Appendix

I

King Ferdinand to the Sicilian Inquisition, October 25, 1512,

(Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro III, fol. 202). (See p. 12).

EL REY.

Inquisidor entendido habemos que estos dias passados à causa de ciertos robos que se facian en el feyo de femmy saluco (?) que es del doctor de Julien por unos quatro esclavos del dicho doctor con otros ladrones e bandidos que alli se recogen mando nuestro visorrey en esse Reyno al Capitan de la dicha tierra que trabajase en prenderlos todos, y diz que despues de haber prendido dos ò tres de ellos porque los otros siendo avisados se le fueron vos procedeis con censuras cerca del dicho capitan para que estos entreguen los dichos presos, diciendo que son del dicho doctor de Julien que es Official asalariado de esse Sancto Officio de la Inquisicion y que pertenece à vos el conoscimiento de los dichos ladrones, y para que creyesemos que esto fuesse asi se nos embiara traslado de las provisiones que vos disteis sobre esto. Tenemos no poco sentimiento que esse Sancto Officio de la Inquisicion querais ponerlo en defension de los ladrones lo que no procede de nuestra voluntad que si el doctor de Julien interviene en el vocar de los processos no por esso han de gozar de esempcion las personas que tiene en sus heredades de mal bibir asi que nuestra voluntad es y vos mandamos que luego revoqueis las dictas provisiones y mandamientos que el Sancto officio de la Inquisicion no se ha de entremeter de tales personas. Tambien diz que esto otro dia se echo un malfechor huyendo del Capitan de essa Ciudad en la cassa de esse Sancto Officio de la Inquisicion y siguiendolo los Officiales del dicho Capitan lo defendieron vuestros Officiales y mynistros mano armada. Esto da ocassion de escandolo y porque algun dia vos y vuestros Officiales seays poco acatados proveed que tales cossas no se fagan que no se podrian tolerar con paciencia, pues lo que se dice que se face en la Adduana por no pagar los derechos cossa es de muy mal exemplo. Todo es menester que se enmiende y no se faga desorden sino sera forcado que nuestro visorrey lo provea de una manera que assi gelo escribimos que los Officiales de tan Sancto Officio de la Inquisicion religiosamente han de bibir y quitarse de toda manera de escandalo y incombenientes y assi sera el Officio de la Santa Inquisicion mas honrrado y acatado.

Yo el Rey.—Calcena Secretario.

II

Sicilian Instructions of Inquisitor-general Manrique, January 31, 1525. (Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933, p. 565). (See p. 20).

Don Alonso Manrique, por la divina miseracion arzobispo de Sevilla, del consejo de sus Magestades, inquisidor apostolico general contra la heretica pravedad y apostasia en todos los sus reinos y señorios. A vos los reverendos inquisidores contra la heretica pravedad y apostasia en el reino de Sicilia y à los oficiales y ministros del oficio de la sancta inquisicion del dicho reino à quien lo de yuso en esta nuestra carta contenido toca y atañe y à cada uno y qualquiera de vos salud y bendicion. Sepades que ante nos en el consejo de la general inquisicion se ha agora visto y examinado el proceso de la visita que el venerable Benedicto Mercader maestro en sacra teologia hizo en este dicho sancto oficio por mandado y comision de nuestro muy sancto Padre Adriano Sexto de feliz recordacion siendo inquisidor general y ha parecido que por lo que conviene al servicio de Dios y de sus magestades y à la buena administracion de la justicia y por dar orden como el santo oficio se ejercite y haga con todo rectitud y brevedad que se deben guardar y cumplir las instrucciones siguientes por quanto por la dicha visita parece que aquellas hasta aqui no se han guardado y es cosa justa y debida que se guarden.

Primeramente la instruccion que manda que en las presiones de los que se mandaren prender concurran el alguacil para hacer y ejecutar su oficio y el notario de sequestros para hacer los inventarios de los bienes que se sequestran y deudas y acciones y escrituras que se hallan y el receptor para lo mismo por el interese que puede suceder al fisco y que con asistencia de todos tres, alguacil, notario de sequestros y receptor se hagan y firmen los inventarios y sequestros y firmados queden en poder del dicho notario de sequestros para hacer cargo dellos al dicho receptor en caso de condemnacion, la qual instruccion se guarde como en ella se contiene so pena de privacion de sus oficios.

Item, la instruccion que dispone que en el vender de los bienes confiscados concurran el receptor y notario de sequestros para que el uno los venda con las solemnidades y pregones que la instruccion manda y el otro haga cargo de los precios y plazos en que se venden so la dicha pena y en caso que ocurrieren necesidad que hayan de enviar otras personas en su lugar sea con parecer de los inquisidores y las tales personas sean de mucha confianza.

Item, la instruccion que manda que el juez de bienes confiscados y notario de su audiencia tengan libros en que asienten todas las condemnaciones de bienes que se hacen à instancia del receptor y sus procuradores para dar noticia dellos al notario de sequestros para que haga cargo dello al receptor y que los jueces de bienes y notarios de audiencias juran de ansi lo guardar y cumplir.

Item, la instruccion que manda que los bienes sequestrados, por las presiones de los que se mandan prender queden en poder de personas llanas y abonadas para acudir con ellos à quien los inquisidores mandaren y que hasta la distincion de la causa criminal y principal y condenacion del preso los receptores no tengan entrada en los bienes sequestrados so la pena de privacion de oficio y que vuelvan lo que asi entraren y ocuparen de los dichos bienes sequestrados con otro tanto para el oficio de la santa inquisicion.

Item, la instruccion que manda que por evitar dilaciones superfluas dentro de los quince dias de la presion de cada uno se hagan las tres amonestaciones caritativas y siendo negativos se presenten los acusaciones à los quince dias ò antes sobre lo qual se encarga la conciencia à los inquisidores.

Item, la instruccion que dispone que de quince en quince dias se visiten los presos para haber informacion de como son tractados y proveidos y curados en sus enfermedades.

Item, la instruccion que manda que en la camara del secreto donde estan las escrituras del crimen no entren sino solos los inquisidores y oficiales del secreto so pena de excomunion.

Item, la instruccion que manda que trabajen tres horas en la audiencia de mañana y otras tres à la tarde sobre lo qual se encarga la conciencia à los inquisidores para que asi lo hagan guardar y cumplir.

Item, por quanto parece que la instruccion del arca que habla cerca del depositarse el dinero confiscado que cobra el receptor no se guarda de dos ò tres años à esta parte y es cosa justa y necesaria que se guarde, mandamos que en todo caso sea guardada y cumplida so las penas en ella contenidas.

Item, que se guarden y cumplan de aqui adelante todas las otras Instrucciones del sancto oficio porque aquellas fueron hechas por los señores inquisidores generales con mucho consejo y acuerdo de letrados y en generales congregaciones para el bien y observacion de las inquisiciones particulares y que para mejor observacion dellas se lean aquellas dos veces en el año publicamente en el audiencia delante de todos los oficiales, la una vez por pascua de resurrecion y la otra por pascua de Navidad, y sobre esto encargamos las conciencias à los inquisidores.

Item, por quanto parece por el dicho proceso de la visita que por el receptor de los bienes confiscados se han vendido muchos esclavos reputados por cristianos que hobieron sido de condemnados ò reconciliados debiendo gozar de libertad y esto so color que no mostraban fé y testimonio de su conversion y bautismo, vos los inquisidores ò qualquiera de vos si asi es declarareis estos tales esclavos por libres y proveereis que sean puestos en libertad.

Item, porque parece y somos informado que el inquisidor Melchior Cervera ya defunto anduvo visitando por el reino y recibio muchas informaciones y testificaciones y es cosa justa y debida que aquellas se pongan en la camara del secreto para que se haya entera noticia de las penas de los que quebraron las carcelerias y de los bienes confiscados y mal llevados al tiempo de la inventariacion de los bienes hecha por los comisarios y factores y de otras cosas asi civiles como criminales, vos los dichos inquisidores ò qualquiera de vos proveereis que todas las dichas informaciones y testificaciones se recojan y se pongan en la camara del secreto, sino se hobiere ya cobrado para que se haya noticia de las dichas cosas y se provea en ello todo lo que fuere necesario y las que pertenecieren al oficio del receptor se le entreguen en presencia y por ante el escribano de sequestros.

Item, por quanto parece que las provisiones y letras del inquisidor general y del consejo que se embian à la dicha inquisicion no vienen algunas veces al secretario ni se alcanza à saber lo que se envia à mandar sino por discurso de tiempo mandamos que todas las dichas provisiones y cartas que hasta aqui se han despachado del inquisidor general y del consejo y de aqui adelante se despacharan se pongan en la camara del secreto para que de ellas se haya entera noticia y sean mejor guardadas y cumplidas.

Item, por quanto parece que hay algunos condenados à pena de galeras y otras penas las quales nunca se han ejecutado mandamos que vos los dichos inquisidores ò qualquiera de vos veais esto con diligencia y hagais justicia sobre lo qual os encargamos la conciencia.

Item, por quanto somos informado quel notario de los sequestros ha pedido muchas veces que se le de noticia de las penitencias impuestas y de las que dende en adelante se hobieren de imponer para tener cuenta y razon dellas y hacer cargo al receptor ò à quien las habia recebido ò recibiere y que nunca se ha hecho, mandamos que al escribano de sequestros se de noticia y razon de todas las penitencias pasadas.

Item, mandamos que todas las penitencias que de aqui adelante se impusieren se den al doctor Tristan Calvete el qual tenga razon de las dichas penitencias y mandamos à los inquisidores y à qualquiera dellos que pongan diligencia en cobrar las dichas penitencias y ponerlas en el arca del sancto oficio conforme à la justicia.

Item, porque parece que en la paga del quarto y quinto por las manifestaciones de bienes ocultos ha habido y hay abuso por los receptores no guardandose la provision que sobre esto està despachado, mandamos que aquella se guarde y que el dicho quarto y quinto no se pague à los denunciantes sino solo de bienes ocultos y que no hayan venido à noticia del receptor ni de otros oficiales de esa inquisicion y que los denunciantes no sean oficiales ò personas que por causa y razon del oficio hayan sabido y manifestado los dichos bienes, y mandamos que de aqui adelante no se de por manifestacion de bienes ocultos salvo la quinta parte de los bienes que se cobraren por la tal manifestacion.

Item, por quanto parece que el despensero de los presos tiene un mozo al qual se da de salario ocho tarines cada dia y de comer, vos los dichos inquisidores ò qualquiera de vos proveereis en esto lo que convenga de manera que no traya gastos superfluos.

Item, por quanto somos informado que el escribano de sequestros anduvo con el inquisidor Cervera en la visita de ese reino catorce meses fuera de la ciudad de Palermo y que en ese tiempo se han vendido muchos bienes y cobrado muchas deudas en la dicha ciudad y que no ha podido hallar razon cuenta de lo que se ha entrado y cobrado, mandamos que vos los dichos inquisidores ò qualquiera de vos averigueis brevemente con diligencia esto dando todo el favor que fuere menester al contador y escribano de sequestros.

Item, porque somos informado que en ese oficio se hacen muchos gastos que se podrian muy bien escusar y que los inquisidores dan los mandamientos para ello con mucha facilidad y es cosa justa y debida se provea esto, mandamos que vos los inquisidores ò qualquiera de vos os informeis destos gastos extraordinarios y proveais que de aqui adelante no se hagan gastos superfluos.

Item, porque parece que los presos de la carcel estan alguna vez mal proveidos de ropa de cama porque à los que son fuera de la ciudad no les curan de traer ropa y que seria bien que cuando el alguacil trae algun preso trugese ropa con èl de sus bienes para su cama, vos los dichos inquisidores ò qualquiera de vos provereis esto de manera que los presos sean bien proveidos y tratados.

Item, mandamos que los familiares deste santo oficio sean personas virtuosas, quietas, pacificas y abonadas y que el numero no sea superfluo porque no haya justa causa de quejas que lo mesmo està proveido en las otras inquisiciones.

Item, porque parece que por los notarios del secreto se han examinado algunos testigos del crimen sin presencia de los inquisidores ò de alguno dellos contra el tenor de la instruccion que esto prohibe mandamos que la dicha instruccion se guarde como en ella se contiene sobre lo qual encargamos la conciencia à los inquisidores y notarios del secreto salvo que fuere dificultoso ir alguno de los inquisidores à hacer el dicho examen en el qual caso el comisario juntamente con uno de los dichos notarios lo pueda hacer el qual comisario entonce de certificacion de la fe que se debe dar à los testigos que asi se examinaren.

Item, porque consta por el proceso de la dicha visita que à los oficiales y ministros dese sancto oficio le han hecho algunas resistencias è injurias las quales no han sido castigadas mandamos que el fiscal haga acerca desto sus instancias debidas y vos los inquisidores ò qualquiera de vos hagais justicia porque à los malhechores sea castigo y à los otros exemplo y los oficiales de aqui adelante no sean injuriados ni maltratados.

Item, por quanto parece que algunas veces los inquisidores no entienden personalmente en la ratificacion de los testigos y los comisarios no guardan el secreto mandamos que la ratificacion de los testigos se haga ante vos los inquisidores ò qualquiera de vos y que se guarde enteramente la instruccion que cerca desto habla ansi en el examen sumario como en las ratificaciones.

Item, porque parece que algunos llamandose comisarios sin tener comision ni poder del receptor han exigido y cobrado deudas debidas al fisco real en muchas partes asi en tiempo del receptor Obregon como de Garcia Cid y aunque algunos dellos vinieron à dar cuenta à los receptores otros no la han dado, mandamos que el inquisidor contador y escribano de sequestros que agora van proveidos averiguen esto con mucha diligencia y en todo provean mediante justicia.

Item, parece que al tiempo que vino en ese reino el ambajador moro de los Gelves el inquisidor Calvete hizo traer à la inquisicion un esclavito pequeño que los moros que vinieron con el dicho embajador le tenian hurtado para se lo volver en Berberia porque no le llevasen à pedimiento del dueño y tambien porque el mochacho diz que decia que queria ser cristiano y que ido deste reino el dicho ambajador entrego el dicho esclavito al fiscal de ese reino y no à la parte cuyo era aunque lo vino à pedir diversas vices. Porende mandamos que vos los dichos inquisidores ó qualquiera de vos proveais en esto lo que fuere de justicia de manera que el dicho esclavo se vuelva y de y entregue à cuyo es.

Item, parece que por parte de un Francisco Maynente preso por herege se hobo allegado para su defensa que los testigos fueron conspirados y conjurados contra èl por un Juan de Avisa y otros consortes suyos para lo qual nombro testigos y allende aquellos pidio que tambien se examinasen los nombrados por sus hijos y que yendo à entender uno de los inquisidores en la probanza desta conspiracion recibio en contradiccion del fiscal testigos nuevamento nombrados por los hijos è yernos del preso ò à un suegro suyo è à otros que continuamente con las armas en las manos han andado en defension del dicho Francisco Mainente, y que en el examen los susodichos no fueron preguntados de deudos amistad ni de otras circumstancias necesarias de lugar y tiempo de manera que por esta via se ha embarazado esta causa y tornandose à desdecir algunos de los testigos. Porende mandamos que el fiscal haga sus pedimentos cerca desto ante los inquisidores y que ellos ò qualquiera dellos provean lo que fuere de justicia.

Item, por quanto parece que los reconciliados traen los habitos cubiertos por los ciudades y tierras donde moran, los inhabiles per condemnacion de padres y de abuelos traen armas, seda, oro, plata y usan de cosas que les son vedadas y prohibidas y que esto no se castiga y es en mucho deservicio de Dios y menosprecio de justicia mandamos que el fiscal haga sus pedimentos sobre esto y los inquisidores ò qualquiera dellos lo castiguen y provean mediante justicia.

Item, porque parece que el receptor se queja que el inquisidor Cervera en la visita que hizo por ese reino mando acudir con los aquileres de una casa à un Nadal Valaguer contra toda justicia y razon, la qual casa con otras bienes diz que estaban cedidos y traspasados à ese santo oficio por alcances que se ovieron hecho al dicho Nadal de haciendas cobradas en su tiempo y del receptor Obregon, mandamos que vos los inquisidores ò qualquiera de vos hagais brevemente justicia.

Item, porque parece que ha habido comunicacion de presos unos con otros por la mala guarda de las carceles y desto se siguen muchos inconvenientes al sancto oficio, mandamos que los inquisidores ò qualquiera de vos proveais cerca desto de remedio convenible.

Item, por quanto parece que al tiempo de la conmocion de ese reino muchos de los reconciliados por ese sancto oficio se quitaron los habitos penitenciales y despues aca no se los han vuelto los quales en mucho deservicio de Dios y grande daño de las animas de los dichos reconciliados, mandamos que vos los dichos inquisidores ò qualquiera de vos proveais que todos los dichos habitos se vuelvan à los dichos reconciliados para que los trayan publicamente y cumplan las sentencias que contra ellos fueron dadas mirando mucho que esto se haga en tiempo y de manera que por ello no se pueda seguir escandalo ni inconveniente alguno, que despues de vueltos se usara con los que cumplieren como deben sus penitencias de misericordia.

Item, por quanto parece que los inquisidores y otros oficiales de esa inquisicion han llevado algunos presentes contra la instruccion que esto prohibe, mandamos que de aqui adelante se guarde la dicha instruccion como en ella se contiene y lo que se ha llevado hasta aqui de presentes contra la dicha instruccion de confesos y litigantes se ha restituido à las partes que dieron los dichos presentes.

Item, porque somos informado que el inquisidor Melchior Cervera por descargo de su conciencia dejo en su ultimo testamento à ese santo oficio docientos ducados de oro, y es cosa justa que se cobren, mandamos que el receptor de los bienes confiscados no pague à el heredero del dicho Melchior Cervera de lo que se le debiere de su salario los dichos docientos ducados y si todo su salario fuese pagado se cobren por el dicho receptor ò contador de los bienes del dicho inquisidor Cervera.

Por ende mandamos à vos los dichos inquisidores y oficiales que agora sois ò por tiempo fueredes en el oficio de la santa inquisicion del dicho reino de Sicilia que veades las instrucciones y ordinaciones y cosas y capitulos susodichos y todas las otras instrucciones del dicho sancto oficio y cada uno de vos en lo que toca y atañe las guardeis y cumplais y hagais guardar y cumplir en todo y por todo segun que en ellas se contiene y contra el tenor y forma de lo en ellas y cada una dellas contenido no vayais ni paseis ni consintais ir ni pasar en tiempo alguno so las penas en los dichos capitulos é instrucciones contenidas sobre todo lo qual vos encargamos la conciencia, en testimonio de lo qual mandamos hacer la presente firmada de nuestro nombre refrendada del secretario y sellada con el sello deste sancto oficio.

Datum en la villa de Madrid à xxxi dias del mes de Enero del año del nascimiento de nuestro señor mil quinientos y veinte y cinco

Archiepiscopus Hispalensis.

De mandato Rmi. D. Archiepiscopi Hispalensis inquisitoris generalis

Joannes Garcia, secretarius.

Registrata in sancte inquisitionis quinto, fº clv.

III

Commission for the Arrest of Heretics, Issued by Viceroy Ribagorza, January 14, 1509. (Chioccarello MSS., Tom. VIII). (See p. 56).

Joannes de Aragonia Mag^co Viro, U. J. D. Antonio de Baldaxino regio fideli nobis carissimo, gratiam regiam et bonam voluntatem. Perche secondo avemo inteso ad esto si commette in aliquibus partibus Apuliæ certa eresia che lo venerdi Santo gl’uomini e donne di questi luoghi insieme con candele accese e dapoi di certa predica estinguono le candele e gl’uomini con le donne usano carnalmente taliter che usano li Padri colle figliuole ed altri colle sorelle, e questo en disservizio di nuestro Sig^re Dio e contra la fede nostra Cattolica. E volendo noi estirpare et radicitus abolire tal eresia e cose mal fatte e nefande ed ancora punire e castigare li tali eretici delinquenti. Pertanto a voi della fede, probità, perizia e scienza della quale molto confidamo, dicemo, ordinamo e comandamo quod præsentibus acceptis personaliter vi debbiate conferire in partibus Apuliæ vel in qualunque città, Terra, castello e luoghi del presente Regno, tanto demaniali quanto de Baroni ed Ecclesiastiche persone, dove parerà e sarà bisogno, e pigliar informazione esattamente di tutte le cose predette, e quelli trovarete colpabili pigliarete di persona e conducerete da noi, perche vista detta informazione possano quelli punirsi e castigarsi giusta loro demeriti, e se vi parerà dover annotare li beni di tali delinquenti, lo farete, e quelli pro tuitione Regiæ Curiæ ponerete in loco tuto, adeo che volendo quelli li possiamo avere, perche noi per tenore della presente circa præmissa per voi agenda et complenda vi commettemo e conferimo voces et vices Regias atque nostras plenumque posse et locum nostrum, e perche meglio possiate eseguire questa presente nostra commissione ordinamo e comandamo à tutti e singoli Prencipi, Duchi, Marchesi, Conti, Baroni, Lou^ri Regii ed altri officiali maggiori e minori ed altri quai siano sudditi della Cattolica Maiestà che circa l’eseguire per voi e complire delle cose predette non vi debbiano ponere ostaculo ne dare impaccio seu impedimento alcuno, immo vi dobbiano assistere e dare ogni ausilio, consilio, aiuto e favore opportuno, sempre che da voi saranno ricercati, e volemo vi debbiano provedere di stanza, letto e strama senza pagamento alcuno, e d’ogni altra cosa e ragione sotto pena della Regia disgrazia e di docati mille al Rº fisco applicandi. Datum in Castro novo civitatis Neapolis, die 14 Januarii 1509. El Conde Lugart^e General. V^t Montaltus R., V^t de Colle R., Dominus Locumtª Gen^lis mandavit mihi Petro Lazaro de Exea. In Curiæ Locumtenentis 3º Comitis Ripacursiæ fol. 209 à tº.

IV

Promise of Philip II to the City of Naples in 1564. (Chioccarello MSS., Tom. VIII). (See p. 87). Relazione fatta dal P. D. Paolo d’Arezzo alla Città di Napoli nel suo ritorno.

Quel che S. M. nell’espedirmi da lei mi comandò à me D. Paolo d’Arezzo, che Io dovessi far fede alla sua Fed^ma Città di Napoli della buona voluntà sua verso della Città e di tutto quel suo Regno di Napoli é come tutti l’ama grandemente e desidera ogni loro sodisfazione e la M. S. è pronta farli sempre nuove grazie e nuovi beneficii et in ogni occasione dimostrar l’amore e benignità sua, e la gratitudine dell’ animo suo per la fedeltà la quale sempre hanno usata verso la M. S. e de suoi predecessori e per li continui e grandi servizii tanto in guerra quanto in pace, delli quali S. M. ne tiene memoria, aggradendoli e tenendoli in quel conto che si deve. E per quanto al particolare delle grazie che si hanno a S. M. domandate, quel che ha conosciuto esser utile benefizio e quiete della Città e Regno di Napoli di liberarli per sempre dall’Inquisizione ce l’ha concesso molto liberamente e benignamente, sperando che si portaranno piamente e cristianamente nelle cose della Religione e della S. Fede Catt^ca e cosi l’esorta tutti ad averne buona cura e diligenza. Ma in quanto a gli altri capi perche S. M. non vede che siano in beneficio loro, anzi potriano essere à loro stessi dannosi non l’ha parso poterli concedere in buona coscienza, ne però l’exclude del tutto ma si reserba ed averà buona e più matura considerazione e provederli più di spazio. Mi commise ancora ch’Io lo riferissi come desidera venire in questa città à visitare il Regno per mostrare à tutti l’amore e buona volontà che li porta, e così come in absenza ha conosciuto la fedeltà ed affezione di tutti per sua maggior consolazione e contento fruirla con la presenza e dal canto suo ancora dar tutta quella sodizfazione che può a così fedeli ed amorevoli vassalli, il che S. M. tiene intenzione di farlo colla prima occasione che dio benedetto gli darà.

Questo è quel tanto che S. M. mi comandò che da sua parte io dovesse riferire alla Città in testimonio ed esplicazione della benignità ed amor suo verso di questa Città e Regno di Napoli tutto il sopradetto l’ho visto con gli occhi e toccato con mano esser la pura verità.

El Rey

Por quanto haviendose nos suplicado por parte de la nuestra ciudad y Regno de Napoles fuesemos servido declarar nuestra intencion cerca las cosas de heresia que alli succediere. Por ende por tenor de la presente deximos y declaramos no haver sido ni ser de nuestra mente ò intencion que en la dicha ciudad y Reyno se ponga la Inquisicion en la forma de España, sino que se proceda por la via ordinaria como esta aqui, y que assi se observara y complira con efecto en lo adelante, sin que en ello haya falta, en testimonio de lo qual mandamos dar la presente firmada de nuestra mano y sellado con nuestro sello secreto. En Madrid à diez dias de Marzo 1565. Yo el Rey.—V^t Figueroa R^s.—V^t Soto R^s.—V^t Vargas Secretarius.—Locus Sigilli.—Declaracion de que no se pondra en la Ciudad y Reyno de Napoles la Inquisicion en la forma de España.

Il duplicato di questa lettera fù rimessa da S. M. al Duca d’Alcala.

V

Application to the Viceroy of Naples for Extradition, March 6, 1610. (Chioccarello MSS., Tom. VIII). (See p. 91).

Ill^mo ed Ecc^mo Signore.

D. Fabio Orzolino dice à V. E. come si è necessario far notificare una citazione spedita in forma Bullæ dal S^to Officio contro l’Abbate Angelo e Carlo della Rocca. Supplica perciò V. E. per il Regio suo exequatur avendola da notificare in Regno ut Devotus et Reverendus Regius cappelanus major videat et referat. Constantius Reg^s. Provisum per S. Excª. Neapoli die 6 mensis Martii 1610. Vitalianus.

Ill^mo ed Ecc^mo Signore. Per parte del predetto supplicante mi è stato presentato il predetto memoriale con regia decretazione di V. E. di mia commissione. E volendo gl’ordini dell’ E. V. eseguire e dell’ esposto informarmi ho visto una provisione spedita da Monsignore Crecenzo Auditor Generale della Rota seu Camera Apostolica nella quale si narra che dovendo l’Abbate Angelo e Carlo della Rocca di Traetto, Diocesi di Gaeta ad esso supplicante docati ottant’otto in virtù di publico istrumento con l’obligazione camerale ed essendo per detto debito stati per cedoloni declarati per publici scomunicati ed avendono in detta scommunica persistito per un anno e più per il che si citano ad personaliter comparendum in detta corte Romana ed avanti il detto Auditore à dire la causa perchè non si devono dichiarare per insordescenti, come questo ed altro appare per detta provisione spedita in Roma per esecuzione publica della quale si suplica V. E. per il Regio exequatur. Per tanto visto e considerato il tutto, adhibito in ciò il parere del mº U. J. D. Gio. Geronimo Natale Avvogado Fiscale del R^t Patrimonio della Regia Camera della Summaria mia Auditore, sono di voto che l’E. V. puo restar servita per esecuzione della detta provisione di concedere ad esso supplicante il Regio Exequatur quo ad personas Ecclesiasticas tantum. E questo è quanto mi occorre riferire a V. E.—Da Casa in Napoli à di 7 Maggio 1610. De V. E. Servidor y Cappellan D. Gabriel Sanchez de Luna.—Jo. Hieronimus Natalis.

VI

King Ferdinand Limits Salaries by the Confiscations, in the Inquisition of Sardinia. (Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro III, fol. 308). (See p. 114). EL REY.

Bernardt Ros nuestro receptor de los bienes y facienda a nuestra camara e fisco confiscados e pertenecientes e que se confiscaran por el crimen de la heregia y apostasia en el Reino de Cerdeña, los salarios que en cada un año habeis de pagar al inquisidor y otros oficiales y ministros en el sancto oficio de la inquisicion en el dicho reino son los siguientes:

Al reverendo obispo del Alguer inquisidor	100	libras
A Micer Pedro de Contreras abogado en el crimen y judicatura de bienes	40
A Luis de Torres alguacil	30
A un escribano del secreto y judicatura de bienes y secrestos	30
A un portero e nuncio	10
A vos mesmo por receptor	100
A mossen Alonso de Ximeno procurador fiscal y canonigo de Callar	30

Los quales salarios ordinarios facen suma en universo trescientas quarenta libras barcelonesas las quales vos mandamos que les deis por sus tercios del año de qualesquier bienes y pecunias que sean confiscados y se confiscaren en la dicha inquisicion comenzando a contar a cada uno de ellas dende el dia que comenzara a servir sus oficios y dende adelante por tanto tiempo como cada uno servira su oficio y con restitucion de sus apocas de pago tan solamente, mandamos a la persona que vuestras cuentas oira y examinara que los dichos salarios segun dicho es vos pasen y admitan en quenta y descargo toda duda dificultad consulta y contradiccion cessantes. Queremos empero que si no hobiere bienes confiscados para pagar los dichos salarios que nos ni nuestra corte no seamos tenido ni obligado a los pagar antes queremos que no habiendo cumplimiento las dichas quantias se repartan entre los oficiales a sueldo por libra.

Datum en Valladolid a once de Septiembre de mil quinientos catorce.

Yo el Rey.—Calcena Secretario.

VII

Philip II to the Duke of Sessa. Abandoning the Introduction of the Spanish Inquisition in Milan. (Archivio Civico Storico à S. Carpofaro in Milano. Armario A. Filza VII, N. 40). (See p. 128).

Ill^mo Duque, Primo nuestro, Governador y Capitan General. Hanse rrecivido todas vuestras cartas hasta la ultima de xxiii del pasado y dexando de satisfaser a ellas para con el primero esta servira solamente para rresponder a lo de la Inquisicion, por ser negocio que no requiere delacion, quedando ese estado de la manera que nos screvis y lo avemos visto por las cartas que nos ha mostrado el obispo de Cuenca en conformidad de las vuestras. La dexceridad y buena manera con que os governastes para aquietar los animos de los desestado y estorvar que no embiasen aca embaxadores fue como convenia y se deve esperar de vuestra prudencia, y assi conformandonos con vuestro parecer damos orden al electo de Salerno que no parta de Trento y a Roma que cese la instancia y officio que se hazia con su Santidad para que mandase despachar la facultad, y vos con el buen modo que lo aveis començado hablareis a los desse estado dandoles a entender con las mejores palabras que vereis convenir que nuestra Intencion nunca fué ni es de hazer novedad en la forma de proceder del sancto officio sino solamente en la persona, para que con mas autoridad y teniendo mejor de comer se hiziese lo que convenia al servicio de Dios y bien de la Religion en tiempos tan infectos y peligrosos por la vezindad, y que assi pueden ser ciertos que en esto no avra novedad, quedando enteramente confiado que ellos por su parte como tan catholicos y zelosos del servicio de Dios y nuestro, siguiendose la forma y horden que hasta aqui se ha tenido haran lo que deven. Y todo os lo rremitionos como persona que estara sobrel negocio, os governeys en esto como mas vieredes convenir para escusar todo genero de Inconviniente y mala satisfacion. Y conforme a ello embiarcio (sic) luego essa carta al electo de Salerno y esotra despacho a Roma dando juntamente con el aviso al embaxador de lo que cerca desto se hiziese para que sepa como se avra de governar con su Santidad.—De Monçon a viii de Noviembre de M. D. lxiii.

El Senado nos ha scripto una carta sobre estos negocios. Dales ese aviso del Recivo y de lo que en ello se provee.—Yo el Rey.

J. Vargas.

VIII

Quarantine Against Heretics. (MSS. of Ambrosian Library, H. S. VI, 29). (See p. 131). Decreti della Sacra Congregazione del Santo Officio di Roma contro gli Heretici che vengono in Milano e suo Stato.

Inquisitori Mediolani: Ut cum solitis conditionibus practicatis ante Bullam Gregorii XV permittat Rhetis et Helvetiis per aliquod dies manere Mediolani occasione mercaturæ et non aliter; invigilet tamen ne aliquid in fidem Catholicam machinentur.—19 Julii, 1625.

Alios tamen Hæreticos non permittat ibidem manere, datur tamen ei facultas concedendi Talibus licentias per aliquod breve tempus et certioret.—24 Junii, 1627.

Inquisitoribus Mediolani et Comi: Non inducant gravamina et novitates contra Helvetios et eorum Confœderatos Hæreticos Mediolanum accedentes, sed observant capitulationes antiquas.—5 Augusti, 1599.

Inquisitori Mediolani: Curet cum participatione Eminent^mi Archiepiscopi cum suavitate et paulatim tollere abusum commercii Mercatorum Catholicorum dictæ civitatis cum Hæreticis et adhibeat diligentiam ne denuo hujusmodi commercia introducantur.—10 Octobris, 1629.

Hæretici in Statu Mediolani non admittantur ab Inquisitoribus nisi sint ex Rhetis vel Helvetiis qui in eo habent commercium mercaturæ vigore Conventionum inter Regem Hispaniarum et ipsos factarum. Commercium litterarum inter Catholicos et Hæreticos non permittant nisi inter Confœderatos ratione mercaturæ. Mercium sarcinæ, vulgo Balle, si remanent Mediolani visitentur ab ipso Inquisitore an adsint libri Hæretici; si vero aliunde vehuntur fiat diligentia in loco ad quem ducuntur; si vero sint dolia librorum videatur ipsorum librorum lista, quæ si non exhibeatur non permittantur alio duci nisi visis libris et se intelligat Inquisitor Mediolani cum aliis Inquisitoribus civitatum ad quas deferuntur.—Inquisitori Mediolani 3 Julii, 1593.

Inquisitori Mediolani scriptum fuit ne permittat Ministros et Prædicantes Hæreticos accedere in hunc statum, sed quod alios Hæreticos Helvetios qui accedunt illuc pro Commercio observare faciat Capitulationes et alia ordinata cum declarationibus et moderationibus ultimo eis scriptis.—3 Decembris, 1599.

Decreti contro gl’ Eretici dimoranti in Venezia e suo Stato.

Nuntio Venetiarum scriptum fuit die duodecima Januarii, 1591, ut tractet cum Dominis Venetis quod nullo modo admitti debent in eorum Dominio Hæretici et Apostatæ a fide etiam conniventibus oculis.

Nuntio Venetiarum scriptum fuit die 23 Februarii, 1591 circa Hæreticos ultramontanos commorantes Venetiis in fundaco Germanorum habitum fuisse sermonem de prædictis cum Sanctissimo et ita concludit Epistola—

E perchè il ritenere ivi i nemici della Santa Fede ridonda in diservizio di Dio, e per esser quello un male contagiosissimo, bisogna che almeno in progresso di tempo causi grand’ infezione in quell’ Anime: ed il Commercio con quella nazione si puo conservare e continuare col mezzo d’altri mercanti Catolici e confidenti à cotesta Signoria, la Santità Sua ha ordinato che V. S. sempre le verra occasione, procuri colla sua prudenza e destrezza d’insinuare tutto ciò e metterlo in considerazione al Principe e a quei Signori acciocche si pensi di provedervi, e sua Santità ne deve parlare coll’ Ambasciatore.

IX

Decree of Pius V, June 6, 1566. (Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro III, fol. 91.—Archivo historico nacional de Madrid). (See p. 132).

Die Jovis sexta mensis Junii, 1566, Sanctissimus in Christo pater D. N. D. Pius divina providentia Pius Quintus, in Congregatione officii Sanctæ Ro. universalis Inquisitionis, in throno majestatis suæ sedens, unacum illustrissimis et reverendissimis dominis Dominis Cardinalibus Inquisitoribus Generalibus, statuit, decrevit, ordinavit et mandavit ut negotia fidei omnibus et singulis aliis præferantur, cum fides sit substantia et fundamentum Christianæ religionis. Idcirco omnibus et singulis almæ Urbis ejusque districtus Gubernatori, Senatori, Vicario, Cameræ Apostolicæ auditoribus quibuscunque, Legatis, Vicelegatis, Gubernatoribus Provinciarum et Terrarum suæ Sanctitati et Sanctæ Romanæ Ecclesiæ mediate vel immediate subjectarum ac eorum locatenentibus, officialibus, barissellis aliisque ministris, necnon aliis locorum ordinariis cæterisque magistratibus, officialibus ac cujusvis conditionis et status hominibus in omnibus et singulis terris, oppidis, civitatibus ac in tota Republica Christiana existentibus, sub excommunicationis latæ sententiæ ac indignationis suæ Sanctitatis aliisque arbitrio suæ Sanctitatis ac illustriss, et reverendiss. D. D. Cardinalium Inquisitorum Generalium imponendis et exequendis pœnis, ut eisdem Cardinalibus Inquisitoribus hujusmodi ac eorum præceptis et mandatis in quibuscunque officium sanctæ Inquisitionis hujusmodi concernentibus pareant et obediant. Reges vero, Duces, Comites, Barones et quosvis alios Principes sæculares in Dei nomine rogavit ut eisdem Cardinalibus Inquisitoribus eorumque officialibus faveant auxiliumque præbeant, a suis magnatibus subditis auxilium præberi faciant in negotiis ad dictum officium spectantibus, necnon carceratos quoscunque pro quibusvis delictis et debitis etiam atrocibus, apud dictum Inquisitionis officium quomodolibet delatos vel denunciatos, suspensa aliorum criminum inferiorum cognitione, ad eosdem Cardinales vel Inquisitionis carceres, ibidemque ad criminis hæresis totaliter cognitionem et expeditionem retinendos, postea ad eosdem officiales pro aliorum criminum cognitione remittendos, sine mora transmittant. Instante magnifico Domino Pedro Belo procuratore fiscali officii Sanctæ Romanæ Universalis Inquisitionis.

X

S. Carlo Borromeo’s Memoranda for a Visitation. (MSS. of the Ambrosian Library, Tomo V, F. 41 ed. 177, Parte Inferiore, No. 76). (See p. 133). Ricordo di alcune cose delle quali principalmente s’a da far diligente inquisitione

Se nella patria sono heretici, sospetti di heresia, ricettatori et fautori di heretici, scandalosi nel parlare et chi abusã le parole della Scrittura.

Se si fanno conventicole ò ridotti di laici ne quali si parli delle cose della fede; se predichi e si disputi senza autorità di superiori Ecclesiastici.

Se vi è comertio di heretici ò sospetti et come si avertisse à quelle famiglie che praticano ne i paesi heretici ò per mercantia ò altro pretesto.

Se mandano i figlioli in Germania ò in altra provincia nelle parti sospette per imperar la lingua ò trafico ò per viver in Corti di Principi.

Di libri prohibiti ò scandalosi et che cura si tiene nel portare i libri nella patria et se s’avertischi bene à mercanti et à chi pratica ne paesi sospetti; se portano libri heretici ò sospetti dell’ Inquisitione nelle librarie.

Come si governa l’offitio della S^ta Inquisitione cioè di Vescovi et Inquisitori in quelle parti circa il tener ben purgato il paese da quella peste.

Se hanno qualche impedimento nell’offitio.

Se hanno il debito aiuto circa la essecutione da principi secolari, così gl’Inquisitori come li Vescovi nell’officio loro.

Di predicatori, che diligentia s’usi, acciò catholicamente predichino et che non disputino le cose controverse ma solamente in ogni occasione stabilischino la parte catholica, dichiarando bene et chiaramente il senso delle Scritture, et lasciando da parte li fondamenti delli heretici.

De Maestri di scuola come insegnano et che libri legono.

Se secondo il decreto del Consiglio Tridentino i Curati ammaestrano fanciulli nella dottrina Christiana.

Se vi sono superstitioni, divinationi et incanti et altre cose tali che vanno appresso all’heresie et molte volte sapiunt etiam manifestam heresim.

Se con quel honore che si deve sono tenute le sante relique.

Se vi sono pubblici peccatori, sprezzatori di commandamenti de la Chiesa, delle ceremonie, riti et traditioni et contemptori delle censure et giuditii Ecclesiastici.

Delli hebrei, se portano il segno, se conversano con Christiani con pericolo di corrutela dei costumi Christiani.

XI

Extract from Edict of November 10, 1571, issued by the Inquisition of Mexico to the population of New Spain embodying the Oath of Obedience. (From the MSS. of General Don Vicente Riva Palacio). (See p. 203).

* * * Mandamos dar y dimos la presente por la cual vos ecshortamos, amonestamos y mandamos en virtud de santa obediencia y so pena de excomunion mayor, que del dia que esta nuestra carta fuere leida y notificada ó de ella supieredes en cualquier manera en adelante vos los susodichos y cada uno de vos como fieles y católicos cristianos, celadores de nuestra santa fé, verdaderos miembros de la Yglesia Católica cada y cuando y en cualquier lugar que os halláredes en cuanto en vos fuere favorecereis al dicho Santo Oficio, Oficiales y ministros de él, dandoles todo el favor y ayuda que os pidieren, y que no ayudareis ni favorecereis á los hereges enemigos de nuestra santa fé católica, antes como á lobos y perros rabiosos inficionadores de las animas cristianas y destruidores de la esposa divina del Señor que es la Yglesia católica, los perseguireis manifestandolos y no los encubrireis, y si lo contrario hicieredes, lo que Dios no quiera ni permita, incurrais y caigais en la ira é indignacion de Dios todo poderoso y de la Virgen Santa Maria su madre, y de los bienaventurados apostolos S. Pedro y S. Pablo y de todos los santos de la corte celestial, y venga sobre los inobedientes á esto las plagas y maldiciones que vinieron y descendieron sobre el Rey Faraon y los suyos por que resistieron á los mandamientos de Dios y la destruccion que vino sobre los de Sodoma y Gomorra que fueron abrasados, y la que vino sobre Coreb, Datan y Aviron que sorbió la tierra vivos por su inobediencia, y siempre esten endurecidos y en pecado y el diablo este á su mano derecha y su oracion sia siempre en pecado delante el acatamiento de Dios, sus dias sean pocos y su nombre y memoria se pierda en la tierra y sean arrojados de sus moradas en manos de sus enemigos y cuando sean juzgados salgan condenados del juicio divino con lucifer y Judas el traidor y sus hijos, queden huerfanos y mendicantes y no hallen quien bien les haga, y allende las otras penas y censuras en derechos establecidas contra los tales inobedientes al Santo Oficio y á los mandamientos apostólicos caegan é incurran en pena de escomunion mayor que nos por tales los declaramos en estos escriptos y por ellos y para mayor vigor y fuerza de lo susodicho mandamos que todas las personas que presentes estais de qualquier estado y condicion que sean alzeis las manos y jureis á Dios y á Santa Maria y á la señal de la Cruz y á las palabras de los cuatro santos evangelios que ante vuestros ojos teneis que de aqui adelante como verdaderos católicos y fieles cristianos y hijos de obediencia sereis en favor ayuda y defensa de la santa fé de nuestro S. Jesucristo y de su ley evangelica que tiene, predica, sigue y enseña la S. Madre Yglesia Católica Romana y de la S. Inquisicion, Oficiales y ministros de ella en cuanto en vos fuere con todas vuestras fuerzas y posibilidades sin impedirles ni embargarles publica ni secretamente, directe ni indirecte ni por cualquier exquisito color por vos ni por otra persona en cosa alguna tocante al dicho S. Oficio y ejecucion de él y que no favorecereis á los herejes, infamados y sospechosos del crimen de herejia y apostasia, ni á sus creyentes, favorecedores, receptadores ni defensores de ellos ni á los perturbadores ni impedidores del dicho Santo Oficio y de su libre y recto ejercicio, antes sereis en los perseguir, acusar, y denunciar á la S. Madre Yglesia y á nos los Ynquisidores y á nuestros sucesores como á sus ministros á quien por su Santidad y Sede Apostólica está reservado el conocimiento de las tales causas y que no lo encubrireis recibireis ni admitireis entre vosotros ni en vuestra familia, compañia servicio ni consejo, antes luego que de ello algo supieredes lo direis y si por ventura alguno de vos por ignorancia hiciere lo contrario cada y cuando que á vuestra noticia viniere ser las tales personas de la condicion susodicha luego los repelereis y alanzareis de vos y de cada uno de vos y nos dareis de ellos noticia y que para ejecucion y cumplimiento de lo susodicho y de cada una cosa y parte de ello dareis todo el favor y ayuda que os pidieren y fuere menester y cumplireis todo lo demas que en esta nuestra carta va dicho y declarado. Digan todos ansi lo prometemos y juramos. Si ansi lo hicierdes Dios nuestro S. Jesucristo cuja es esta causa os ayude en esto mundo en el cuerpo y en el otro en la alma donde mas habreis de durar, y si lo contrario hicieredes, lo que Dios no quiera, el os lo demande mal y caramente como á reveldes que á sabiendas juran su santo nombre en vano. Digan todos amen. En testimonio de lo cual mandamos dar y dimos la presente firmada de nuestro nombre, sellada con el sello del dicho Santo Oficio y refrendada por el Secretario de él. En la Cuidad de Mexico, 10 dias del mes de Noviembre de 1571. El Doctor Moya de Contreras. Por mandado del S. Inquisidor, Pedro de los Rios, Secretario.

XII

Cedula of Philip II, August 16, 1570, regulating the Privileges of Familiars in New Spain. (Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid, Seccion de MSS. X, 159, fol. 240). (See p. 247).

El Rey, Nuestro Virrey y Capitan General de la Nueva España y Presidente de la Nuestra Audiencia Real que reside en la Ciudad de Mexico, Oidores de la dicha Audiencia, Presidente y Oidores de la Nuestra Audiencia Real que reside en la Ciudad de Santiago de la Provincia de Guatimala, é á los Nuestros Oydores, Alcaldes Mayores de la Nuestra Audiencia Real de la Nueva Galicia é qualesquier Nuestros Governadores, Corregidores y Alcaldes mayores é á otras justicias de todas las Ciudades, Villas y lugares de las Provincias de Nueva España, la Provincia de Nicaragua, asi de los Españoles como de los Indios Naturales, que al presente sois y por tiempo fueren, y á cada uno de vos á quien la presente ó su traslado autentico fuere mostrado y lo en ello contenido toca ó pudiere tocar en qualquiera manera, Salud y dileccion: Sabed que el Reverendisimo in Christo Padre Cardenal de Siguenza, Presidente del Nuestro Consejo é Inquisidor General Apostolico en Nuestros Reynos y Señorios con acuerdo de los del Nuestro Consejo de la General Inquisicion y consultado con Nos, entendiendo ser muy necesario y conveniente para el aumento de Nuestra Santa Fé y su conservacion, poner y asentar en esas dichas Provincias el Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion lo ha ordenado y proveido asi; y porque demas de los Inquisidores y Oficiales con su titulo y provision que han de residir y asistir en el dicho Santo Oficio es necesario que haya familiares como los ay en las otras Inquisiciones de estos Reynos de Castilla aviendose platicado sobre el numero de ellos y ansi mismo de los privilegios y exempciones que deven y han de gozar, consultado conmigo fue acordado que por ahora y hasta que otra cosa se provea, aya en la dicha Ciudad de Mexico, donde ha de residir y tener su asiento el dicho Santo Oficio, doze familiares, y en las Cabezas de Arzobispados y Obispados en cada una de las Ciudades dellos quatro familiares y en las demas Ciudades, Villas y Lugares de Españoles del distrito de la dicha Inquisicion, un familiar, y que los que hubieren de ser proveidos por tales familiares sean hombres pacificos y quales conviene para ministerio de dicho Oficio tan santo, y que los dichos familiares gozen de los privilegios de que gozan los familiares del Reino de Castilla, y que cerca del privilegio del fuero, en las causas criminales sean sus Juezes los Inquisidores quando los dichos Familiares sean Reos, excepto el Crimen lese maiestatis humane y en el Crimen nefando contra natura, y en el Crimen de levantamiento o comocion del Pueblo, y en el Crimen de Cartas de seguros nuestras, é de Revelion é inobediencia á Nuestros Mandamientos Reales, y en caso de aleve ó de fuerza de Muger ó robo della, ó de robador publico, ó de quebrantador de casa ó de Iglesia ó Monasterio, ó de quema de Campo ó de casa con dolo, y en otros delitos mayores que estos. Y tener resistencia ó desacato calificado contra Nuestras Justicias Reales, porque el conocimiento destos ni de las causas Criminales en que fueren actores los dichos familiares, ni en las Civiles en que fueren actores ó Reos no se han de entremeter los dichos Inquisidores ni tener Jurisdiccion alguna sobre los dichos familiares, sino que la Jurisdiccion en los dichos casos queda en los Juezes seglares. Item que los que tubieren oficios Reales publicos de los pueblos ó otros cargos seglares, y delinquieren in cosas tocantes a los dichos Oficios y cargos sean juzgados en los dichos delitos por las nuestras Justicias Seglares, pero en todas las otras causas Criminales en que los dichos Familiares fueren Reos que no sean de los dichos delitos y casos desuso exceptuados quede á los Inquisidores sobre los dichos Familiares la Jurisdiccion Criminal para que libremente procedan contra ellos y determinen sus causas como Juezes, que para ello tienen Nuestra Jurisdiccion para agora y adelante, y en los dichos casos en que los Inquisidores han de proceder pueda el Juez Seglar prender al Familiar delinquente con que luego le remita á los dichos Inquisidores que del delito hubieren de conocer, con la Informacion que hubiere tomado, lo qual se haga á costa del delinquente. Item, que cada y quando que algun familiar hubiere delinquido fuera de la dicha Ciudad de Mexico, donde como esta dicho ha de residir el Santo Oficio y fuese sentenciado por los Inquisidores, no pueda volver al lugar donde delinquio sin llevar testimonio de la sentencia que en su causa se dio y le presente ante la Justicia del lugar y la informacion del cumplimiento della, y para que no se exceda del dicho numero de Familiares que conforme á lo que declarado esta desuso ha de haver, los dichos Inquisidores guardaran lo que circa desto el dicho Inquisidor General y Consejo les han ordenado por sus instrucciones, y los dichos Inquisidores ternan cuidado que en el dicho su distrito se de al regimiento copia del numero de los Familiares que en cada una de las dichas Ciudades, Villas y Lugares de el á de haver para que los Governadores, Corregidores y las otras Justicias y regimientos lo entiendan y puedan saber y reclamar quando los Inquisidores excedieren del numero: y que asi mesmo se de la lista de los Familiares que en qualquier Gobernacion y Corregimiento se proveen para que los unos y los otros sepan como aquellos y no otros son los que han de tener por familiares, y que al tiempo que en lugar de aquellos familiares se proveyere otro los Inquisidores lo hagan saber al dicho Gobernador, Corregidor ó Justicia seglar en cuyo distrito se proveiere para que entienda que aquel ha de tener por familiar y no á otro en cuyo lugar se proveyere y para que si se supiere que no concurren en el tal proveido las dichas calidades puede advertir dello á los dichos Inquisidores y si fuere necesario al dicho Inquisidor General y Consejo para que lo provean. Por ende yo os mando que guardeis y hagais guardar y cumplir lo suso dicho en todo y por todo y que contra el tenor y forma dello no vayais, no paseis ni consentais ir ni pasar por ninguna causa, forma, ó razon que aya, y que cada uno de vos Juzgue y conosca en los casos que os quedan reservados y en los otros no os entremetais, que cese toda competencia de Jurisdiccion porque asi conviene al servicio de Dios Nuestro Señor y buena administracion de Justicia y esta mi voluntad, y de lo contrario nos tendriamos por deservidos. Fecha en Madrid, á 16 dias de el mes de Agosto de 1570 años.—Yo el Rey.

Por mandado de su Magestad, Geronimo Zurita.

XIII

Sentence in Camara’s Prosecution of the Inquisitors Estrada and Higuera. (MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.). (See p. 263).

Ffallamos, attentos los autos y meritos de esta causa y lo demas que ver combino que devemos declarar y declaramos haver havido y haver lugar dicha querella y haverla probado el dicho Canonigo Doctor Don Juan de la Camara vien y cumplidamente segun le probar le combino damosla y pronunciamosla por bien probada, restituyendole en su antigua opinion y credito conformandonos en todo y por todo con la sentencia difinitiba dada y pronunciada á su favor en el quaderno segundo de estos auttos por dicho S^r Inq^r Don Bernave de la Higuera y Amarilla. Y que dichos Señores Inquisidores D^r Don Fran^co de Estrada y Escobedo y Liz^do Don Bernave de la Higuera y Amarilla no an probado cossa alguna que les pueda relebar de culpa grave. En cuia consecuencia devemos de declarar y declaramos havir cometido dichos Señores Inq^res grave culpa en dicha prision, secuestro y circunstancias de lo uno y otro cuia punicion se reserva para la determinacion de la visita pressente y cargos de ella. Y por lo que toca á la interesse de la parte querellante devemos de condenar y condenamos á dichos S^res Inq^res y á cada uno in solidum mancomunados en dos mill pesos de á ocho reales castellanos que den y paguen al dicho Canonigo Don Juan de la Camara, á el qual vuelva luego Don Juan Gonzalez de Castro vezino á el parezer de esta ziudad depositorio secuestrador que parece haver sido de los bienes de dicho Canonigo todos dichos vienes sin faltar cosa alguna segun el imbentario que dellos se hizo, pena de apremio, y casso que dicho depositario secuestrador deje de restituir dichos bienes ó parte de ellos ó algunos otros no se ayan depositario en el y no conste haverse buelto á dicho Canonigo todos los buelban y restituyan dichos Señores Inquisidores luego sin dilacion alguna, pena de mil pesos de dicha ley, en que assimismo les condenamos manconumados, y assimismo con la misma calidad de mancomunidad les condenamos en las costas de este caussa cuia thassacion en nos reserbamos. Y por esta nuestra sentencia difinitiba juzgando assi pronunciamos y mandamos en estos scriptos y por ellos.

D^r D. Pº Medina Rico.

XIV

Inquisitorial Edict Against Hidalgo. Mexico, January 26, 1817. (From an original in my possession). (See pp. 275, 281).

NOS LOS INQUISIDORES APOSTOLICOS, CONTRA LA Heretica Pravedad, y Apostasía en la Ciudad de México, Estados, y Provincias de esta Nueva España, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Islas Filipinas, sus Distritos, y Jurisdicciones, por Autoridad Apostolica, Real, y Ordinaria, &c.

A todas, y qualesquiera personas de qualquier Estado, grado, y condicion, preeminencia, ó dignidad que sean, exêntos, ó no exêntos, vecinos, y moradores, estantes, y habitantes en las Ciudades, Villas, y Lugares de este nuestro distrito, y á cada uno de Vos, Salud en nuestro Señor Jesucristo, que es verdadera salud, y á los nuestros mandamientos firmemente obedecer, y cumplir.

Sabed: Que ha llegado á nuestras manos una Proclama del rebelde Cura de Dolores, que se titula: “Manifiesto, que el Señor Don Miguel Hidalgo, y Costilla::::” haze al Pueblo, y empieza: “Me veo en la triste necesidad de satisfacer á las gentes; y acaba, sobre este basto Continente.” Sin lugar de impresion; pero sin duda la imprimió en Guadalaxara, y la publicó manuscrita en Valladolid en todas las Iglesias, y Conventos, aun de Monjas, despues de la derrota, que sufrió por las armas del Rey en Aculco. En ella vuelve á cubrirse con el velo de la vil hipocresia, protestando, que jamás se há apartado de la fé Católica, y pone por testigos á sus Feligreses de Dolores, y San Felipe, y al Exército, que comanda: testigos que para el Pueblo fiel, deben hacer la misma fé, que los ciegos citados para juzgar de los colores “¿Pero para qué, testigos, prosigue en su capciosa Proclama, sobre un hecho, é imputacion, que ella misma manifiesta su falsedad? Se me acusa, de que niego el infierno, y de que asiento, que algun Pontifice de los Canonizados está en este lugar; ¿como se puede concordar, que un Pontifice esté en el infierno, y negar al mismo tiempo su exîstencia? Se me imputa, que sigo los perversos Dogmas de Lutero, al mismo tiempo, que se me acusa, que niego la autenticidad de los Santos Libros: ¿Si Lutero deduce sus errores de estos mismos Libros, que cree inspirados por Dios, como he de ser Luterano si niego la autenticidad de estos Libros? ¿Os persuadiriais, Américanos, que un Tribunal tan respetable, y cuyo instituto es el mas Santo, se dexase arrastrar del amor al Paisanage, hasta prostituir su honor, y reputacion?” Mucho le escuece á este impío, que el Santo Oficio le haya manifestado en su propia figura á todo el Reyno, que por su fidelidad, y catolicismo llena de maldiciones á un monstruo, que abrigaba sin conocerle: pero quando copia para instruccion publica sus errores, no omite la contradiccion manifiesta entre ellos mismos; porque este es el caracter, y propiedad de todos los hereges, mientras no bajan à el último grado en la escala del precipicio, que es el Ateismo, y Materialismo, como le ha sucedido á éste impío; y así la contradiccion será suya, y respectiva á aquellos tiempos, en que fue Luterano, comparados, ó contrahidos con los de su decidido Ateismo, y Materialismo, como se manifestará en la lectura publica de su causa fenecidos los terminos, que deben seguirse para condenarle en rebeldia. Satisfaccion, que no dá este Tribunal á su Manifiesto por que la merezca, síno para que este sofisma no alucine á los incautos, y vuelvan sobre sí los que hayan llegado á debilitar su opínion en favor del Santo Oficio, persuadiendose á que es capáz éste antemural de la Religion, y del Estado de valerse de la impostura, como quiere persuadir este Hipocrita, para degradar su opinion, y quitar por este medio, indigno de nuestra probidad y caracter Sacerdotal, la energia á su voz rebelde, y sediciosa, y para que conozcan de una vez, y teman todos los habitantes de este Reyno la justicia de Dios por los pecados públicos, empezada á manifestar en este azote, que han sufrido las Provincias, que este Atéo cruel, y deshonesto ha infestado con sus consejos, alucinando á tantos miserables, que ha hecho victimas del proyecto de trastonar el Trono, y la Religion, y declarandose el mas feroz enemigo de los que llama sus conciudadanos; pues parece que no quiere mas vidas que la suya poniendola en salvo con la fuga, y mirando con frialdad inaudita la mortandad de millares de infelices en las Cruces, en Aculco, Guanaxuato, Zamora, y Puente de Calderon. Obstinacion caracteristica de un Atéo, que no conoce, que el poder de Dios ha roto su arco tantas veces con una especie de prodigio visible respecto de los pocos fieles, que han perecido.

Son igualmente sediciosas y sanguinarias dos proclamas manuscritas; la una empieza Hemos llegado á la época; y acaba: De un Patriota de Lagos: La otra empieza, ¡Es posible Americanos! y acaba: será gratíficado con quinientos pesos. El objeto de ambas es el mismo que la del rebelde Hidalgo; y con ella se han quemado publicamente de orden del superior Gobierno por mano de Berdugo en la Plaza pública, y se han prohibido baxo de la pena de alta traicion por Bando publicado por el Excelentisimo Señor Virey de este Reyno, que ha excitado nuestro zelo para arrancarlas con las censuras correspondientes de vuestras manos. No necesitaban en realidad de especial prohibicion por estár comprendidas especificamente en nuestros anteriores Edictos particularmente en el de citacion en rebeldia al infame Hidalgo, publicado en trece de Octubre del año pasado como lo està igualmente el Bando que publicó el Licenciado Don Ignacio Antonio Rayon, su fecha en Tlalpujagua á 24 de Octubre proximo, en que convoca á todo Americano á la sedicion, llamando causa santa, justa, y religiosa esta escandalosa, atróz, y sanguinaria rebelion, proscribiendo á los Europeos, confiscando sus bienes, y dando nueva forma á la recaudacion de impuestos. En dicho Edicto de 13 de Octubre declaramos incursos en la pena de Excomunion mayor, de quinientos pesos, y en el crimen de fautoria sin excepcion á quantas personas aprueben la sedicion de Hidalgo, reciban sus Proclamas, mantengan su trato, y correspondencia, y le presten qualquiera genero de ayuda, ó favor, y á los que no denuncien, y obliguen á denunciar, á los que favorezcan sus ideas revolucionarias, y de qualquier modo las promuevan, y propaguen. En nuestro Edicto de 28 de Septiembre ultimo prohibimos baxo de las mismas penas qualquiera proclama, ya fuese del intruso Rey José, ó ya de qualquiera otro Español, ó Estrangero que inspirase desobediencia, independencia, y trastorno del Gobierno, renovando la fuerza de la regla 16 del Indice Expurgatorio, y de nuestros Edictos de 13 de Marzo de 1790, 27 de Agosto de 1808, 22 de Abril, y 16 de Junio de 1810: lo que se os hace presente por última y perentoria vez para quitaros las escusas, de que por nuevos no estais obligados á la denuncia, corriendo semejantes papeles incendiarios impunemente de mano en mano con peligro de la Patria, y de la Religion hasta que algun zeloso católico, y fiel vasallo los denuncia.

Y para la mas exâcta obserbancia, y cumplimiento de lo contenido en el Edicto General de Fé, en los anteriormente citados, y de los respetables encargos del Gobierno: Por el tenor del presente os exhôrtamos, requerimos y mandamos en virtud de Santa Obediencia, y só la pena de Excomunion mayor latæ sentenciæ, y pecuniaria á nuestro arbitrio, que desde el dia, que este nuestro Edicto fuere leido, y publicado ó de él supieredes de qualquiera manera, hasta seis dias siguientes (los quales os damos por tres terminos, y el ultimo perentorio) trahigais, exhibais, y presenteis las sobredichas Proclamas, y Bando, y qualquiera otro Papel sedicioso impreso, ó manuscrito, ante Nos, ó ante los Comisarios del Santo Oficio fuera de esta Corte, denunciando à los que los tubieren, y ocultaren, y á las personas, que propaguen con proposiciones sediciosas, y seductivas el espiritu de Independencia, y Sedicion. En testimonio de lo qual mandamos dar, y dimos esta nuestra Carta firmada de nuestros nombres, sellada con el Sello del Santo Oficio, y refrendada de uno de los Secretarios del secreto de él. Dada en la Inquisicion de México á veinte y seis de Enero de mil ochocientos once.

Dr. D. Bernardo de Prado,
y Obejero.

Lic. D. Isidoro Sainz de Alfaro,
y Beaumont.

Dr. D. Manuel de Flores.

Nadie le quite, pena de excomunion mayor.

Por mandado del Santo Oficio
Dr. D. José Antonio Aguirrezabal,
Secretario.

XV

Sentence of José María Morelos by the Inquisition of Mexico, November 26, 1815. (Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 39, Leg. 1473, fol. 30). (See p. 296).

Dixeron conformes que se le haga auto publico de fé, en la sala de este tribunal el dia de mañana á las ocho, á que asistan los ministros y cien personas de las principales que señalará el señor Inquisidor decano. Que se declara al precitado presbitero José María Morelos, confitente diminuto malicioso y pertinaz: que se le declara herege formal negativo, despreciador, perturbador y perseguidor de la gerarquía eclesiastica, atentador y profanador de los santos sacramentos. Que es reo de Lesa Magestad Divina y Humana, Pontificia y Real y que asista al auto en forma de penitente inter misarum solemnia, con sotana corta, sin cuella ni ceñidor y con vela verde en su mano que ofrecera al sacerdote, concluida la misa, como tal herege y fautor de hereges desde que empezó la insurreccion, y como á enemigo cruel del Santo Oficio se le confiscan sus bienes con aplicacion á la Real camara y fisco de S. M. en los terminos que declarara el Tribunal y aunque merecedor de la degradacion y relajacion por los delitos cometidos del fuero y conocimiento del Santo Oficio, sin embargo por estar pronto á abjurar sus crasos y inveterados errores, se le condena, en el remoto é inesperado caso de que se le perdone la vida por el Excmo. Señor Virrey, Capitan General de esta Nueva España, á destierro perpetuo de ambas Americas, corte de Madrid y sitios reales, y á reclusion en carcel perpetua en uno de los Presidios de Africa, á disposicion del Excmo. é Ilustrisimo Señor Inquisidor General, se le depone de todo oficio y beneficio eclesiastico con inavilidad é irregularidad perpetua. Que á sus tres hijos aunque sacrilegos se les declara incursos en las penas de infamia y demás que imponen los canones y leyes á los descendientes de hereges, con arreglo á las instrucciones de este Santo Oficio. Que abjure de formali y sea absuelto de las excomuniones y censuras en que ha incurrido reservadas al Santo Oficio. Que haga una confesion general y sin omitir el Oficio Divino, rece los siete Psalmos Penitenciales los Viernes, y los Sabados una parte del Rosario durante su vida. Y que se fige su nombre, patria, religion y delitos en la Santa Iglesia Catedral de esta corte. Asi lo acordaron mandaron y firmaron. Doctor Flores—Doctor Monteagudo—Blaza—Campo—Madrid—D. Casiano de Chavarsi Secretario.

XVI

Viceroy Villar’s Petition for Absolution. (Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 228, Exp^te 5287 853). (See p. 379).

En la ciudad de los Reyes à 14 de Octubre de 1589 ante el Ynquisidor Lisenciado Antº Gutierrez de Ulloa, estando en su audiencia de la mañana se presentò y leyò esta peticion.

El Virrey de este Reyno del Peru, D. Fernando de Torres y Portugal Conde del Villar, digo: que à mi noticia es venido que en este Santo Oficio se ha declarado por V. Sª que yo incurrì en ciertas Censuras de Excomunion por haber procedido criminalmente contra el Dr. Diego de Salinas y otras causas, y aunque à lo que puedo entender he tenido siempre seguridad y quietud de mi conciencia de no haber incurrido en ellas por no haber sido de mi intencion en ninguna de las causas que se han ofrecido hacer cosas por donde yo entendiese caia en la tal excomunion, creyendo que para proceder en los negocios y cosas sucedidas me competia derecho por razon de mi oficio y cargo y otras consideraciones. Pero entendido ahora que por V. Sª se ha declarado haber incurrido en la dicha excomunion, acudo à este Santo Oficio como obediente hijo de nuestra Santa Madre Iglesia para que V. Sª me de la absolucion, la cual pido y suplico se me conceda por aquella via y forma que hubiere lugar de derecho y mas y mejor convenga à la seguridad de mi conciencia que es justo yo tenga en todo tiempo, en especial habiendome de embarcar para España como con lisencia y por mandado del Rey nuestro Señor estoy para lo hacer con mucha brevedad.—El Virrey Conde del Villar.

En la Ciudad de los Reyes à 14 de Octubre de 1589 los Inquisidores Dr. Juan Ruiz de Prado y Lisenciado Antonio Gutierrez de Ulloa estando en su Audiencia de la tarde, habiendo visto esta dicha peticion dijeron que per cuanto por su parte de los dichos Ynquisidores se habia advertido diversas veces, asi por terceras personas como por escrito à su Sª del dicho S^r Virrey Conde del Villar que por las cosas que habia hecho contra el Santo Oficio y sus Ministros habia incurrido en las Censuras contenidas en el motupropio de nuestro muy Santo Padre Pio quinto y estaba excomulgado, y que el haber incurrido en ellas y en otras es tan claro que aunque no se hubiera advertido, estaba obligado à lo entender asi, porque todos entienden que incurren en ellas las personas que ponen impedimento directo ò indirecto al ejercicio del Santo Oficio de la Ynquisicion y su Libertad, y tratan mal con obras ò palabras de los Ynquisidores ù otros ministros de ella, en derogacion de su reputacion y autoridad, sin que en esto escuse ni pueda escusar la intencion por buena que sea, porque clara cosa es que no se atiende para incurrir en las Censuras sino solo à los hechos ò dichos esteriores, porque la Yglesia no juzga de las cosas asi ocultas, y habiendo sido las que el dicho S^r Visorrey ha hecho tan manifiestamente en perjuicio de la Ynquisicion y su libertad y autoridad en grande agravio y ofenza de las personas del Santo Oficio, como se ha visto en muchos casos, que por ser tan notorios no se refieren, las cuales cosas antes de la absolucion requieren satisfaccion condigna, especialmente lo que toca al notorio agravio que al dicho D^r Dionicio de Salinas Abogado de este Santo Oficio hizo su Señoria, en el tormento que le diò, pidiendo como el dicho D^r Salinas lo tiene pedido asi en este Santo Oficio.—Atento à lo cual los dichos Señores Ynquisidores amonestan à su Señoria del dicho S^r Visorrey que para que la absolucion por su Señoria pedida se le pueda dar y conseguirse el fruto de ella, ante todas cosas satisfaga en cuanto en si fuere al dicho D^r Salinas en la forma que mejor se pudiere, atendiendo en todo à la autoridad de su oficio, à la cual no se pretende derogar, sino hacerse lo que los dichos Ynquisidores estan obligados de derecho por aver como hay parte lesa que insta. Porque à lo que toca à la injuria y ofensa hecha al Santo Oficio, lo remiten (segun que lo tienen remitido) al Yll^mo S^r Cardenal Ynquisidor General y Señores del Consejo de la Santa general Ynquisicion, con todas las demas causas à esto tocantes, y que por ser cosa llana que el dicho S^r Viso Rey estando incurso en las dichas censuras por las dichas razones, y constar à los dichos Ynquisidores que habiendo sido advertido su Señoria no hacia diligencia alguna para salir de ellas, y que estaba à punto de embarcarse para España (viage tan peligroso como se sabe, especialmente en personas de edad) de nuevo se le enviò à advertir de palabra; y como todavia no hacia diligencia alguna, estandose siempre en las dichas Censuras, porque no fuese ligado en ellas, pareciò à los dichos Ynquisidores, movidos con celo de caridad para obligar à su Señoria à la seguridad de su conciencia, y que entendiese el peligro y riesgo de ella, declarar como declararon (como Ministros del derecho à quien competia el hacerlo) el haber su Señoria incurrido en las dichas Censuras; y acatando el respeto que se debe à su persona y oficio, se hizo la dicha declaracion en la sala de la Audiencia del Santo Oficio sin otros testigos mas que el presente Secretario, y de ello se diò noticia à su Señoria para el dicho efecto. En razon de lo cual como parece por la dicha peticion, pide su Señoria el beneficio de la absolucion en este Santo Oficio, la cual los dichos Señores Ynquisidores estan prestos de le dar en la forma que pueden y deben, conforme à derecho, haciendo su Señoria del S^r Virrey de su parte lo que esta obligado, conforme à lo dicho, sin que por esto pretendan obligar al dicho S^r Viso Rey à cumplir con las demas solemnidades que el derecho requiere en semejantes casos, atendiendo à la calidad de su persona y oficio como esta dicho; y asi lo proveyeron y firmaron.—El D^r Juan Ruiz de Prado.—El Lisenciado Antonio Gutierrez de Ulloa.—Antemi, Geronimo de Eugui Secretario.

Footnotes

1 Páramo de Origine S. Officii S. Inquisitionis, pp. 197-99.—Ripoll Bullar. Ord. Fr. Prædic., III, 510.—La Mantia, L’Inquisizione in Sicilia, pp. 16-18 (Torino, 1886).

2 Pirri, Sicilia Sacra, p. 910 (Panormi, 1733).—Llorente, Hist. crít. de la Inquisicion de España, Append. No. III.

3 La Mantia, op. cit., pp. 20-1.—Franchina, Breve Rapporto del Tribunale della SS. Inquisizione in Sicilia, pp. 23, 108-16 (Palermo, 1744).
If we may believe an inscription of 1631, Ranzano had been inquisitor in 1482.—Jo. Mariæ Bertini Sacratissima Inquisitionis Rosa Virginea, I, 385 (Panormi, 1662). He died in 1492.

4 Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib. XIX, cap. xiv.—Giov. di Giovanni, L’Ebraismo della Sicilia, pp. 190-1 (Palermo, 1748).

5 Giovanni, pp. 21, 96. Isidor Loeb considers the ordinary computations to be grossly exaggerated and, from the statistics of several places, assumes the total to have been not more than from twenty to thirty thousand.—Revue des Etudes Juives, 1887, p. 172.

6 Giovanni, p. 210.—This celeste benefizio, as the pious author terms it, proved so destructive to the commercial prosperity of the island that, in 1695, the Jews were invited to return, under certain rigorous restrictions. As they manifested no readiness to avail themselves of the permission, the invitation was repeated in a more attractive form in 1727 and, this proving unavailing, still further inducements were offered in 1740. Even this, however, did not produce the desired effect and the edict was revoked in 1747.—Ibidem, pp. 239-42.

7 Giovanni, pp. 233-5.

8 The Sicilian onza was nearly equivalent to 2³/₁₀ ducats.

9 Archivo general de Simancas, Consejo de la Inquisicion, Libro 1.

10 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 2, fol. 23, 24.

11 Under the same date Obregon was ordered to pay salaries as follows:

Doctor Johan Sgalambro, inquisitor		6000	sueldos	jaquenses.
Martin de Vallejo, alguazil		6000	“	“
Johan Crespo, portero		500	“	“
A notario del secreto	To be appointed by the inquisitors	2500	“	“
A notario de los secuestros	To be appointed by the inquisitors	2500	“	“
A fiscal	To be appointed by the inquisitors	2500	“	“
Diego de Obregon, receiver		6000	“	“
	—Archivo de Simancas, ubi sup.

Although no salary is here provided for the Bishop of Cefalù, it does not follow that bishops were expected to serve gratuitously. When Pedro de Belorado was sent to Sicily as Archbishop of Messina and inquisitor, Obregon was ordered, Sept. 10, 1501, to pay him the same salary as that of Sgalambro whom he replaced.—Ibidem.

The sueldo was one-twentieth of the libra, which was nearly equivalent to the Castilian ducat.

12 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.

13 La Mantia, pp. 23, 25, 26, 28.

14 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.

15 Ibidem. Sgalambro managed to regain the royal favor, for a letter of Ferdinand, April 23, 1506, gratifies him with the Cistercian abbey of S. Maria di Terrana, burdened, however, with a pension of eighty ducats to the official chronicler, Luca de Marinis, better known as L. Marinæus Siculus.—Pirri Sicilia Sacra, I, 670.

16 La Mantia, pp. 27, 28.

17 Parecer de Martin Real (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. Seld., 130).

18 La Mantia, p. 28.

19 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 51, 52, 77, 81, 82, 83.

20 Ibidem, fol. 127.

21 La Mantia, p. 29.

22 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 134, 148, 153.

23 Portocarrero, Sobre la Competencia en Mallorca, n. 38 (Madrid, 1624).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 30.

24 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 116. In December, however, Ferdinand increased the number of familiars to twenty in each large city.—Ibidem, fol. 135.

25 Ibidem, fol. 127.

26 Parecer de Martin Real, ubi sup. Possibly this is too absolute an attribution of the troubles of 1511 to the Inquisition, though Doctor Real, as an official of the tribunal, ought to be good authority, even though not a contemporary. Fazelli, who was a boy at the time, says (De Rebus Siculis, Decad. II, Lib. ix, cap. 11) that it was occasioned by the outrages committed by the unpaid and starving Spanish troops.

27 Llorente, Añales de la Inquisicion, II, 26.

28 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 202 (see Appendix).

29 La Mantia, pp. 30-32.

30 Amabile, Il Santo Officio in Napoli, I, 109 (Città di Castello, 1892).

31 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 239, 294, 296, 314.

32 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, fol. 331.

33 La Mantia, pp. 38, 39.

34 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 311.

35 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 918, fol. 379.—Martin Real, ubi sup.

36 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 314; Lib. 933.

37 Argensola, Añales de Aragon, Lib. I, cap. 5.—Caruso, Memorie istoriche di Sicilia, T. VI, p. 119.
One of Moncada’s arbitrary acts concerned the Inquisition. In 1517, when the receiver Garcí Cid was settling his accounts, he claimed credit for 700 ounces which he had deposited with a banker in Messina, where Moncada seized it. Cardinal Adrian the inquisitor-general thereupon ordered Inquisitor Cervera to summon the banker to return the money, for the viceroy had express orders from Ferdinand not to meddle with the property of the tribunal. If, however, the banker could prove that Moncada had taken it by force, then Garcí Cid could proceed to collect it from the revenues of the Priorazgo of St. John at Messina, which belonged to Moncada. If the banker could not prove this, he must pay the money and have recourse against the property and revenues of Moncada. Hereafter, Adrian concludes, no one shall dare to take the property of the Inquisition, for the Catholic king ordered that it should be used to purchase rents for the perpetuation of the tribunal.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 933.

38 Argensola, op. cit., Lib. I, cap. 5, 34.—Fazelli de Rebus Siculis, Decad., Lib. 10.—La Mantia, pp. 40-42.—Dormer, Añales de Aragon, cap. 2.—P. Mart. Angler. Epistt., 593, 594.—Carta de D. Hugo de Moncada, 22 de Marzo, 1516 (Coleccion de Documentos inéditos, XXIV, 136).

39 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 74, fol. 16; Lib. 921, fol. 38.

40 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 9, fol. 39.—Franchina, op. cit., pp. 122, 127.
In 1630 Messina appealed to its fidelity on this occasion, when resisting a proposition to divide the island into two viceroyalties.—Razones apologéticas de la noble Ciudad de Mecina, fol. 48 (Madrid, 1630).

41 La Mantia, p. 42.

42 Ibidem, pp. 45-6. The autos were:

1519,	June	11,	4	men	burnt	and 1 woman.
1520,	July	8,	3	“	“	2	“
1521,	June	9,	1	“	“
1524,	Aug.	6,	4	“	“	1	“
1525,	Sept.	29,	1	“	“	4	“
1526,	Aug.	1,	3	“	“	1	“
	Sept.	16,	1	“	“

A letter of August 19, 1519, from the Suprema to Calvete expresses the highest satisfaction with him and offers him, on his return to Spain, one of the principal tribunals of Castile. In 1529 we find him Inquisitor of Sarogossa.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 74, fol. 165; Lib. 76, fol. 183.

Calvete’s earlier years of office were much harassed by a suit brought against him in Rome by Juan de Leon, a canon of Córdova. Prior to 1516, Calvete as provisor of Córdova had prosecuted Leon and some others for rescuing a culprit from an alguazil. Leon nursed his wrath and when in Rome, in 1519, commenced an action against Calvete in the papal courts which caused him so much vexation that he threatened to abandon his post in Sicily and return to Spain. Charles V intervened, writing repeatedly to his ambassadors, to cardinals and to Leon himself, threatening him with the seizure of his temporalities, but the vindictive canon held good and, in 1520, obtained a judgement of 1000 ducats and costs, as Calvete could not go to Rome to defend himself.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 6, fol. 74, 75, 78; Lib. 9, fol. 52-54.

43 La Mantia, p. 43.

44 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 933. These instructions were probably the result of the report of a visitador or inspector, Juan de Ariola, sent, towards the close of 1513, to investigate the tribunals of Majorca, Sardinia and Sicily.—Ibidem, Lib. 3, fol. 251-4.

45 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 933 (see Appendix).

46 Salelles de Materiis Tribunalis S. Inquis., I, 30 (Romæ, 1651).—Franchina, pp. 131-7.

47 La Mantia, pp. 44-5.—Parecer de Martin Real, ubi sup.

48 La Mantia, pp. 47-8.

49 Páramo, p. 201.

50 Montoiche, Voyage de Charles-Quint au Pays de Tunis (Gachard, Voyages des Souverains des Pays-bas, III, 378).

51 Franchina, p. 169.—“Havemos proveydo y mandado que los inquisidores del dicho Reyno no hobiesen de conocer, dentro termino de cinco años, de ninguna cosa que hoviere pena de muerte contra ningun persona natural de dicho Reyno.”—A Latin version is printed by Páramo, p. 204.
The phraseology of the decree would seem to suspend the spiritual as well as the temporal jurisdiction of the tribunal and historians have generally so regarded it. This however is impossible as the former was a delegation from the pope over which the emperor had no control and any attempt to do so would have been equivalent to abolishing the Inquisition, while the auto of 1541 shows that it continued to exercise its spiritual jurisdiction. It assumed however that its capacity to suppress heresy was fatally crippled by depriving its officials of the privilege of its exclusive forum, as expressed in a document quoted by Franchina (p. 69)—“Notandum est quod quando in anno 1535 fuit limitata seu suspensa jurisdictio temporalis hujus Sancti Officii in aliquibus casibus per invictissimum imperatorem Carolum V felicis memoriæ, jurisdictio spiritualis causarum fidei fuit in suspenso et quasi mortua.” So a consulta of the Suprema to Philip III, October 2, 1609, refers to Charles having deprived the Sicilian Inquisition of its temporal jurisdiction, resulting in such recrudescence of heresy that he was obliged to restore it.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 927, fol. 323.
Inquisitor Páramo, in a letter of November 8, 1600, to Philip III, states the case to be that Charles was misled by false accounts of the misdeeds of the familiars and deprived them of their immunities but, on being better informed, he restored them.—Ibidem, Lib. 41, fol. 258.

52 Páramo, pp. 202-3.—Parecer de Martin Real, ubi sup.

53 Franchina, pp. 149, 159, 163.

54 Páramo, p. 43. I give the date of 1543 as stated by Páramo, but it is evidently an error for 1516, when the tumult occurred under Cervera.

55 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 136. The financial mismanagement of the Sicilian tribunal was notorious. In 1560, the Contador-general Zurita states that he had finished auditing its accounts with much labor, as they had not been examined for twenty years and were in much disorder.—Ibidem, fol. 239.

56 La Mantia, p. 50.

57 Franchina, pp. 167, 183.—Páramo, p. 204.

58 Llorente, Historia crítica, cap. XVI, art. ii, n. 5. The date of this affair is not unimportant and has curiously been involved in doubt. As printed by Llorente, the letter of December 16, 1543, is duly signed Prince Philip and is doubtless correctly dated, as Terranova was governor in 1544 (Gervasii Siculæ Sanctiones, I, 295). It is somewhat remarkable that in the Simancas archives (Legajo 1465, fol. 60) there are two letters of Philip II on this affair, one dated from the Escorial, April 24, 1568, to the Sicilian inquisitors and the other to Terranova, dated from Madrid, April 29, 1568. The dates are evidently erroneous for in that year the Marquis of Pescara was viceroy (Gervasii, III, 121). Portocarrero also blunders in the date (op. cit., n. 105), placing the affair in 1608. La Mantia moreover says (p. 52) that a MS. copy of a letter of the inquisitors, April 10th, bears a later date. A letter of the Suprema to the inquisitors, prescribing the punishment, is dated December 15th, without indication of the year (Simancas, Lib. 78, fol. 372). It speaks of two familiars tortured, orders Terranova to hear mass in a monastery as a penitent and to pay the sufferers 200 ducats, to which the officials concerned in the affair were to add 100 more.

59 Franchina, p. 174.

60 La Mantia, pp. 52-4.—Franchina, p. 188.—Portocarrero, n. 77.

61 Franchina, pp. 45-53.

62 La Mantia, pp. 55-6.

63 La Mantia, pp. 58-9.

64 Páramo, p. 210.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.

65 MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 214 fol.—Páramo, p. 212.

66 Franchina, p. 78.

67 MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.

68 MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.

69 Ibidem, ubi sup.

70 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 41, fol. 258, 263. In his letter Páramo mentions that not long before two Calvinist missionaries had been sent from Geneva to Sicily; the Inquisition arrested them and their converts and one of the missionaries had been burnt alive, showing the steadfastness of his faith.

71 Gervasii Siculæ Sanctiones, II, 329 (Panormi, 1751).

72 La Mantia, pp. 69-70. There is a very vivid account of this affair in a letter to the Suprema from Páramo and his colleagues, written on the evening of August 9th, when they were expecting further ill treatment by the viceroy, whom they characterize in the most unflattering terms.—Bibl. Nacional de Madrid, MSS., Cc, 58, p. 35.
Páramo, in a document of March 8, 1600, had already described him as a declared enemy of the Inquisition.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 41, fol. 249.

73 Portocarrero, op. cit., n. 1.—Solorzani de Indiarum Gubernatione, Lib. iii, cap. xxiv, n. 16.—A virtual duplicate of this letter was sent, September 10, 1670, by the Queen-regent Maria Anna of Austria, to the Prince de Ligne, then Viceroy of Sicily.—Mongitore, L’Atto pubblico di Fede de 1724, p. v. (Palermo, 1724).

74 Biblioteca nacional de Madrid, MSS., D, 118, fol. 134, n. 47.

75 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 35.

76 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 38, fol. 298.

77 Consulta Magna de 1696 (Bibl. nacional de Madrid, MSS., Q, 4).

78 Alberghini, Manuale Qualificatorum, p. 171 (Cæsaraugustæ, 1671).

79 La Mantia, pp. 79-86.

80 Franchina, pp. 100, 101.

81 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 21, fol. 252; Lib. 23, fol. 62, 119; Lib. 38, fol. 245, 298.

82 Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Legajo 13, n. 2, fol. 157. Cozio’s salary in Valencia commenced with May 1st, as he had received in Palermo the advanced tercio of January 1st.

83 La Mantia, p. 92.—Franchina, p. 38.—Mongitore, L’Atto pubblico di Fede celebrato à 6 Aprile, 1724 (Palermo, 1724). This work of Mongitore was reprinted in 1868, when the editor F. Guidicini mentions in the Preface that on March 9th of that year a petition was presented to the Italian Chamber of Deputies, from a Palermitan family, begging the remission of a yearly payment to the royal domain, imposed on them by the Inquisition to defray the expenses of the trial of their kinswoman, the Sister Geltruda, burnt in 1724.
It was probably the celebration of this auto that inspired an anonymous writer to denounce the inquisitorial procedure in a little work entitled “Le prove praticate nelli tempi presenti dagl’ Inquisitori di Fede sono manchevole.” This was answered by Doctor Don Miguel Monge, a professor in the University of Huesca in “La verdadera Practica Apostolica de el S. Tribunal de la Inquisicion” (Palermo, 1725). He seems in this to consider all criticism sufficiently answered by demonstrating that the practices complained of are in accordance with the papal instructions. The work illustrates the anomalous position of the Sicilian Inquisition at the period. It is written by a Spaniard, printed in both Spanish and Italian, dated in Vienna and dedicated to Don Ramon de Villana Perlas, a Catalan member of the Imperial Council of State.

84 Franchina, pp. 44, 55.

85 Gervasii Siculæ Sanctiones, II, 333-50.

86 Ibidem, I, 277-81.

87 La Mantia, p. 103.—Franchina, pp. 201, 206.

88 Gervasii, op. cit., I, 286; II, 352.

89 La Mantia, pp. 108 sqq.

90 Franchina, p. 43.

91 Acta Historico-Ecclesiastica nostri temporis, T. IX, p. 74 (Weimar, 1783).

92 Salelles de Materiis Tribunalium Inquisit., I, 43.

93 Llorente, Hist. crit., cap. XIII, art. ii, n. 9.

94 Salelles, I, 47-50.

95 Salelles, I, 53-62.

96 Parecer de Martin Real, ubi sup.

97 Llorente, Hist. crit., cap. XVII, art. ii, n. 10.

98 A Brief History of the Voyage of Katharine Evans and Sarah Cheevers to the Island of Malta and their Cruel Sufferings there for near Four Years. London, 1715.

99 History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, II, 268.

100 Itinerarium Beniamini Tudelens., pp. 21-5 (Antverpiæ, 1575).

101 Wadding, Annal. Minorum, T. III, Regesta, p. 392; ann. 1447, n. 10.

102 Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædic., II, 689.

103 Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. v, cap. lxx.

104 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I. An episode of this business concerned one Nofre Pelayo, a merchant of Valencia, who was arrested on the charge of concealing some of Pantolosa’s property. On January 15, 1498, Ferdinand warmly praised the inquisitor for this action but he speedily changed his mind and, on March 6th, scolded him for keeping Pelayo in prison and refusing to admit him to bail. It seems that he had in his hands two hundred and fifty ducats, supposed to belong to Pantolosa, but the sum was claimed by Miguel de Fluto, who luckily was a kinsman of the Neapolitan ambassador; the latter induced his master to write on the subject to Ferdinand who, on March 19, 1499, ordered the sum to be paid to the ambassador’s order.—Ibidem.
These transactions are worth noting as an illustration of the destructive influence on commerce of the methods of confiscation.

105 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. I.

106 Amabile (Il Santo Officio in Napoli, I, 93) assures us that there is no trace of such a condition expressed in the documents, but undoubtedly some compact of the kind must have been made. This is evident from the fact that when, in 1504, Ferdinand and Isabella resolved to introduce the Inquisition they formally released Gonsalvo from the obligation, giving as a reason that no Catholic was required to observe obligations in derogation of the faith—“non obstantibus in præmissis aut aliquo præmissorum quibusvis pactis, conventionibus aut capitulationibus per vos præfatum illustrem ducem aut alium quemcunque, nomine nostro vel vestro in deditione civitatis Neapolis aut alias quandocunque factis, conventis aut juratis, cum ea quæ contra fidem faciunt nullo pacto a Catholicis observanda sunt, quinimmo easdem si tales sunt quæ prædictis aliquatenus obviare censeantur cum præsentibus quoad hæc revocamus, taxamus, annullamus et irritamus, pro cassisque, irritis ac nullis nulliusque roboris seu momenti haberi volumus et habemus, cæteris autem ad hæc non tangentibus in suo robore permanentibus.”—Páramo, De Origine Officii S. Inquisit., p. 192.
This is repeated more concisely in another personal letter to Gonsalvo of the same date.—Ibidem, p. 193.

107 Amabile, I, 101. When Charles of Anjou introduced the Inquisition he took the confiscations, as was customary in France, and paid the expenses, but in 1290 his son, Charles the Lame, divided the proceeds into thirds, one for the fisc, one for the Inquisition and one for the propagation of the faith, a rule which probably became permanent.—Hist. of Inquisition of Middle Ages, I, 511-12.

108 Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII. This is a well-known collection of documents from the Neapolitan archives, made in the seventeenth century by Bartolommeo Chioccarello, which has never been printed. The eighth volume is devoted to the Inquisition.

109 Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. v, cap. lxx. Benevento was a papal enclave in Neapolitan territory.

110 Páramo, pp. 191-4.

111 Páramo, loc. cit.

112 Ferrarelli, Tiberio Caraffa e la Congiura di Macchia, p. 8 (Napoli, 1884).—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Ye, T. XVII.

113 Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

114 Amabile, I, 97.

115 Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII. (see Appendix).

116 Zurita, op. cit., Lib. ix, cap. xxiv.

117 A royal cédula of September 3, 1509, to Matheo de Morrano, appointed as receiver, orders him to pay the following salaries, to commence from the date of leaving home for the journey. The sums are in gold ducats:

	Salary.	Ayuda de costa.
The Bishop of Cefalù, inquisitor,	300	200
Dr. Andrés de Palacios, inquisitor,	300	100
Dr. Melchior, judge of confiscations,	100
Matheo de Morrano, receiver,	300	150
Joan de Moros, alguazil,	200	60
Dr. Diego de Bonilla, procurador fiscal,	200	50
Miguel de Asiz, notary of secreto and court of confiscations,	100	50
Joan de Villena, notary of secreto,	100	50
abriel de Fet, notary of sequestrations,	100
A gaoler,	54	15
Johan de Vergara, messenger,	30	10
Juan Vazquez, messenger,	30	10
	1814	695

Palacios was paid eight months’ salary in advance by the receiver of Barcelona.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. III, fol. 1, 52.

118 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. III, fol. 2-11.

119 Tristani Caraccioli, Epist. de Inquisitione (Muratori, S. R. I., T. XXII, p. 97).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 68, 74.—Amabile, I, 101-18.—Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. ix, cap. xxvi.—Spondani Annal. Eccles., ann. 1510, n. 13.
The formula withdrawing the Inquisition was “Havendo el Rey nostro Signore cogniosciuto la antiqua observancia e religione de la fidelissima Cita di napoli et de tucto questo regno verso la santa fe catholica sua Altezza ha mandato et ordinato levarese la inquisicione da dicta Cita et de tucto il regno predicto per lo bene vivere universale de tucti; et ultra questo su Altezza ha mandato publicare le infrascripte pragmatiche, dato in castello nova, napoli 22 novembre, 1510.”—Amabile, p. 118.
In Ferdinand’s letter books there is nothing further respecting the Neapolitan troubles until May 27, 1511, he writes to Diego de Obregon, the receiver of Sicily, that the Bishop of Cefalù returns there by his orders and, in view of his sufferings for the Inquisition his salary must be paid. Yet he died without receiving it and, on February 16, 1514, Ferdinand ordered Obregon to pay the arrears to Mariano de Acardo, in reward for certain services rendered, but this was still unpaid in January of the following year. As for Andrés Palacios, a cédula of June 6, 1511, recognized him as inquisitor of Valencia, with salary dating back to January 1st and an ayuda de costa of a hundred ducats.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 145, 146, 280, 313.

120 Ibidem, Lib. 3, fol. 238, 239.

121 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 238, 239, 260, 261, 292, 295, 316, 317, 350.

122 Amabile, I, 119-20.

123 Giacinto de’ Mari, Riflessioni... in difesa della Cittá e Regno di Napoli (MS. penes me).

124 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 78, fol. 39.

125 Chronicle of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua ben Meir (Bialloblotsky’s Translation, II, 318-19).—Parrino, Teatro de’ Vicere, I, 175 (Napoli, 1730).

126 Caballero, Alonso y Juan de Valdés, pp. 182 sqq. (Madrid, 1875).

127 See Karl Benrath in Historisches Taschenbuch, 1885, p. 172; also his Bernardino Ochino von Siena, Leipzig, 1875.—Manzoni, Estratto del Processo di Pietro Carnesecchi, Torino, 1870.

128 Le Cento e dieci divine Considerationi del S. Giovãni Valdesso: nelle quali si ragiona delle cose piu utili, piu necessarie e piu perfette, della Christiana professione. In Basilea, M.D.L.
“Ingannati principalmente della superstitione e falsa religione ci fanno relatione che Dio è tanto delicato e sensitivo che per qualunque cosa si offende: che è tanto vendicativo che tutte le offese castiga: che è tanto crudele che le castiga con pena eterna: che è tanto inhumano che si gode che trattiamo male nostre persone, in fino allo sparger il nostro propio sangre, il quale egli ci ha dato: e che ci priviamo delle nostre facoltà, le quale egli ci ha dato, accio che con esse si manteniamo nella presente vita: che si gode che andiamo nudi e scalzi, continuamente patendo; che è vano e li piacciono li presenti e che gode di haver oro e belli parimenti, ed in somma che si diletta di tutte le cose delle quali un Tiranno si diletta; e si gode di haver da coloro che li sono soggetti.”—Consid. XXXVII.
This edition of Basle, 1550, is the original from which the numerous translations have been made. For the bibliography, see Böhmer, Bibliotheca Wiffeniana, I, 124-29 (Strassburg, 1874). Also, Wiffen and Betts, “Life and Writings of Juan de Valdés,” London, 1865.
Antonio Caracciolo styles Valdés “capo e maestro” of the Neapolitan heretics, who gave the Roman Inquisition early occasion to demonstrate its usefulness.

129 Manuel Serrano y Sanz (Revista de Archivos etc., Febrero, 1903, p. 129).

130 “Con questa risolutione condanna l’uomo il giudicio della prudentia e della ragione humana e renuncia il suo lume naturale ed entra nel regno di Dio, remettendosi al reggimento ed al governo di Dio.”—Ibidem, Consid. XXV.

131 Lac Spirituale Johannis de Valdés. Ed. Koldewey, Heilbronn, 1863.

132 Trataditos de Juan de Valdés, p. 179 (Bonn, 1880).
The germ of much of this tract may be found in the Militiæ Christianæ Enchiridion, Canon 5, in which Erasmus dwells on the worthlessness of external observances and stigmatizes the importance attached to them as a kind of new Judaism. Yet the Enchiridion was repeatedly reprinted after its first appearance, in 1502, and was approved by Adrian of Utrecht, subsequently Adrian VI.

133 Giannone, Istoria civile del Regno di Napoli, Lib. XXII, cap. v, § 1 (Haya, 1753).

134 Chioccarelli Antistitum Neapol. Eccles. Catalogus, p. 321 (Neapoli, 1642).
On the death of Carafa in 1544, Paul III gave the see to his own nephew, Rainuccio Farnese, a boy of fifteen. It was then administered through vicars, the one at the time of the troubles of 1547 being Fabio Mirto, Bishop of Cajazzo.—Ibidem, p. 326.

135 Bullar Roman. I, 762.

136 Amabile, I, 193-6. It would seem that, at this time, the Holy See claimed inquisitorial jurisdiction over Naples, for a papal brief of June 2, 1544 orders the viceroy to arrest and send under sure guard to Rome, Vespasiano di Agnone, a wandering Franciscan friar, guilty of sacrilege and other enormous crimes.—Fontana, Documenti Vaticani, p. 131 (Roma, 1892).

137 Antonio Caracciolo, in his MS. life of Paul IV, of which an extract is printed by Bernino (Historia di tutte l’Heresie, IV, 496) informs us that Cardinal Giovanni Piero Carafa, the head of the Roman Inquisition and afterwards Paul IV, did not want the Spanish Inquisition introduced in Naples because it was more subject to the crown than to the Holy See and the king took the confiscations.

138 For most of these details I am indebted to a MS. account by Antonio Castaldo, a notary who was intimate with all the leaders in these events. He was a devoted subject of Charles V and considered himself most fortunate in having been born in his time. He warmly praises the emperor’s clemency towards the city. Amabile’s elaborate narrative (I, 196-211) furnishes additional facts and Döllinger (Beiträge zur Polit.-, Kirch.-u. Cultur-Geschichte, I, 78-124) gives Mendoza’s correspondence. See also Giannone, Ist. Civile, Lib. XXXII, cap. v, § 1.—Páramo, pp. 194-5.—Natalis Comitis Historiar., Lib. II, pp. 35, 52 (Argentorati, 1612).—Pallavicini, Hist. Concil. Trident., Lib. X, cap. i, n. 4.—Collenucio da Pesaro, Compendio dell’ Historia del Regno di Napoli, II, 184 (Napoli, 1563).—Campana, La Vita di Don Filippo Secondo, P. I, fol. 7 sqq. (Vicenza, 1608).
The narrative of Uberto Foglietta (Tumultus Neapolitani sub Petro Toleto Prorege), though he was a contemporary who tells us that he visited Naples for the purpose of ascertaining the facts, is a confused and turgid piece of rhetoric, of no historical value.

139 Julii PP. III, Bull Licet a diversis, 18 Mart., 1551 (Bullar. Roman. I, 799).

140 Chioccarello, Antistitum Eccles. Neap. Catalogus, pp. 331-2. Carafa was hostile to Spain and, on his elevation to the papacy as Paul IV, in 1555, he declared the throne of Naples vacant and fallen to the Holy See. He made an alliance with France but, in the ensuing war, he was speedily brought to terms by Alba. He retained the Neapolitan archiepiscopate for some time, doubtless in the hope of causing trouble there.

141 Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

142 Amabile, I, 214. Rebiba was promoted to the cardinalate shortly after the accession of Paul IV.

143 Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

144 Amabile, I, 218.—Fontana, Documenti Vaticani contro l’Eresia luterana in Italia, p. 178 (Roma, 1892).

145 Perrin, Histoire des Vaudois, chap. VII (Genève, 1618).—Amabile, I, 236-9.—Lombard, Jean-Louis Paschale et les Martyrs de Calabre (Paris, 1881).—Filippo de’ Boni, L’Inquisizone e i Calabro-Valdese (Milano, 1864).

146 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 79, fol. 135.

147 Scipione Lentolo, Historia delle grandi e crudeli Persecutioni fatte ai tempi nostri. Edita da Teofilo Gay, pp. 227, 314 (Torre Pellice, 1906).

148 Ibidem, pp. 251, 260

149 Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

150 Lentolo, pp. 228-41.—Gerdes, Specimen Italiæ Reformatæ, p. 134 (Lugd. Bat., 1765).—Amabile, I, pp. 248-9.

151 Amabile, I, 250, 253.—Lentolo, p. 245.

152 Lentolo, p. 244. This rests wholly on the authority of Lentolo and probably applied only to orphans. It was a practice derived from Spain.

153 Amabile, I, 256.

154 Lombard, op. cit., p. 105.

155 Amabile, I, 257.

156 Chioccarello MSS., Tom. VIII.—Amabile, I, 256.

157 Collenuccio, Historia del Regno de Napoli, II, 329^b (Napoli, 1563).
The process of confiscation seems to have been protracted. A vice-regal letter of January 29, 1569, states that all the proceeds had not yet been sold and orders that the matter be closed and the money be paid into the treasury.—Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.
From a transaction in 1572 it appears that when Neapolitans were burnt in Rome, notice was sent to the viceroy in order that he might seize their confiscated estates. At the same time a statement was presented of their prison expenses, which were reimbursed to the Congregation of the Inquisition out of the proceeds.—Ibidem.

158 Lombard, op. cit., p. 107.

159 Decret. Sac. Congr. S. Officii, p. 221 (R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol. 3).

160 Amabile I, 259.

161 Ibidem, p. 258.

162 Pallavicini, Hist. Concil. Trident., Lib. XXII, cap. viii, § 2.—Al nostro Santissimo Padre Innocenzio XII intorno al Procedimento nelle cause che si trattano nel Tribunale del S. Officio (MS. penes me).—Discorso del Dottore Angelo Gioccatano (Gaetano Agela), MS. penes me.—MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Ital., 209, fol. 117-18.—Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII (see Appendix).

163 Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

164 “Delle sante dimostrazioni contro gli eretici ed Ebrei, e supplicando che voglia esser servito di far intendere à sua Beatitudine la commune sodisfazione che tiene tutta la città che questa sorte di persone siano del tutto castigate ed estirpate per mano del nostro ordinario come si conviene como sempre averno supplicato, giusta la forma delli canoni e senza interposizione di corte secolare, ma santamente procedano nelle cose della religione tantum.”—Giacinto de’ Mori, Scritture e Motivi dati a’ Signori Deputati di Napoli (MS. penes me).

165 Relazioni Venete, Serie II, T. II, p. 273.

166 Amabile, I, 312-16.

167 Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

168 In 1597 the Venetian envoy Girolamo Ramusio alludes to the case of the Baron of Castellanetta, excommunicated by his bishop and summoned to Rome; also to that of Mastrillo, fiscal of the Vicaria, who sold a quantity of grain belonging to the Abbey of S. Leonardo which was held by Cardinal Gaetano, in consequence of which he was cited to Rome. In both cases the court intervened and prevented obedience for the reason that, if a precedent was established of allowing those cited by Rome to go, the principal royal ministers could be summoned and forced to go.—Relazioni Venete, Appendice, p. 310.

169 Relazioni Venete, Appendice, p. 312.

170 Pii Quinti Epistt., Lib. I, Ep. vi (Antverpiæ, 1640).

171 Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII. Failing in this Cardinal Ghislieri, then at the head of the Roman Inquisition, wrote in November to Viceroy Alcalá asking that Vico be sent or be placed under bonds to present himself. To this, in April, 1565, the viceroy assented, requiring Vico to give security in 10,000 ducats to that effect; he was already in prison and condemned to banishment on complaint of his vassals; he duly went to Rome and was sentenced to compurgation and penance.—Amabile, I, 286.

172 Chioccarello, ubi sup.

173 Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII (see Appendix).

174 Ibidem.

175 Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

176 Escritos de Santa Teresa, T. II, pp. 457, 463 (Madrid, 1869). Cf. Amabile, I, 229-30.
In 1588 we find the Congregation of the Inquisition scolding the nuncio at Naples for refusing to pay the expenses of this transportation, as his predecessors had always done.—Decret. Sac. Congr. S. Officii, p. 192 (Bibl. del R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol 3).

177 Amabile, I, 332.—Relazioni Venete, Serie II, T. V, p. 471.

178 Bibliothèque Nationale de France, fonds latin, 8994, fol. 252.
Possibly this may be partially explained by the fact that heresy was a case reserved to the Holy See, the absolution for which in the forum internum required a special licence (cap. 3, Extrav. Commun., Lib. V, Tit. ix). But in the forum externum the episcopal jurisdiction over heresy was in no way curtailed by the existence of the Inquisition (Benedicti PP. XIV de Synodo diœcesana, Lib. IX, cap. iv, n. 3). This was fully admitted by the Roman Inquisition (Decret. S. Congr. S. Officii, pp. 174-5, 177, 266-8, 272-3 ap. R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol. 3).

179 Amabile, Fra Tommaso Campanella, II, 120-1 (Napoli, 1882).

180 Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

181 Ibidem.

182 Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.—Amabile, Inquisizione in Napoli, II, 35.

183 Amabile, II, 35-6.

184 Ibidem, II, 37-9.

185 These feelings are warmly but respectfully expressed in a memorial addressed to Innocent XII (1691-1700), by Giuseppe Valletta, an advocate of Naples, in support of envoys sent to negotiate with him (MS. penes me).
It is difficult for us to estimate the horror which, as the inquisitors boasted, the Holy Office cast over the population. They relate with pride that in Spain men cited to appear, even on matters not pertaining to the faith, but ignorant of the cause, were known to take to their beds and die of sheer terror. How much greater, then, they ask, must be the horror of those accused, suddenly arrested and cast into the strictest and most secret prison, not to mention what followed?—“Sola simplici vocatione alicujus inquisitoris in Hispania, ait Morillus citatus, per aliquem ejus ministrum, ad negotium forte particulare non pertinens ad Inquisitionem Fidei, absque eo quod vocati sciant ad quid vocentur, adeo perterrefieri homines soleant, ut aliquibus statim necessario decumbere et præ nimio dolore febri superveniente emori contigerit. At quid in casibus ubi datur præventio per accusationem aut denuntiationem et agitur de repentina captura et de carceratione rigidissima ac secretissima, ut taceam de aliis quæ hanc consequuntur, quanto magis perterrefiant capti et carcerati? quanto maiori horrore afficientur?”—Salelles, De Materiis Tribunalium S. Inquisitionis, Proleg. IV, n. 8 (Romæ, 1651).

186 Capasso, Ragionamenti ad istanza degl’ Ecc^mi Sig^ri della Città di Napoli (MS. penes me).

187 Pietro de Fusco, Per la fidelissima Città di Napoli, negli affari della Santa Inquisizione (MS. penes me).—Amabile, II, 41-52.—Giannone, Lib. XXXII, cap. 5.
Pietro de Fusco tells us that confiscations were not infrequently released, as they were in 1587 to the children of Francesco di Aloes di Caserta and to the heirs of Bernardino Gargano d’Aversa, although they died as impenitent heretics.

188 MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, Tom. XVII.—Amabile, II, 54-58.—MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Ital., 189, fol. 327; 209, fol. 111-138.

189 Amabile, II, 59-72; Append., 68, 71.

190 Acampora, Ragioni a pro della Fidelissima Città di Napoli (Napoli, 1709).

191 Amabile, II, 74-80.—Acampora, op. cit.

192 Ragionamenti del Sig. D. Niccolò Capasso colli quali ad istanza degl’ Ecc^mi Sig^ri della Città di Napoli prova non doversi ricevere in questo Religiosissimo Regno l’odioso Tribunale dell’ Inquisizione.
I am not aware that this work has ever been printed, but it must have had a considerable circulation in MS. I have three copies, of which one is a Latin version. In one of them the prefatory address to the Deputati is dated December 3, 1711, which fixes the time of its composition. The other copies were made respectively in 1715 and 1717, indicating that it continued to be referred to.

193 Amabile, II, 81-3.

194 Amabile, II, 84-5.—Consulta dalla Real Camera de S. Chiara alla Maestà del Re per il Santo Uffizio, Dec. 19, 1746 (MS. penes me).

195 Consulta dalla Real Camera de S. Chiara alla Maestà del Re per il Santo Uffizio (MS. penes me).
That the Neapolitan Government was not actuated by any tenderness towards heresy is manifested in a singular transaction of the period detailed in a letter of which I have copy, of July 11, 1746, from Edward Allen, the British Consul, to the Marchese Fogliani—apparently the foreign secretary. An English girl of 13, named Ellen Bowes, was forcibly abducted from her father’s house, after surrounding it with about a hundred armed men. Against this outrage the consul protested as a violation of the privileges of the English nation, to which Fogliani replied, explaining the reasons which had led the king to do this and what was proposed to do with the child. Apparently she had expressed an intention to join the Catholic Church and had been taken so as to secure her conversion. Allen rejoined in a long argumentative letter and, although he pointed out that a child of such tender age could have no conception of the different religions, he felt himself obliged to disavow asking her return to her parents and limited his request to having her delivered to some one of the English nation, where she could be examined as to her motives. What was the issue of the affair does not appear from the paper in my possession, but evidently the king, after taking such a step and justifying it, could not well retreat.

196 Lettera circolare del Marchese Fraggiani, Napoli, 1761.—Beccatini, Istoria della Inquisizione, pp. 372-77, 382 (Milano, 1797).—Amabile, op. cit., II, 104-5; Appendice, 80.

197 Supplica al Re nostro Signore de’ Deputati por opporsi ai pregindizj del S. Officio. Sine nota sed Napoli, 1764.—Le Bret, Magazin zum Gebrauch der Staaten-und Kirchengeschichte, III, 160 (Frankfurt, 1773).

198 Páramo, p. 219.

199 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1. The salaries are as follows:

Gabriel de Cardona, inquisitor, from the date of his embarcation	150	ducats.
Bartolomé de Castro, assessor	50	“
An alguazil, with charge of prison, to be selected by Carmona	20	“
Bernat Ros, notario del secreto y de los secuestros	—the salaries heretofore paid.
Yourself	—the salaries heretofore paid.

200 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.

201 Páramo, pp. 220-222. For the Valencia experience of Domingo de Santa Cruz, see History of the Inquisition of Spain, Vol. I, p. 242.

202 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1.

203 Ibidem. Páramo (p. 223) calls the appointee Magister Farris, subsequently created Bishop of Bonebolla—a see subsequently merged into that of Cagliari. There is no reference in Gams’s Series Episcoporum to such a bishopric in Sardinia. Páramo interposes a Nicolas Vaguer as inquisitor, from 1498 to 1500, which is evidently a mistake.

204 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.

205 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1; Lib. 2, fol. 1.

206 Ibidem. Lib. 1.

207 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 184, 185.

208 Ibidem, fol. 306, 307, 308. The salaries ordered were:

The Bishop of Alghero, inquisitor	100	libras.
Micer Pedro de Contreras, advocate	30	“
Luis de Torres, alguazil	30	“
An escribano for both secreto and secuestros	30	“
A portero and nuncio	10	“
Bernat Ros, receiver	100	“
Mossen Alonso de Ximeno, fiscal	30	“

It is observable that no salary is provided for Canon Aragall, the other inquisitor (see Appendix).

209 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 321, 348, 349, 351.

210 Ibidem, fol. 366; Lib. 75, fol. 40.

211 Ibidem, Lib. 940; fol. 36.

212 Ibidem, Lib. 78, fol. 304.

213 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 136.

214 Ibidem, Lib. 940, fol. 44.

215 Ibidem, fol. 44, 45.

216 Biblioteca nacional de Madrid, MSS., D, 118, fol. 179, n. 55.

217 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 19, fol. 100.

218 Biblioteca nacional, loc. cit., fol. 124, n. 44.

219 Fontana, Documenti Vaticani, pp. 100, 110, 169.

220 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 208.

221 Manno, Storia di Sardegna, II, 189-90 (Milano, 1835).

222 Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. III, fol. 594 (Archivo hist. nacional).

223 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 13, fol. 28; Lib. 20, fol. 208; Lib. 21, fol. 240; Libros 56, 57, 918.

224 La Martinière, Le Grand Dictionnaire Geographique et Critique, IX, 237 (Venise, 1737).

225 Sclopis, Antica Legislazione del Piemonte, p. 484 (Torino, 1833).

226 Le Bret, Magazin zum Gebrauch der Staaten-und Kirchengeschichte, 5 Theil, p. 547 (Frankfurt, 1776).

227 Fontana, Documenti Vaticani contro l’Eresia Luterana, p. 87.—Raynald. Annal., ann. 1536, n. 45.
The greed of the curia in grasping at all attainable rich preferment was a fruitful source of neglect and gave opportunity for heresy to flourish. Cardinal Ippolito d’Este, who was archbishop of Milan from 1520 to 1550, during the whole of that time never entered the city.—Gams, Series Episcoporum, p. 797.

228 Catena, Vita del Papa Pio Quinto, pp. 6-8, 17 (Roma, 1587).
Two somewhat similar cases show that the Venetian territory was equally infected and equally indifferent (Ibidem, pp. 9, 10). One of these likewise exhibits Ghislieri’s implacable persistence. Vittore Soranzo, Bishop of Brescia, was overcurious in reading heretic books. Ghislieri was sent to make a secret investigation and, on his report, Soranzo was summoned to Rome and confined in the castle of Sant’ Angelo for two years. Nothing was proved against him; he was released and returned to his see, where he continued to perform his functions until 1558. In 1557 Ghislieri was promoted to the cardinalate and, in 1558, Paul IV created for him the office of supreme inquisitor—an office which he was careful not to perpetuate after he became Pius V. He had not forgotten his failure to convict Soranzo. In April, 1558, Paul IV, in public consistory, deprived of his office the unfortunate bishop, who retired to Venice and speedily died of grief.—Catena, pp. 13, 15.—Ughelli, Italia Sacra, T. IV, pp. 695-701.

229 Cesare Cantù, Eretici d’Italia, III, 34-7.

230 Fontana, Documenti Vaticani, pp. 174, 184.

231 MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 9, F. 45, Parte Inferiore, Lettera 92.

232 Ibidem, Tom. 51, F. 101, P. Inf., Lett. 107.

233 MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 53, F. 103, P. Inf., Lett. 42, 43, 44, 45, 77, 97.

234 Muratori, Annali d’Italia, ann. 1563.—De Thou, Hist., Lib. XXXVI.

235 Lettere del Archivescovo Calini (Baluz. et Mansi Miscell., IV, 329).

236 Salomoni, Memorie Storico-Diplomatiche, p. 159 (Milano, 1806).

237 MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 23, F. 73, P. Inf. Lett. 47.

238 Ibidem, Tom. 53, F. 103, P. Inf. Lett. 176.

239 Archivio civico-storico à S. Carpofaro, Armario A, Filza VII, n. 43.

240 Lettere del Nunzio Visconti, n. 67, 68 (Baluz. et Mansi, Miscell., III, 491-2).—Pallavicini, Hist. Concil. Trident., Lib. XXII, cap. viii, n. 2-4.

241 Archivio civico-storico à S. Carpofaro, Armario A, Filza VII, n. 40 (see Appendix).

242 MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 54, F. 104, P. Inf. Lett. 48.

243 MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 56, F. 106, P. Inf. Lett. 211.

244 Beccatini, Istoria dell’ Inquisizione, p. 178.

245 Acta Eccles. Mediolanens., I, 471 (Mediolani, 1843).

246 MSS. of Ambrosian Library, H. S. VI, 29.—See Appendix.

247 Ibidem, Tom. 54, Vol. 68, F, 104, P. Inf. Lett. 63, 147, 163; Tom. 55, F, 105, Lett. 250.

248 Ibidem, C. 185, P. Inf. Carta 14.

249 MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 44, F, 94, P. Inf. Lett. 72; Tom. 56, F, 106, Lett. 51, 206, 211.
Brescia formed part of the Venitian territory, in which these weekly conferences of the secular and inquisitorial powers were prescribed. When the Inquisition was founded in the thirteenth century, Venice refused it admission, but in 1249 it organized a kind of secular tribunal against heresy, known as the tre Savi dell’ eresia or Assistenti. At length, in 1289 it admitted an inquisitor, but adjoined to him the Assistenti, who were not to partake in the judgements but to see that he did not overstep his proper functions and to lend when necessary the aid of the secular arm. As the mainland territory of the Republic increased and the reorganized papal Inquisition appointed its delegates in the cities, the Signoria in 1548 provided that the rettori or other magistrates in each place should coöperate with the inquisitor and bishop as assistenti. Rome took umbrage at this and a prolonged negotiation ensued, which ended with the assistenti being accepted, with the understanding that they were to have a consultative but not a decisive vote. This gave the Signoria power to curb excesses and to save the people from being harassed with inquisitorial prosecutions for trifling cases of sorcery, bigamy, etc., which were so bitterly complained of elsewhere. If we may believe Páramo, when Philip failed to inflict the Spanish Inquisition on Milan, Pius V sought to introduce one of the same kind in Venice, but the proposition produced so alarming a popular excitement that the Signoria prevailed upon him to abandon the attempt, promising at the same time to exercise the greatest vigilance in the suppression of heresy.—Vettor Sandi, Principj di Storia Civile della Repubblica di Venezia, Lib. X, cap. iii, art. 3 (Venizia, 1756).—Albizzi, Riposta all’ Historia della Sacra Inquisitione del R. P. Paolo Servita, pp. 40-58 (Ed. II, s. l. e. d.).—Páramo de Orig. Off. S. Inquis., p. 266.—Natalis Comitis Historiar., Lib. XIV, ann. 1564.

250 See Appendix for a decree of Pius V, issued within a few months of his accession.

251 See Appendix.

252 Bzovii Annales, ann. 1566, n. 88. This may very probably have been the occasion of the decree just referred to.
Yet the duke, in 1567, offered no opposition when Pius V ordered him to send to Rome for trial the canon Ceruti, who, in 1569, was condemned to the galleys for life. He could not have been a Protestant for his chief heresy was the denial of immortality. The intercession of the duke however, in 1572, procured his liberation and permission to keep his house in Mantua as a prison.—Bertolotti, Martiri del Libero Pensiero, pp. 43-5 (Roma, 1891).

253 MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 5, F, 41, and F, 177, P. Inf.
Catena relates (Vita di Pio V, p. 157) that an heretical preacher of Morbegno in the Valtelline, named Francesco Cellaria was accustomed to visit Mantua secretly as a missionary, where he had relations with some of the nobles. To put an end to this, Pius sent in disguise the Dominican Piero Angelo Casannova to the Valtelline with instructions for his capture. With a band of eight men Casannova kidnapped him at Bocca d’Adda, as he was returning from Coire to Morbegno, hurried him to Piacenza whence Duke Ottavio Farnese transmitted him to Rome. There he was condemned to be burnt alive but at the last moment he weakened and recanted, so that he was strangled before burning. He had been forced to name his accomplices in Mantua and other cities, and immediate steps were taken for securing them. The Grisons complained loudly of this invasion of their territory, but the Duke of Alburquerque, then Governor of Milan (1564-71), replied that the papal jurisdiction over heresy was supreme in all lands.

254 MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 56, F, 106, P. Inf. Lett. 140.

255 Acta Eccles. Mediolanens. I, 67, 469.

256 Decreta Sac. Congr. Sti. Officii, pp. 217-20 (R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol. 3).
Under Venetian rule when, in 1579, the inquisitor at Treviso was about to publish an edict prohibiting departure for heretic lands without his licence, the podestà and captain of the city prevented it, for which they were praised by the Signoria and similarly the rettore of Bergamo was rebuked for permitting it.—Cecchetti, La República di Venezia e la Corte di Roma, I, 23 (Venezia, 1874).
Fra Paolo tells us that in 1595 Clement VII issued a decree forbidding any Italian to visit a place where there was not a Catholic church and pastor, without a licence from the inquisitors. The result of this was that traders returning from heretic lands were watched, reports were sent to Rome and they were publicly cited to appear there. The transalpine countries took offence at this and then the public citations were made at the residence of the parties. Venice sought to diminish the evil effect of this on commerce by forbidding public citations in such cases.—Sarpi, Historia dell’ Inquisizione, p. 77 (Serravalle, 1638).
Simply trading with heretics, sending to or receiving from them merchandise, money or letters constituted fautorship of heresy and subjected the trader to the jurisdiction of the Inquisition.—Masini, Sacro Arsenale overo Prattica dell’ Officio della S. Inquisizione, Roma, 1639, p. 16.

257 MSS. of Ambrosian Library, H. S. VI, 29.—Le Bret, Magazin zum Gebrauch der Staaten-und Kirchengeschichte, Sechste Theil, 101 (Frankfurt, 1777).
During the 18th century the powers of the Inquisition were greatly limited by the civil authorities. In Tuscany we learn, in 1746, that in Florence and Siena no arrest or imprisonment could be made by it without the assent of the Government.—Consulta fatta dalla Real Camera di S. Chiara, in Napoli (MS. penes me).

258 The tribunal of the Canaries was reckoned among those of Castile and most of the new material in my possession concerning it has been embodied in the “History of the Inquisition of Spain.” Its insular position, however, and the consequent attraction of foreign merchants and sea-faring men, rendered its career somewhat peculiar, and it has seemed worth while to devote a chapter to it, based on two works—
Historia de la Inquisicion en las Islas Canarias, por Agustin Millares, 4 vols., Las Palmas de Gran-Canaria, 1874.
Catalogue of a Collection of Original Manuscripts formerly belonging to the Holy Office of the Inquisition in the Canary Islands and now in the possession of the Marquis of Bute. By W. De Gray Birch, LL.D., 2 vols., Edinburgh and London, 1903.

259 Birch, I, 5, 7-8.

260 Millares, I, 95-6—Birch, I, 160-7, 173.

261 Birch, I, 6.—Millares, I, 71.

262 Birch, I, 1, 67.

263 Millares, I, 79.

264 Millares, I, 75.

265 Birch, I, 91, 92-4. In the record concerning Juan de Xeres, the year is omitted, but as Wednesday fell on June 4 in 1511, 1516, 1533 and 1539, the probable date is 1516.

266 Birch, I, 1-5.

267 Millares, I, 82.

268 Birch, I, 15-33.

269 Birch, I, 33.

270 Ibidem, 34-64.

271 Millares, I, 87-92.

272 Ibidem, 96-100.

273 Ibidem, 103-7.—Birch, I, 90.

274 Millares, I, 109-10.

275 Ibidem, I, 125.

276 Ibidem, I, 115-18.

277 Birch, II, 1018-26.

278 Millares, II, 7-20.

279 Ibidem, pp. 15, 21-22.

280 Murga, Constituciones sinodales del Obispado de la Gran Canaria, fol. 333 (Madrid, 1634).

281 Birch, I, 159-60.

282 Millares, II, 23-30.

283 Birch, I, 133-53.

284 Millares, II, 43-44, 47, 51.

285 Ibidem, pp. 57-61.

286 Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Expedientes de Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib. III, Cuad. 3.

287 Ibidem, fol. 10, 13.

288 Millares, II, 105-6. The subsequent case of Aventrot and his nephew Jan Cote is alluded to in my History of the Inquisition of Spain, I, 300; II, 348; III, 102.

289 Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Exp. de Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib. I, fol. 844, 849, 872.

290 Ibidem, fol. 406, 407, 411, 417-22.

291 Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Exp. de Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib. I, fol. 568, 1115-19.

292 Birch, I, 297-300.

293 Millares, II, 72-4.

294 Millares, II, 80-94.

295 Ibidem, III, 9-10.

296 Millares, III, 12-24.

297 Ibidem, 163-4. The figures of Millares are drawn from the official list of Quemados. In 1526 there are 8; in 1587, 1; in 1614, 1; in 1615, 1.

298 Millares, III, 26-31. The total relaxations in effigy amount to 107, as follows (Ibidem, III, 164-8):

1	in	1513	17	in	1557	16	in	1576	23	in	1591
7	“	1530	3	“	1569	30	“	1581	3	“	1608
2	“	1534	1	“	1574	3	“	1587	1	“	1659.

299 Birch, II, 695.

300 Birch, I, 383-4.

301 Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib. III, Cuad. 3, fol. 20.

302 Birch, II, 1007.

303 Millares, III, 153-7; IV, 19-20.
The exportation of wine from the Canaries to the Indies was an old subject of complaint in the home country. In 1573 the Córtes represented that its profits had caused the abandonment of sugar culture, which had formerly supplied the Spanish sugar market, greatly enhancing its price and deteriorating its quality, while at the same time the flourishing wine-trade was being ruined. In reply to this Philip II only promised to look into the matter and evidently nothing was done at the time.—Córtes de Madrid del año de setenta y tres, Peticion 76 (Alcala, 1575).

304 Millares, III, 85.

305 Ibidem, 93-5.

306 Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib. III, Cuad. 3, fol. 2, 8, 10.

307 Birch, II, 534-6, 547, 548, 580, 626, 634, 646-61.

308 Birch, I, 207.

309 Millares, II, 102.

310 Birch, I, 416-20.

311 Ibidem, II, 726-8, 735, 750-72, 813, 832.

312 Millares, II, 47-54, 112.

313 Birch, II, 682.

314 Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib. III, Cuad. 3, fol. 6, 16.

315 Millares, III, 117-23, 125-37.

316 Birch, I, 198.

317 Millares, II, 37-9.

318 Birch, I, 214-17.

319 Millares, II, 98, 102.

320 Birch, II, 512-17, 870, 931-5, 939, 973.

321 Ibidem, 890-2.

322 Birch, I, 482-4.

323 Ibidem, II, 992-3.

324 Ibidem, 819, 826.

325 Millares, II, 152-62.

326 Birch, I, 347, 350-2.

327 Birch, II, 1018-26.

328 Ibidem, I, 303-4, 377.

329 Birch, I, 374-9; II, 1048-9.

330 Millares, II, 148-50.

331 Ibidem, 141-7.

332 Coleccion de Tratados de Paz; Phelipe III, pp. 161-2, 198, 465.

333 Birch, II, 1054.

334 Birch, I, 414-16.

335 Ibidem, II, 1069-70.

336 Birch, II, 1065-70.

337 Birch, II, 1055-63.

338 Birch, II, 542, 555, 557.

339 Millares, III, 83-4, 157.

340 Birch, II, 592, 825-6.

341 Ibidem, 1070.

342 Millares, IV, 19-20.

343 Birch, II, 948.

344 Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib. III, Cuad. 3, fol. 20.

345 Birch, II, 563-66.

346 Ibidem, 640-2, 705.

347 Ibidem, p. 716, 847-8.

348 Birch II, 940-7.

349 Millares, IV, 33-6.

350 Ibidem, pp. 36-7.

351 Millares, IV, 39, 42-44.

352 Ibidem, I, 79-80.

353 Millares, I, 130; II, 166.

354 Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib. III, Cuad. 3, fol. 1.—Millares, II, 167-76.

355 Millares, II, 32-36.

356 Ibidem, II, 104.

357 Ibidem, III, 25, 42-3.

358 Ibidem, I, 125-6.

359 Millares, III, 51-7.

360 Millares, III, 58-68.

361 Birch, II, 597-601.

362 Millares, III, 69-70.

363 Ibidem, 73-5.

364 Millares, IV, 18-19.

365 For details see History of the Inquisition of Spain, I, 348.

366 Millares, IV, 23-29.

367 Ibidem, p. 70.

368 Millares, IV, 87, 97-100.

369 Millares, IV, 105-6.

370 Ibidem, pp. 106-9, 114-17.

371 Alex. PP. VI Bull Inter cætera, 4 Maii, 1493 (Bullar. Rom. I, 454).—Mariana, Hist. de España, T. IX, Append., p. xxvi (Ed. 1796).—Recopilacion de las Leyes de las Indias, Lib. I, Tit. i, ley 2.

372 Recop., Lib. I, Tit. i, ley 5; Lib. II, Tit. ii, ley 8.

373 Torquemada, De la Monarquía Indiana, Lib. XVIII, cap. 8.

374 Cron. Glassberger, ann. 1500 (Analecta Franciscana, Tom. II).

375 Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, Lib. III, cap. 5, 14 (Coleccion de Documentos, LXIV, 372, 422).

376 Las Casas, op. cit., Lib. II, cap. 54 (Col. de Doc., LXV, 275; LXVI, 165, 180).

377 Torquemada, ubi sup.

378 Ibidem.

379 Gams, Series Episcoporum, p. 148.

380 Torquemada, op. cit., Lib. XV, cap. 1, 10.—Col. de Doc., Tom. XXVI, p. 286.
See also a letter of the Franciscan Custodian Fray Angel de Valencia, to Charles V, May 8, 1552. If the description of his brother frailes by Fray Pedro Duran, in a letter to Philip II, Feb. 2, 1583, be not exaggerated, there was not much gained in restricting episcopal appointments to the regular Orders.—J. T. Medina, Historia de la Inquisicion en Mexico, pp. 11, 12 (Santiago de Chile, 1905).

381 Mendieta, Hist. eccles. Indiana, p. 549 (Mexico, 1870).

382 Amador de los Rios, Hist. de los Judíos, III, 378.

383 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 9, fol. 71.
See also a letter from Alonzo de Zuazo to Chièvres, written from Hispañola, January 29, 1519, urging that immigrants be invited from all nations, except Moors and Jews and the reconciled New Christians with their children and grandchildren, who were prohibited by the royal ordinance.—Col. de Documentos, T. II, p. 371.

384 Lorenzana, Concilios Provinciales de Mejico, p. 32 (Mexico, 1769).

385 Recop. de las Indias, Lib. VII, Tit. v, ley 29.

386 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 106, 107.

387 Ibidem, Lib. 9, fol. 37.—Llorente (Añales, II, 91) states that Ximenes, May 7, 1516, appointed Juan Quevedo, Bishop of Cuba, as delegate inquisitor-general of the Indies, with power to appoint judges and other officials, but I can find no trace of such action and, if the appointment was made, it was ineffective. The first see erected in Cuba was that of Santiago, in 1522 (Gams, p. 146), and there could have been none as early as 1516, as the first expedition to the island under Diego Velázquez did not occur until 1511. Hefele (Der Cardinal Ximenes, p. 497) makes Ximenes appoint Alessandro Geraldino, Bishop of San Domingo and his colleague of la Vega inquisitors-general but, as we have seen, Geraldino was not appointed as bishop until 1522, four years after the death of Ximenes.

388 Remesal, Historia de la Provincia de S. Vicente de Chyapa y Guatemala, Lib. II, cap. iii.—Obregon, Mexico viejo, 1ª Serie, pp. 179-80; 2ª Serie, p. 390 (Mexico, 1891-5).

389 Obregon, México viejo, 2ª Serie, p. 333.
It would seem that the sanbenitos were not hung in the cathedral until 1667, after pressure from the Suprema to compel the inquisitors to perform the work, which must have been considerable if they had to be compiled from the records. The number then hung amounted to 404.—Medina, Historia de la Inquisicion de México, p. 317.

390 Puja, Provisiones, Cédulas, Instrumentos de su Magestad etc., fol. 97 (Mexico, 1563).

391 Coleccion de Documentos, LXX, 535.—Solorzani de Indiar. Gubern. Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 9.

392 Recop. de las Indias, Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 4.

393 Obregon, loc. cit.

394 Obregon, loc. cit.—Schäfer, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Spanischen Protestantismus, II, 373.

395 Obregon, op. cit., 2ª Serie, p. 61.

396 Medina, op. cit., pp. 35-6.

397 Solorzani op. cit., Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 38.

398 Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. III, fol. 79, 123.

399 Recop. de las Indias, Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 1.—Cf. Simancæ de Catholicis Institutionibus, Tit. XXXVIII, n. 12.

400 Relazioni Venete, Serie I, Tom. VI, p. 462.

401 This and the following details of the installation of the Mexican Inquisition I owe to a series of documents, copies of which were kindly furnished to me by the late General Don Vicente Riva Palacio.
Doctor Moya de Contreras was an old and experienced hand. In 1541 he was appointed inquisitor of Saragossa.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 117.

402 Torquemada, Lib. XIX, cap. 29. For almost all the early inquisitors of Mexico the tribunal was the stepping-stone to the episcopate. Bonilla, who went, in 1571, as fiscal, became inquisitor in 1573 and Archbishop of Mexico in 1592. Alonso Granero, who went as inquisitor in 1574, became Bishop of Charcas the same year. Santos García was inquisitor in 1576 and Bishop of Jalisco in 1597. Alonso de Peralta, who was inquisitor in 1594, was made Archbishop of La Plata in 1609, and Lobo Guerrero, who was inquisitor in 1593, became Archbishop of Santafé in 1598.
It illustrates the character of the men occupying these positions that when Granero left Mexico for his bishopric he went by land and in Nicaragua he assumed still to be inquisitor, condemning people and fining them to defray his travelling expenses. An unlucky notary named Rodrigo de Evora wrote some satiric couplets about him, whereupon he was thrown in prison with chains on hands and feet, tortured till he was crippled with dislocated joints and then exposed in a public auto and condemned to 300 lashes and six years of galleys. The scourging was administered with excessive severity and Evora had to beg his way to Mexico to appeal to the tribunal there. He evidently was stripped of his property and among other things of four cases of Chinese ware, which Granero appropriated to his own use.—Medina, op. cit., 76-78.

403 Medina, op. cit., p. 22.

404 See Appendix.

405 Mr. Elkan N. Adler has printed a translation of these special instructions furnished to Peru. Unquestionably the same provisions must have been established in Mexico.—Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, No. 12.
The inquisitors were empowered to call in the judges of the Royal Audiencia as consultors in the consulta de fe.—Ibidem.

406 Medina, op. cit., p. 30.

407 Llorente, Hist. crít., cap. xix, art. ii. n. 18.

408 Medina, op. cit., p. 31.

409 Medina, op. cit., pp. 36-43.—Obregon, op. cit., 2ª Serie, 84-90, 335-7.—Páramo de Orig. Officii S. Inquisit., p. 241. The “Cornelius the Irishman” of Miles Phillips’s narrative was not burnt until the auto of March 6, 1575. He was one of Hawkins’s men, who had married in Guatemala.—Medina, p. 51.

410 Obregon, p. 391. In the great auto of December 8, 1596, the sentence to relaxation of Manuel Díaz states that he is to be taken on horseback to the market-place of San Ipolito where, in the place provided for it, he is to be garroted and burnt.—Proceso contra Manuel Díaz, fol. 154 (I owe to the kindness of General Riva Palacio several of the original trials connected with this auto).

411 Medina, op. cit., pp. 49-55.

412 Torquemada, Lib. XIX, cap. 30.—Obregon, pp. 338-52.—Medina, op. cit., pp. 91-115, 123-36.

413 Páramo, pp. 241-2.—Proceso contra Manuel Díaz, fol. 71 (MS. penes me).—Obregon, p. 344. The fourth sister of Carvajal was burnt for relapse in the auto of 1601 and a fifth was reconciled (Medina, pp. 131-133).
An incident of Carvajal’s trial illustrates the dread excited by the pitiless Peralta, who richly earned his archbishopric. After prolonged torture and confession, Carvajal endeavored to commit suicide and then asked for Lobo Guerrero to be sent for, to whom he explained that he had begged that Peralta should not be present “because the mere sight of him made his flesh creep, such was the terror with which his rigor inspired him.”—Adler, Trial of Jorje de Almeida (Publications of Am. Jewish Hist. Soc., IV, 42).
The complaints against Peralta accumulated until the Suprema was compelled to formulate a process against him in which the sumaria contained thirty-two charges, not only of arbitrary cruelty but of prostitution of his office for illicit gain (Medina, p. 216); but this, as we have seen, did not prevent his promotion to the archiepiscopate of La Plata.

414 Obregon, p. 391.

415 Las Casas, Hist. de las Indias, Lib. III, cap. 99 (Col. de Docum., T. LXV, p. 365).

416 Lorenzana, Concilios provin. de Mexico, pp. 18, 33.

417 Ibidem, p. 82.

418 Recop. de las Indias, Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 17; Lib. VI, Tit. i, ley 35.—Solorzani de Indiar. Gubern., Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 27, 30.
This fresh papal grant was evidently called for by the action of the Council of Trent, in 1563 (Sess. XXIV, De Reform., cap. 6) which admitted that bishops had only power to absolve for secret heresy, while even this was denied them by the bulls In Cœna Domini of Pius V and his successors.

419 Bancroft, History of Mexico, III, 747, 750.—Las Casas, Hist. de las Indias, Lib. II, cap. 1; Lib. III, cap. 8 (Col. de Doc., Tom. LXIV, 7, 386).

420 The Dominican Thomas Gage when, about the year 1630, he was serving as a missionary priest at Mixco in Guatemala, discovered, after considerable trouble, an idol in a cave, secretly worshipped by the leading Indians of the vicinage. After relating his adventures in the search, he proceeds “I writ to the President of Guatemala informing him of what I had don and to the Bishop (as an Inquisitor to whom such cases of Idolatry did belong) to be informed of him what course I should take with the Indians, who were but in part as yet discovered unto me and those only by the relation of one Indian. From both I received great thanks for my pains in searching the mountains and finding the Idol and for my zeal in burning of it. And as touching the Indian Idolators their counsel unto me was that I should further enquire after the rest and discover as many as I could and endeavor to convert them to the knowledge of the true God by fair and sweet means, showing pity unto them for their great blindness and promising them upon their repentance pardon from the Inquisition, which considering them to be but new plants useth not such rigor with them, which it useth with Spaniards if they fall into such horrible sins.”—Gage’s New Survey of the West Indies, pp. 397-8 (London, 1677).
For a considerable time the Indians seem to have escaped persecution, but at length the bishops—or at least some of them—formed Inquisitions for them and conducted these in inquisitorial fashion. In 1690 the Bishop of Oaxaca, having discovered organized idolatry in eleven pueblos of the Sierra de Xuquil, held an auto in which the culprits were reconciled and penanced, twenty-six of the principal ones being condemned to perpetual prison, for which he constructed an appropriate building. Possibly the fact that persecution was unprofitable may explain the infrequency of these proceedings. The first Indian auto in the city of Mexico seems to have been held December 23, 1731, which was followed occasionally by others—bigamy, superstitions and idolatry being the common offences. In 1769 the Archbishop of Mexico published an Edict of Faith requiring denunciations of Indian practices to his Tribunal de Fe. This excited the indignation of the Inquisitors who vainly demanded its suppression and then appealed to the Suprema, probably with no better success.—Medina, pp. 371-8.

421 Recop. de las Indias, Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 26.

422 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 40, fol. 24; Libro 926, fol. 169.

423 Solorzani de Indiar. Gubern., Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 13.

424 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1157, fol. 66.

425 Ibidem, Libro 40, fol. 31.

426 Recop., Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 14. In 1626, however, Philip IV ordered them to be compelled to pay the alcavala or commutation of the tax of ten per cent. on all transactions like other subjects and, in the Concordia of 1633, the exemption from royal taxes and imposts was wholly withdrawn.—Ibidem, Lib. I, Tit. xix, leyes 15; 30, § 5.

427 MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hispan. 79, Leg. 1, fol. 1.

428 Recop., Lib. VI, Tit. xii, ley 42.

429 Recop., Lib. I, Tit. xix, leyes 10, 11, 12.—Solorzani de Ind. Gubern., Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 11.

430 Recop., Lib. I, Tit. xix, leyes 24, 25. In the earlier period of the colonial Inquisition, the inquisitors sometimes, as we have seen, held prebends in addition to their salaries, but this privilege was subsequently withdrawn, at the instance of the Council of Indies, on account of the poverty of the churches.—Solorzani, op. cit., Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 78.

431 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 54, 128, 139.
The canonries fell in gradually. October 24, 1636, the Suprema reports that up to that time, only those of Mexico, Puebla, Oaxaca and Guatemala, had become available, the aggregate revenues of which did not amount to the royal subvention. The tribunal had reported, January 23d, that a vacancy had occurred in the cathedral of Guadalajara and the king is urged to lose no time in ordering its suppression.—Ibidem, Lib. 21, fol. 67.
About the middle of the century the tribunal enjoyed canonries in Mexico, Puebla, Oaxaca, Chiapa, Yucatan, Guatemala, Mechoacan, Guadalajara and Manila. In Mexico the sees of Guadiana, Honduras and Nicaragua, and in the Philippines those of Cebu, Cagayan and Nueva Segovia were too poor, some of them not even having prebendaries, and the bishops were supported by the treasury.—Medina, p. 209.

432 MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

433 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 44.—Recop., Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 30, § 1.

434 Medina, p. 209.

435 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 85, 139. In these papers the Suprema had the hardihood to assert that the prebends were suppressed in order to enable the tribunals to meet expenses over and above the royal subvention for salaries, although all the documents show that the object was to relieve the treasury.

436 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 91, 103.

437 J. T. Medina, La Inquisicion en Cartagena de Indias, p. 310 (Santiago de Chile, 1899).

438 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 78.

439 Archivo de Simancas, Libro 40, fol. 57.

440 Ibidem, fol. 74. The Contratacion could furnish only the records of silver passing through it, which were always liable to seizure by the king. The great remittances of 1646 and 1648 were cautiously made in bills of exchange, and this was probably the rule.

441 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 77.

442 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 85, 139.
The letter-book of the tribunal from 1642 to 1649 is largely filled with minute instructions as to the sequestrations which accompanied arrests and the management of the property seized. Though called sequestration this was really confiscation for, without awaiting the conviction of the accused, the assets were converted into money as rapidly as possible, by auctions in which of course much was sacrificed. The proceedings were most arbitrary. In a letter of October 21, 1645, the commissioner at Vera Cruz is instructed as to some cocoa belonging to prisoners, either on hand or expected to arrive. Trains of pack-mules were to be seized, no matter under what engagements they might be, to hurry the goods to Mexico and no other cocoa was to be allowed to come, so that this might bring a better price. A few weeks earlier, on September 25th, orders were sent for the arrest of Captain Fernando Moreno of Miaguatlan (Oaxaca), who was claimed to be a debtor to the fisc. He was to be seized suddenly and hurried off, heavily ironed, to Mexico, while his property was taken possession of. He was engaged in large transactions of making advances to Indians for cotton yarn and cochineal and minute instructions were given as to gathering in the product of these advances, which would be an affair of time. All this work had to be gratuitous. When on one occasion a familiar and a notary charged for their labor, they were compelled to refund and were told that the honor of serving the Inquisition was sufficient payment.—MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

443 Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 150, p. 224.

444 Archivo de Simancas, Lib. 40, fol. 218, 328.

445 Archivo de Simancas, fol. 85, 139. In 1631 the vara, or wand of office of alguazil, was sold in Castile and, in 1634, the Suprema sought to extend this to the Colonies, under pretext of applying it to the repairs of the Castle of Triana, the home of the tribunal of Seville. The Council of Indies stoutly resisted it and a consulta of November 16, 1638, shows that the struggle was still going on (Ibidem, Libro 21, fol. 162). The Suprema finally won, but of course it absorbed the proceeds and the castle was repaired by means of the levy known as the Fabrica de Sevilla, which continued to be collected in the nineteenth century.
It is probable that the amount attributed to the sale of varas is largely exaggerated. In 1652 there came a remittance from Mexico of 2298 pesos, of which 1711 were the proceeds of sales and 587 for the media añata—a tax of half of the first year’s salary of those appointed to office (Ibidem, Lib. 40, fol. 295).

446 Obregon, op. cit., 1ª Serie, p. 188.

447 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 28, fol. 276.

448 Medina, pp. 213, 348, 379, 405.

449 Archivo de Simancas, Libro, 435, 2º.

450 Obregon, op. cit., 2º Serie, pp. 352-55. From 1601 to 1646 the only sanbenitos were—

1603. A Fleming relaxed for Calvinism, one Judaizer reconciled and one relaxed in effigy and two mulattos reconciled for heresy.

1605. An Irishman reconciled for Lutheranism and a Portuguese for Judaism. There were however 36 penitents in this auto of whom 21 were negroes and mulattos for blasphemy. When in 1605 the general pardon for Judaizers descended from Portuguese reached Mexico, there was only one to be liberated.—Medina, pp. 143, 146.

1606. A mulatto relaxed for administering sacraments without ordination. There was however another person guilty of the same offence, a married priest and a blasphemer.—Medina, p. 145.

1621. A German reconciled for Lutheranism.

1625. Three Judaizers reconciled.

1626 One Judaizer relaxed in effigy.

1630. Three Judaizers reconciled.

1635. Four Judaizers reconciled, one relaxed in person and four in effigy. This is evidently incomplete. Medina, p. 165, reports that in this auto there were twelve Judaizers reconciled and five effigies of the dead relaxed.

1636. One Judaizer relaxed in effigy.

451 Medina, pp. 146-50.

452 MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr. The cases reported consisted of

Judaism	22
Solicitation	12
Sorcery	8
Bigamy	4
Personating priesthood	4
Illuminism	2
Miscellaneous	11

453 Medina, p. 168.

454 MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

455 Medina, p. 169.

456

Solicitation in the confessional	14
Sorcery and divination	112
Consulting diviners	13
Judaism (besides 11 in Pernambuco)	41
Disregard of disabilities of descendants	8
Bigamy	4
Abuse of Inquisition by culprits	2
Remaining under excommunication for a year	4
Revealing confessions	1
Heretical blasphemy	6
Incest	1
Neglect of observances	5
Mental Prayer better than Oral	1
A little girl for breaking an arm of an image of Christ	1
A boy of 6, for making crosses on the ground, stamping on them and saying that he was a heretic	1
Priest saying 4 masses in one day	1
Personating official of Inquisition	1
Celebrating mass without ordination	2
Impeding the Inquisition	7
Insults to images	6
Concubinage better than marriage	3
Irregular fasting	1
Propositions	12
Various suspicious acts	1
Marriage better than Religious Life	1
Criticizing the Inquisition	1
Denying a debt due to the confiscated estate of a culprit	1
Marriage in Orders	1
For being the grandson of a man relaxed in Portugal	1
(MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.).

Nearly all the accusations of sorcery are of Indians, negroes or mulattos. A note states that the testifications against Indians are not indexed because the Inquisition has not jurisdiction over them.

457 The plant named Peyote had intoxicating and narcotic properties causing pipe-dreams and visions. It was largely used by diviners and was strictly prohibited by the Inquisition.

458 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 812; Cuenca, fol. 2.

459 MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

460 MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

461 Carta de 27 Nov. 1643 (MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.). These prisoners were all reconciled in the subsequent autos except three who died in prison and were relaxed in effigy.
For the individual offences of these inquisitors and their subordinates in cruelty, rapacity, embezzlement and licentiousness, as reported by the visitador Medina Rico, see Medina, pp. 261-2.

462 Medina, pp. 239.

463 Medina, pp. 181, 182.

464 Medina, p. 183.—El Museo Mexicano, Mexico, 1843, pp. 537 sqq. Reprinted also, with some abbreviation as an appendix to a translation of Féréal’s Mystères de la Inquisition, Mexico, 1850.

465 My copy of this scarce tract unfortunately lacks the title page, which I am thus unable to give. It was printed in Mexico in 1649.

466 In addition to those who appeared in the auto there were two women condemned to relaxation, Isabel Núñez and Leonor Vaz who, the night before in the prison, sought audience with the inquisitors, professed conversion, and were withdrawn. They were reconciled in church, April 21, with irremissible perpetual prison and sanbenito.
Besides the summary in the text, the list of sanbenitos for this year includes the names of Francisco López de Aponte, relaxed in person for atheism and Sebastian Alvares for obstinacy in various errors (Obregon, p. 372), but they are not in the official relation and, as they occur again in 1659 (p. 381), there is obviously an erroneous duplication.

467 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 38, fol. 96, 101.

468 When, in 1654, Medina Rico came as visitador, he found 1200 cases pending in suits against the fisc of the tribunal.—Medina, p. 212.

469 Medina, pp. 271-311.

470 Proceso contra Joseph Bruñon de Vertiz (MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.).
I have considered this curious case at greater length in “Chapters from the Religious History of Spain,” pp. 362-73.

471 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 189.

472 Obregon, op. cit., 2ª Serie, pp. 380-4.

473 Medina, pp. 328, 330.

474 In the auto of 1601 the priest Juan Plata appeared as a penitent and was suspended from orders for connivance in pretended revelations of a nun of the Puebla convent of St. Catherine of Siena. He was also a solicitante, having seduced her in the confessional, but this was studiously omitted from the sentence read.—Medina, op. cit., p. 125.

475 Oviedo y Valdés, Las Quinquagenas de la Nobleza de España, I, 383 (Madrid, 1880).—Concil. Mexican. I, ann. 1555, cap. lvii.—Mendieta, Hist. eccles. Indiana, Lib. IV, cap. xlv.

476 Medina, p. 54.

477 MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

478 “Que es delito muy reiterado en estas partes y muchos confesores hacen poquisimo caso dél.”—Medina, p. 162.

479 MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

480 Medina, p. 320.
In 1664 the tribunal asked to have its jurisdiction extended over unnatural crime and bestiality, which it described as exceedingly prevalent, especially in the Religious Orders, but the Suprema refused.—Ibidem, p. 321.
It was beyond the power of the Suprema to accede to this without a special papal delegation. In Spain this had been granted to the tribunals of the Kingdoms of Aragon, but not to those of Castile.

481 MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

482 Ibidem.

483 Biblioteca nacional de Madrid, Seccion de MSS., X, 157, fol. 240 (see Appendix).—Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hispan. 79.

484 These cases are derived from the Munich MS., last cited, entitled “Extractos de Causas [de] Familiares y Ministros que no son Oficiales que ay en la Camara del Secreto de la Inquisicion de Mexico en este presente año de 1716.”

485 E. N. Adler, The Inquisition in Peru (Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, No. 12).

486 J. T. Medina, Hist. de la Inquisicion de Cartagena p. 437. See, also, p. 278. Cf. Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 61, fol. 251.—MSS. of Library of University of Halle, Yc 17.

487 MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hispan. 79.

488 Solorzani de Indiar. Gubern., Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 16.

489 Medina, p. 315.

490 Solorzano, loc. cit., n. 61.

491 This prohibition was removed in the Concordia of 1633.

492 Recop. de las Indias, Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 29.
The vexatious petty tyranny in which the tribunal indulged is illustrated by the case of a law-student, Diego de Porras Villerías, about 1600, who was fined in 100 pesos and banished for a year because he refused to honor a requisition for two cartloads of lime for the prison which it was constructing.—Medina, p. 137.

493 Solorzani op. cit., Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 60.—MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hispan. 79.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 1, 60, 66 sqq.

494 Solorzano, loc. cit., n. 63-73.

495 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 17, fol. 1.

496 Munich, MSS., Cod. Hispan. 79.

497 Recop., Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 30.

498 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 199.

499 Munich MSS., Cod. Hispan. 79.

500 Medina, p. 323. Possibly this may explain his treasonable project of transferring the northern provinces of Mexico to France.

501 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 362.

502 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 946, fol. 282, 360, 400.—Por el Tribunal del S. Officio de Mexico sobre el Impedimiento que a puesto D. D. Matheo Sagade Bugueiro, Arzobispo de la dicha Ciudad (communicated by D. Fergusson Esqr.).

503 The visitador Medina Rico characterizes without reserve this unjustifiable action of the tribunal “sin causa, motivo, ni razon alguna, se introdujeron à inmensos procedimientos en la materia, y esto no con igualdad y justicia, sino con manifiesta pasion contra el dicho señor Obispo, su provisor, criados, allegados y afectos.” They represented to Viceroy Salvatierra “que era sospechoso en la fe y tizon ardiente del infierno y otras cosas gravisimas semejantes à las referidas.”—Medina, pp. 241, 242.

504 Obras de Juan de Palafox y Mendoza, Tom. I, Prolegom.; T. XI, pp. 241, 289, 328, 466-7 (Madrid, 1762). The fullest account, however, of the arbitrary proceedings of the Inquisition is contained in a letter, omitted for cause from his collected works, written from Chiapa, August 10, 1647, to the Inquisitor-general Arce y Reynoso. It was printed by Puigblanch, Cadiz, 1813, and by Medina, pp. 242-60.
It is worthy of note that at this time the Jesuits were laying the foundation of their curious autocratic empire of Paraguay, by a quarrel with Bernardino de Cardenas, Bishop of Asuncion, known as el Padre de los Indios. To prevent his visiting their missions they drove him by force of arms from his episcopal see. The struggle lasted from 1644 to 1660, when the Holy See decided in favor of the bishop.—Coleccion de Documentos tocantes á la Persecucion contra D. Fr. Bernardino de Cardenas, Madrid, 1768.

505 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 64.
We shall meet Archbishop Juan de Mañozca hereafter in his earlier capacity of Inquisitor of Cartagena, where he earned an infamous notoriety.

506 MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr. The sentence in this case is so unusual that I give the essential portion of it in the Appendix.

507 Medina, p. 266.

508 Gams, Series Episcoporum, s. vv.

509 Munich MSS., Cod. Hispan., 79.

510 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 940, fol. 2.

511 Páramo, p. 243.—Archivo de Simancas, Lib. 940, fol. 6.

512 MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

513 See the Author’s “Chapters from the Religious History of Spain,” p. 73.
There was no little scandal, in 1768, when it was discovered that the receiver of the tribunal, Vicente de las Heras Serrano, had sold for 850 pesos to the Licentiate Juan José Azpeitia a number of the prohibited books which had been seized. No great damage to the faith could have ensued if they were all like Milton’s Paradise Lost, for the possession of which a French surgeon, Carlos Loret, was forced to abjure and was banished to Spain.—Medina, p. 434.

514 MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.
A similar prohibition of the irreverent use of crosses and images is embodied in the Peruvian Edict of Faith of 1641.—Adler, The Inquisition in Peru (American Jewish Historical Society, No. 12).

515 Munich MSS., Cod. Hispan. 79. See “Chapters from Spain,” p. 86, for instructions to the commissioners in the performance of this duty.

516 Recop., Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 30.

517 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 20, fol. 10; Lib. 40, fol. 44.

518 MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

519 Munich MSS., Cod. Hispan. 79.

520 Note to Recop., Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 29. For further details as to this see below, under Peru.

521 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 28, fol. 272, 276.
Obregon (op. cit., p. 227) relates an anecdote of this period which would seem incompatible with the existing discredited position of the Inquisition. One Ash Wednesday, when the canons of the cathedral called upon the Marquis de Croix, as customary, to present him with ashes, he kept them waiting in his antechamber, to the intense indignation of those dignified personages. They complained to the inquisitors, who summoned the viceroy to appear before them. He obeyed, but he went attended by a guard and some pieces of artillery. He was haughtily received until he took out his watch and casually remarked that he hoped the audience would be brief for, if he was not back in the street in ten minutes, the cannon would open on the building and reduce it to ruins. The dignity of the inquisitors disappeared; they promptly dismissed him and were in agony as he leisurely sauntered forth.
If such an occurrence took place it is attributable with more verisimilitude to the period of the Marquis de Croix in Mexico than to the earlier time of the Marquis de Castelfuerte in Peru, of whom a precisely similar story is told, except that he gave the tribunal an hour for consideration. In his case the summons to appear is ascribed to his rough treatment of the Franciscans, July 5, 1731, when two of them were killed in a disturbance at the execution of Dr. Joseph de Antequera.—Palma, Añales de la Inquisicion de Lima, p. 184 (Madrid, 1898).

522 Medina, p. 338.

523 Ibidem, pp. 339-45.

524 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 81.

525 Medina, pp. 358-63.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 81.

526 Medina, pp. 365, 388.

527 Ibidem, pp. 396, 432.

528 Medina, pp. 387, 397-405.

529 Obregon, op. cit., 2ª Serie, pp. 389, 392-3.
Lizardi’s troubles did not end with the extinction of the Inquisition. In 1822 he issued a defence of Free-Masonry which excited clerical wrath. In Puebla, a priest, after arousing the people with his sermons, headed a mob which broke into a printer’s shop, carried off the obnoxious books and made an auto de fe of them, leading to a tumult in which three men were killed and a number were wounded. About the same time Lizardi was obliged to appeal to the Córtes for protection against his public excommunication by the archiepiscopal provisor.—El Sol, pp. 122, 146, 152 (Mexico, 1822).

530 I owe to the late General Don Vicente Riva Palacio the documents in this matter.

531 Obregon, op. cit., 2ª Serie, p. 393.

532 Note to Recop., Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 1. Cf. Lib. III, Tit. i, ley 2.

533 See in Appendix the Edict of January 26, 1811. Also Obregon, 2ª Serie, p. 393.

534 Proceso contra Dr. Pedro Mendizabal, fol. 13 (MS. penes me).

535 I owe the following details to a transcript of his trial, made from the original in 1865 by Don José María Lafragua and kindly communicated to me by David Fergusson Esqr.

536 The learned Dominican Jacques Augustin Serry’s Historia Congregationum de Auxiliis, issued also under the pseudonym of Augustin Leblanc, appeared in 1700 and was promptly condemned in Spain in 1701 (Index of 1707, I, 776), but is not on the Roman Index. His Exercitationes de Christo ejusque V. Matre are in both Indexes. For a Jesuit opinion of the former work see Father Colonia’s Bibliothèque Janseniste, p. 186 (Ed. 1735).
María de Agreda was a Spanish mystic of the seventeenth century whom Spain has repeatedly, up to modern times, endeavored to get canonized.

537 These comprehensive excommunications led to a result not particularly creditable to the Church. A writer in 1822 calls attention to the fact that, while the leading insurgents who were captured were formally reconciled before they were shot, the mass of the people, who had never paid any attention to the censures, were freely received to the sacraments without having been absolved.—El Sol, México, Feb. 27, 1822, p. 107.

538 See Appendix. One of the insurgent proclamations shows the savage character of the warfare. It sets forth the terms and conditions of the struggle of which the following may serve as a specimen—

4. The European who resists with arms will be put to the sword.

5. When threatened with siege or battle, before commencing we will put to the sword the numerous Europeans in our hands and will then abide the fortunes of war.

6. The American who defends a European with arms will be put to the sword. Thus was justified the execution of Hidalgo and his chiefs. Whatever sympathy we may feel for the cause, we must admit that the cruelty marking the strife was equally shared and that the fate of Maximilian was foreshadowed.

539 In estimating the veracity of this curious tale, we must bear in mind that both Fernando VII and Pius VII were at the time prisoners of Napoleon. There was, it is true, a Spanish Regency and the Córtes of Cádiz which used the royal name, but it is inconceivable that, even if it had access to the pope, it would have taken such a precaution at a time when there was no anticipation of rebellion in the colonies.

540 Medina, pp. 456-61.

541 Ibidem, pp. 461, 463.

542 Coleccion de Cédulas etc. de Fernando VII, pp. 8, 85 (Valencia, 1814).

543 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libros 877, 890.

544 Medina, pp. 467-9.

545 Medina, pp. 469-70.

546 Ibidem, pp. 479-92.

547 The following details of the trial of Morelos are derived from a report, accompanied by the documents, made by Flores to the Suprema, November 27 and December 29, 1815. It is in the archives of Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 49, Legajo 1473.—See also Medina, pp. 513-45.

548 The Constitution of Nov. 22, 1814, which based all government on the will of the people clearly came under the edict of August, 1808, which denounced the doctrine of popular sovereignty as manifest heresy. For the same reason the Constitution of Cádiz was heretical.

549 See Appendix.

550 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 559.

551 Obregon, 2ª Serie, p. 395. Mier’s crowning offence was a book with the suggestive title “Informe y Pedimento Fiscal presentado por los Locos ante el Supremo Tribunal de la Razon humana.”—Archivo histórico nacional de Madrid, Inquisicion de Valencia, Legajo 100.
He escaped to the United States and returned to Mexico in 1822, when he was imprisoned by Dávila, Governor of the castle of San Juan de Ulua, but was speedily released.—El Sol, p. 117 (Mexico, 1822).

552 Medina, p. 505.

553 Archivo hist. nacional de Madrid, Inquisicion, Legajo 6462, Cuaderno 1, fol. 68; Cuaderno 2, fol. 2.

554 Defensa del Editor de la Obra titulada los Misterios de la Inquisicion, México, 1850.

555 J. T. Medina, El Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion en las Islas Filipinas, pp. 16, 28-9 (Santiago de Chile, 1899).

556 Medina, op. cit., pp. 17-28, 30-1, 36-8, 141-51.

557 Instruccion que han de guardar los Comisarios, n. 16, 17, 18, 30.

558 Medina, op. cit., pp. 178-9, 181-2.

559 Ibidem, pp. 38-9.

560 Medina, op. cit., pp. 42-3.
We have seen above (p. 243) that, in the list of cases of solicitation pending before the Mexican tribunal in the years 1622-3-4, there were seven from Manila. Of these, as we chance to learn from other documents, three, Fray Domingo Fernández, Fray Melchor de Manzano and Fray Martin de la Anunciacion, were all denounced, by different women, on March 31, 1622, to Fray Miguel de San Jacinto, commissioner for the province of New Segovia. As that day was the Thursday after Easter, this was probably the result of confessing to a rigid confessor who refused absolution until denunciation should be made. Another one was Padre Pedro Ramírez, S. J., denounced to the Manila commissioner, Fray Domingo González, Aug. 16, 1622.
The comparative infrequency of Jesuit culprits may perhaps be partially explained by a remarkable precaution adopted by the Society. A deposition under oath, Jan. 20, 1625, made in the Philippines by Padre Baltasar de Silva, states that experienced and trustworthy women, whom they called syndics, were employed to confess to Jesuits and tempt them to a certain point. The result was reported to the rector and if one was found to respond to the advances, he was transferred to some other place before he reached the point of himself soliciting. The Order looked with aversion on the requirement of denunciation to the Inquisition and took this method of averting it. In Manila, about 1605, one of these syndics was Doña Mariana Garvi, who was succeeded by Doña María Marmolejo.—MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

561 Medina, op. cit., pp. 48-50.

562 Medina, op. cit., pp. 53-4.

563 Ibidem, pp. 33-4.

564 El Museo Mexicano, 1843, p 361.

565 Medina, op. cit., pp. 59-66.

566 Fray Juan de la Concepcion, Historia general de Philipinas, T. IX, pp. 202-4.

567 Medina, op. cit., pp. 151-4.

568 Medina, op. cit., pp. 141-51.

569 Ibidem, pp. 161-3.

570 Juan de la Concepcion, XIV, 81-107.—Buzeta, Diccionario de las Islas Filipinas, I, 395 (Madrid, 1850).

571 MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hisp. 79.

572 Juan de la Concepcion, V, 276, 278. Puigblanch (La Inquisicion sin Mascara, Cádiz, 1811, p. 402) is in error in attributing the persecution of Archbishop Guerrero to the Inquisition and has misapprehended Palafox’s allusion to it. In both cases it was the Jesuits acting through jueces conservadores, who, by a monstrous abuse, assumed to exercise full papal powers, but in Mexico the Inquisition was with them and in Manila it was against them.
The ecclesiastics had full revenge on Governor Corcuera when, in 1644, he was succeeded by Diego Fajardo. In fortifying Manila against an expected attack by the Dutch, his lines ran through an Augustinian convent. He offered the frailes another house, but they refused to move and he tore down the building about their ears. When out of office they prosecuted him and obtained a verdict of 25,000 pesos. He must have been a rarely honest governor, for he was unable to pay it and they kept him in harsh gaol for five years. On his liberation, Philip IV appointed him Governor of the Canaries.—Concepcion, VI, 185-93.

573 Medina, op. cit., p. 46.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 21, fol. 154.

574 Juan de la Concepcion, VI, 316.

575 Medina, op. cit., pp. 84-6.

576 Medina, op. cit., pp. 87-130.—MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hispan. 79.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 209, 249. It is perhaps worth remarking that Juan de la Concepcion makes no allusion to this episode, so prominent in the history of the Colony and so little creditable to his Augustinian Order.

577 Medina, op. cit., pp. 156-7.

578 MS., penes me.

579 Medina, Inquisicion en las Provincias del Plata, pp. 43-7.
Thanks to the researches of native scholars there is ample material for the history of the South American Inquisition. The most prominent of these gentlemen is Don José Toribio Medina who has gathered a wealth of documents in the Spanish archives on which are based the works to which I am principally indebted. These are:
“Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de Lima (1569-1820).” 2 vols., 8vo, Santiago de Chile, 1887.
“Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion en Chile.” 2 vols., 8vo, Santiago de Chile, 1890.
“El Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion en las Provincias del Plata.” 1 vol., 8vo, Santiago de Chile, 1900.
“Historia del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de Cartagena de las Indias.” 1 vol., 12mo, Santiago de Chile, 1899.
Don Ricardo Palma of Lima has contributed a useful compendium—“Añales de la Inquisicion de Lima,” Lima, 1863. Third edition, Madrid, 1897.
Don Vicuña Mackenna has given some exceedingly curious details of the procedure of the tribunal in his “Francisco Moyen ó lo que fué la Inquisicion en América,” Valparaiso, 1868, of which an English translation by Dr. James W. Duffy appeared in London in 1869.
Various relations of autos de fe have been reprinted in the “Documentos Literarios del Perú,” Tomo VII, Lima, 1876.
Unfortunately, the main source of information, the records of the tribunal itself, are no longer available. They were preserved almost intact, at the suppression in 1820, and were lodged in the Archivo nacional, in the convent of San Agustin, but were dispersed in 1881 when Lima was occupied by the Chilian army. Before this event, through the kindness of Doctor Paz-Soldan, I procured copies of some interesting documents, referred to in the following pages under the old numbers. The Spanish archives have also furnished me some material.

580 Medina, Inquisicion de Lima, II, 469-73.

581 Ibidem, I, 26; La Plata, I, 16-18.

582 Concil. Limens. Provin. I, Act. II, cap. 1; Act. V, cap. 1 (Haroldus, Lima Limata, pp. 5, 42).

583 Medina, La Plata, 19.

584 Medina, La Plata, pp. 21-41, 85-111.
Another distinguished conquistador, Felipe de Cáceres, was prosecuted by Pedro Fernández de la Torre, Bishop of la Plata, who carried him to Spain, about 1580, but died on the passage and Cáceres was delivered to the tribunal of Seville.—Ibidem, p. 116.

585 Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Exped^te 5270.

586 Medina, Lima, I, 173-177, 179-80.—Archivo nacional de Lima, ubi sup.

587 Medina, Lima, II, 424.

588 Medina, Lima, I, 2-4.

589 Medina, Lima, I, 6-18.—See also Elkan N. Adler, The Inquisicion in Peru (Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, No. 12), who prints a translation of the special instructions of the Suprema.

590 Medina, Lima, I, 29-31.

591 Medina, Lima, I, 49-55.

592 Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Exped^te 5270.—Palma, Añales, 8-11.—Medina, Lima, I, 6.

593 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 23.

594 Archivo de Simancas, loc. cit.

595 Medina, Lima, I, 5.—Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 228, Exp^te 5289.

596 Archivo de Lima, Protocolo 223, Exp^te 5270.—Medina, Lima, I, 301-18.

597 Medina, La Plata, p. 57.—Archivo de Lima, ubi sup.

598 Medina, Chile, I, 363, 365.—Archivo nacional de Lima, ubi sup.

599 Medina, Lima, I, 172; II, 58.—Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 228, Exp^te 5287; Protocolo 223, Exp^te 5270.

600 The prosecution, about 1580, of Fray Andres Vélez, Provincial of San Domingo, shows that the islands were subject to the Lima tribunal.—Archivo de Lima, Protocolo 223, Exp^te 5270.

601 Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Exp^te 5270.

602 Archivo nacional de Lima, ubi sup.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 23.

603 Medina, Lima, I, 204-223; La Plata, 62-3, 113.

604 Medina, Lima, I, 261; La Plata, 113-15.

605 Medina, La Plata, p. 116.

606 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 45, fol. 210.

607 Medina, La Plata, pp. 200-7.

608 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 20, fol. 46.

609 Ibidem, fol. 66.

610 Medina, La Plata, pp. 207-8. I give the date as printed but think it probable that a typographical error has converted 1630 to 1636.

611 Medina, La Plata, pp. 209-14; Lima, I, 331.

612 Medina, La Plata, pp. 215-24; Lima, I, 332.

613 Medina, Lima, I, 2. Vicuña Mackenna asserts (Francisco Moyen, p. 112) that Philip granted the tribunal a dotation which produced an annual revenue of 32,817 pesos, 3½ reales, but this is a self-evident error, probably based on the king’s assertion to Urban VIII that he spent 32,000 ducats a year on the three tribunals of Mexico, Lima and Cartagena.

614 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 40, fol. 20, 21, 54, 91.—Medina, Lima, I, 187.—Archivo nacional de Lima, ubi sup.

615 Archivo nacional de Lima, ubi sup.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 40, fol. 30.

616 Archivo nacional de Lima, ubi sup.—Medina, Lima, I, 202.

617 Medina, Lima, I, 47-9, 188-95, 200, 304.

618 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 40, fol. 34, 35, 36, 54.—Recop. Lib. I, Tit. xix, ll. 10, 11, 12.—Solorzani de Indiar. Gubernat., Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 11.

619 In the chapter of Santiago de Chile, one of the canons, Francisco Navarro, soon after the arrival of the royal order suppressing a prebend, withdrew to the convent of San Francisco. It was claimed that his retirement vacated the benefice; the matter was referred to the king who decided, by a decree of August 31, 1635, that this was the case. The canons adopted the favorite device of obeying without executing and were supported by the Audiencia, much to the disgust of the Dean, Tomas de Santiago, who was commissioner of the Inquisition. Meanwhile another of the canons, Gerónimo Salvatierra, died and the question was finally settled by a royal order of April 6, 1638, pronouncing the vacated prebend to be that of Salvatierra.
Commissioner Santiago had become violently inimical to some of the canons in the course of this dispute and undertook to gratify his revenge, when Manuel Bautista Pérez of Lima was burnt and his property was confiscated. One of his debtors to the amount of 2000 pesos was a prominent merchant of Santiago, Pedro Martínez Gago, whose property was seized by Santiago; some of the canons were indebted to him for trifling amounts and Santiago persecuted them. The quarrel assumed portentous dimensions through the violence of his proceedings and liberal use of excommunication, when a new bishop Fray Gaspar de Villaroel, made his appearance, and undertook to reduce Santiago to submission. In this he disregarded all the immunities of the Inquisition and, being supported by the civil power and the judiciary, he vindicated his episcopal supremacy by arresting the contumacious commissioner and imprisoning him in chains. Santiago boldly strove to make head against the united secular and ecclesiastical power of the province, but was finally forced to submit. Villaroel does not seem to have suffered for his audacity. In 1651 he was transferred to the see of Arequipa and in 1658 he became Archbishop of la Plata. When he died there, in 1665, his whole fortune was found to consist of six reales.—Mackenna, La Revista de Buenos Aires, Mayo, 1870, p. 102.

620 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 40, fol. 46.

621 Ibidem, fol. 54.

622 Archivo de Simancas Inq., Libro 21, fol. 72.

623 Medina, Lima, II, 165-66.

624 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 36, fol. 74.

625 Archivo de Simancas Inquisicion, Libro 21, fol. 261.

626 Medina, Lima, II, 48, 167.

627 Ibidem, 166.

628 Medina, Lima, II, 167.

629 Ibidem, 251.

A statement of expenses for 1681 shows:

Salaries of fourteen officials			pesos	23,528.0
Yearly	remittance	to the Suprema	9,926.3
“	“	to its Secretary	496.2
“	“	to two other secretaries and two clerks at 275	1,100.0
			——	11,522.5
Maintenance of poor prisoners				850.0
Extraordinary expenses				2,800.0
Expenses of the cámara del secreto				250.0
				38,950.5
Spent in seven years on the houses of inquisitors				7,000.0
In giving this Medina (pp. 252-3) calls attention to the fact that in this enumeration are not included the salaries of a number of other officials mentioned by the receiver, as follows:
A third secretary				1000
Notario del juzgado				1400
Contador				200
Juez de los bienes confiscados				1000
Advocate of prisoners				200
Steward				300
Solicitador				100
Barber				100
				4300
There is significance in the annual payments to the secretaries of the Suprema whose good will might at any moment be useful.

630 MSS. of White Library, Cornell University, n. 616, fol. 65.

631 Medina, Chile, II, 396; Lima, II, 315-19, 326, 331, 352-3.—Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 225, Exp^te 5278.—Memorias de los Vireyes, IV, 490.
A salutary regulation required each viceroy, at the expiration of his term, to draw up an account of his experience and of the condition of affairs for the benefit of his successor. These, so far as recovered, were printed at Lima in 1859, under the title of Memorias de los Vireyes.

632 Medina, Lima, II, 382-3.

633 Mackenna, p. 116.—Medina, Lima, II, 392.—Memorias de los Vireyes, VI, 51.

634 Medina, Lima, I, 44, 47, 204, 223.

635 Medina, Lima, I, 223-47, 251. After Villar’s term was ended, in 1590, the inquisitors prosecuted his secretary, Juan Bello, because, when some one insisted on having certain papers, Bello exclaimed impatiently that he could not have them even if God wished it, and also because he had said that he would rather have to do with demons than with the frailes.—Ibidem, p. 258.

636 Ibidem, p. 217.

637 Medina, Lima, I, 262, 264, 274, 277-80, 282.

638 Medina, Lima, I, 283-6.

639 Ibidem, pp. 327-8.

640 Medina, Lima, I, 301, 313-17.

641 Ibidem, pp. 317-18.

642 Medina, Lima, I, 301-3.

643 Ibidem, I, 329, 348.

644 Ibidem, II, 5.

645 Medina, Lima, II, 14-15.

646 Ibidem, p. 16, 76-8.

647 Medina, Lima, II, 253; Cartagena, pp. 343-44.

648 Medina, Lima, II, 212-14.

649 Ibidem, pp. 283, 285.

650 Medina, Lima, II, 311-14, 317.—Joseph Bermudez de la Torre y Solier, Triunfos del S. Oficio Peruano, Lima, 1737.—Palma, p. 107.

651 Medina, Lima, II, 318-19.

652 Medina, Lima, II, 319.

653 Medina, Lima, II, 320-22.

654 Ibidem, pp. 322-26.

655 Medina, Lima, II, 326-8, 331, 353-6.—Memorias de los Vireyes, IV, 69-72, 490-91.—Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 225, Exp^tes 5276, 5278.
It is to the credit of Arenaza that, in the earthquake of 1746, which ruined the buildings of the Inquisition, the prisoners were rescued by his efforts, he himself sustaining injury and one of his servants being killed.—Medina, II, 331.

656 Medina, Lima, II, 384-6, 398.
W. B. Stevenson, Secretary to Lord Cochrane, who was brought before the tribunal in 1813, shortly before the decree of suppression was received, gives a vivid description of Zalduegui—“I knew the inquisitors—but how changed from what at other times I had seen them! The pursy swarthy Abarca, in the centre, scarcely half filling his chair of state—the fat monster Zalduegui on his left, his corpulent paunch being oppressed by the arms of his chair, and blowing through his nostrils like an over-fed porpoise—the fiscal, Sobrino, on his right, knitting his black eye-brows and striving to produce in his unmeaning face the semblance of wisdom.”—Twenty Years’ Residence in South America, I, 264 (London, 1825).

657 Hoyo, Relacion del auto de fe de 20 Dic. de 1694 (Lima, 1695).

658 Medina, Lima, II, 183-5.

659 Recop. de las Indias, Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 2.

660 Medina, Lima, I, 181.

661 Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 228, Exp^te 5287 (see Appendix).

662 Medina, Lima, I, 263, 285-6, 290-2.

663 Medina, Lima, II, 444.

664 Ibidem, 444, 449.

665 Medina, Lima, II, 454.

666 Memorias de los Vireyes, IV, 487.

667 Bibl. nacional de Madrid, Seccion de MSS., R, 102, fol. 169.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 27, fol. 90, 106.—Memorias de los Vireyes, III, 85.

668 Nueva Recopilacion, Lib. I, Tit. x, ley 10, n. 5.

669 Bibl. nacional de Madrid, MSS., R, 102.—MSS. of Archivo nacional de Lima, Legajo 225, Expediente 5278.—Memorias de los Vireyes del Perú, III, 86-93.

670 Memorias de los Vireyes, III, 94-100.

671 Memorias de los Vireyes, IV, 73-6, 300.

672 Memorias de los Vireyes, IV, 300-2; V, 50.

673 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 39, Legajo 52.—Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 225, Exped^te 5278.

674 For the large part played in South American sorcery by coca see Granada, Reseña de antiguas y modernas Supersticiones del Río de la Plata, pp. 26, 30, 201, 208-9, 498, 501, 578 (Montevideo, 1896).

675 Medina, Lima, II. 35-41, 357.

676 Medina, La Plata, pp. 129-37; Lima, I, 311; II, 45, 225, 273.

677 Medina, Lima, I, 139, 147, 188-95; La Plata, 122.—Palma, Añales, p. 51.

678 Medina, La Plata, pp. 122-5.

679 Ibidem, pp. 125-6.

680 Medina, Lima, I, 313; II, 474-8.

681 Medina, La Plata, p. 266; Lima, II, 307, 381.

682 Medina, Lima, I, 57-117.

683 Ibidem, II, 34-5.

684 Ibidem, pp. 27, 28, 30.

685 Hoyo, Relacion del Auto de Fe de 20 Diz. 1694, fol. 54 (Lima, 1695).

686 Hoyo, Relacion, fol. 2, 3, 34, 36, 38, 39, 43, 44, 45, 48.—Medina, Lima, II 258.

687 Hoyo, fol. 16, 27, 28, 40, 42.

688 Ibidem, fol. 17, 18, 39.

689 Palma, p. 67.

690 Hoyo, fol. 8, 9, 11, 49-50.

691 Hoyo, fol. 50-1.

692 Ibidem, fol. 51-3.

693 Medina, Lima, II, 262.

694 Medina Lima, II, 262, 264.—Index Prohib. et Expurg., 1747, I, 124. The title of Sartolo’s book was “Vida admirable y muerte prodigioso de Nicolás de Ayllon y con nombre mas que curioso Nicolás de Dios, natural de Clayo en las Indias del Perú.” Madrid, 1684.

695 Medina, Lima, II, 241.

696 Medina, Chile, II, 276-356, 450.—Bermudez de la Torre, Triunfos del Santo Oficio Peruano, Lima, 1737.

697 Medina, Chile, II, 388-91, 442-8.

698 Medina, Chile, II, 450-61.

699 Medina, Lima, I, 150-6, 257.

700 Ibidem, II, 29, 287, 310, 375.

701 Archivo nacional de Lima.

702 Medina, Chile, I, 363.

703 Medina, Lima, I, 157; Chile, I, 359.

704 Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 228, Exp^te 5287.

705 Medina, La Plata, pp. 117-19.

706 Medina, Lima, I, 296-8.

707 Medina, Chile, I, 371-80.

708 Medina, Chile, I, 381; Lima, I, 305-7.

709 Medina, Chile, I, 385-90. The question as to the ownership of confiscations made on heretic prisoners was a nice one. When some Englishmen were captured in Vallano the tribunal laid claim to the gold that was taken with them. How the dispute was settled does not appear.—Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Exp^te 5270.

710 Medina, Lima, II, 33; Chile I, 366, 369.

711 Recop., Lib. VII, Tit. v, ley 29.

712 Medina, Lima, I, 29.

713 Ibidem, p. 157.—Palma, Añales, p. 21.

714 Medina, Lima, I, 297.—Palma, p. 49.

715 Medina, Lima, I, 305, 307-10.

716 Ibidem, I, 321-23.

717 Medina, Lima, I, 337-9. It must be borne in mind in all these cases that “reconciliation” to the Church entailed confiscation and was usually accompanied with other penalties more or less severe according to the record of the culprit and the readiness with which he had confessed and recanted as indicative of the sincerity of his conversion. There might be prison and sanbenito for a term or for life, scourging or the galleys.

718 Ibidem, p. 341, 347.

719 Palma, Añales, p. 31.

720 Medina, La Plata, 155-61.

721 Ibidem, 164-66.

722 Medina, Lima, II, 27-31.

723 Pablo de Santa María was originally the Rabbi Selemoh Ha-Levi, one of the most learned of Jewish doctors. Converted in 1390, he rose to be regent of Spain in the minority of Juan II, papal legate a latere and bishop successively of Cartagena and Búrgos. His book was regarded as convincing and was repeatedly printed. Two editions appeared in Strassburg about 1471 and my copy is of Búrgos, 1591.

724 Medina, La Plata, pp. 172-97; Lima, II, 146.—See also a paper by George Alexander Kohut in Publications of the Am. Jewish Historical Society, XI, 163 (1903).

725 Medina, Lima, II, 47-168, 176. Medina prints the Relation of the auto by Fernando Montesinos. A brief abstract of it is given by Pellicer, Avisos históricos, under date of Feb. 7, 1640 (Valladares, Semanario erúdito, XXXI, 129).

726 Medina, Lima, II, 169, 175, 177-8.—Palma, Añales, p. 41.

727 Palma, Añales, pp. 38-9.

728 Medina, Lima, II, 189-90.

729 Medina, Lima, II, 276-80.

730 Bermudez de la Torre, Triunfos del Santo Oficio Peruano, fol. 59-60, 154-55, 178.—Palma, Añales, pp. 105-6.—Medina, Lima, II, 312.

731 Medina, Lima, II, 336, 341-52.

732 Ibidem, p. 378.

733 Palma, Añales, pp. 14-19.

734 Bermudez de la Torre, Triunfos, pp. 136-57, 172-78.

735 Palma, Añales, p. 139.

736 Barnuevo de Peralta, Relacion del Auto de 1733, Lima, 1733.

737 Bermudez de la Torre, Triunfos, fol. 146, 152.

738 Mackenna, Francisco Moyen, passim.—Palma, Añales, pp. 129-32.—Medina, Lima, II, 374.

739 Medina, Lima, I, 5, 172, 330; II, 368.

740 Medina, Lima, II, 249.

741 Memorias de los Vireyes, IV, 472.

742 Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 225, Exp^te 5278.

743 Memorias de los Vireyes, V, 85.

744 Medina, La Plata, II, 256.

745 Stevenson, Twenty Years in South America, I, 269.

746 Palma, Añales, p. 176, 210.

747 Stevenson, Twenty Years in South America, I, 261-67.

748 Stevenson, op. cit., I, 267-74.—Medina, Lima, II, 398.

749 Medina, Lima, II, 400.

750 Palma, Añales, p. 211.

751 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1473.

752 Ibidem, Libro 559.

753 Palma, Añales, p. 213.

754 Archivo nacional de Lima, Inventarios Originales, No. 1.

It may be of interest to put on record the personnel of the tribunal and the salaries at the moment of extinction:

	Pesos.	Reales.	Mrs.
Inquisidor mas antiguo Cristóval de Ortegon	4962	9	30
Inquisidor Anselmo Pérez de la Canal (at ¾ of salary as ordered by Suprema)	3722	3	14
Do. fiscal José Mariano de Larrea (Do.—but with 148 additional as Juez de los bienes)	3870	3	6
Jubilado Dean Pedro Zalduegui (at ¼ salary)	1240	6	16
Jubilado Inquisidor José Ruiz Sobrino (Do.)	1240	6	16
Secretario del Secreto Manuel de Arizcurrunaga	1700
Do. Franco de Echavarria Momediano	1700
Do. Ramon del Valle	1700
Do. Carlos Delgado (at ½ salary)	850
Do. Jubilado Pablo de la Torre (Do.)	850
Secretario de Secuestros Jacinto Jimeno	1000
Receptor-general Carlos Lizon, 1900, together with 250 for collecting rents	2150
Contador Ildefonso Gereda	500
Abogado del Fisco Manuel de la Fuente y Chaves	350
Procurador del Fisco Mariano González	300
Alcaide de Carceles J. Baut. de Barnechea	900
Nuncio A. D. Eustaquio	830
Portero de Camara Manuel Leon	500
Ministro de vara Teodoro Marino	50
	28,417	5	14

In addition Teodoro Marino is ordered to receive 33 pesos 2½ reales for four months’ service as portero at the rate of 100 pesos per annum. Also there is a salary of forty reales per month as sweeper, divided between Fray Manuel Bahamonde and Fray Manuel Tinoco, who are each to receive five pesos for the months of July and August. The peso, or piece of eight reales, is the Spanish dollar.

755 Medina, Lima, II, 466-7.

756 José Manuel Groot, Historia eclesiastica y civil de Nueva Granada, I, 1, 7, 98 (Bogotá, 1869-71).

757 J. A. García y García, Relaciones de los Vireyes del Nuevo Reyno de Granada, pp. xvi-xix (New York, 1869).

758 Groot, I, 84, 504.

759 J. T. Medina, Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de Cartagena de las Indias, pp. 19-23, 430 (Santiago de Chile, 1899).

760 Ibidem, pp. 27, 29.

761 Ibidem, p. 423.

762 Medina, pp. 37-41.

763 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 45, fol. 182.

764 Medina, p. 434.

765 Medina, p. 46.

766 Medina, p. 433.

767 Ibidem, pp. 155, 163.

768 MSS. of Library of University of Halle, Yc, 17.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 60, fol. 352; Lib. 61, fol. 524, 534.
It does not seem that the tribunal of Cartagena had any part in a curious attempt to introduce the Inquisition into Louisiana, which was ceded to Spain by the Treaty of Paris in 1762. The disaffected colonists drove out their new masters in 1768, but were subdued the next year by O’Reilly. In 1772 the Governor, Don Luis de Unzaga, in a report to the Bishop of Havana, said “It is not the practice here to force any one to submit to the Church, and the process of excommunication is held in utter abomination.” This toleration continued and, in 1789, the Governor Estevan Miró was surprised to receive from Fray Antonio de Sedella—one of a band of Spanish Capuchins who had been sent to New Orleans in 1772—a communication stating that, in a letter of December 5th, he had received from the proper authority a commission as commissioner of the Inquisition, with instructions to perform his duties with the utmost zeal and fidelity; that, having made his investigations with the greatest secrecy and precaution, he notified the governor that, in execution of his instructions, he might soon, at some late hour of the night, deem it necessary to require some guards to assist him in his operations. That same night, April 29th, he was aroused from sleep to find at his door an officer with a file of grenadiers, when he thanked them and said that he had no use for them that night. To his astonishment he was told that he was under arrest; he was hurried on board a vessel which sailed the next day for Cádiz, and the Inquisition was nipped in the bud. Miró seems to have been called upon for an explanation, for in a despatch of June 3d he declared that he shuddered when he read Sedella’s note. He had been ordered to foster immigration from the United States, under pledge of no molestation on account of religion, and the mere name of the Inquisition in New Orleans would not only check immigration but would be capable of driving away those who had come, and, in spite of his action with Sedella, he dreaded the most fatal consequences from the mere suspicion of the causes of his dismissal. His justification seems to have been accepted, for the attempt was abandoned.—Gayarré, History of Louisiana. The Spanish Domination, pp. 56, 69, 269-71 (New York, 1854).—Fortier, History of Louisiana, II, 62, 140, 327.
It may be assumed that the motive of commissioning Sedella was rather political than religious. The uprising in France was calling for active measures by the Inquisition in Spain to keep out revolutionary principles; Louisiana was French and its loyalty to Spain was doubtful, so that the Inquisition would be useful both as a source of information and an instrument of repression.

769 Medina, pp. 42-50, 76.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 23.

770 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 51.

771 Medina, pp. 82-96.

772 Medina, pp. 100-1.

773 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 30, fol. 180.

774 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 30, fol. 178.

775 Medina, pp. 211-19, 225-6.

776 Medina, pp. 118-19.

777 Ibidem, pp. 158-9.

778 Ibidem, pp. 175-94.

779 Medina, pp. 222-7.

780 Groot, II, 473. This is not strictly correct. After an interval of many years, Inquisitor Valera published the edict in Lent, 1684, when it brought in denunciations which doubled the number of cases in hand (Medina, p. 308). Probably this was the last until the nineteenth century.

781 Medina, pp. 346-51, 364.—Groot, I, 331-6.

782 Medina, pp. 369-70.

783 Medina, pp. 358, 371.

784 Medina, pp. 359-61.

785 Ibidem, pp. 374-6.

786 Ibidem, p. 378.

787 Medina, pp. 379-80, 390.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 25, fol. 52.

788 Medina, pp. 380-6.

789 Ibidem, pp. 387-9. During the suppression of the Inquisition, it was reprinted and largely circulated, forming the subject of a severe edict in 1814 (Ibid., p. 390).

790 Ibidem, p. 390.—Suplemento al Indice Expurgatorio, p. 10 (Madrid, 1805).—Index Pii PP. VII, p. 53 (Romæ, 1819).

791 Medina, pp. 74-8, 80.

792 Medina, pp. 129-31.

793 Ibidem, p. 134.

794 Medina, pp. 135-45.

795 Ibidem, pp. 103, 154-55.

796 Ibidem, p. 112.

797 Medina, pp. 146-9, 160.

798 Ibidem, pp. 152-3.

799 Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Inquisicion, Leg. 621, fol. 26.

800 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 20, fol. 59.

801 Medina, pp. 201-3,—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 20, fol. 177, 299.

802 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 61, fol. 51; Lib. 21, fol. 8.—Medina, pp. 204, 207.

803 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 21, fol. 82, 88, 196.

804 Medina, pp. 233-7.

805 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 61, fol. 270.—Medina, pp. 238-9.

806 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 122.

807 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 61, fol. 130.

808 Medina, pp. 239-45, 247-8, 257.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 61, fol. 130, 270.

809 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 61, fol. 164, 175.

810 Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 61, fol. 251.

811 Medina, pp. 249-50.

812 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 31; Lib. 61, fol. 251.

813 Medina, pp. 260-1.

814 Ibidem, pp. 250-59.

815 Medina, pp. 261-3.

816 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 61, fol. 251.

817 Medina, pp. 263-5.

818 Medina, pp. 280-88.

819 Medina, pp. 297-301.

820 Medina, pp. 302-5.

821 Of this quarrel we have two accounts. That of Sr. Medina (pp. 311-24), drawn from the records of the Inquisition, is naturally favorable to Valera. The other side is given by Groot (I, 286-306; II, 584) from a MS. relation. I have endeavored to elicit the truth from the conflicting statements.

822 MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.—Medina, p. 324.

823 Cuaderno de Cumplimientos, fol. 62 (MSS. of White Library, Cornell University).

824 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 352.

825 MSS. of the Library of the Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.

826 Medina, pp. 365-7.

827 Ibidem, p. 368.

828 Ibidem, pp. 372-6.

829 Medina, p. 157.

830 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 20, fol. 59.

831 Medina, p. 230.

832 Ibidem, p. 231.

833 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 36, fol. 74.—Medina, pp. 262, 265-66.

834 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 112, 120.

835 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 122, 132.

836 Ibidem, fol. 139, 54.

837 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 155, 151.

838 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 116.

839 Medina, pp. 367, 400.

840 Groot, II, 230.

841 Ibidem, pp. 226, 232.

842 Ibidem, pp. 230-1.

843 Medina, pp. 398-407.

844 Medina, pp. 408-12.—Groot, II, 473.

845 Groot, II, 472-3.

846 Medina, pp. 414-16.

847 Groot, III, 124, 142-3, 151.

848 Ibidem, pp. 143-44.

849 MSS. of Library of University of Halle, Yc, 17.

850 Relaciones de los Vireyes del Nuevo Reino de Granada, pp. 26-8, 41-3, 67, 95, 97.

851 Ibidem, pp. 112-14.

852 Noticias secretas de America, pp. 489-536, 382-3 (Londres, 1826).
Juan and Ulloa were distinguished men of science, Tenientes Generales of the Navy and members of the British Royal Society and of the Royal Academies of Paris, Berlin and Stockholm. Their report was so damaging as to the defenceless condition of the ports that it was jealously kept secret until, after the independence of the colonies had rendered this unimportant, a copy was procured by Don David Barry and printed in London. From casual allusions by the authors, they seem to have been good Catholics and punctual in religious observance.

853 I give the reference to the numbers in the archives prior to their dispersion in 1881.

Ullos, Juan de, case of, 393=> Ulloa, Juan de, case of, 393 {pg 563}

of the the hated Portuguese=> of the hated Portuguese {pg 433}

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