar (1545-47). These should be compared with Foxe, vol. v.(back)

Footnote 1157: L. and P., XIV., ii., 141.(back)

Footnote 1158: Acts of the Privy Council, i., 104; Bapst, Deux Gentilshommes poètes à la cour d’Henri VIII., p. 269.(back)

Footnote 1159: See the present writer in D.N.B., s.v. “Seymour, Edward”; cf. Herbert, pp. 625-33. G.F. Nott in his life of Surrey prefixed to his edition of the poet’s works takes too favourable a view of his conduct.(back)

Footnote 1160: See an account of his trial in Stowe MS., 396.(back)

Footnote 1161: Wriothesley, Chron. i., 177, says 19th January; other authorities give the 21st.(back)

Footnote 1162: Lords’ Journals, p. 289.(back)

Footnote 1163: L. and P., iv., 4942.(back)

Footnote 1164: Foxe, ed. Townsend, v., 692; Fuller, Church History, 1656, pp. 252-55.(back)

Footnote 1165: Cotton MS., Titus, F. iii.; Strype, Eccl. Mem., II., ii., 430.(back)

Footnote 1166: The original is in the Record Office; a copy of it was made for each executor, and it has been often printed; see England under Protector Somerset, p. 5 n.(back)

Footnote 1167: Wriothesley, Chron., i., 181.(back)

Footnote 1168: L. and P., iv., Introd., p. dcxviii.(back)

Footnote 1169: Ibid.; cf. Pote, Hist. of Windsor Castle, 1749.(back)

Footnote 1170: Sir William Petre in Tytler’s Edward VI. and Mary, i., 427.(back)

Footnote 1171: Sir John Mason, quoted in Froude, iv., 306 n.(back)

Footnote 1172: The Leviathan is the best philosophical commentary on the Tudor system; Hobbes was Tudor and not Stuart in all his ideas, and his assertion of the Tudor de facto theory of monarchy as against the Stuart de jure theory brought him into disfavour with Cavaliers.(back)

Footnote 1173: John Hales in Lansdowne MS., 238; England under Protector Somerset, p. 216.(back)

Footnote 1174: L. and P., x., 920; “all which died charitably,” writes Husee of Anne Boleyn and her fellow-victims; Rochford “made a very catholic address to the people saying he had not come there to preach but to serve as a mirror and example, acknowledging his sins against God and the King” (ibid., x., 911; cf. xvii., 124). Cromwell and Somerset had more cause to complain of their fate than other statesmen of the time, yet Cromwell on the scaffold says: “I am by the law condemned to die, and thank my Lord God that hath appointed me this death for mine offence.... I have offended my prince, for the which I ask him heartily forgiveness” (Foxe, v., 402). And Somerset says: “I am condemned by a law whereunto I am subject, as we all; and therefore to show obedience I am content to die” (Ellis, Orig. Letters, II., ii., 215; England under Somerset, p. 308). Compare Buckingham in Shakespeare, “Henry VIII.,” Act II., Sc. i.:—

“I bear the law no malice for my death
... my vows and prayers
Yet are the King’s; and till my soul forsake
Shall cry for blessings on him.” (back)

Footnote 1175: “I never knew,” writes Bishop Gardiner a few months after Henry’s death, “man committed to prison for disagreeing to any doctrine unless the same doctrine were established by a law of the realm before” (Foxe, ed. Townsend, vi., 141).(back)

Footnote 1176: The Countess of Salisbury and Cromwell are the two great exceptions.(back)

Footnote 1177: L. and P., vi., 954. It may be reading too much into Francis I.’s words, but it is tempting to connect them with Machiavelli’s opinion that the French parlement was devised to relieve the Crown of the hostility aroused by curbing the power of the nobles (Il Principe c. 19). A closer parallel to the policy of Henry VIII. may be found in that which Tacitus attributes to Tiberius with regard to the Senate; “he must devolve on the Senate the odious duty of trial and condemnation and reserve only the credit of clemency for himself” (Furneaux, Tacitus, Introd.).(back)

Footnote 1178: In three months of “peace” in 1568 over ten thousand persons are said to have been slain in France (Cambr. Mod. Hist., ii., 347). At least a hundred thousand were butchered in the Peasants’ War in Germany in 1525-6, and thirty thousand Anabaptists are said to have suffered in Holland and Friesland alone between 1523 and 1546. Henry VIII.’s policy was parcere subjectis et debellare superbos, to protect the many humble and destroy the mighty few.(back)

Footnote 1179: L. and P., iv., Introd., p. dcxvi.(back)