Heortology: A History of the Christian Festivals

Appendix

I

According to the existing Roman Calendar, feasts are classed as follows:—

Duplicia primæ classis. Nativitas Domini, Epiphania, Annunciatio, Pascha cum tribus antecedentibus et duobus sequentibus diebus, Ascensio Domini, Pentecoste cum duobus sequentibus diebus, festum Corporis Christi, festum SS. Cordis Jesu, festum S. Joseph sponsi B.M.V., Nativitas Joannis Bapt., festum SS. App. Petri et Pauli, Assumptio B.M.V., festum Immaculatæ Conceptionis B.M.V., festum Omnium Sanctorum, Dedicatio propriæ ecclesiæ, Patronus vel titulus ecclesiæ.

Duplicia secundæ classis. Circumcisio Domini, festum SS. Nominis Jesu, festum SS. Trinitatis, festum Pretiosissimi Sanguinis D. N. J. Chr., Inventio Crucis, Purificatio, Visitatio, Nativitas B.M.V., Sollemnitas S. Rosarii, Dedicatio Michælis Arch., festum Patrocinii S. Joseph sponsi B.M.V., Natales Apostolorum et festa Evangelistarum, festum S. Stephani, Protomartyris, SS. Innocentium, S. Laurentii, S. Annæ matris B.M.V., S. Joachim patris B.M.V.

Duplicia majora. Transfiguratio Domini, Exaltatio S. Crucis, festa VII. dolorum B.M.V., Commemoratio B.M.V. de monte Carmelo, festa Ad Nives, S. Nominis, de Mercede, et Præsentatio, B.M.V., Apparitio S. Michælis Arch., festum SS. Angelorum Custodum, Decollatio S. Joannis Bapt., Cathedra Petri utraque, S. Petri ad vincula, Conversio S. Pauli Ap., Commemoratio S. Pauli Ap., festum S. Joannis ante Portam Latinam, S. Barnabæ Ap., S. Benedicti Abb., S. Dominici Conf., S. Francisci Assis. Conf., festum Patronorum non principalium.

II

(A) A marked increase appears in the statute of Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury († 1089). He divides the festivals into three classes. In the first class he reckons five, the three chief festivals of the Christian year, the Assumption, and the feast of the local patron; in the second, Epiphany, Candlemas, St Gregory, the Annunciation, Low Sunday, St Alphege, the Ascension, St Augustine of Canterbury, the Octave of Pentecost, the Nativity of St John the Baptist, SS. Peter and Paul, the Translation of the Relics of St Benedict, the Nativity of our Lady, St Michael, All Saints, St Andrew, and the Dedication of the Church; the festivals belonging to the third class were St Vincent, the Conversion of St Paul, SS. Philip and James, the Exaltation of the Cross (3rd May), St James (29th July), St Peter’s Chains, St Lawrence, the Octave of the Assumption, St Bartholomew, St Augustine of Hippo, the Beheading of St John the Baptist, the Invention of the Cross, St Matthew, SS. Simon and Jude, St Martin, and St Thomas.

Lanfranc issued this decree as archbishop, still it was only to hold good for the Benedictine monasteries and the Cathedral.833

(B) The festivals of obligation for the archdiocese of Cologne were regulated according to the months by the provincial synod of 1308. January: the Circumcision, Epiphany, St Agnes, the Conversion of St Paul. February: Candlemas, St Peter’s Chair, St Matthias. March: the Annunciation. April: Easter and St George. May: SS. Philip and James, the Invention of the Cross. June: the Nativity of St John the Baptist, SS. Peter and Paul. July: St Mary Magdalen, St James, St Pantaleon. August: St Peter’s Chains, St Lawrence, the Assumption, St Bartholomew, the Beheading of St John the Baptist. September: the Nativity of our Lady, the Exaltation of the Cross, St Matthew, St Michael. October: St Gereon, the Eleven Thousand Virgins, St Severin, SS. Simon and Jude. November: All Saints, St Martin, St Cunibert, St Cecilia, St Catherine, St Andrew. December: St Nicholas, St Thomas, Christmas, St Stephen, St John the Evangelist, the Holy Innocents. In all, forty-two days.834 The feasts of Easter and Pentecost extended over three days; the Ascension is omitted. In the city of Cologne were celebrated in addition: the Arrival of the relics of the Three Holy Kings on the 23rd July, the Dedication of the Cathedral, SS. Cosmas and Damian, the Dedication and Patronal feast of each parish church, and, finally, the feast of Corpus Christi was enjoined in addition.

The Synod of 1549 under Adolf III. gives the following list: All Sundays, Easter, Pentecost, Christmas—two days each, the third day in choro only—Circumcision, Epiphany, Ascension, the Holy Trinity, Corpus Christi, these being feasts of our Lord. The feasts of our Lady are: the Purification, the Annunciation, the Visitation, the Assumption, the Nativity, the Presentation, and the Conception. Saints’ days are as follows: all the Apostles, St John the Baptist, St Mary Magdalen, St Lawrence, St Michael, All Saints, St Martin, and the Dedication of the Church; there are also six other saints’ days which were optional for places where they were customary. The feast of the Patron Saint is passed over, and thus a decrease of fifteen festivals is brought about.835

(C) The statute of Archbishop Baldwin of Treves, published in 1338, contains fewer festivals, i.e. Christmas, Easter with the three following days and Pentecost with two, Corpus Christi, Circumcision, and Epiphany. Our Lady’s feasts were: the Nativity, Annunciation, Purification, and Assumption; a few years later her Conception was added. Then came the festivals of the twelve apostles, St Michael (8th May), the Invention of the Cross, the Nativity of St John the Baptist, St Lawrence, St Martin, St Mary Magdalen, St Catherine, All Saints’, the Holy Innocents, the Dedication of the Church and the feast of the Patron Saint.

III

(p. 35) — The Festivals of Obligation as Observed in Different Countries

Rome. Christmas, Easter, and Pentecost, one day each; Circumcision, Epiphany, Candlemas, St Joseph (19th March), the Annunciation, Ascension, St Philip Neri (26th May), Corpus Christi, the Nativity of St John the Baptist, SS. Peter and Paul, the Assumption, Nativity of Our Lady, All Saints, the Immac. Conc., St John the Evangelist (27th December). The civil law of the Italian Kingdom recognises the following days as legal holidays: the Epiphany, Ascension, Corpus Christi, SS. Peter and Paul, the feasts of Our Lady on the 15th August, 8th September, and 8th December, Christmas and the patron saint of the city and diocese.

France. In accordance with the concordat of Napoleon four feasts were celebrated: Christmas, Ascension, the Assumption, and All Saints. All other festivals when they fell on a week day were transferred to the following Sunday. Even in Belgium and in the Grand Duchy of Luxemburg, in the part of Limburg belonging to Holland, and in the bailiwick of Meisenheim in the diocese of Treves, this scanty provision of feasts holds good.

Austria. The Cis- and-Transleithan countries observe the same holy days. Christmas, Easter, and Pentecost, two days each; the Circumcision, Epiphany, Candlemas, the Annunciation, the Ascension, Corpus Christi, SS. Peter and Paul, the Assumption, All Saints, the Immaculate Conception. The feasts of the patron saints were transferred by Joseph II. to the following Sunday, but in each of the Crown-lands the local patron is commemorated on his proper day, i.e. in Austria above and below the Enns, the feast of St Leopold: in Upper Austria, St Florian: in Moravia, SS. Cyril and Methodius: in Galicia, St Stanislaus and St Michael: in Silesia, St Hedwig: in Bohemia, St Wenceslaus and St John Nepomuk: in Styria, Carinthia, Camiola, the provinces of the Litoral, Salzburg, Tyrol and Vorarlberg, St Joseph: in Sclavonia, St John the Baptist: in Hungary, St Stephen the Confessor: in Croatia, St Elias: in Transilvania, St Ladislaus: in Salzburg, St Rupert: in Dalmatia, St Jerome: in Goritz, St Hermagoras and St Fortunatus.

In the eight old provinces of Prussia, the festivals recognised by the state are: Christmas, Easter, and Pentecost, two days each; the Circumcision, Epiphany, Candlemas, Ascension, Corpus Christi, SS. Peter and Paul, All Saints, the (Protestant) day of penitence and prayer, the Annunciation and the Immaculate Conception. In the archdiocese of Posen, the Nativity of Our Lady, and the Assumption as well as St Stanislaus are observed, and in Gnesen, St George as patron of the diocese. The new provinces have had also to adopt the Protestant day of penitence.

Hanover, the dioceses of Hildesheim and Osnabrück. Besides the days observed in Prussia, the Nativity of St John the Baptist, the Nativity and Assumption of Our Lady, St Michael, and the local patrons St Bernward and St Martin.

For the countries of the Northern Mission in the diocese of Osnabrück, the following are omitted from the list just given: Nativity of St John the Baptist, SS. Peter and Paul, and all the feasts of Our Lady, thus leaving only Christmas, Easter, and Pentecost, each with two days; the Circumcision, the Epiphany, the Ascension, Corpus Christi, All Saints. This applies to Bremen, Hamburg, Lübeck, Schleswig-Holstein, both the Mecklenburgs and Denmark.

Bavaria. The following festivals are observed: Christmas, Easter, and Pentecost, each for two days; the Circumcision, Epiphany, Candlemas, St Joseph, the Annunciation, the Ascension, Corpus Christi, the Nativity of St John the Baptist, SS. Peter and Paul, the Assumption and Nativity of Our Lady, All Saints, the Immaculate Conception. Each diocese of Bavaria celebrates its own particular patron as well.

The Palatinate, diocese of Spires. Here the effects of the French dominion are still observable, and the only festivals of obligation observed are: the Circumcision, the Ascension, Corpus Christi, the Assumption, All Saints. Christmas, Easter, and Pentecost are kept each for two days.

The Kingdom of Saxony. The festivals of obligation are: the Circumcision, the Epiphany and Annunciation, the Ascension, Corpus Christi, SS. Peter and Paul, the Assumption, the Nativity of Our Lady, the Immaculate Conception, All Saints; Christmas, Easter, and Pentecost, each for two days.

In the ecclesiastical province of the Upper Rhine there are different regulations in each diocese.

Würtemburg, diocese of Rottenburg. The Circumcision, the Epiphany, Candlemas, the Annunciation, Ascension, Corpus Christi, Nativity of St John the Baptist, SS. Peter and Paul, the Assumption and Nativity of Our Lady, All Saints, the Immaculate Conception; Christmas, Easter, and Pentecost, each for two days.

Baden, archdiocese of Freiburg. The five chief feasts of Our Lady are kept on the day itself; so too is the feast of St Joseph, and the other festivals are the same as in Würtemburg, with the exception of the 24th June.

Hesse-Nassau: the dioceses of Fulda and Limburg. Christmas, Easter and Pentecost, each for two days; the Circumcision, Epiphany, Candlemas, Annunciation, Ascension, Corpus Christi, SS. Peter and Paul, Assumption, All Saints; the Prussian day of penitence is observed in November, and in Limburg, the patron saint on his own day.

Hesse-Darmstadt: diocese of Mainz. The same regulations as in the Palatinate.

Alsace-Lorraine. The four French holy days. An edict of 10th October 1887 adds to these Good Friday, Easter Monday, and Whit Monday, as general holidays in the legal sense, and as holidays and days of rest in the sense of the Code de procédure civile.

In Holland, in the archdiocese of Utrecht, and in the diocese of Harlem, the following rank as full holy days on which no work is to be done: the day following the three chief feasts of the year, the Circumcision, Epiphany, Annunciation, and the Assumption. It is of obligation to hear mass only on Candlemas, the Nativity of Our Lady, and the Immaculate Conception. In the dioceses of Breda and Bois-le-Duc, these three festivals are days of full obligation.

For England, Pope Pius VI. appointed the following holy days on the 9th March 1777: Easter and Pentecost, each two days: Christmas, the Circumcision, Epiphany, the Ascension, Corpus Christi, the Annunciation, the Assumption, SS. Peter and Paul, All Saints, and the feast of the patron saint. At the present time are observed, Easter, Pentecost and Christmas, one day each, the Circumcision, Epiphany, Ascension, Corpus Christi, SS. Peter and Paul, the Assumption, and All Saints. St Andrew’s day is added for Scotland, and St Patrick’s day and the Annunciation for Ireland. The Immaculate Conception is a purely ecclesiastical festival.

Switzerland affords an interesting study owing to the great varieties existing within so small a space. The diocese of Basel-Soleure: Christmas, the Circumcision, Epiphany, Candlemas, Corpus Christi, the Assumption, All Saints, and the Immaculate Conception. In the canton of Lucerne, St Joseph’s day and the Annunciation are celebrated, the latter also in the canton of Zug. The three chief festivals are kept for day only. The diocese of Coire, comprising the cantons of Grisons, Schwyz, Uri, Unterwalden, Zurich, Glarus, and the principality of Liechtenstein: the three chief festivals, each two days, the Circumcision, Epiphany, Candlemas and St Joseph. The last two days do not rank as holy days in the canton of Zurich, nor does the Annunciation in the cantons of Zurich and Schwyz. The Ascension, Corpus Christi, the Nativity of St John the Baptist, and SS. Peter and Paul are not kept in either of these two cantons, but the Assumption and All Saints are kept everywhere. The Nativity of Our Lady is not kept in Zurich and Schwyz, but the Immaculate Conception is kept everywhere except in the canton of Zurich. The following patron saints are kept, St Fridolin (6th March) in the canton of Glarus, Nicholas von der Flu (21st March) in Unterwalden, St Martin with an octave in Schwyz and Uri, St Lucius (3rd Dec.) in Coire. St Gall, comprising the cantons of St Gall and Appenzell, keeps the Epiphany, Candlemas, Ascension, Corpus Christi, the Assumption, All Saints, and the Immaculate Conception; the three chief feasts, each for two days, and St Gall’s day (16th Oct.) as patron of the diocese. In the diocese of Geneva-Lausanne, consisting of the four French cantons: the Circumcision, the Epiphany (with the exception of the cantons of Geneva and Vaud), Candlemas, the Annunciation (with the exception of Vaud and Neuchâtel), the Ascension, Corpus Christi, Assumption, All Saints, and the Immaculate Conception (with the exception of Geneva, Vaud, and Neuchâtel). The three chief feasts are kept for one day each. This is also the case in the canton of Valais, diocese of Sion, but the following days are also kept in this canton: the Circumcision, Epiphany, Candlemas, Annunciation, Ascension, Corpus Christi, Nativity of St John the Baptist, SS. Peter and Paul, Assumption and Nativity of Our Lady and her Immaculate Conception, and St Maurice as Patron Saint (22nd Sept.).

Russian Poland. The three chief feasts, each for two days, the Circumcision, Epiphany, Candlemas, St Joseph, Annunciation, Ascension, Corpus Christi, Nativity of St John the Baptist, SS. Peter and Paul, Assumption, Nativity of Our Lady, All Saints, the Immaculate Conception, St Stanislaus as patron. This last named day is not observed in the schools and law-courts on account of its nationalistic character.

Spain. The Circumcision, Epiphany, Candlemas, St Joseph, Annunciation, Easter, Ascension, Pentecost, Corpus Christi, SS. Peter and Paul, Assumption, Nativity of Our Lady, All Saints, the Immaculate Conception, Christmas. The three chief festivals are kept for only one day each.

Portugal. The three chief festivals for one day each. The Circumcision, Epiphany, Candlemas, St Joseph, Annunciation, Ascension, Corpus Christi, the Sacred Heart, St Antony of Padua (13th June), SS. Peter and Paul, Assumption, All Saints, the Immaculate Conception. Before the last reduction, the Nativity of Our Lady, and from mid-day on Maundy Thursday to mid-day on Good Friday were also holy days of obligation. Lisbon keeps the feast of St Vincent (22nd January) as patron of the city.

The United States observe only six festivals which may fall on week-days; all the others are transferred to the Sunday. These are Christmas, the Circumcision, Ascension, Assumption, All Saints, and the Immaculate Conception. The three chief festivals are kept for one day only. Since the number of festivals varied originally in the different states, an attempt was made after uniformity, and the council of Baltimore in 1852 desired to retain only four festivals as in France. Rome, however, was not satisfied with this, and, in 1866, the six festivals mentioned above were adopted. The provincial synod of Cincinnati in 1861 agreed to adopt the Epiphany, Annunciation, and Corpus Christi as well.

Brazil. The three chief festivals, each for one day. The Circumcision, Epiphany, Candlemas, Annunciation, Ascension, Corpus Christi, Nativity of St John the Baptist, SS. Peter and Paul, Assumption, Nativity of Our Lady, All Saints and the Immaculate Conception.

Russia. Easter, Pentecost, Christmas, the Circumcision, Epiphany, Ascension, Transfiguration, Candlemas, Annunciation, our Lady’s Presentation and Assumption, and the Exaltation of the Cross (14th Sept). All these are, of course, kept according to the Julian calendar. To these are added the following feasts peculiar to Russia: the three feasts of the Jordan so-called, i.e. the Blessing of the Water, and the thirteen so-called Gala-feasts, i.e. the commemoration of the reigning dynasty (see Kirchenlexikon, X., 2nd ed. 1399). The schismatics in Austria-Hungary keep their festivals according to the Julian calendar, so that where the population is mixed, each feast is as a rule kept twice.

IV

For many centuries the liturgical vestments were exclusively white, like the ordinary dress of classic times. The writers of the Carolingian period in their desire to find parallels between the enactments of the Old and New Testaments, were the first to remember that different colours were used in the vestments of the Jewish high priest. In addition to the white under garment which he wore in common with the simple priests, he wore an upper garment of blue, and a particoloured shoulder-garment, the ephod, of blue, purple, scarlet, and fine linen, interwoven with gold thread. The repeated references to these vestments gradually led to the adoption of coloured vestments for the mass.836

Their introduction was at first tentative. Neither Rupert of Deutz, Honorius of Autun, Beleth, nor Hugh of St Victor mention the liturgical colours in their writings, or, if they do, only with reference to the Old Testament; Sicard of Cremona, a contemporary of Innocent III., clearly alludes to them, although he only mentions two—white and red.837

Innocent III. was the first to speak of all the liturgical colours, and to regulate their use in the Roman Church, but always with reference to the regulations of the Old Testament. According to him, white was to be used on the feasts of Confessors, Virgins, and Angels, and on Christmas, Epiphany, Candlemas, Maundy Thursday, and the Ascension; it was used as a matter of course on all other days where it was not otherwise specified, since until then white had been the universal liturgical colour. Red vestments were to be worn on feasts of Apostles and Martyrs. On feasts of the Holy Cross a choice between white and red was allowed. Red was to be used on Pentecost in memory of the fiery tongues, and on the feast of SS. Peter and Paul. On the Conversion of St Paul and on the feast of St Peter’s Chair, white was to be used. White was the colour for the Nativity of St John the Baptist, red for his Beheading. On All Saints many used red vestments, but the Roman Church used white, because it is said in the Apocalypse that the saints stand before the Lamb in white garments, with palms in their hands.

Black vestments are to be worn on days of penitence and abstinence, and also on the Commemorations of the dead. They were also worn during Advent and Lent, except, of course, on festivals falling within those seasons. With regard to the Holy Innocents some decided in favour of black, some in favour of red, but the Roman pontiff decided for violet. For ferias and ordinary days the colour was green. One might, in addition, wear scarlet for red, violet for black, and yellow for green.

In Durandus († 1296) we find the same rule, in parts verbally identical with the above. The only point to notice in regard to what he says is that he says black vestments are to be worn on Rogation days, violet seems to have the preference over black for Advent and Lent, and the use of the former colour is represented as peculiar to the Roman Church.838

There is accordingly nothing strange in the circumstance that in the more ancient rituals, only vestes solleminores in general are prescribed for Maunday Thursday, without reference to colour. The Roman use,839 from the beginning, was to use white on this day, and this superseded the customs observed elsewhere.840

V

(p. 79) — The Word Mass as a Name for the Sacrifice of the Altar

The term mass does not owe its position to theology, but became established in the course of centuries by popular usage. The most ancient writers of the church speak frequently, and with all the precision desirable of the holy sacrifice of the altar, but they speak of it by other names which fully indicate its essential character, such as oblatio and sacrificium, or even sacramenta and collecta. These two last names have a more general significance; collecta is the late Latin abbreviation for collectio, and means an assembly of men for some given purpose, in this case for divine service. Colligere appears in the same sense in the Latin translation of Irenæus and in Tertullian; the substantive is found in Jerome and other ancient authors; a survival of this primitive usage appears in the name collecta given to the first prayer of the Mass.841 It owes its name of collecta to the fact that according to the most ancient ritual it formed the commencement of the Mass. In the service-books, collecta was merely a name which served to distinguish the prayers of the Mass from those which preceded or followed. According to the Roman rite, the Mass began with the prayer of the priest at the altar as soon as the invitatorium sung by the choir was finished, the psalm Judica me, the Confiteor, the Kyrie and Gloria being later additions. Thus the name collecta became attached to this opening prayer, and is so given to it in most mediæval and Roman missals, until the reform under Pius V., when it was replaced by the name oratio now in use. At the same time the name postcommunio replaced the older title ad complendum. Whenever we find in prayer-books and explanations of the Mass, that the prayer was called the Collect because the priest “collected” the petitions of the faithful, we can only regard such an interpretation as silly and unhistorical; the same could be said equally well of all, or, at any rate, of most of the prayers of the Mass.

The term sacramentum or sacramenta served also not unfrequently as a name for the Mass,842 and so gave rise to the name sacramentarium, generally given to the missal in ancient times. In addition to these names, oblatio and sacrificio were especially employed as having the advantage of adequately expressing the essential character of the rite. The former was the particular favourite of Tertullian, the founder of Latin ecclesiastical terminology, and afterwards of St Cyprian, but it may be said to belong to all writers and to all periods.843 St Augustine, who had already propounded a formal theory of the sacrifice of the Mass, shows a preference for sacrificium.844

When we turn to the word missa, we must not treat it as a participle, even in the Ite missa est, for there is nothing with which the feminine participle can agree, and so it must be a substantive. In order to explain the meaning of this substantive, and to show how it acquired its position as the technical term for the most sacred act of the Church’s worship, requires an excursus dealing with the matter from the point of view of etymology, patrology, and liturology. As regards the etymology of the word, attempts have been made from time to time to derive missa from the Hebrew, (‎‏מסּה‎‏ Deut., xvi. 10), in the belief the name must be as old as the thing it signifies, an attempt abandoned as absurd at the present day.845 A better idea was that of the mediæval liturgists who explained the word as equivalent to transmissio in the sense of the offering up and presentation of the oblation before God. But fortunately there is one man, thoroughly conversant at first hand with primitive usages and terminology, who has left us an explanation of the word and of the origin of its application to the sacrifice of the altar. Bishop Avitus, of Vienne († 518), flourished at the period between the ages of antiquity and the mediæval period, and is, therefore, a reliable witness in this matter. He was asked by his sovereign, King Gundobad of Burgundy, what was the meaning of the word missa, and replied that missam facere was the same as dimittere, and was used by the Romans at both audiences in the royal palace and sittings of the law courts to intimate to the assembly that the audience or session was at an end and that they were free to depart; it was used in the same way in the churches. Avitus846 himself uses missa simply for divine service.

It is clear that the explanation given by Avitus is correct. For since the conclusion of every session and assembly must be officially announced with words such as, “The session is at an end,” so in church, where a still greater number of men meet together, it is necessary to make known to them the conclusion of divine service. Such was the custom of the ancient Romans at their sacrifices and religious ceremonies, and the Christians naturally did the same. Tertullian speaks already of a dimissio plebis,847 and we find the same thing in the Greek liturgies, although the formulæ vary in some respects from that in use among the Latins.848

It was not, however, the Mass which was first called by this name, but the other services of the ancient Church—the Psalmody, or, in other words, the Canonical Hours. From the striking account given by the so-called Silvia,849 we can see how important these services were and what a prominent position they occupied in the worship of the Church. “Every day, in the early morning, the doors of the church were opened, and all the monks and nuns, as well as many of the laity, assembled, and until sunrise, sing hymns and psalms, in alternate choirs, along with the antiphons and prayers. About sunrise they begin to say the ‘matutinas ymnos.’ The bishop arrives with the clergy and sings the prayer within the chancel. Then he comes forth and blesses the people one by one. Et sic fit missa,” i.e. so the service ends, which comprised Nocturns, Lauds, and Prime, as they would now be called. The same ceremonies were observed at the Little Hours which followed later. Vespers were performed with more ceremony; at the conclusion the deacon directed the faithful to bow their heads in order to receive the bishop’s blessing. Again the pilgrim ends her description with the words, “Et sic fit missa.”

We must notice that the Psalmody took place daily in this way, while the Mass, especially in the East, was not celebrated daily; in Lent, for example, it was celebrated on Saturdays and Sundays only. At each hour there took place a dismissal, missa, and thus it was brought about that this word came to be used as a name for each of the canonical hours. The name was far-fetched and unsuitable, but popular usage does not form its nomenclature upon scientific principles, but from what most strikes the popular fancy. Thus the pilgrim, who expresses herself in popular language, speaks of missa vigiliarum, for Mattins, and missa lucernaris for Vespers. The word missa in itself means dismissal and nothing more. Once, in her naïve manner, she explains what sort of dismissal she means; it is dismissal out of the church (“missa de ecclesia,” c. 37, § 3, line 20). Which of the various dismissals out of the church is intended in a given case is shown by an additional phrase, as in the cases given above, when it is not clear from the context. Of course it may mean the dismissal which took place at the Mass, but not the sacrifice of the Mass itself. How far missa is from being in the pilgrim’s diary the technical term for Mass—which is all we are concerned with here—is sufficiently clear from the circumstance that wherever she lets slip the word missa for Mass, she at once hastens to add that the missa of which she speaks is the oblatio.850 When she wishes to express herself with precision, she always calls the Mass oblatio, and in a few cases sacramentum (singular or plural). Of course missa, as a general term, may have been used as a name for the Mass, since there are one or more dismissals therein; had it not been so, missa could never have become the name par excellence for the Mass.

The same terminology is found at a somewhat later date in Cassian, to whom we are especially indebted for our intimate knowledge of monastic observances. An important part of these observances were the daily hours of prayer, the canonical hours, and we naturally expect to find the technical terms for them in Cassian’s writings. And so, indeed, we find the names formed with the help of the word missa, as in Silvia’s diary; Mattins and Lauds are called missa nocturna or missa vigiliarum,851 while the Mass, on the other hand, is called oblatio or sacrificium.

From these passages it appears that missa in its strict sense means “dismissal,” and is a general term capable of receiving a particular significance by the addition of vigiliarum, etc. The same thing appears in Pope Innocent I. (Epist. 17, c. 12; Migne, xx. 535), where he speaks of the priests belonging to the party of Bonosus, and asks if they have celebrated Mass, which he calls sacramenta conficere, if they have given Holy Communion (si populis tribuit), and if they have performed the customary dismissals (si missas complevit). Apart from the fact that in the same passage two different terms cannot well stand for the same thing, the use of the plural shows that it is not the Mass which is meant but the other missæ, the hours, the performance of which concerned both the bishop and the priests. There is no doubt as to which term Leo I. used for the Mass, for oblatio and sacrificium occur several times in his writings. When in one passage we find the word missa as well, this can only mean the dismissal, the conclusion of divine service.852 Thus even in the fifth century missa by itself always meant merely dismissal, never Mass; for Mass, the terms sacrificium and oblatio were employed.

This was the correct use of the terms in question during that period. But since, as we have said, the ceremonial dismissals (missæ) at the end of divine service gave rise to the name, and since dismissals of this kind occurred in the Mass,853 once at the end and once after the sermon at the dismissal of the Catechumens, it is not remarkable that missa came into use as a name for the Mass, and came to be regarded as its special name in proportion as the canonical hours became less services for the laity than of obligation for clergy and religious. There was however an intermediate period before missa became solely and exclusively the popular name for the Mass. This transitional state of affairs extended over the whole of the sixth century, and appears in the writings of St Benedict and St Gregory the Great, who both employ missa without distinction as a name for the Mass and for the canonical hours.854 The same thing appears in Gregory of Tours and in other writers. The last appearance of missa as a name for both kinds of divine service without distinction appears to be a passage in the life of St Ludgerus by Altfrid.855

The terminology employed by the official organs of the Church is naturally of weight in this matter. When the authorities of the Church made use of a term so little expressive of the nature of the thing as missa, which had already taken the popular fancy, it was inevitable that it should become the only recognised name for the Mass; and this is just what happened. On glancing through the canons of the ancient Councils of the West, we find all the terms with which we are already familiar—oblatio by the Council of Arles in 314 (Canons 5 and 19), and sacrificium by the Councils of Carthage (that of 390, Canon 8; that of 397, Canon 14), etc. We also find the term missæ applied to the particular parts of the Psalmody,856 and to the other services composed of Psalmody and Mass together.857 As a term clearly and unmistakably applied to the Mass by itself, missa appears for the first time in the fourth Synod of Arles in 524 (Canon 4), and then in sundry other Gallic synods of the sixth century.

On the other hand it must be stated once for all that missa in the sense of Mass is not to be found in the fourth century. The one solitary instance which for a long time seemed to countenance such a view is in a letter of St Ambrose,858 in which he tells his sister of the attempts made by the Arians on Palm Sunday 385 to gain possession of the principal church of Milan. Ambrose was performing divine service, the homily was concluded, and he was just on the point of dismissing the catechumens, when the alarming news arrived that the Arians has seized a basilica situated outside the walls; he did not allow himself to be upset by the news, but remained where he was, dismissed the catechumens, and commenced the Mass, during which he received further information concerning the tumult. The question turns upon the words, “Ego tamen mansi in munere, missam facere cœpi. Dum offero,” etc. Hitherto missa has here been always taken in the sense of Mass, but it has really the sense of dismissal. For on Palm Sunday in Milan, the so-called traditio symboli to the more advanced class of catechumens was performed with much ceremony, something like a first Communion with us; on this day a twofold dismissal of the catechumens was necessary, the first of the lower class of catechumens, because they must not yet learn the creed which was now to be recited by the more advanced, and then followed the dismissal of the more advanced catechumens, the competentes, because these, as being still unbaptised, could not yet assist at the Mass.

Against this interpretation it has been urged859 that missa must mean Mass, because, the act of dismissal being so short, Ambrose could scarcely have said, “Missam facere cœpi,” had he meant only the dismissal of the catechumens. How long an act must continue in order that its beginning, middle, and ending may be observable depends upon circumstances, but the dismissal of the competentes was sometimes far from brief. The Apostolic Constitutions, for instance, give a formula for this act, and the prayers used cover three printed pages (Constit. Apost., 8, 5, § 6 to 6, § 4). At the dismissal of the candidates for baptism, three prayers were recited (ib. 8, 7, § 2, to c. 7, § 1), one by the deacon, one by the catechumens, and one by the bishop, who then gave his blessing. Then followed an address by the bishop, of which we have two examples, in the 215th and 216th of the sermons of St Augustine. The act lasted long enough to have a beginning, middle, and ending.

From what has been said, we conclude, missa appears in the fourth century as a technical name for the various parts of divine service, especially for the canonical hours. During the sixth and seventh centuries it became a technical term for the Mass, and gradually usurped the place of other names for the Mass. These, however, survived in isolated instances until the ninth century, but disappeared entirely in the Middle Ages.

VI

(p. 142) on the Date for Christmas in Hippolytus

Considering the uncertainty as to the day of our Lord’s birth shown by Clement of Alexandria, and the reserve which Irenæus and Tertullian maintain on the same point, it is surprising to find the most precise data given for its determination by a writer very little posterior to those just mentioned. In the commentary of Hippolytus on Dan. iv. 23 (in Bratke’s ed., 19), we read in the text discovered in 1885; “The first Advent of our Lord in the flesh, when He was born in Bethlehem, happened on the eighth day before the calends of January, on a Wednesday, in the forty-second year of Augustus, in the year 5500, reckoning from Adam. He suffered in His thirty-third year, on the eighth day before the calends of April (25th March), on a Friday, in the eighteenth year of Tiberius, when Rufus and Rubellius were consuls.”860

Not merely the astonishing minuteness of the data, but also the circumstance that this passage is to be found in a shorter form in a fragment, long well known to scholars, preserved in the Chigi Library in Rome, coupled with the fact that ancient ecclesiastical writers quote from it the year of world alone,861 must give rise to doubts concerning the longer form of the passage in itself, as well as concerning the separate data of which it is composed.

If we turn our attention first to these separate data, we find the names of the consuls wrongly given; their names are Fufius and Rubellius, not Rufus and Rubellius. Mistakes in the names of consuls are certainly not rare in Eastern writers, but in the case of a man like Hippolytus, who lived in Rome, such a mistake is very astonishing, since he could easily have found out the right names. Next, according to the authentic Hippolytus, our Lord’s life lasted only thirty-one years, and not thirty-three; this appears from the passage in the so-called Liber Generationis representing in a Latin translation part of the “Chronicle” which, according to the inscription on his statue, Hippolytus had composed.862 Again, the eighteenth year of Tiberius is also wrong. The forty-second year of Augustus and the two week-days may be correct (see Comm. Dan., 4, 9; in Bratke 8), for the latter appear also in the same connection in the inscription on the statue. Wednesday found acceptance as the day of Christ’s birth owing to the Messias being called in Malachy iv. 2, “the Sun of Justice,” from which it was inferred that He must have been born on the same day of the week as that on which the visible sun had been created (Gen. i. 19).

But, moreover, the days of the week have been interpolated into the text, since they do not fit in with the sequence of thought but rather disturb it. The aim of Hippolytus was here to calm the Christians agitated by the persecution of Severus; many went so far as to think that the last day was close at hand, and Hippolytus opposed himself to this alarm by declaring God had created the world in six days, with God a thousand years are as one day (Ps. lxxxix. 4), and thus the world would last six thousand years. Until the birth of Christ only five thousand five hundred years had passed, and so the end of the world was not to be expected yet. In such a train of thought, what place is there for days of the week and consulates? The late origin of the passage is also betrayed by the parallel grouping of the data given, for elaborate attempts of this kind were popular in the Middle Ages, but not in primitive times. Accordingly only the year 5500 of the world, and perhaps also the forty-second year of Augustus, belong to the original form of the passage in Hippolytus, all the rest having being added by a later hand.863

VII

(p. 158) — Christmas in England During the Commonwealth

Christmas was abolished in England in the seventeenth century during the reign of the Puritans, and its prohibition was strictly enforced. In 1644, after the overthrow of the monarchy, when the Puritans came into power, an Act of Parliament forbade all observance of Christmas, for it was held that Christmas was not originally a Christian festival at all, but was of heathen origin. Parliament directed that the 25th December, “which had hitherto been commonly called Christmas Day,” was to be kept as a fast. This law remained in force for sixteen years, and during this period the enactment was repeated and made still more stringent. No church dare be opened, no service of any kind held; the law expressly enacted that on Christmas Day everyone was to go on as usual with his work, and every merchant who shut his shop on this day was brought before the judge and punished. Markets were held on this day which had hitherto been held on other days, merely to make it impossible to keep the day as a festival. Plum-pudding and mince pies were branded as heathenish inventions. The soldiers were charged to break into houses in order to see that no one had food in his home such as used to be eaten at Christmas and when anything of this kind was discovered, the soldiers were to seize it and the people were punished into the bargain. There were naturally some who refused to abstain from the celebration of Christmas in obedience to these directions of the Parliament; many ministers performed service in their churches and several of them were taken before the judge and punished. In different places disturbances broke out, especially owing to the orders of Parliament that markets were to be held on Christmas Day while they were forbidden on other days of the week. In Canterbury, for instance, there was a general riot; the whole town was divided into two parties—those who observed Christmas and their opponents, and the festival of peace ended in a general row; many houses of the town were totally destroyed and some set on fire. Charles II. made it his aim to revoke as quickly as possible the laws passed during the Commonwealth, and so before long Christmas was once more observed as before. The Nonconformists, however, long held by their determination not to celebrate Christmas, and they kept a sharp look-out that at least their ministers should eat no Christmas pudding or mince pies; they called Yuletide Fooltide. In Scotland, Christmas is still regarded as something heathenish; the Presbyterians will have nothing whatever to do with its celebration, and throughout the country no special notice is of it as a religious feast. [This, of course, only refers to the Protestants of Scotland. Trans.]

VIII

(p. 173) — Excursus on the Three Holy Kings

Epiphany is a feast of our Lord and not the feast of the Three Holy Kings, although it is popularly called so, and, in the liturgy for the day, they are referred to. In a small number of dioceses, and only at a late date, they have been the object of a cultus, but in the calendars and menologies of the principal Churches they find no place; ancient ecclesiastical literature and tradition has also nothing to relate of them. Only in the twelfth century did they emerge from oblivion when the imperial chancellor, Rainald von Dassel, afterwards Archbishop of Cologne, translated their reputed relics to Cologne, 23rd July 1164, having received them as a gift from Frederick Barbarossa after the destruction of Milan. Until this time they had rested in the little Church of St Eustorgius at Milan, to which they are said to have been brought from Constantinople. The life of St Eustorgius, Bishop of Milan, 315-331, relates how this happened:—there lived in Constantinople a pious man called Eustorgius, a Greek by birth, and a favourite and adviser of the emperor. (The name of the emperor is passed over in silence by the author.) He sent Eustorgius as ambassador—the purpose of the embassy is not disclosed—to the province of Liguria, of which the capital is called Milan—which, however, is a mistake. Eustorgius won the affections of the Milanese to such a degree that they desired to have him as their bishop; after long resistance he consented, and went to the emperor in order to obtain his approval. The emperor rejoiced over the love which his ambassador had inspired, as Gratian had rejoiced over the appointment of St Ambrose, ratified the election, and forthwith remitted all taxes to the Milanese (!). Eustorgius was unwilling to return empty-handed and begged for some relics from the emperor with which to enrich his bishopric. The emperor allowed him to take whatever he liked, and he chose the relics of the Three Holy Kings, which had been sent from the East by Helena. A church was now built in Milan in which the relics were laid, where they attracted a great concourse of pilgrims and devotees.

The author regrets that he is not in a position to give us further information concerning the doings of Bishop Eustorgius, but he merely tells us that he died on the 18th October and was succeeded by Dionysius. This is incorrect for Protasius came first. The author of this document must have lived in Milan, for he gives some correct dates in the ecclesiastical history of Milan; nevertheless, gross blunders against historical truth and other indications show that we are dealing with a thoroughgoing fabrication of the eleventh century based upon events in the life of St Ambrose. The names Gaspar, Melchior, Baltassar make their first appearance here. A still more naïve account is given in a sermon belonging to the end of the twelfth century, Eustorgius being made a contemporary of the Emperor Comnenus; this is printed in Floss.

Contemporaries who had the opportunity of seeing the relics, state that the remains were embalmed and incorrupt; to judge from the face and hair, one of the bodies was that of a boy of about fifteen years; they were in an excellent state of preservation considering their age. The story of their translation to Milan is obviously a romance and the search for their bodies by Helena is formed upon the recognised model according to which Helena steps in to effect what cannot be otherwise explained. And so there is no doubt that we are face to face with a remarkably successful fabrication, such as were, unfortunately, by no means rare in the Middle Ages. In Cologne, the Three Holy Kings—all three of them—were at once set down as martyrs, although it is difficult to see how they would have suffered, granting them to have been kings. The Carmelite John of Hildesheim composed a popular Vita Trium Regum, composed in a simple style, which was widely read. See Usener, ii. 7-10, and the instructive treatise of H. J. Floss, “Dreikönigenbuch,” Cologne, 1864. The Vita Eustorgii is only to be found in Mombritius, Sanctuarium, i. 166.

IX

(p. 182) — The Greek Ecclesiastical Year

The Greek ecclesiastical year begins not with Advent but with Easter, or rather with the season preparatory to Easter, i.e. according to our phraseology, with Septuagesima Sunday.864

Κυριακὴ τοῦ τελώνου καὶ φαρισαίου. The Sunday of the Publican and the Pharisee; so called on account of the Gospel for the day, St Luke xviii. 9-14.

Κυριακὴ τοῦ ἀσώτου or προσφωνήσιμος. The Sunday of the Prodigal Son, the Gospel being St Luke xv. 11-32.

Κυριακὴ ἀπόκρεως,865 corresponds with Septuagesima Sunday of the Latins, and is called Abstinence Sunday because with it Lent with its abstinence from flesh-meat commences. The week following is called Butter-Week by the Russians, because the use of lacticinia is still permitted. The Gospel, St Matthew xxv. 31-46, refers to Christ’s return at the last judgment. On this account, the Sunday is also called κυριακὴ τῆς παρουσίας.

Κυριακὴ τῆς τυροφάγου. Sunday of Cheese-Eating, because from henceforth the use of lacticinia is also forbidden (Sexagesima of the Latins).

Κυριακὴ πρὼτη τῶν νηστειῶν ἢτοι ὀρθοδοξίας. The first Sunday in Lent, called Orthodox Sunday in memory of the conclusion of the iconoclastic controversy (corresponding to Quinquagesima).

Κυριακὴ δευτέρα, τρίτη, τετάρτη, πέμπτη τῶν νηστειῶν. The second to the fifth Sundays in Lent, corresponding to the first to the fourth of the Latins.

Κυριακὴ τῶν βαΐων: Palm Sunday from βαΐς a palm.

Ἡ ἁγία καὶ μεγάλη πέμπτη: Maundy Thursday.

Ἡ ἁγία καὶ μεγάλη παρασκευή: Good Friday.

Τὸ ἅγιον καὶ μέγα σάββατον: Holy Saturday.

Ἡ ἁγία καὶ μεγάλη κυριακὴ τοῦ πάσχα: Easter Day; ἡ ἕβδομας διακαινήσιμος, i.e., the Week of Renewing, Easter Week.

Κυριακὴ τοῦ ἀντιπάσχα καινή: Whitsunday, called also νέα κυριακὴ τοῦ ἁγίου ἀποστόλου Θωμᾶ, as the Gospel relates St Thomas’s unbelief, St John xx. 19 seqq. At the end of mass blessed bread is distributed to the people.

Κυριακὴ τῶν ἁγίων μυροφόρων γυναικῶν καὶ Ἰωσὴφ τοῦ δικαίου: the Sunday of the Women who brought incense and Joseph the Just. See St Mark xvi. 1-7; St Luke xxiv. 1-10.

Κυριακὴ τοῦ παραλύτου: the Sunday of the palsied man. See Acts ix. 32 seqq.

Κυριακὴ τῆς Σαμαρείτιδας or Μεσηπεντηκοστῆς: the Sunday of the Samaritan woman, from the Gospel St John iv. 1-42.

Κυριακὴ τοῦ τυφλοῦ: the Sunday of the man born blind; the Sunday before the Ascension.

Τῇ πεμπτῇ τῆς Ἀναλήψεως with the following week, ἕβδομας άναλήψιμος.

Κυριακὴ τῶν ἁγίων 318 θεοφόρων πατέρων τῶν ἐν Νικαίᾳ συνελθέντων, dedicated to the commemoration of the first general council; the Sunday after Christ’s Ascension.

Κυριακὴ τῆς ἁγίας πεντηκοστῆς, Whitsunday.

Κυριακὴ τῶν ἁγίων πάντων: our Trinity Sunday is among the Greeks kept as the festival of All Saints, and is preceded by a fast. From this onwards until the exaltation of the Holy Cross, the 14th September, the gospels for the Sundays are taken from St Matthew. Hence the sixteen following Sundays are called Matthew-Sundays.

Κυριακὴ δευτέρα to δεκάτη τετάρτη τοῦ Ματθαίου.

Κυριακὴ πρὸ τῆς ὑψώσεως: Sunday before the Exaltation of the Holy Cross (the 15th after Matthew).

Κυριακὴ μετὰ τὴν ὕψωσιν: Sunday after the Exaltation of the Holy Cross (the 16th after Matthew).

Κυριακὴ πρώτη τοῦ Λουκᾶ to κυριακὴ δωδεκάτη τοῦ Λουκᾶ, also called the Sunday of the Holy Patriarchs (τῶν προπατόρων).

Κυριακὴ πρὸ τὴς Χριστοῦ γεννήσεως: the Sunday before Christmas, also called the Sunday of all the Holy Fathers.

Ἡ τοῦ Χριστοῦ γέννησις: Christmas.

Κυριακὴ μετὰ τὴν Χριστοῦ γέννησιν: Sunday after Christmas.

Ἡ τοῦ κυρίου περιτομή: the Circumcision.

Κυριακὴ πρὸ τῶν φώτων: the Sunday of Lights. See above, page 168. The Sunday before Epiphany. Among the Latins a dominica vacans.

The remaining four Sundays of the Greek ecclesiastical year serve to fill up the inequality due to Easter falling earlier or later, in the same manner as in the Latin rite. One, two, or all four of them, as occasion requires, are inserted after Epiphany. They are the Sundays (1) κυριακὴ μετὰ τὰ φῶτα, the first after Epiphany, which is pressed into use when Easter falls in March; (2) the twelfth Sunday after St Luke; (3) the fifteenth after St Luke (the two Sundays in the Christmas season are reckoned as the thirteenth and fourteenth after St Luke since their gospels are taken from that evangelist); (4) the seventeenth Sunday after St Matthew. All four are required when Easter falls on the 22-25 April. In this way the gaps between the end of the old ecclesiastical year and the beginning of the new are filled up.

As far as the immovable feasts are concerned, the Greeks divide all feasts, both movable and immovable, into four classes. The first and highest class contains: Christmas, Epiphany (6th January), Candlemas (2nd February, ὑπαπάντη τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν), the Annunciation (ὁ εύαγγελισμός), Easter, Palm Sunday, the Ascension, Pentecost, the Transfiguration, the Assumption (ἡ κοίμησις, 15th August), our Lady’s Nativity (8th September), the Exaltation of the Holy Cross (14th September), and the Presentatio B.M.V. (21st November).

Somewhat lower in rank are the Circumcisio, Nativitas S. Joannis Bapt. (24th June), SS. Peter and Paul (29th June), and the Decollatio S. Joannis Bapt. (29th August). It is not necessary here to enumerate the remaining feasts.

X

(p. 248) — English Writers and the Feast of the Immaculate Conception

The well known Doctor of the Church, Anselm, was born of a German stock, as his name implies, at Aosta in 1036. In 1053 he entered the Benedictine order at Bec in Normandy where Lanfranc was at that time abbot. In 1078 he was himself elected abbot of the monastery, and in this capacity was brought into relation with William the Conqueror and William Rufus. During an illness of the latter, he was chosen Archbishop of Canterbury at the end of 1093 and his appointment was confirmed by the king. Serious misunderstandings soon arose between them on the questions of investiture and Church property, and Anselm was obliged to go to Rome, where he remained until the king’s death. Further misunderstandings, moreover, soon arose between him and William’s successor, Henry I., which detained him in France, until an agreement was arrived at in 1106, by which he was enabled to return to England and to his bishopric. He died there on the 21st April 1109.

His nephew, Anselm the younger, came from Lombardy, and as a youth had entered the monastery of St Michael at Chiusa, and received his theological training from the Benedictines of Canterbury.866 After his uncle’s death, he was for a short time abbot of St Saba in Rome. In 1115 he was chosen by the pope to bring the pallium to the newly elected Archbishop of Canterbury, Radulf. As legate, he strongly maintained the rights of the pope in the election of bishops, and consequently fell under King Henry’s displeasure, and had to retire to France until a reconciliation had been effected between the King and Pope Calixtus II. He was then elected abbot of Bury St Edmond’s and confirmed as such in 1121. Here he remained until his death on the 11th January 1148. The attempt of a section of the chapter of St Paul’s in 1136 to make him bishop led to no result, but rather caused him much annoyance.

The Anglo-saxon, Eadmer or Edmer, was a disciple and faithful attendant of the older Anselm. Born in Kent, he entered the monastery at Canterbury and accompanied Anselm in his banishment to Rome. After Anselm’s death, he lived in retirement from which he emerged for a short time in 1120 to be Bishop of St Andrews in Scotland. But after a year he resigned and returned to his monastery, where he died after 1124. He wrote a history of England, a number of lives of English saints, and some theological treatises, two of which were in praise of the Mother of God (De Excellentia Virg. Mariæ and De Quatuor Virtutibus Mariæ). It has been recently conclusively proved that he is also the author of a treatise on our Lady’s conception (De Conceptione S. Mariæ), hitherto generally attributed to one or other of the two Anselms.867 In his work on the Excellences of our Lady, in which her share in the work and sufferings of Christ is brought into prominence, Eadmer adopts a neutral position with regard to the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception, and admits the possibility that she was purified from original sin only at the Annunciation. In the last-named composition, however, which advocates the introduction of the festival, he endeavours to establish the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception, and defends it warmly, and not unskilfully, against many objections, having, as he says, upon more mature consideration of the matter, recognised its correctness. The circumstance that this is the first treatise which aims especially and avowedly at defending this opinion, endows it with a special interest.

XI

(pp. 243, 347) — Excursus on the So-Called Typica

The term Typicum is used first of all by Greek liturgists and rubricists to denote those short parts of the liturgy which are composed of verses from the psalms in connection both with the Canonical Hours and with the Mass, there is nothing exactly corresponding in the Western rite. (Leo Allatius, De Libris Eccl. Græc., 14, 15. Daniel, Thes. Lit., iv. 313, 319). Typicum is also used as a technical term, in the Eastern Church especially during the Byzantine period, in the sense of statute, regulation, etc. It was applied chiefly to two kinds of documents. First, it designated the catalogues of the possessions of ecclesiastical establishments and corporations, especially in so far as they were based upon testamentary donations, along with the duties entailed by them upon the clergy. Typica of this kind were called (κτητορικά), and correspond to the chartularies and “traditiones” of Western monasteries and bishoprics. Secondly, typicum was a term of a liturgical character, and as such must be considered here. Typica, in this sense, were the lists of the feasts recurring in the course of the year, of liturgical observances, fasts, etc., such as were to be observed in one of the larger churches or monasteries, along with detailed descriptions of each; they correspond to the consuetudines of Western monasteries and cathedrals.

Typica of this last kind exist in large numbers, although only a few of them have been published, and these not in editions useful for critical purposes. The best known and most important are: (1) the Typicum S. Sabæ; (2) that belonging to the monastery of the Studium at Constantinople; and (3) that formerly belonging to the famous Monastery of St Auxentius in Bithynia, now Ka-ish-dagh, dating from the time of Michael Paleologus († 1268).

The typicum of St Sabas is sometimes valuable as a source of liturgical information, and for its references to the festivals of the Church, but it is only to be used with the greatest caution. It derives its name not so much from St Sabas himself as from the monastery called after him near Jerusalem. Leo Allatius gives the following account of its origin from a dialogue of Simeon of Thessalonica; St Sabas drew up an order for the canonical hours and divine service to be observed in his monastery; this “diatyposis” was destroyed owing to the ravages of the Saracens, but was re-established by the patriarch Sophronius from memory, and retouched by St John Damascene; later on it was altered yet again to meet the requirements of the time. In the sixteenth century it was printed for practical purposes, as, for example, in Venice in 1545. In this form the typicum contains the order for divine service throughout the year for monasteries following the rule of St Sabas, rubricks for the canonical hours, the fasts and festivals, with information as to the liturgy to be used, the gospels and epistles, the menology, instructions on the canonical hours, etc., also rules of life and statutes for the monks and selected passages from the Greek Fathers. It received its present form apparently from John Grammaticus in Constantinople in the twelfth century, and cannot, of course, be regarded as a work of St Sabas. This cannot be appealed to for evidence concerning ecclesiastical customs in use before the twelfth century.

In the Eastern Church typica are issued from time to time, somewhat corresponding to our directories.

With regard to the literature on this point, it is well to mention: Theodoras Toscanus, Ad Typica Græcorum Animadversiones, Romæ, 1864. Pitra in Spicil. Solem., iv. 466 seqq. Ehrhard, Röm. Quartalschr., 1893. Krumbacher, Byzant. Zeitschr., ii. 348; iii. 167 seqq. Waldemar Nissen, Die Diataxis des Michael von Attalia von 1077, Jena, 1894. Meyer in the Theol. Literaturztg. of Shürer and Harnack, 1894, 588 seq., and 1896, No. 10. Gedeon, Μιχαὴλ τοῦ Παλαιολὸγου τυπικόν, etc., Constantinople, 1895.

Footnotes

1 The Greek word ἑορτή had become associated with the ideas of paganism and mere enjoyment. Christians called the week-days following on a Sunday feria secunda, etc. This use was already established in Tertullian’s time.

2 J. Barth, Babel und das israel. Religionswesen, Berlin, 1902. See Schmid, Die Kirche und die Sonntagsruhe: Innsbr. Zeitschr. f. Kath. Theol., 1901, 436 et seq. Linzer, Theol. Quartalschrift, 1900, 12.

3 Num. xxviii. 9, 10; Ezec. xlvi. 3, 4.

4 See the article “Sonnabendfeier,” by Krüll, in Kraus’ Realenzyklopädie.

5 Heb. iv. 9; Acts xiii. 27; xviii. 4.

6 Apoc. i. 10; 1 Cor. xvi. 2.

7 Euseb., De Mart. Pal. 1; see Baillet, IX. x.-xiv.

8 Acts xx. 7 seq.; 1 Cor. xvi. 2.

9 E.g., “Et facta oblatione fit missa” (c. 38, p. 68).

10 Euseb., De Pasch., c. 7; see c. 12a. E. Montfaucon, Introduction to Eusebius’ Commentary on the Psalms, Paris, 1707. Migne, Patr. Gr., xxiii. 51.

11 Tert., De Orat., 14. Socrates, Hist. Eccl., 6, 8. Duchesne, 218-22.

12 Ovid, Fasti, i. 79. Leo M., Sermo, 41, 1. Migne, Patr. Lat., liv. 272; Binterim, v. 134.

13 Barnabas, Epist., 15. Ignatius, Ad Magn., 9. Justin, Apol., i. 67.

14 Peregr. Silviæ, 102, 71 cod.; ed. Geyer, c. 44, 2.

15 Euseb., Vita Const., 4, 19, 20.

16 Hist. Eccl., i. 18, towards the end: ἐνομοτέθησε, τῶν δικαστηρίων καὶ τὼν ἂλλων πραγμάτων σχολὴν ἂγειν.

17 Cod. Theod., 2, 8, de feriis 1. Law of 321.

18 Op. cit., 2, 8, 18; 8, 8, 3; 11, 7, 13. In these laws Sunday is still called “dies solis,” but with the addition, “quem dominicum rite dixere majores.”

19 Op. cit. 15, 5, 5, de spectaculis.

20 Chron., Pasch., ad a 467.

21 For instances, see Baillet, ix. art. 1, c. 5 et seq.

22 Vita Const., 4, 18.

23 Constit. Apost., 2, 59; 5, 20; 7, 23 and 30; 8, 33. Tert., De Orat., 20.

24 Laod. can., 29: εἴγε δύναιντο σχλάζειν. This Council was held between 343 and 381. For further particulars, see Binterim, v. 134-52.

25 Euseb., Vita Const., 4, 19.

26 Op. cit. 4, 23.

27 Const. Apost., 2, 59; 8, 33.

28 Op. cit. 7, 37.

29 Thomassin, i. 2, c. 2, 176 seqq.

30 Council of Rouen (650), Can. 15. Decr. Grat., Can. 1, dist. 3, de consecr.; Can. 10, de feriis, 3, 9. For the variations in the observance of the Sabbath, see Alt., 10 seqq.

31 Lev. xxiii. 24.; 3 Kings viii. 65.; 2 Chr. xxix. 17.; xxx. 22.

32 Ideler, Handbuch der Chronol., i., Berlin, 1825, 515.

33 Bäumer, 325 et seq.

34 Micrologus, 43. Migne, Patr. Lat., cli. 1010. There are, however, still exceptions to this rule, e.g., St Cornelius, St Silverius, etc. Moreover, the above regulation only took effect in the city of Rome.

35 Bäumer, 314, 354.

36 Op. cit. 325.

37 Op. cit. 499.

38 Appendix i.

39 De Bapt., 19.

40 C. Cels., 8, 22.

41 Cod. Theod., 2, 8, 1, 19.

42 Cod. Justin., 3, 12, No. 6.

43 Op. cit. 3, 12, No. 7, compared with Cod. Theod. 2, 8, 19.

44 Cod. Theod., 2, 8, 20.

45 Op. cit. 15, 5, 2.

46 Op. cit. 2, 8, Nos. 20, 21, 25.

47 Op. cit. 15, 5, No. 5, compared with 2, 8, 24.

48 Op. cit. 2, 8, 23.

49 Constit. Apost., 5, 13-20; compare 8, 13. Chrys., Hom. 4 Pentec. Proclus, Or. 3, 1. Philastrius (De Hær., 141) enumerates eight festivals, because he adds the Wednesday in Holy Week.

50 Gregor. Tur., Hist. Franc., 10, 5. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxi. 566.

51 The 27th or 28th March was frequently regarded in the Gallic Church as the actual date of the resurrection of Christ, and the 25th March as the date of His death.

52 Sonnatius, Statuta, c. 20. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxx. 446.

53 Hartzheim, Conc. Germ., i. 73. Hard., iii. 1944. Mansi, xii. 383.

54 Conc. Aquisgr., Can. 19. Migne, Patr. Lat., xcvii. 326. Binterim, Conc. ii. 331.

55 Binterim, op. cit. 466. Hard., iv. 1241. Mansi, xiv. 393.

56 Capit. Hettonis. Migne, Patr. Lat., cv. 763. Binterim, Denkw., v. 302.

57 Hartzheim, Conc., l. 44. See also ii. 612, 692.

58 Op. cit. iii. 221, Can. 6. Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxxviii. 832.

59 Burchard, Decreta, 2, 77. Migne, Patr. Lat., cxl. 640. Ivon., Decret., 4, 14. Migne, Patr. Lat., cxli. 260.

60 See Appendix ii. (a).

61 Can. 1, dist. 3, de Consecr., taken from a Council of Lyons.

62 Can. 5, x., de Feriis 2, 9. The feasts of Our Lady are the same as in Decretum Grat.

63 See Appendix ii. (b).

64 In the diocese of Lyons, for example, in 1577 there were no fewer than ninety-nine days of this kind, including Sundays, Easter and Pentecost being observed each for three days. See Migne’s Handbook, 347.

65 Binterim, Conc., vi. 118 and 524; Denkw., v. 1, 303, etc. Binterim and Mooren, Die Erzdiözese Köln im Mittelalter, i., Köhn, 1892, 526. Hartzheim, Conc. Germ., v. 106; vi. 498. Further information is contained in the collections of Church Councils. See the Council of Szabolcs in Hungary, 1092 (i. cap. 37 and 38; Mansi, xx. 757); Oxford, 1222, can. 8; Toulouse, 1229, cap. 26; Worcester, 1240; the statutes of Le Mans (Mansi, xxiii. 764); the Councils of Liège, 1287; Würtzburg, 1298; Utrecht, 1347; Prague, 1355 (Hartzheim, iii. and iv.), and Bamberg, 1491 (tit. 36; Hartzheim, v. 619), which, with fifty-four holy days of obligation besides Sundays, represents the non plus ultra in this direction.

66 See Appendix ii. (c).

67 Printed by Seldenius, De Synedriis, iii., Amstel. 1679, c. 15, 204.

68 Dist. 3, de Conscr., Can. 1 Conquestus, de Feriis. See also Matisconense, Can. 10.

69 Thomassin, i. 131 seqq.

70 Ferraris, Prompta Bibl., iii., art. Festa, §§ 2 and 3.

71 De Novis Festivitatibus non Instituendis.

72 Hospinianus, 18. Thomassin, i. c. 11; De la diminuation du nombre des fêtes.

73 J. Fessler, Concerning the suppressed Holy Days, in the Archiv für Kirchenrecht, v. (1860) 194. Schüch-Grimmich, Handbuch der Pastoraltheol., 10th ed., 338 seqq.

74 Bull. Rom. Contin., ix., Romæ, 1846, 120.

75 These briefs of Clement XIV., Pius XI., and Leo XII., are printed in Dumont, Sammlung kirchl. Erlasse für d. Erzd. Köln, 2nd ed., 199 seqq.

76 See Appendix iii.

77 Alt., 454.

78 This Calendar contains twenty-six days in addition to the chief feasts. See the table in the Book of Common Prayer.

79 Sermo 47, in Exod. In omnibus solemnitatibus Christianis non ignoramus paschale sacramentum esse præcipium.

80 Sermo 48, c. 1.

81 Beda, De rat. Temp., 1, 5.

82 Exod. xii. 11; Num. xxviii. 16.

83 Euseb., Hist. Eccl., 4, 33.

84 De Orat., c. 18.

85 By Pascha, Tertullian probably understands Holy Week and Easter Week together, as a time during which each day had its liturgical celebration, “collecta,” which was not the case generally. Similarly, Quinquagesima means the period from Easter to Whitsunday.

86 Adv. Mar., 4, 12; De Jeiun., 14. Cf. De Bapt., 19; De Cor., 3.

87 De Jeiun., 14.

88 Adv. Marc., 5, 7.

89 Philos., 8, 18.

90 Can. Arab., 22.

91 Mai, Nova Coll. Vet. Script., iv. 208; Migne, Patr. Gr. xxiv. 694.

92 Vita Const., 3, 17, seqq.

93 Exod. xii. 42.

94 Exod. xii. 6-8.

95 Lev. xxiii. 7, 8.

96 Ibid. ver. 10 et seqq.

97 Isa. liii. 7 et seq.

98 Exod. xii. 46; St John xix. 36.

99 1 Cor. v. 7, 8.

100 Col. ii. 16.

101 Justin, Dial., c. 40, 111. Tert., Adv. Marc., 4, 40; 5, 7.

102 The Greeks of the province of Asia, for example, voluntarily adopted the Julian Calendar under Augustus, according to an inscription discovered at Priene. Révue Archéol, 1900, 357. Mitteil. des kaiserl. archäol. Instits at Athens, 1899.

103 Ideler, Handbuch der Chronol., i. 433.

104 Op. cit. 142.

105 Ideler, Handbuch der Chronol., i. 113, 117, 119.

106 So Ideler, who is certainly an authority, Handbuch der Chronol., i. 570 et seq.

107 Josephus, Ant., i. 1, 3: ἐν χρίῳ τοῦ ἡλίου χαθεοτῶτος. Ideler, op. cit. 401, 514, 570.

108 Nilles (p. 286) expressly declares himself opposed to the feast of Easter being fixed on a stated Sunday in April. According to information given in the Kölnischen Volkszeitung for the 22nd May 1894, the Barnabite Cæsar Tondini is said to be at work upon a reform of the Calendar, the chief features of which are the giving a fixed date for Easter and the transferring of the extra day in leap year to the end of the year. He is of opinion that this reform will be acceptable to the Russians also.

109 St Luke xix. 29 seqq.; St John xii. 1 seqq.

110 Among the Fathers, St Ambrose, more especially, deals with the question of the day of the week and day of the month on which the Last Supper took place. Cf. Epist. 23, written in 386. He says the Last Supper was held on the 14th Nisan which was a Thursday, on the 15th, Christ was crucified, and, on the 17th, He rose again. The day of His death must be kept in sorrow and fasting. Therefore the two events cannot be commemorated on the same day, and Christ’s death cannot be commemorated on a Sunday. If the 15th Nisan falls on a Sunday, Easter must be postponed to the following week. When Johannes Philoponus, in the treatise De Paschate (ed. C. Walter, Leipzig, 1899) makes our Lord keep the Last Supper on the 13th Nisan and celebrate not the old, but a new mystical passover, and then says: Τῇ πρώτῃ τῶν ἀζύμων (St Mark xxvi. 17) means τῇ πρώτῃ πρὸ τῶν ἀζύμων.
Harnack and Shürer, Theol. Literaturztg., 1900, No. 4.

111 Etymol., 6, 17, 10; Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxii. 247.

112 Euseb., Hist. Eccl., 4, 21; 5, 27.

113 Twenty-first Festal Letter, for the year 349, in Larsow 33.

114 Hist. Eccl., 5, 27.

115 Adv. Hær., 70, c. 12: Μία γὰρ ἡμέρα παρ’ ἐκείνοις ζητεῖται, παρ’ ἡμῖν δὲ οὐ μία ἀλλὰ ἕξ, ἐβδομὰς πληρεστάτη, etc.

116 loc. cit. c. 11.

117 Ep. ad Januarium., 55, c. 1-3.

118 Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxii. 47-51.

119 De Ord. Fer. Migne, Patr. Lat., xc. 607.

120 For a full account of the ceremonies, etc., belonging to this part of the Church’s year, see Lent and Holy Week, by H. Thurston, S.J., London, 1904. [Trans.]

121 Matiscon, 2, 3.

122 Cf. Ordo I., 7. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxviii. 954, 994 et seqq.

123 Hefele, Konciliengesch., 2nd ed., Freiburg, 1877, iii., 36, 42, 577, 596.

124 Peregrinatio Silviæ, c. 30, ed. Geyer, 67 cod., and Chrysost., Hom. 30 in Gen., 10 t. 4. fol. 29. Binterim (Denkw. v. 179) prefers to derive “Karwoche” from “carena,” which in the Romance languages has taken various forms (carême carenzia) and also in the old German is found as Karina, in reference to the strict fast then observed.

125 Nor in the Antiphonarium Greg., to which Binterim (Denkw. v. 174) refers.

126 Peregr. Silviæ, c. 30, 31, ed. Geyer, 64 cod. Since the pilgrim, in describing the size and strength of the Euphrates (c. 18, p. 61, 11), recalls the Rhone, it seems certain she belongs to Southern France. I use the expression, “Gallic pilgrim,” as her name may have been either Silvia or Egeria. She travelled in the East between 378 and 394.

127 Hora decima. Peregr. Silviæ, ed. Geyer, c. 35.

128 Peregr. Silviæ, ed. Geyer, c. 36-38, p. 67-69 cod.

129 The name was usual in Spain. Mabillon, De Lit. Gal., 32. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxii. 186, quotes for it Isidor., De Off. Eccl., 1, 28.

130 According to Migne (Handbuch, 671) in several dioceses of France it is not even yet the custom.

131 I have arrived at the conclusion that in the missal in the cathedral library at Cologne (cod. 88), the benedictio palmarum has been added by another hand. In the Essen cod. D.I., it appears in the first part (fol. 45), but in neither of the other parts.

132 De Off. Eccl., 1, 28. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxiii. 763. Isidore makes no mention of carrying palm branches in the church, as Duchesne (p. 237) implies, but he does speak in this passage of the traditio symboli and of the capitilavium which in Spain were both performed on Palm Sunday.

133 De Off. Eccl., 4, 10. Migne, Patr. Lat., cv. 1008.

134 Isidor., De Off. Eccl., 1, 27.

135 Mabillon, Lit. Gall. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxii. 265. Cf. Synod of Agde (506), can. 13.

136 Ambrosius, Epist., 20, c. 4.

137 Sacr. Geb., 1, 35, 36. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxiv. 1088.

138 Augustin., Sermo, 58, c. 11. “Ideo die sabbati”: Sermo, 212, c. 1, 2.

139 Avitus († 518), in Migne, Patr. Lat., lix. 302, 309, 321-326. Eligius († between 640 and 659), Hom., 10. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxvii. 628.

140 Kirchenlexikon, v., 2nd ed., 1309, art. Gründonnerstag by Punkes.

141 Martène, iii., 237, 346, 352. Incipiat cantor cum cappa viridi missam, presbytero, diacono et subdiacono indutis ornamentis viridibus, etc. Also Wickham Legg, whose pamphlet on the History of the Liturgical Colours (London, 1882) is only concerned with the last three centuries, shows (p. 21) that green was used in many places, in Mainz among others.

142 Cf. App. iv.

143 e.g. by Greg. of Tours, Hist. Franc., 8, 43; festa Dominicæ Cœnæ.

144 Martène, De Ant. Eccl., iv. 22; ed. Antw. 1727, iii. p. 227 seqq., where the prayers over the penitents are given in full.

145 An offerendum sit mane et rurus post cœnam... an jeiunandum et post cœnam tantummodo offerendum, an etiam jeiunandum et post oblationem sicut facere solemus cœnandum. Augustin., Epist., 54 ad Januarium, c. 4; 11, 302.

146 Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxiv. 1102.

147 Muratori, ii. 55 and Ordo I. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxviii. 951.

148 Pseudo-Alcuin. Migne, Patr. Lat., ci. 1205 et seq.

149 Oleum in altari sanctificatum. Cyprian, Epist., 70, c. 2.

150 So called from St John xiii. 34: mandatum novum do vobis. The washing of the feet preceded vespers. Each monk had to wash the feet of the poor, and, lastly, the abbot and prior washed the feet of the brethren. Consuet. Farf., 49. [Hence the English name for the day. Trans.]

151 De Off. Eccl., 1, 29. Lit. Mozar. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxv. 406.

152 St Augustin., Conf., 8, 5; de loco eminentiori.

153 Epist., 23, c. 12. Migne, Patr. Lat., xvi. 1030.

154 Constit. Apost., 5, 18; ἡμέρα, γάρ εἰσι πένθους ἀλλ’ οὐχ ἑορτῆς.

155 This is also the custom in the Russian Church. “The priests wear black vestments during the whole service on Good Friday, as a sign of grief for the death of the Redeemer.” (Maltzew, lxxxiv.) By the law of 2nd Sept. 1899, in Prussia, Good Friday was made a general public holiday.

156 His dissertation is incorporated in the treatise, De Divinis Officiis of the pseudo-Alcuin (Migne, Patr. Lat., ci., 1211 et seqq.). He is also the author of the short treatise De Computo (Migne, cxxxvii. 18 seqq.). Trithemius wrongly locates him in the eleventh century.

157 Epist. ad Decentium Eng., 25, c. 2: Constat apostolos biduo isto in mœrore fuisse et propter metum Judæorum occuluisse. Quod utique non dubium est, in tantum eos jeiunasse biduo memorato, ut traditio ecclesiæ habeat, isto biduo sacramenta penitus non celebrari. Sacramenta here means masses, as well as Sacramentarium Missale. It appears that the two last days of each week in Lent were without a celebration of the liturgy, for the Pope continues: Quæ utique forma per singulas tenenda est hebdomadas, etc.

158 Maltzew, lxxxvi. et seqq.

159 Missale Gothico-Gallic. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxii. 267.

160 Amalarius, De Off. Eccl., 1, 15; Et inde communicet populus. De qua observatione interrogavi Romanum archidiaconum et ille respondit: In statione ubi apostolicus salutat crucem, nemo ibi communicat. Migne, Patr. Lat., cv. 1032. Ordo Rom. I. (Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxviii. 954) has the general communion (et communicant omnes cum silentio). Rabanus Maurus (De Cleric. Instit., 2, 37) mentions the other ceremonies (Migne, Patr. Lat., cvii. 349).

161 Adnuntial diaconus ut supra. Sac. Gelas. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxiv. 1105.

162 Liber Sacramentorum, ed. Menard. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxviii. 79, 86 et seq.

163 Muratori, Lit. Rom. Vet., ii. 57.

164 Vide Appendix iv.

165 Among the Greeks it is continued during Lent. Maltzew, lxxxvi.

166 It first appears in Ordo Rom., xiv. n. 94 (13th cent.). Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxviii. 1218. Binterim, Denkw. v. 221.

167 This view is maintained by Thomassin, 330 seq. Against this Binterim (Denkw., v. 214) rightly defends the opinion that the blessing of the new fire was unknown in Rome in the eighth century. This appears from the answer of Pope Zacharias to the inquiry of St Boniface on the point. It was only introduced at Rome by Leo IV. The ecclesiastical rite seems to have been moulded on the “Osterfeuer” in use among the Germans. The most ancient Roman sacramentaries know nothing of it.

168 In the life of Zosimus († 418) it only says: “Per parrocia concessa licentia cereum benedici.” It is doubtful if these obscure words refer to the Paschal candle. Cf. Duchesne, Lib. Pont., i. 225.

169 “Hoc autem die inclinante ad vesperam statuta celebratio noctis Dominicæ in ecclesia incipitur,” etc. (Rabanus Maurus, De Cleric. Instit., 2, 38; Migne, Patr. Lat., cvii. 350). “Post nonam (3 p.m.) vestiantur omnes qui ad sacram aliquid habuerint legendi,” etc. (Consuet. Farf., ed. Albers, 55). The Constit. Lanfranci give the same hour (Migne, Patr. Lat. cl. 466). According to Ordo Rom., x. App., No. 16, the ceremonies began at hora sexta (noon). The Greeks and Russians have their Mass after their evening service or Vespers. Maltzew, xciii.; Hefele, Beiträge, ii. 291.

170 Cf. Augustin., Sermo 228 in die paschæ V.: “Post laborem noctis præteritæ... diu vos tenere sermone non debeo.” In Africa the baptism took place in the night between Saturday and Sunday, Sermo 214, c. 1.

171 Muratori, Lit. Rom. Vet., ii. 61-66.

172 Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxii. 364-71.

173 Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxii. 268-77.

174 Migne, lviii. 90. Ordo Rom. I. (ib. 951 et seqq.) gives the later ritual directions for the three last days of Holy Week.

175 Binterim (Denkw., v. 247) thinks it was not observed when the anniversary of the previous Easter fell on Lent.

176 So Durandus, De Off. Eccl., 6, 88. In the Consuet. Farf. (ed. Albers), 58, a solemn procession of the monks in the monastery and in the church is also mentioned.

177 Ordo Rom., xiv. c. 95; Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxviii. 1219. Some of the customs approached the dramatic, e.g., Martène, iii. 483, 506 et seq.

178 Thalhofer, Liturgik, ii. 2, 551. For ancient and popular customs, see Migne, Handbuch, 662 et seqq.

179 Peregr. Silviæ., ed. Geyer, c. 39 and 40. In many dioceses of France processions were made throughout the entire week (Martène, iii. 510).

180 De Cleric. Instit., 2, 39; Knöpfler, 138.

181 Muratori, Lit. Rom. Vet., ii. 67-75. The designation of the several days of Easter week differs only in form from that now in use. The ferias are called “feriæ in albis,” the Sunday after Easter, “Dominica post albas, scil. depositas.”

182 This consisted in pouring out at the altar water drawn from the pool of Siloe (Winer, Bibl. Realw., ii. 8).

183 Athanasius, translated by Larsow, 94, and for the whole subject, Nilles: Innsbr. Zeitschr. für kath. Theol., 1895, 169 seqq.

184 The history of fasting, abstinence, and kindred subjects is excellently given by Baillet (ix. 37-130), according to the information at his disposal. Of more recent works, Funk, Die Entwicklung des Osterfastens in seinen kirchengeschichtlichen Abhandlungen, Paderborn, 1897, 241-70.

185 Didaché, c. 8; Hermas, Simil., 5, 1; Tert., De Jej., c. 2, 10, 14.

186 “Jejuno bis in sabbato” (St Luke xviii. 12); Duchesne, Orig., 218; Funk, Anm. zur Didaché, 8, 1.

187 Strom., 7, 74, ed. Sylburg.

188 Tertullian, op. cit. 2, 13, 14.

189 Eus., Hist. Eccl., 5, 24, 11-18.

190 Οἱ δὲ τεσσαράκοντα ὥρας ἡμερινάς τε καὶ νυκτερινὰς συμμετροῦσι τὴν ἡμέραν αὐτῶν (Euseb., op. cit.). Funk, op. cit. 242 et seq., defends the above interpretation of the passage against Probst.

191 Origen cannot be quoted for the fast of forty days, for the evidence attributed to him is really that of his translator, Rufinus. Cf. Funk, op. cit.

192 Ἀπονηστίζεσθαι δεῖ οὗ ἂν ἐμπέσῃ κυριακή. This passage is not quoted in the treatise of Funk already referred to. His conclusions must accordingly be modified.

193 Larsow, Festbriefe deshl. Athanasius, 62.

194 Op. cit. 69.

195 Op. cit. 127.

196 Larsow, Festbriefe deshl. Athanasius, 149.

197 De Paschate, c. 4.

198 Peregr. Silviæ., ed. Geyer, c. 27, 28 (60-62 cod.).

199 De Elia., c. 10.

200 Constit. Apost., 5, 13.

201 Op. cit. 5, 18, 19.

202 Op. cit. 5, 15, § 1.

203 Leo M., Sermo 40, 5.

204 Sermo 48, 1.

205 Sermo 44, 2; 47, 1.

206 Aurel. I., A.D. 511, can. 24; Aurel. IV., A.D. 541, can. 2.

207 Augustin., Epist. ad Januarium, c. 4; Migne, Patr. Lat., ii. 202.

208 Trull., 55.

209 Hist. Eccl., 5, 22. Sozomen (7, 19) and Cassiodorus (Hist. Misc., 9, 38) have merely copied Socrates.

210 Tert., De Jej., 2, 10, 13, 14, etc.

211 Didaché, c. 8; Clemens Alex., Strom., 7, 12; Origen, C. Celso., 8, 21.

212 Constit. Apost., 5, 15, 20; 7, 23; Can. Apost., 69 (68).

213 Can. Arab., 20.

214 Alt., 123.

215 Augustin., Epist., 36, n. 8; Innoc. I., Epist., 25, 7; Migne, Patr. Lat., xx. 555; Prudent., Perist., 6, 52.

216 Rahmani, Test. I. Chr., 1, 22, 33; 36, 71.

217 Gregor. Tur., Hist. Franc., 10, 51; Amalarius, De Off. Eccl., 4, 37; Migne, Patr. Lat., cv. 1250.

218 Binterim, Denkw., ii. 589.

219 De Jej., c. 1, 2, 5, 9, 12, 17.

220 Hieronymus, Epist. 27 ad Marcellam.

221 Can. Arab., 22.

222 Constit. Apost., 5, 18.

223 Peregr. Silviæ, c. 28, 4.

224 Hom. de Statius, 3, 4.

225 Decr. ad Bulg. Epist. 97, c. 4; Migne, Patr. Lat., xcvii. 980. Binterim, Denkw. v. 2, 160 seqq. Dist. 3, de consecr. de esu carnium. Dist. 5, c. Quia dies.

226 Ferrari, Prompta Bibl., art. Abstinentia, 1, 42.

227 Since the fasts were very strictly observed in the Middle Ages, it was a custom to have an especially good meal in the day or evening before they began. Hence the German expression “Fastnacht.” Unfortunately the Fastnacht is not limited nowadays to one night, but lasts for three days, and even, where possible, right into Ash-Wednesday.

228 The rubric, according to which Vespers, from the First Sunday in Lent onwards, are to be said ante comestionem, also belongs to the more primitive arrangement.

229 Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxiv. 1065.

230 Hom. I. 16 in Evang., c. 5; Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxvi. 1137.

231 Sacram. Gelas.; Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxiv. 1076 et seqq.

232 See, however, fer. iv. after Lætare: “Effundam super vos aquam mundam,” and the Saturday before Passion Sunday: “Sitientes venite ad aquas.”

233 Lanfranc, Decreta, sectio 3; Migne, Patr. Lat., cl. 453; Rupert Tuit., De Div. Off., 4, 9; Honorius Aug., Gemma, 3, 46; Durandus, Rationale, 1, 3 (this last speaks of two such curtains—cortinæ). Heuser, Art. Fastentuch, in Kirchenlex., iv., 2nd ed., 1255; Schriver, Der Dom zu Osnabrück, etc., 1901; Maltzew, Triodion, vi.

234 For the Transfiguration, see Baillet, v. 104; Bäumer, Gesch. des Breviers, 299, 355; Marzohl u. Schneller, iv. 653 seqq.

235 Πανέορτος ἡμέρα: Euseb., De Sol. Pasch., c. 5; Migne, Patr. Gr., xxiv. 699; Socrates, Hist. Eccl., 7, 26: πάνδημος ἑορτή. On can. 43 of Elvira, cf. p. 110.

236 Constit. Apost., 5, 18.

237 Epist. ad Januarium, 54, c. 1; Sermo 261-65.

238 Cyrill. Hieros., Catech., 14, c. 23.

239 Peregr. Silviæ, 70 cod., ed. Geyer, c. 42.

240 Adamnan., De Locis Sanctis., 1, 22; Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxviii. 803.

241 Chrysost., Sermo in Ascens., ed. Montfaucon, ii. 2, 420.

242 St Luke xxiv. 60, where εἰς βηθανίαν means, in the direction of Bethania. Acts i. 12; Heb. vi. 14; ix. 24; Eph. iv. 9; Col. iii. 1.

243 Cf. the commentary of Schanz, in loc.

244 When Chrysostom (Hom. in Acta Apost., 3, 1) places our Lord’s Ascension on Saturday, it may be that he reckoned the interval after the Resurrection as consisting of forty full days. One is not justified in concluding, as some do, that in Antioch the Ascension was kept on Saturday.

245 Tert., De Orat., c. 23; De Cor., 3.

246 Peregr. Silviæ, ed. Geyer, b. 41 (69 cod.).

247 The aim of the forty-third canon of Elvira seems to be the abolition of this custom. A later addition to the canon adds: “post pascha quinquagesima teneatur, non quadragesima.” The date of this addition is unknown. Hefele-Knöpfter, Konziliengesch. ii., 2nd ed., 174. Dr Herbst (ibid.) thought the reference was to the Montanists, but even if there were any Montanists in Spain at that period, their heresy could scarcely be called “Nova.”

248 Cf. Muratori, ii. 750-58, and 873.

249 Exod. xxxiv. 22; Deut. xvi. 10.

250 2 Mac. xii. 32; Acts ii. 1; Joseph., Antt., 3, 10, 6.

251 Leo M., Sermo 75 in Pentec.; Augustin., Epist. 56, c. 16 Ad Disqu. Januarii, 2, 218.

252 Tert., De Cor., 3, and De Bapt., 19, where probably “latissimum spatium,” and not “lætissimum,” is the correct reading.

253 Tert., De Bapt., 19; De Idol., 14; Cassian., Coll., 21, 11, 19; Bened. Regula, 15.

254 Tert., De Jej., 14.

255 Tert., De Bapt., 19: “pentecoste qui est proprie dies festus.”

256 Can. Arab., 22.

257 Peregr. Silviæ, ed. Geyer, c. 43 [70] cod.; cf. 44, 2.

258 Martène, De Ant. Eccl. Rit., iv. 28, 441-543.

259 Augustin., Sermo 272 ad infantes.

260 Martène, iv. 28, 441-543.

261 According to the Consuet. Farf. (ed. Albers, 73), a Mass for the dead was to be celebrated in the forenoon; at mid-day the brethren were to rest, and then about 2 P.M. begin the lesser hours, which were followed by the High Mass. Afterwards came a meal.

262 Constit. Apost., 5, 20, 7: Τὴν πεντεκοστὴν ἐορτάσατε μίαν ἑβδομάδα.

263 De Off. Missæ, c. 3; Migne, Patr. Lat., cxlii. 1062.

264 Conc. Mogunt., A.D. 818, can. 36.

265 Muratori, ii. 95: Die dominica vacat; ii. 164: Dominica prima post pentecosten; ii. 321: Dominica octavæ pentecosten (sic). For the Gelasian Sac., cf. i. 606.

266 C. 59 and 60; Migne, cli, 1019.

267 Vid. the Præfatio of Froben to Alcuin 11 in Migne, cl. 440. Similar votive Masses for each day—Sunday, in honour of the Trinity, and on the week-days in honour of the angels, of the wisdom and of the love of the Holy Ghost, of the Holy Cross, and of our Blessed Lady—are found in the Liturgia Fontavellanensis (Migne, cli. 938).

268 Binterim (Denkw., v. 270) rejects the view that Alcuin had anything to do with the matter, and considers that the festival was introduced not through him, but through a certain Catulfus at the court of Charlemagne. The well-meant but rather obscure letter of this Catulfus is printed in Migne, xcvi. 1363. Careful consideration of the passage in question shows he is speaking of the honour of the Trinity in general, and not of any festival of the Holy Trinity.

269 Cf. the so-called Mass of Alcuin (Migne, Patr. Lat., cl. 445). The circumstance that the present preface of the Trinity appears in the Vatican MSS. used by Muratori, and is printed in his Liturgia Rom. Vetus (11, 285, and 321), can easily have given rise to mistakes.

270 Potho of Prüm (1152) has an interesting remark to which Hospinian draws attention: “Miramur satis, quod visum fuerit hoc tempore quibusdam monasteriis mutare colorem optimum novas quasdam inducendo celebritates.... Quæ igitur ratio hæc festa celebrandi nobis induxcit, festum videlicet s. trinitatis et festum transfigurationis Domini? Additur his a quibusdam, quod magis absurdum videtur, festum conceptionis S. Mariæ” (De Statu Domus Dei lib.; De la Bigne, Magna Bibl. Vet. Patrum, ix. 588). One must make allowances for Potho’s standpoint. He set himself energetically against the monks having the cure of souls or any say in the administration of the Church, as detrimental to their vocation to the contemplative life. On the same grounds, he set himself against all alterations in the rule, and all innovations in the festivals of the Church’s year.

271 Cap. 2, x. de feriis, 2, 9, § 3.

272 Baillet (ix. 2, 158) considers this office was then a new one, though based upon one of the three ancient offices. Binterim, 265 seqq., and Bäumer, 298 (where, however, a few statements need correcting) take a different view.

273 Vita S. Julianæ ab auctore coævo conscr., 1, c. 2, in Acta SS. Boll., April 1, 473-75, with its Prolegg., 442.

274 The letter of this synod is printed in Binterim, Denkw., v. 1, 276 et seqq. For the original office so far as it is extant, cf. ibid. 284.

275 The bull “Transiturus” is contained in the Constitution of Clement V. in 1311 (Clementini, 3, 16). It is also in Labbe’s Councils (xi. 1, 817). Cf. Bened. XIV., Institutiones Constit., v. 20, for the procession.

276 Binterim has brought forth fresh evidence in favour of the fact, which many have questioned (op. cit. 282, and vii. 1, 77).

277 Hartzheim, Conc. Germ., iii. 699.

278 Lanfranci, Decreta, sec. 3; Migne, Patr. Lat., cl. 456 et seq. [Cf. Gasquet, Parish Life in Med. England, viii. 171.—Trans.]

279 Binterim, Denkw., vii. 3, 367 et seqq.; J. Gretser, De Processionibus, 2, 19; Binterim, Geschichte der Konzilien, etc., v. 368. The synod of Cologne in 1452 forbade the Blessed Sacrament to be carried round the church in a monstrance on other days than Corpus Christi (op. cit. vii. 486).

280 Acta Vetera Eccl. Rotom.; Migne, Patr. Lat., cxlvii. 123.

281 P. Joerres, Beiträge zur Gesch. des Fronleichnamsfestes; Römische Quartalschrift, 1902, 170 et seq.; Sdralek, Die Strassburger Diözesansynoden, Strassb. theol. Studien, ii. 1, 121.

282 Hoeynck, Gesch. d. K. Liturgie des Bist. Augsburg, 229 et seq.

283 Maurel, Ablässe, Paderborn, 1874, 238.

284 Hoeynck, op. cit. 231. For a description of the Roman use, cf. Migne, Handbuch, 304 et seqq.

285 The oldest pictorial representation of the Corpus Christi procession is probably that contained in the chronicle of the Council of Constance, by Ulrich of Richental (49 et seqq.). The original MS. is in the Rosgarten Museum at Constance; it is reproduced in No. 158 of the Stuttgart Literar. Verein of 1882 (Photolitographie by H. Bach). It represents the procession as it took place during the council in the year 1415. The monstrance is carried by two ecclesiastics on a sort of small platform.

286 Cf. Bened. XIV., Institutiones, 30, 206, and the article of P. Norbert, “Ord. Cap.,” in the Katholik for August 1898, 151.

287 Nilles, De rationibus festorum SS. Cordis Jesu et Pur. Cordis Mariæ libri quattuor, 5th ed., Œniponte, 1885; Nix, art. “Herz Jesu und Mariä” in the Kirchenlexikon, v., 2nd ed., 1921 et seqq.; Bäumer, 525 et seq.

288 Cassian, Coll. 10, c. 2: “Mos antiqua traditione servatus.”

289 Usener, i. 1, 320, has investigated the circumstances which attended the introduction of Christmas in different countries, and his conclusions have met with entire recognition from Harnack, Theol. Literaturztg., 1889, 199, et seqq., and from Dom Suitbert Bäumer, Katholik, 1890, i. 1-15. Exception was taken to certain points by Duchesne, Bull. Critique, 1890, No. 3. These circumstances have been already dealt with by Baillet, viii. 582 et seqq.

290 Epiphanius, Adv. Hær., 2, 1; Hær., 51, c. 16 and 24.

291 Cf. c. 26, ed. Geyer, 60; ed. Gamurrini, 84.

292 C. 49, ed. Geyer; ed. Gamurrini, 109.

293 Lamy, Ephræmi Syri hymni et sermones, i., Mechl., 1882, 10, on the Benedictus, 2, 415. This hymn is translated into German by Zingerle in the Kempten Bibl. d. Kirchenväter, ii. 27.

294 Cf. Hefele, History of Councils, vi., 1st ed., 504, 575, etc.

295 Gregor, Naz. Hom. 38 in Theophania; Migne, Patr. Gr., xxxvi.

296 John, Bishop of Nicea, in Combefis, Hist. Hær. Monoth., Paris, 1648, 306. Baumstark (Oriens Christ., 1902, 441-446) is in favour of the date 398 to 400.

297 Gregor, Nyss., Or. Fun.; Migne, Patr. Gr., xlvi. 789. Cf. ib., 701 and 725. Basil was dead before 1st January 379.

298 The date 386 depends upon the order of the sermons referred to. Usener, who places them at unnecessary wide intervals, gives 388, Clinton 387, Combefis, Montfaucon, and Tillemont 386. The period from February to December is ample for the above sermons.

299 Chrysost., Hom. in Nativ. I. Chr.; Montfaucon, ii. 352; Migne, Patr. Gr., x. 2, 351.

300 Τὸ ταχέως οὔτω πανταχοῦ περιαγγελθῆναι. Ταχέως does not contradict ἄνωθεν, for Chrysostom distinguishes between the knowledge of the day of Christ’s birth and its solemn celebration. The former had been known for ages in Rome, but the celebration of the festival, on the contrary, had spread rapidly in all directions, and this rapid diffusion of the festival shows in its turn that the 25th December is really the day of Christ’s birth.

301 Cod. Justin., 3, 12, 6.

302 Cod. Theod., 2, 8, 27. Cf. the law of the year 425, ib., 15, 5, 5.

303 Combefis, Hist. Hær. Monoth., 304: Ἐξ ἐκείνου δὲ ἔλαβεν ἀρχὴ ἡ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐκκλησία τὴν ἡμὲραν τῶν γενεθλίων τοῦ σωτῆρος. Combefis was the first to discuss the question, and his disquisition is excellent, though now forgotten. Cf. Migne, viii. 964-968. Combefis has also collected all the material for the history of Christmas in his Bibl. Patrum Conc., 300 et seq.

304 Combefis (Hist. Hær. Monoth., 302 and 314, A. 4) considered it suspicious.

305 Roncalli, Chronica Vetustiora, Introd., xxix.

306 Bucherius, in its Latinized form.

307 Jos. Strzygowski, Die Kalenderbilder des Chronographen vom Jahre 354, with 30 plates, Berlin, 1888, published for the Archeological Institute. The rest is to be found in Mon. Germ. Hist. Auctores Antiquissimi, t. ix., vol. i., fasc. i., Berol., 1891. The Natales Cæsarum and the Calendar are printed in the Corp. Inscr. Lat.

308 Mommsen, Abhandl. der Sächs. Akademie d. Wissensch., 1850, 1, 618. The figure XIII. signifies the Epact. This proves that the 1st January fell on a Saturday, and that B was the dominical letter.

309 L’Art de vérifier les Dates dep. J. Chr., I. 111.

310 [This refers to the ancient practice of dating the years of an emperor’s reign, not from the actual date of his accession, but from the New Year’s Day either preceding or following his accession. The years of the emperor’s reign were thus brought into artificial agreement with the calendar year. Numbering the years of the emperor’s reign from the actual date of his accession is, in Mommsen’s phrase, taking them as effektiv.—Trans.]

311 I have attempted to show how this difference is to be explained in an article in the Innsbr. Zeitschr. für Kath. Theologie, xv. (1891), 519 et seqq.

312 Vid. Appendix vi.

313 St Luke i. 5, 8.

314 1 Esdr. vi. 18.

315 Antiq. vii. 14, 7.

316 Antiq. vii. 11, 7, 1; 12, 6, 4; 7, 6. 1 Mach. i. 57; iv. 18.

317 So Lamy (Apparatus Chronol. et Geogr., 61) referring to the Tractate Erachin and Taanit.

318 Jos., Bell. Jud., 4, 8, 5; 4, 5. According to Ideler (i. 400, 433) Josephus employs the Syro-Macedonian names of the months, not with the intention of adjusting them to the Julian Calendar, but merely as Greek names for the Jewish months.

319 The attempt to fix the time of Christ’s birth by the help of the course of Abia was undertaken by Scaliger, abandoned as useless by Petavius, resumed by B. Lamy. In modern times, it was resumed by Seyffarth (Chronol. Sacra, Leipsig, 1846, 97 et seqq.), Weigl (Theol. und Chronol. Abhandlungen über das wahre Geburts-und Sterbejahr Christi, Sulzbach, 1848), and Stavars (Tüb. Theol. Quartalschr., 1866, 201 et seq.).

320 Hieron, Opera, ed. Migne, xi. 220. It is evident from St Jerome’s commentary on Ezechiel that his views on the subject were not those of the preacher of this sermon. The sermon for the 25th December, published by Morin (Anecdota Mareds., iii. 2, 392, et seqq.), agrees with the sermon quoted above.

321 Clemens Alex., Strom., i., ed. Sylburg, 340.

322 Cypriani, Opera, ed. Hartel, ii. 266.

323 Augustin., Sermo 190, 1; 192, 3; 196, 1.

324 Luke ix. 13 seqq.

325 Ambr., De Virg., 3, 1; Migne, xvi. 219.

326 Paulinus, Vita Ambr., c. 4, and his life in the Benedictine edition of his works, c. 7. The chronology of the youthful period of St Ambrose’s life is unfortunately obscure.

327 Conc. Cathag., iii. can. 4; Bruns, i. 123.

328 Usener (272 seqq.) starts with the preconceived opinion that Liberius delivered his address on the 6th Jan. 353, and so is of opinion that Christmas was celebrated for the first time in Rome on the 25th Dec. 353. On the other hand, Duchesne (Bull. Crit., 1890, No. 3, p. 41 seq.), having the circumstance in view that the Depositio Episcoporum begins the year with the 27th Dec. and the Depositio Martyrum with the 25th Dec., thinks he has proof for holding that the 27th Dec. for a long time already, indeed even from about 243, had been a marked day in the Church’s Calendar, and, accordingly, that the 25th Dec. had been kept as the Natalis Domini as early as the third century. We leave these points to the reader’s discretion. Christmas was kept in Rome certainly before 353.

329 Mommsen, Röm. Gesch., v. 481.

330 Marquardt-Mommsen, Röm. Altert., vi., 2nd. ed., 588.

331 Hospinian (fol. iii.) and others held that the 25th December was chosen purposely in order to supplant the Saturnalia. But the Saturnalia did not last over the 25th, although Maximus of Turin seems to think it did.

332 De Orat. Dom., 35.

333 Sermo, 7, 1, 3; Migne, Patr. Lat., xvii. 614.

334 Zeno Ver., Tract., 2, 9, 2, calls Christ “Sol noster, sol verus.” Gregor. I., Hom., 29 in Evang., c. 10: “Quis solis nomine nisi Christus designatur?” Prud., Cathem., 11, 1: “Quid est, quod arctum circulum sol jam recurrens deserit?” Gregor. Naz., Orat. in S. lumina, calls Christ the sun.

335 On the Vigil: “Sidus refulget jam novum”; at Lauds: “Orietur sicut sol salvator mundi”: in the Preface: “Per incarnati Verbi mysterium nova mentis nostræ oculis lux tuæ claritatis infulsit”: on the octave: “Tu lumen et splendor Patris”; in the hymn: “In sole posuit tabernaculum suum”; in the antiphons: “Hodie descendit lux magna in terris. In sole posuit tabernaculum suum,” etc.

336 Maximus Taur., Hom., 103; Migne, Patr. Lat., lvii. 491.

337 Peregr. Silv., 82 (59 cod.), ed. Geyer, c. 25.

338 Peregr. Silv., 84 (60), ed. Geyer, 77. In c. 49, No. 3, the chief festivals are Easter and Epiphany.

339 In Ezech. 1, 3; Migne, Patr. Lat., xxv. 18, written about A.D. 411.

340 Cosmas Indicopleustes, ed. Galland. Bibl., xi. 461; Migne, lxxxviii. 198.

341 So Usener, who quotes a passage from a sermon of Basil of Seleucia. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxv. 469.

342 Cosmas, op. cit. 462.

343 Evangeliarium Hierosol., 482, 494. See Usener, 323, 327.

344 Combefis, Hist. Hær. Monoth., 314 A, 4.

345 Peregr. Silv., 84 (60), ed. Geyer, 77.

346 Gregor Tur., Microl., 1, 88; Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxi. 783.

347 Combefis, op. cit. 302 E.

348 Opera, Zenonis Ver., ed. Migne, Patr. Lat., xi. lib. 2, tract 7-9. Lib. i. tract 13 may be spurious.

349 Sermo 10 de sanctis according to the old enumeration, sermo 220 inter suppos. according to the new.

350 Peregr. Silv., 84 (60).

351 See Append. vii.

352 Matiscon. 1, can. 9; Turon., 11, can. 27. Cf. Gregor. Tur., Hist. Franc., 10, 31.

353 Synaxarium of Michael of Atriba, under 15th November.

354 Gregor. M., Hom. in Evang., 1, 1, 6, 7, and 20. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxvi. 1078 et seqq. Cabrol (Révue Bénéd., 1905, 1, 1), thought he had discovered traces of Advent in the fifth or even in the fourth century. It is best to reserve judgment until clearer evidence is forthcoming.

355 Muratori, Lit. Rom. Vet., ii. 133-135 and 342-346.

356 Printed by Gerbert, Lit. Allem., 410-416, which also contains the Evangelarium of Spires, 8th Cent., 417-444, and Kalendarium of Fronteau, 155 et seq.

357 Amalarius, De Eccl. Off., 3, 40; 4, 30. Abbo, Apolog. Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxxix. 472.

358 Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxv. 139. Binterim, Denkw., v. 167.

359 Thus the Comes Pamelii in Ranke’s supplement and the old lectionaries of Cologne, Treves, and Münster. See Schue, Die bibl. Lesungen, etc., Treves, 1861, 129 et seqq.

360 Since 1893, the third Sunday after Epiphany has also a special character owing to the Feast of the Holy Family falling on it.

361 See the critical edition of C. A. Wilson (Oxford, 1894), p. 9.

362 Augustin., Sermo 198, c. 1. “Vos quasi solemniter hodie convenire conspicimus.”

363 Turon., 2, can. 17, 22; Antissiod., can. 1.

364 Tolet., 4 (633), can. 11; Lex Visigoth., ii. tit. i. 12, and xii. 3, 6; Mon. Germ. Leges Sect. 1, tom. i. 1, 59 and 434. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxi. 478.

365 Migne, i. 212, col. 70-73 for the text. See Heuser, Kirchenlexikon, iv., 2nd ed., 1395 seqq. The so-called Feast of Asses, about which so much has been written, was a harmless affair. It took its name from semi-theatrical performances inspired by passages of Scripture which happen to mention an ass.

366 In this document it is called “Natale S. Mariæ.”

367 Wiegand, 27.

368 Tractat., 1, 13.

369 Leo I., Sermo 2 de Epiph. Fulgentius, Sermo. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxv. 732.

370 Ammianus Marcell., 21, 2.

371 Clemens Alex., Strom., i. 21, § 45; ed. Potter, 407; Sylburg, 340.

372 In the edition of Bonwetsch and Achelis, Leipsig, 1897, No. 22, p. 255 et seq., Achelis and others regard it as spurious but without just reason. It is translated by Probst, Lehre und Gebet, 247. Although not a sermon, it was evidently an address delivered to certain individuals. Cf. c. 6 and 9 (ἀγαπητέ and ἄνθρωπε).

373 Constit Apost., 8, 33; cf. 5, 13.

374 Seldenius, De Synedriis, iii. 15, 204, 220.

375 See Gregor. Naz., Orat., 39, c. 2.

376 Synodus II. S. Patricii., can. 20.

377 St Matthew ii. 10 seq.

378 St Matthew ii. 1-12.

379 Poema, 27; Natal, 9, v. 47 et seqq. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxi. 649.

380 Sedatus, Hom. de Epiph. Migne, lxxii. 773. Maximus Taur., Hom. 7 in Epiph. Migne, lvii. 271. “Fuerunt enim hodie... quid potissimum præsenti hoc factum sit die, noverit ipse, qui fecit.”

381 Augustin., Sermo supposit., 136, c. 1, and the hymn “Illuminans Altissimus,” in Kayser, Hymnen, 2nd ed., 370. See also the article “Feste” by Funk and Krieg in Kraus’s Realenzyklopädie.

382 This also appears from the fact that some, as Philastrius (De Hær., c. 140) informs us, omitted Epiphany and kept Christmas alone.

383 Comm. in Ezech., i. 1.

384 Chrysost., Hom. ad Pop. Ant. de Bapt. Chr., c. 2. Migne, Patr. Gr., xlix. 363 et seq. It appears from this sermon that the Antiochene Christians were in the habit of taking some of the baptismal water home with them, and keeping it for a year without its becoming corrupt.

385 Augustin., Sermo 202, c. 2.

386 Cæsaraug., A.D. 380, can. 3. Ammianus Marc., op. cit. Passio S. Philippi Heracleensis in Ruinart, Acta, 440, c. 2.

387 Epiphanius (Hær., 51, c. 16 and 24), Ephrem, Cassian, etc. See above, pp. 128 seqq.

388 Testam. D. N. Jesu Chr., ed. Rahmani (Mainz, 1899), i. 28; iv. 67, 101. The discussion of the date of this document cannot be entered into here from want of space.

389 Cod. Theodos., 2, 8, 20, 25; 5, 2; Cod. Justin., 3, 12, 6.

390 See Appendix No. viii.

391 Peregr. Silviæ, 60, ed. Geyer, c. 26: “Quadragesimæ de Epiphania valde cum summo honore hic celebrantur, etc.”

392 Theophanes, Chronogr., ed. Bonn, 345 ad ann. 534.

393 Nicephorus, Hist. Eccl., 17, 28: καὶ τὴν τοῦ σωτῆρος ὑπαπάντην ἄρτι πρώτως ἁπανταχοῦ τῆς γῆς ἑορτάζεσθαι τάττει. See Muralt, Chronogr. Byz., St Petersburg, 1855, i. 134.

394 Sacr. Gelasianum, 2, 8, among the Natalitia Sanctorum. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxiv. 1158. There is no mention of a procession in the Gregorian sacramentary either.

395 Morcelli, i. 86, 288.

396 The statement was made by Baronius (ad ann. 534), repeated by Pagi, and, in recent times, by Wissowa (Röm. Staatsverwaltung, iii. 446) and by Usener (332), but rejected by Grisar (Gesch. Roms., i. 455).

397 Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxviii.

398 See Appendix No. ix.

399 Cabrol (Etude sur la Peregr. Silv., 167 et seqq.) gives a survey of the lections then in use.

400 Printed by Bianchini, Opera Anast., i. Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxvii. 994. Duchesne, Lib. Pont., I. cxlvi.

401 Binterim’s statement (Denkw., v. 2, 133-152) is out of date. The article “Fastenzeiten” by Heuser in the Kirchenlexikon, iv., 2nd ed., must be supplemented by the investigations of Dom G. Morin in the Révue Bénédictine, 1897, 336-347—“L’Origine des Quatre-Temps.”

402 Leo M., Sermo, 19 (18), c. 2.: “Per totius anni circulum distributa sunt (jejunia), ut lex abstinentiæ omnibus sit adscripta temporibus. Siquidem jejunium vernum in quadragesima, æstivum in pentecoste, autumnale in mense septimo, hiemale in hoc qui est decimus celebretur.”

403 Leo M., Sermo, 16 (15), c. 1, 2; Sermo, 12 (11), c. 3.

404 Morin (op. cit. 345) quotes passages from the Leonine and Gelasian sacramentaries. See Migne, lv. 153 et seqq.

405 Concerning the “feriæ conceptivæ” and “sementivæ” of the Romans, see Marquardt-Mommsen, Staatsverwaltung, iii. 198 seqq.

406 Liber Pont., Callistus: “Hic constituit jejunium die sabbati ter in anno fieri, frumenti, vini et olei secundum prophetiam.” Ed. Duchesne, i. 141.

407 Leo I., Sermo, 19, c. 2; Sacram. Leon., 101, No. xxvii. Migne, Patr. Lat., liv. 186; lv. 105.

408 Epist. ad Episc. Luc., c. 11. Migne, lix. 47.

409 Leo I., Epist. ad Dioscorum Al., c. i. Migne, Patr. Lat., liv. 626.

410 Migne, cli. 978; c. 24-27.

411 Morin, Révue Bénédictine, 1897, 338 seqq.

412 Sermo 2 de Jejun. X. mensis: “Decimi mensis celebrandum esse jejunium, quo pro consummata perceptione omnium frugum dignissime largitori earum Deo continentiæ libamen offertur.”

413 In Muratori, Lit. Rom. Vet., i. 511, 603; ii. 33, 94, 123, 136.

414 H. Menard, Notæ et Observ. in Sacr. Greg., in Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxviii. 393.

415 Sacr. Gelas. Migne, lxxiv. 1069, 1133, 1178 seqq.

416 Sacr. Gregor. Migne, lxxviii. 59-61, 113-115, 140-142.

417 Migne, Patr. Lat., xcvii. 124: “Ut jejunium quattuor temporum et ipsi sacerdotes observent et plebi denuntient observandum.” This shows that until then it had not been customary in the Frankish empire.

418 See Binterim, Gesch. d. d. Prov.- u. Diöz.-Konzilien, ii. 273 seqq.; iii. 517 seqq.

419 The disagreement arose from the fact that the ancient missals (Sacramentorum libri), only mentioned the month without specifying the week when the Ember fasts were to be observed. See Berno of Reichenau (Migne, Patr. Lat., cxlii. 1097), whose small treatise, composed between 1020 and 1031, deals with the question.

420 Micrologus, c. 24.

421 Servius, Comm. on Virgil., Bucol. Eccl., 3, 77.

422 See examples in Usener, 305 A. 22, 306-345.

423 Obid., Fasti, 4, 905 seqq., and Fasti Prænest., Corp. Inser. Lat. i. 392. For the “Robigaliæ” see Marquardt-Mommsen, Staatsverwaltung, iii. 574.

424 Vigilii, Epist. ad Simpl. i.; Migne, Patr. Lat., xiii. 550.

425 Avitus, Hom. de Rogat. Migne, Patr. Lat., lix. 289. Gregor. Tur., Hist. Franc, 2, 34.

426 This fact is mentioned by both the biographers of Gregory, Joan. Diac. i. 41-43, and Paul. Diac. c. 10, as well as by Amalarius 4, 24, and Beleth c. 122, etc., but all draw their information from Gregor. Tur., Hist. France, 10, 1. See Baillet ix, 2, 87-103, who also makes use of the designations “Litaniæ Gallicanæ” and “Litaniæ Romanæ.”

427 These words come from a letter without an address in the appendix to the Register of Gregory the Great. Migne, lxxvii. 1329.

428 Lib. Pont. ed., Bianchini, ii. 386.

429 In Spain the litanies were on 10th Sept., 7th Nov., and 15th Dec., according to the lectionary of Silos.

430 The Martyrium was erected on Golgotha, close to the site of the present Church of the Holy Sepulchre. The Anastasis, built by Constantine, was the larger of the two, and served as the usual place of assembly for the faithful in the fourth century. (Peregr. Silviæ, ed. Geyer, c. 27, 30, 39, 43).

431 J. P. Kirch, Die Christl. Kultusgeände in Altertum, 34-40.

432 St Gregory the Great ordered that the Anglo-Saxons should keep the dedication of churches and the natalitia martyrum in the same way as they had previously observed the festivals while they were yet heathen, that is to say by erecting huts of branches and by feasting. (Epist. ii. 76, of the year 601).

433 For the East, see Johannes Eub., Orat. in Concep. B.M.V., c. 23. Migne, Patr. Gr., xcvi. 1499. For the West, see the Sermons of St Augustine on the “Dedicatio,” Sermo 336-338.

434 Our informants are Euseb., Vita Constant, 4, 6; Sozomen, Hist. Eccl., 2, 26; 3, 5; Socrates, Hist. Eccl., 2, 6.

435 Euseb., Hist. Eccl., 10, 3; Ambrose, Ad Marcellinam Epist., 22, 1 (Migne, Patr. Lat., xvi. 1019). Paulinus of Nola, Nat. S. Fel., 9; Poema, 27, 402 seqq. (Migne, lxi. 657); Peregr. Silviæ, as above.

436 Missale Francorum in Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxii. 328.

437 Dionys, De Hier. Eccl., 4, 12. See Rahmani, Testam. D.N.I. Chr., 156.

438 Durandus (Rationale Div. Off. 1, 23; 7, 262) expressly follows the model of the Old Testament.

439 Muratori, Lit. Rom. Vet. i. 308, 609, 613.

440 Op. cit. ii. 467-489 and 186.

441 Gregor., ix. c. 5, x. de feriis 2, 9. See Burchard of Worms, Decr. 2, 77; Ivo of Chartres, Decr., in Migne, Patr. Lat., clxi. 203.

442 Liber Ordin. of Essen, 62 et seqq.

443 Binterim (Denkw., v. 1, 303 et seqq.; Conc., v. 91) places this synod in 1308. Hartzheim, Conc. Germ., iv. 106; vi. 498.

444 Amongst others, Naogeorgius (Kirchmair aus Straubing) poured contempt on the observance of these feasts and the abuses to which they gave rise. Hospinianus, 175.

445 Dumont, Sammlung Kirchl. Erlasse für d. Erzd. Köhn, 2nd ed., 165, 167.

446 Remigius, a monk of St Germain, a diligent exegete who lived at the end of the ninth century, attempted to give an allegorical interpretation to the rites observed at the consecration of a church. The custom of writing the letters of the alphabet in Greek and Latin on the floor of the church seems to have presented difficulties to him. He commences his explanation of this rite by the words: “Quæ res puerilis ludus videretur, nisi ab apostolius viris instituta crederetur.” He interprets it as meaning that the Church instructs the unlearned in the elements of faith. His tractate in seven chapters is in Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxxi. 846-866. G. Mercati, however (Studi et Testi, Roma, 1902, 9) attributes it to Ivo of Chartres.

447 Literature: Lebrun, De Martyrum Natalitiis Diss. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxi. 519, seq. Sollerius, Præf. to the Mart. Usuardi. Migne, cxxiii. 459, seqq. Ruinart, Præf. to the Acta mart. sincera et genuina. Le Blant, Les Actes des Martyrs, in Mémoires de l’Institut, 1888, 57-336.

448 Passio S. Pionii et Soc., c. 2 in Ruinart, 188.

449 Digg., 48, tit. 24, No. 3: “Corpora animadversorum quibuslibet petentibus ad sepulturam danda sunt.”

450 Lib. Pont., ed. Duchesne, i. 52, 128.

451 Op. cit. 65, 148, Euseb., Hist. Eccl., 6, 45, § 11, also refers to the seven deacons and seven subdeacons of Rome in the third century.

452 Lib. Pont., I. xcv. 147.

453 Epist., 12, 2.

454 Bullettino d. Comm. Arch. Communale di Roma, 1894, 240 seqq.

455 Ruinart, Acta Sincera, 630, with his Admonitio.

456 Gregor. Nyss., Vita Greg. Thaum. Migne, Patr. Gr., xlvi. 954.

457 Sozom., Hist. Eccl., 5, 3.

458 Maximus Taur., Hom. 81. Migne, Patr. Lat., lvii. 427.

459 Lib. Pont., Symmachus, c. 9.

460 [See The Legends of the Saints, Delehaye, translated by Mrs V. M. Crawford (London, 1907), especially chap. iv. Trans.]

461 Bäumer, Gesch. des Breviers, 456; see also 429, 447.

462 Regula ad Monachos, ed. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxviii. 396. See also N. Paulus, Martyrologium und Brevier als historische Quellen; Katholik, 1900, i. 355 seqq.

463 De Gloria Martyrum, c. 48.

464 Cf. Hist. Eccl., 8, 13.

465 Muratori, in a valuable work, De Martyrum Natalibus, shows in opposition to Pagi that “natales martyrum” indicates the actual day of their death. The work is printed in Migne, Patr. Lat., lxi. 819-26; Dissert. 19.

466 De Anima, 51.

467 Augustin., Epist. 288. Gregor. Tur., De Gloria Conf., 104.

468 See the fourth canon of the Council of Valentia in A.D. 524.

469 Edited by Baluzius, Capitul. Reg. Franc., Appendix. Also in Migne, Patr. Lat., xcix. 633. Other formulæ of the Carolingian period are given in Migne, cxxxviii. 885-902.

470 This branch of hagiography has been carefully dealt with by Baillet. The entire first volume of his great work, Les Vies des Saints, is devoted to Old Testament Saints, more than a hundred in number, and to the history of their cultus.

471 E. A. Kneller, in order to explain the choice of the 24th for the 25th June, draws attention to the way in which the ancient Roman Calendars were written, i.e. viii. Kal. Jan. = 25th December; viii. Kal. Jul. = 24th July (Innsbr. Zeitschr. für kath. Theol., 1901, 527).

472 Agath. Can. 31, 63.

473 Ivo Carn., Decretum, 4, 14. Migne, Patr. Lat., clxi. 266.

474 According to St Augustine (sermo 292, c. i.) it was “traditione majorum receptum.”

475 Morcelli, Menol. Const., ii. 13 seq. No less than fifteen churches and chapels were dedicated to St John the Baptist in Constantinople.

476 Josephus, Antt., 18, 5, 2.

477 Tillemont, Mém., i. 44; vii. 163.

478 Seldenius, De Synedriis, iii. 220-47.

479 Dionysius Exiguus translated this account into Latin (Migne, Patr. Lat., lxvii. 418). See also Tillemont, Mém., i. 44; vii. 163. Morcelli, Menol. Const., i. 167; ii. 65, 222. Baillet, iv. 825 seqq.; vi. 291 seqq. Du Cange, Traité du Chef de S. J. B. (Paris, 1665), wrote against the trustworthiness of Marcellus. The chronology of the Paschal Chronicle was corrected by Du Cange and Pagi. See Rauschen, Jahrbücher d. Theol., 356 A.

480 Nilles, i., 2nd ed., 111.

481 Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxviii. 120, 394.

482 Pseudo-Alcuin, De off. Eccl., c. 30.

483 Ordo Rom. XI., c. 66. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxviii. 1050. There is not sufficient evidence to support Binterim’s view (Denkw., v. 379) that the procession to the Baptistry proves that solemn baptism was administered at Rome on the 24th June.

484 Sermo 287-93. In Sermo 292, c. 1, appears the passage quoted on page.... “Hoc majorum traditione suscepimus, etc.”

485 A town of Gamala was situated on the eastern shore of the Lake Genesareth, on a mountain. Josephus, Bello Jud., 4, 1, 1-7; Antt., 18, 1, 1, etc. Nothing is known of the village of Gamala near Jerusalem.

486 For the fullest account of the particulars, see Hydatius, Chron. (Roncalli, ii. 99), “Honorio X. et Theodosio VI. Conss.” With this date agrees Marcellinus (op. cit., ii. 279), but not the Chron. Breve. (op. cit., ii. 259) or Theophanes, Chrongr., ed. Bonn, i. 133.

487 Gennadius, De Script. Eccl., 46, 47. The writings relating to the “Inventio S. Stephani” are in Latin. The translation is printed in Migne, xli., Opera S. Augustini VII., 805-54.

488 Augustin., Sermo, 316, 320-24; Civ. Dei, 22, c. 8.

489 Theophanes, Chrongr., ad ann. 420.

490 Muralt, Chron. Byz., i. 48.

491 As, for example, to Antoninus. See Geyer, Itinera Hierosol., 176.

492 Codinus, ii.

493 The Syrian list of Abul Barakat gives for the date of St Stephen’s death the 12th Sept. A.D. 37, and for the date of the first discovery of his relics the 27th Dec. A.D. 40. Chr. IV. Caji. Baumstark, Oriens Christ., i. 266.

494 Grisar, Gesch. Roms und der Päpste, i. 194 seqq.

495 See the Calendars in Seldenius, op. cit.; also the Synaxaria in Mai, Bibl. Vet. Patr., iv.

496 Usener, Der hl. Theodosius, Leipsig, 1890, 38, 144.

497 Julian of Toledo in the Vita S. Ildephonsi Tol., c. 6. Migne, Patr. Lat., xcvi. 46.

498 It is printed in Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxi. 798, from Pamelius Liturgica Lat., Col. Agr. 1571, tit. ii. 70. [See also an article in the Dublin Review, vol. cxv., on “The Earliest Roman Mass-book,” by Mr Edmund Bishop.—Tr.]

499 Liber Pont., Sergius, No. 86.

500 In the calendar of Sonnatius of Reims (quoted on p. 21), dating from ten or twenty years after Gregory the Great, these three feasts are already mentioned.

501 There are, however, among the sermons of Peter Chrysologus, three (140, 142, and 143) entitled “de annuntiatione,” but of these No. 140 contains no allusion to a festival of our Blessed Lady, and the two others belong to Christmas.

502 St Thomassin, 409. See Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxxv. 406. Fulbert, however, speaks of the feast as of recent institution. Sermo, 4. Migne, cxli. 320 seqq.

503 Migne, Patr. Gr., xcvii. 806 seqq.

504 So in the passage from the Liber Pontificalis quoted above and in the Kalend. Fronteau. Bede calls it the “Annuntiatio Dominica.” The Greek name for the feast is Εὐαγγελισμός τῆς ἁγίας θεοτόκου.

505 Chron. Pasch. Olymp., 351, ed. Bonn, i. 713.

506 Petrus Chrys., Sermo, 140, 142, ed. Migne, Patr. Lat., lii. Among the spurious sermons of Leo the Great is one which is believed to be a translation of a discourse of Proclus, Sermo 15. See the note of Ballerini in Migne, Patr Lat., liv. 508. Proclus, Orat. I. Migne, Patr. Gr., lxv. 679.

507 Radulfus Glaber, Hist., 3, 3.

508 Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxv. 170, 734.

509 Holweck, 292. When the 25th March falls on one of the three last days in Holy Week or Easter Week, it must be translated. Binterim (Denkw., v. 356) gives several historical references concerning this.

510 Proclus, Oratio III., c. 2. When we find in collections of sermons (e.g. Combefis, Bibl. Conc.), some by the Fathers, such as Origen, St Ambrose, St Athanasius, etc., ascribed to the feasts of our Lady, we must not jump to the conclusion that these feasts were observed at the period when the authors of these sermons lived. These reputed sermons are only homilies on texts which suit the feast in question, and on this account have been inserted into the collection.

511 Epiph., Hær., 79, c. 11: “I say not she did not die, yet I am not certain that she did die.”

512 Vetter, Tüb. Theol. Quartalschr., 1887, 133 seqq. The letter is also given in the treatise by Nirschl, Das Grab der heiligen Jungfrau Maria, Mainz, 1896, 80 seqq.

513 Transitus Mariæ in Tischendorf, Apocal. Apocr., Lips., 1866, 114.

514 We have three sermons of John on the Assumption (Migne, Patr. Gr., xcvi.), one of Modestus, patriarch of Jerusalem (Migne, Patr. Gr., lxxxvi. pars 2), three of Andrew of Crete, who, before becoming bishop, was a monk in Palestine (Migne, Patr. Gr., xcvii., oratio 12-14), and three of Germanus (Migne, Patr. Gr., xcviii. 339-72).

515 De Gloria Mart., i. 4.

516 Nicephorus, Hist. Eccl., 17, 28.

517 Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxii. 225. See also Mabillon’s note in the same col., 475.

518 In the Martyr. Luccense of Fiorentini, on the 22nd January: “Depositio B. Mariæ Matris D. N. J. C.”

519 Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxx. 446. In Harduin (iii. 2946) it is so named.

520 H. Jürgens, Die kirchl. Uberlieferung von der leibl. Aufnahme Mariens in den Himmel: Innsbr. Zeitschr. für kath. Theol., 1880, 595-650.

521 Wüstenfeld, Synaxarium of Bishop Michael of Atriba and Malidsch, 251. Mai, Script. Vet. Nova Collectio, iv. 1. 5. Seldenius, De Synedriis, iii. c. 15, 320 seqq.

522 A form for the blessing of the fruits of the field appears in the Ritual of Augsburg, 1487. See Raich, Katkolik, 1901, ii. 144. Franz, Das Ritual von St Florian aus dem 12. Jahrhundert; Freiburg, 1904.

523 Baillet (viii. 434-441) and Benedict XIV. (De festis, c. 184-210) collected materials for this purpose.

524 The Emperor Leo VI., the Philosopher (896-903), spread the observance of the feast. Passaglia relied (iii. 1750) on a speech of his preserved in the Sforza library in Rome. It does not appear among the speeches of this Emperor printed in Migne, Patr. Gr., cvii.

525 Εἰ καὶ μὴ παρὰ τοῖς πᾶσι γνωρίζεται, c. 23. Migne, Patr. Gr., xcvi. 1499. Observe the article with πᾶσιν. Οἱ παντες means all collectively, i.e. the whole community or church.

526 For the so-called Typicum S. Sabæ, See Appendix xi.

527 It is the first among his sermons. Migne, Patr. Gr., c. 1353.

528 The change from the 9th Dec., the date of the festival among the Greeks, to the 8th, is probably to be explained by the fact that in the Roman Calendar vi., Idus Dec. corresponds to the vi. Idus Sept., the date of our Lady’s Nativity, while the 9th Dec. is written v. Idus Dec.

529 [The feast was, however, observed in England before the Norman Conquest. The evidence for this is given by Mr Edmund Bishop in his tract, On the Origins of the Feast of the Conception of the Bl. V. M., London, Burns & Oates, 1904. From this the following is taken: (1) Calendar contained in Cotton MS. Titus D., xxvii., has the entry in the original hand at 8th Dec: “Conceptio sancte Dei genitricis Mariæ.” This MS. was written in the New Minster, Winchester, under Abbot Aelfwin (1034-57). (2) Calendar of the Old Minster, Winchester (Cotton MS., Vitellius E., xviii.), has the same entry. The MS. is attributed by Hicks to or about 1030. (3) Add. MS., 28, 188, a pontifical and benedictional of the eleventh century probably written for Bp. Leofric (1046-72), and “distinctly pre-Norman.” In this, fol. 161, is a “Benedictio in Conceptione Sancte Mariæ.” (4) Harl. MS. 2892, also a pontifical and benedictional written for Canterbury in the first half of the eleventh century (to judge from the handwriting); a similar benediction occurs, ff. 189-90. (5) To these, in a letter to the translator, Mr Bishop adds: I. In the Leofric Missal, among the Masses added to the book by Bp. Leofric, is a Mass for the feast of the Conception (p. 268); II. In a Worcester Calendar of about 1064, and written therefore under St Wulstan and before the conquest, the feast of the Conception is entered at 8th Dec. Trans.]

530 See Appendix x.

531 Two accounts of Elsinus are found among the spurious writings of St Anselm (Migne, Patr. Lat., clix. 319-326). Three others have recently been published by Thurston & Slater, Eadmeri Mon. Cant. Tractatus de Conceptione S. Mariæ, 88-98. Another by Lechler, Mittelalterl. Kirchenfeste, 92 et seq.

532 E.g. in the Roman Breviary of 1473 (Univ. Bibl., Freiburg i. Br.), in the Breviary of Sitten of 1493, National Mus., Zurich, and in that of Constance of 1509.

533 Gerberon in the introduction to Anselm’s works. Migne, Patr. Lat., clviii. 43 et seq.

534 Osbert’s letters were first published along with those of Herbert de Losinga by Robt. Anstruther (Brussels, 1846), unfortunately very imperfectly. Lately they are given by Thurston and Slater, op. cit., 53 et seq.

535 Osbert de Clara in Thurston and Slater, App. B. 60 et seq.

536 [Mr Bishop, op. cit., 30, 31, says the Normans probably treated the celebration of this feast by the English with contempt, as “a product of insular simplicity and ignorance.” Its public celebration was discontinued most probably at Winchester and Canterbury, but “it did not die out of the hearts of individuals.”—Trans.]

537 Osbert, Epist. i. op. cit. 55. “Et in hoc regno et in transmarinis partibus a nonnullis episcopis et abbatibus in ecclesiis Dei instituta est illius diei recordatio.” That the feast was introduced “in hoc regno,” i.e. England, by abbots but not by bishops, is clear from Osbert’s second letter, and from other evidence; and, therefore, his remark is true only of Normandy. Of the one English bishop whom he names as in favour of the feast, he can only say he was “de his sufficienter instructus” (op. cit. 58). Osbert has no knowledge of his having introduced the feast. By “transmarinæ partes,” British chroniclers of that period always mean Normandy and Brittany.

538 Matthæus Paris. ad ann., 1228, Chron. maj. 3, 161.

539 Wilhelm. Malmsbur., Gesta Reg. Angl. 4, 338. Migne, Patr. Lat., clxxix., 1290. Eadmer., Hist. Nov., Præf. et passim. Migne, clix. 347.

540 This appears from a decree of Bishop Walter of Rouen in 1207, printed in the collection of Bigot in Migne, Patr. Lat., ccvii. 1179. Walter had withheld certain endowments which his predecessor Rotricus appointed for the metropolitan chapter on certain festivals. These he now restored. Vacandard (Les origines de la Fête d. C. Imm.: Révue des Questions Hist., 1897, 166) was unacquainted with this decree, else he would have arrived at a different conclusion. Moreover he himself brings forward proof that the feast was celebrated during the twelfth century in Jumièges and St Owen, but not until the thirteenth century at Fécamp.

541 Syn. Rotom. of 1189, can. 1. Migne, Patr. Lat., ccvii. 1180.

542 Henricus a Gandavo, Quæst. quodlib., 15 qu. 13 fol., 584 B.: “Normanni, in quorum territorio dicitur hujusmodi revelatio facta fuisse, præ ceteris populis illam conceptionem praccipue celebrant.” Again, fol. 385 A., it is twice called “festum quod a Normannis celebratur.” It would appear from this that the Normans before 1260 were still the only people who kept the feast.

543 This legend must have enjoyed a wide circulation, since the Greek Breviary finds it necessary to attack it. See the edition of Constantinople, 1843, 77.

544 Passaglia (De Imm. Conc., iii. 1755 seqq.) is not at all shaken in his opinion by the fact that Mabillion, as he himself admits, has shown the falsified life was not written by Ildefonsus, Acta Ord. S. Bened., ii. 521. The title “conceptio S.V.M. Genitricis Domini” refers to Christmas. It is an altogether absurd idea that the Jews in the seventh century joined in the celebration of the 8th December. Unfortunately Schwane (Dogmengesch., iii. 414) has copied Passaglia’s mistake.

545 Leslæus, Miss. Mixtum. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxv. 933 A.

546 Passaglia (op. cit., iii. 1760) relies on a deed of gift of 1047, in which occurs the expression “Conceptio Immac.,” at that period unknown—a clear proof of falsification. The document comes from Antonio Dragoni, an industrious fabricator. See Sickel, Acta Regum, etc., i. 23.

547 Sicardus, Mitrale, c. 43. Migne, Patr. Lat., ccxviii.

548 Petrus Cell., ad Nicolaum Mon. Epist., 2, 171. Migne, Patr. Lat., ccii. 614.

549 See Beleth, Rationale Div. Off., c. 146. Sicardus, Mitrale, c. 43. Durandus, Mim. Rationale, also does not know of the feast.

550 Bernard., Epist., 171. Vacandard would like to place this letter before 1128, but this is out of the question.

551 Bernard., Epist., 184.

552 Mansi, Conc., xxiii. 764. Chevalier, Bibl. Lit., 7.

553 Wadding, Annales Minorum.

554 Thomas, S. Theol., 3 q. 27, art. 2.

555 Schwane, Dogmengesch., iii. 418.

556 Binterim, Konzil., vi. 536, A. I.

557 Schaten, Annal. Pad., ad ann. 1343.

558 Passaglia, De Imm. Conc., iii. 1767. Binterim, Denkw., v. 1, 302 seq.

559 Binterim and Mooren, Die Erzdiözese Köln I., Düsseldorf, 1892, 538. Würdtwein, Diplomat Magunt., i., Mainz, 1788, 131, No. 69. Urkunde des Klosters Jechaburg in Thüringen, see Falk, Katholik, 1903, 1.

560 The 2nd Canon of this synod of Canterbury runs:—“Venerabilis Anselmi, prædecessoris nostri, qui post alia quædam B.M.V. antiquiora sollemnia Conceptionis festum superaddere dignum duxit, vestigiis inhærentes, statuimus, etc.” On the one hand the synod does not say that Anselm had actually introduced the feast, and, on the other, the words are too plain to allow of us thinking, with some recent writers, that the synod confused the uncle and the nephew. One cannot charge it with ignorance of this kind. See Hardouin, Conc., vii. 1538; Labbe-Cossart, Conc., ix. 2478.

561 Hardouin, Conc., viii. 1266. Schwane, Dogmengesch., iii. 427.

562 Nat. Alexander., Hist. Eccl., 8, 546, ed. Paris, 1627. Labbe-Cossart, Conc., viii. 1403.

563 The feast was kept with special devotion by the Carmelite nuns in their church in Rome. Under Innocent VIII. the order of the Conceptio B.M.V. for women was also instituted in Rome. Passaglia, De Imm. Conc., iii. 1776.

564 Passaglia, op. cit., 1777, and, after him, Tappehorn, Predigtentwürfe, ii. 9, give the date incorrectly as 1476.

565 Ferraris, Prompta Bibl., 3, 379.

566 Passaglia, op. cit., iii. 1788; Constitution of 10th November 1644: “In his quæ per.”

567 From 1477-1854 is scarcely four hundred years.

568 Benedict XIV., De Festis., 2, 152.

569 Eusebius, De Nom. Hebr. Migne, Patr. Gr., xxiii. 789.

570 See the excellent article by J. B. Kraus in the first ed. of the Kirchenlexikons, with the additions of Schrod in the 2nd ed. For special treatises, see Benedict XIV., Commentarius de Festis B.M.V., and for a more modern work, Holweck, Fasti Mariani, Freiburg, 1892.

571 Protoevangelium, 7. Evang. de Nativitate Mariæ, 6. See Tappehorn, Ausserbibl. Nachrichten oder die Apokryphen, 25.

572 Morcelli, i. 287. The title runs, τὰ εἰς τὸν ναὸν εἰσοδὶα τῆς Θεομητέρος. J. B. Kraus (Kirchenlex., vi., 1st ed., 884) states it was observed in Constantinople in 730, on the authority of Simeon Metaphrastes, without giving the passages. Alt (p. 52) and others have copied from him, also without citing the passages. The statement is very improbable, for in 725 the Iconoclastic controversy had broken out, rendering its introduction unlikely. It might be considered probable if the homily of Tarasius, De Præsentatione B.M.V., were genuine. Morcelli (ii. 250) considers it spurious. The feast is also not included in the Menologium of Constantinople.

573 “Depositio,” κατάθεσις, etc., is the actual name of the feast in the Calendars, and in the older menologies it is called “ἡ σορὸς τῶν βλαχένων Σορός.” Arca or loculus is the wooden coffin in which Mary is said to have been originally placed in Jerusalem, and which was brought to Constantinople under Marcian. Morcelli, ii. 151. Muralt, Chronogr. Byz., i. 83.

574 Binterim, Denkw., v. 407.

575 Constit. synodica Odonis Episc. Par. Mansi, Conc., xxii. 681, No. 10.

576 Mansi, op. cit., 1108, i. 4. Binterim, Konzilien, iv. 480; Denkw., vii. 1, 98-129. Th. Esser, Gesch. des Engl. Grusses; Histor. Jahrbuch, 1884, 92. [For the use of the Angelic Salutation in England, see Fr. Bridgett, C. SS. R., “Our Lady’s Dowry,” chap. iv. Trans.]

577 [For questions connected with the history of the rosary, see a series of articles in vols. 96 and 97 of The Month, by Fr. Herbert Thurston, S.J.; also, Unserer Lieben Frauen Rosenkrantz, by Fr. Th. Esser, O.P., Paderborn, 1889. Trans.]

578 Holzapfel, S. Dominicus und der Rosenkranz, Munich, 1903.

579 The originators of this form of prayer were Dominic of Prussia and Adolf of Essen, two monks of the Charterhouse in Treves in the fifteenth century. Th. Esser, Beitrag zur Gesch. des Rosenkranzes, Katholik, 1897, ii. 409 seqq., and 1904, ii. 98 seqq.

580 There is historical proof for the existence of confraternities of the Holy Rosary in the second half of the fifteenth century. That founded in Cologne in 1474 by Prior Jacob Sprenger, O.P., was celebrated. Th. Esser, U.L. Fr. Rosenkranz, Paderborn, 1889, 289. It was confirmed by Sixtus IV. in 1478. Kirchenlexikon, x., 2nd ed. 1281.

581 Kirchenlexikon, viii. 2nd ed. 818; Brev. Rom. Dom i., Oct. lectio 7-9. On the 5th August takes place the local feast of Our Lady of the Snows, “Maria ad Nives,” in the basilica of Sta. Maria Maggiore in Rome. As the office has been incorporated in the Breviary, a short account of it may be justified in this place. Pope Liberius erected a basilica on the Esquiline, on the site of Livia’s market, which was called after him “Liberiana.” In the next century, Sixtus III. restored the church and changed its title, dedicating it to the Mother of God (Lib. Pont., Liberius, No. 52, Xystus III., No. 63). From henceforth it was known as “Basilica S. Mariæ,” at the present day, Sta. Maria Maggiore. The miracle of the snow is not mentioned in any of the original documents, but only in mediæval writings. The 5th August may have been the day of the dedication of the basilica. See Grisar, Gesch. Roms., i. 153 A. 1. The legend of the translation of the Holy House of Loreto (10th Dec.) will not stand historical investigation. According to trustworthy accounts, pilgrims to Nazareth already in the eighth century found the holy house there no longer, but only a church on the site where it had stood. Adamnan, De Locis Sanctis, 2, 26; Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxviii. 304. Antoninus Plac., Itinerarium, c. 5, in Geyser, Itinerarium Hieros., 161, 197; Nicephorus Call., (Hist. Eccl., 8, 30), names Helena as the foundress of the church built on the spot where the house of the Anunnciation had stood. See L. de Feis, La Santa Casa di Loreto ed il Santuario di Nazareth, Florence, 1904.
[For Our Lady’s feasts as observed in England, see Fr. Bridgett, op. cit., chap. vi. For what may be urged in favour of the Holy House of Loreto, see an article by the Rev. G. E. Phillips, S.J., in the Ushaw Magazine, March 1908. Trans.]

582 Pfülf, Die Verehrung des hl. Joseph in der Geschichte, in Stimmen aus Maria-Laach, xxxviii (1890), 117, et seqq. Révue Bénédictine, xiv. 1897, 106 seqq., 145 seqq., 203 seqq. Le Développement Hist. du Culte de St Joseph.

583 De Syn., iii. c. 15, 220 et seqq.

584 Script. Vet. Nova Coll., iv. 15, et seqq.

585 “In Antioch. natalis Josephi,” Codex Epternac.

586 Printed in the Analecta Bolland., i. 19.

587 Révue Bénédictine, xiv. (1897) iii. seqq. and 145 seqq.

588 Ib., 145 seqq.

589 Panvinius Vita Sixti IV., in the continuation to Platina.

590 Grotefend, Handbuch der Chronol., ii. passim.

591 Procopius, De Ædif., i. 3.

592 De Hær., 79.

593 Panvinius, op. cit.

594 See the article “Anna” by Schegg, and “Joachim” by Jocham in the Kirchenlexikon, 2nd ed., i. and vi. Trithemius wrote a tract on the worship of St Anne in 1484.

595 Baillet, v. 363.

596 Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxix. 1023; Sermo de S. Matth., Acta SS. Boll., 3 Febr. 487.

597 Opera S. Leonis I.; Migne, Patr. Lat., lv. 57; lxxiv. 1168 under No. 33.

598 Beleth, Rationale Div. Off. c. 124; Migne, Patr. Lat., ccii. 131.

599 Socr., Hist. Eccl., i. 16: μνήμη τῶν ἀποστόλων.

600 Euseb., Vita Const., 4, 71.

601 Theophanes, Nicephorus, etc. Muralt, Chron. Byz., i. 197.

602 Edited in Greek by Usener in the Bonn Lektionskatalog for 1877.

603 Duchesne, Origines, 255.

604 Gregor, Nyss. Opera; Migne, Patr. Gr., xlvi. 725, 787.

605 Ambros., De Virg. c. 19, No. 124: “Dies factus est Petrus, dies Paulus ideoque hodie natali eorum Spiritus Sanctus increpuit dicens, etc.” Migne, Patr. Lat., xvi. 299.

606 Hom., 68-73 and Sermo, 66-69; Migne, Patr. Lat., lvii.

607 Augustin., Sermo, 295, c. 8; 296, c. 1.

608 See my article “Petrus und Paulus” in the Katholik, 1887, i. 11-39.

609 Chrysostom, Opera, ed. Montfaucon, ii. 1.

610 Prudentius, Perist., 12, 2: “Romam per omnem cursitant orantque;” v. 52: “Aspice per bifidas plebs Romula funditur plateas,” and especially v. 63: “Transtiberina prius solvit sacra pervigil sacerdos, Mox huc recurrit duplicatque vota.”

611 Sermo, 84, al. 81 of Leo the Great is entitled: In Octavis SS. apostolorum. See Amalarius, De Off. Eccl., 3, 36.

612 Hist. Eccl., 2, 16, ed. Vales, 518. Theophanes, ad an. 492.

613 Among the Calendars published by Seldenius (De Synedriis III., c. 15) one contains it, another on 27th June has “Planctus Pauli” (see p. 212), and the third (p. 241) has another martyr called Basamon. Binterim is mistaken in thinking the feast is absent from no ancient Calendar (Denkw., v. 383).

614 Eudocia lived as a widow at Jerusalem, 450-455, and died there. She had previously visited Jerusalem in 438. Muralt, Chron. Byz., i. 47, 68.

615 A priest of this church, called Philip, was papal legate at the Council of Ephesus.

616 De Rossi, Inscr. Chr., ii. 1, 110, 134, 164. Grisar, Gesch. Roms., i. 172, pt. I. Other witnesses for the existence of St Peter’s chain at Rome are Arator, Acta Apost., i. 1067; Justinian, Epist., in Labbe-Cossart, iv. 1416; Gregor M., Epist., i. 30, ix. 122, xi. 53, etc.

617 Sigebert of Gemblours mentions the event ad ann. 969. Migne, Patr. Lat., clx. 191.

618 It is not in the Kalendarium Gothicum, the Neapolitan Calendar, nor in that of Charlemagne belonging to 781 (ed. Piper), nor in the Greek menologies of Basil and Constantinople.

619 Römische Quartalschrift, 1901, 244 seqq. Ranke is much mistaken in thinking that Bede celebrated the conversion of St Paul “in the ancient manner” on 30th June. See Beda, Martyrol., ed. Migne, Patr. Lat., xciv. 962.

620 Hieron. De Vir. Ill., c. 7, Chron. Pasch. The Fasti Idat. and Theod. Lector (Hist. Eccl., 2, 61) agree in giving the 3rd March as the date.

621 Edited by Usener from a Parisian MS. of the ninth to twelfth century, in Anal. Boll., xiii. 373-78. See the author’s art., “Zur Gesch. des Aposels Andreas,” in the Katholik, 1906, vol. iii.

622 Printed by Mombritius & Surius in Latin only. C. Chr. Woog (Lips., 1749) published the Greek text. Morcelli, Menol. Const., i. 245, and Tischendorf, Acta Apost. Apocr., Lips., 1861, 105 seqq. The πράξεις τοῦ Ἀνδρέου καὶ Ματθεία (op. cit., 432 seqq.) are full of childish legends.

623 Passio S. Artemii auctore Johanne mon., c. 16. Migne, Patr. Gr., xcvi., 1266. Paulinus Nol., Poema, 19, 33. See also the Enconium S. Lucæ, printed for the first time in the August number of the Jahrbuch für protest. Theologie for 1890, by Ph. Meyer, and Abu’l Barakat, Oriens Chr., Rome, 1902, 337, No. 6. Tüb. Quartalsch., 1905, 596 et seqq.

624 See the Calendar in Seldenius, De Synedriis Hebr., and that given by Mai.

625 Venantius Fort., Carmina, 8, 6. See Kirchenlexikon, iii., 2nd ed., 774, art. “Compostela,” by Hefele.

626 Notker Balbulus, ad VIII. Kal. Aug., says: “Iussu Herodis regis decollatus est Hierosolymis.... Hujus ossa ad Hispanias translata.” Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxxi. 1125.

627 Pope Innocent I. flatly denies that any apostle had founded the Church of Spain. Epist. ad Decentium, 25, c. 2: “Aut legant, si in his provinciis alius apostolorum invenitur, etc.” Migne, Patr. Lat., xx. 552.

628 Edited by Duchesne in Acta SS. Nov., vol. ii., pars. 1, 96.

629 [And also on the 25th May.—Trans.]

630 Hieron., De Vir. Ill., c. 2.

631 For the proof of this, see the Author’s art. in the Katholik, 1887, i. 23.

632 Morcelli, i. 168. He can only produce as evidence the Calendars of Reichenau and Rheinau, but they are sufficient for his purpose.

633 The Hieronymianum at least says so on the 27th December: “Adsumptio S. Johannis Evangelistæ apud Ephesum et ordinatio episcopatus S. Jacobi fratris Domini qui ab apostolis primus ex Judaeis Hierosolymis episcopus est ordinatus.”

634 Theodosius (530 circ.), De Situ Terræ Sanctæ, ed. Vindob., 1898, 142, 174. Venantius Fort., Carmina, 8, 6.

635 So the Chronographer of 354. The Hieronymianum in its oldest recension (Weissenburg) has the entry: “In Africa natalis S. Philippi Apostoli, Jacobi, Quintiani, etc.” The recensions of Echternach and Metz have: “Natalis SS. Apostolorum Philippi et Jacobi,” and the incorrect addition in Africa is transferred to another place.

636 Liber Pont., ed. Duchesne, i. 303, 306, note 2.

637 Morcelli, ii. 97, gives more particulars. The name Manna implies that the substance was white—probably the salt which gathers upon walls.

638 Op. cit., i. 167 et seq.

639 Baumstark, Röm. Quartalschrift., 1899, 314.

640 There is no explanation of the entry on the 24th June, “VIII. Kal. Jul. Natalis dormitionis S. Joannis Apost. et Evang. in Epheso.” The view of those who ascribed the death of a martyr to St John on the grounds of St Mark x. 39 has never found much support. See Schanz, Kommentar zu Joh., 332.

641 De Præser., c. 36.

642 Abdias, De Historia Certaminis Apostolorum Libri X., Gutschmid (Kleine Schriften, ii. 364-372), considers the author of the Acta Simonis et Judæ contained in this history is familiar with Persian customs and lived in the ante-Nicene period. Gutschmid adds that both apostles preached in Armenia, A.D. 39-47, which was then subject to Persia, and fancies he can discover allusions to the civil war waged by the two Persian kings, Vardanes and Gotarzes. In the history Vardanes was favourable to Greek customs and had been visited by Apollonius of Tyana.

643 Suana is mentioned by Claud. Ptolem., 5, 13, § 119, as situated in Greater Armenia. The Suani were a Caucasian tribe. See Muralt, Chron. Byz., i. 85, 150, 211, 218, 250.

644 Chron. Pasch., ed. Bonn, 471; see also 432, and Cal. Calcasendi in Seldenius.

645 Card. Rampolla, De Authentico Rom. Pontificis Magisterio, in La Papauté et les Peuples, ii., Paris, 1900, 8-48. Andries, Cathedra Romana, etc., Mainz, 1872. Kellner, Verfassung Lehramt u. Unfehlbarkeit d. Kirche, Kempten, 1873.

646 Benedict XIV. (Opera ined. Heiner, 65-67) deals with the question whether the feast commemorates St Peter’s ordination, or the day of his arrival in Rome, or the foundation of the Roman Church, etc. His history of the feast is based upon antiquated material, and the greater part of the treatise is occupied with the proof that St Peter had visited Rome.

647 Marquardt Mommsen, Röm. Staatsverwaltung, iii., 2nd ed., 311 seqq.

648 Such exclamations as “Bene vos! Bene te patriæ pater, Optime Cæsar!” were common. Ovid, Fasti, 2, 616-638. Valerius Max., 2, 1, 8. Martial., 9, 54. Bonghi, Die römischen Feste, translated by Ruhemunn, Vienna, 1892, 41.

649 Tertullian., De Idol., c. 10.

650 Augustin., Sermo, 190, 191; Opera, v.

651 See the second Council of Tours, A.D. 567, can. 22.

652 Rationale div. off., c. 83. Migne, Patr. Lat., ccii. 87.

653 Greg. I., Epist. ad Mellitum, 11, 76 al.; 9, 71. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxvii. 1215. Statements to the same effect are found in Augustin., Epist., 47; Theodoret, De Græc. aff. cur., 8; Sidonius Ap., Epist., 4, 15.

654 Edited by Henschen, Acta SS. Boll. Junii VII.; Migne, Patr. Lat., xiii.; and recently by Mommsen in the Corpus Inscr. Lat., tit. i.

655 The bishops of Sedunum attended the Councils of Maçon, and belonged, at a later date, to the province of the Tarantaise. Wiltsch, Kirchl. Geographie u. Statistik, i. 323, 355.

656 Mabillon, De Lit. Gall., ii. 23. Migne, lxxii. 182; see also 472, and Duchesne, Origines du Culte Chrétien, 266 et seq.

657 Spicilegium, t. ii.; see infra, p. 401.

658 Ranke, VI. xxx.

659 According to the edition of De Rossi and Duchesne in the Acta SS. Boll., we find on the 20th Jan., XV. Kal. Febr., in the Weissenburg Codex: “Dedicatio Cathedra (sic) S. Petri Apostoli, qua primo Romæ Petrus Apostolus sedit.” Epternach Codex: “Depositio S. Mariæ et Cathedra Petri in Roma.” The Bern Codex is imperfect here. On the 22nd February, VIII. Kal. Mart., the Weissenburg Codex has: “Natale S. Petri Apostoli Cathedra quam sedit apud Antiochia” (sic). The Epternach has: “Cathedra Petri in Antioc. et Romæ.” The Bern Codex: “Cathedra S. Petri Apostoli quam sedit apud Antiochiam.”

660 Binterim & Mooren, Die Erzdiözese Köln im Mittelalter, i., 2nd ed., 528.

661 Bullarium, ed. Lux., i. 832.

662 See Bäumer, 510.

663 Clementis Rom., Recogn., 10, 70. For a different opinion, see Fr. X. Kraus, in the third appendix to his Roma Sott., and Marucchi, who wrongly considers the feast of the 22nd February commemorated the Vatican chair of St Peter and that of the 18th January his chair at the Ostrian Cemetery. Unfortunately the latter feast was unknown in Rome before the 16th century.

664 Concerning this point, see Schanz, Kommentar zu Matthäus, 504; Markus, 417; Lukas, 251.

665 Clementis Rom., Recogn., 3, 68.

666 According to Duchesne, it is the work of a student of Magdalen College, Oxford, called Rabanus, and belongs to the year 1456. Rietsch, 10. The work is printed in Migne, Patr. Gr., i. 112.

667 Muralt, Chron. Byz., i. 468, 477.

668 Morcelli, i. 101, 288 note. Baumstark communicated to the Röm. Quartalschrift, 1900, 310, a Syrian text independent of the Byzantine tradition, which mentioned Citium as the place of Lazarus’ burial.

669 Ebner, Inter Ital., Freiburg, 1896, 292, 5, 14, 104, etc.

670 Gregor. Tur., De Gloria Mart., c. 30. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxi. 731. Modestus in Photius, Bibl., cod. 275; ed. Bekker, § 11. Anonymus, in Vita Willibaldi, c. 5. Mabillon, Vitæ SS. Ord. Bened., iii., 2, 384. Tillemont, Hist. Eccl., i. 4.

671 Glycas, Ann., 4, 198; ed. Bonn, 554. Zonaras, 16, 12, § 11, op. cit.

672 See Sdralek, art. “Translation” in Kraus’ Realenzykl., and Achelis, Die Martyrologien, 74-76. The editors of the Monumenta Germaniæ are fully alive to the value of incidents of this kind for the history of any period.

673 Jaffé (Reg. R.P.) is doubtful as to its authenticity.

674 Synodus S. Symmacho, 499. Thiel., Ep. Rom. Pont., 653. Lib. Pontif., ed. Duchesne, i. 305, 307. Venantius Fort., Miscellanea, i. 20; 8, 6.

675 Paschalis I., Epist., i. Migne, Patr. Lat., cii. 1086.

676 Printed in Ruinart, Acta Mart., 633. The Calendar of Münsterbilsen in Binterim is mentioned further on, page 411.

677 Pope Symmacus is called “papa urbis” by Avitus in the inscription of one of his letters. Thiel, Epistolæ Romanorum Pontificum, 730. In an inscription in the catacombs the pope describes himself as: “Ego, Damasus, urbis Romæ Episcopus.”

678 Grisar, art. “Liberius” in the Kirchenlexikon, vii., 2nd ed., 1945, and J. Wittig, Papst Damasus: Röm. Quartalschrift, 1902, 77-86.

679 Dessau and Von Rohden, Prosographia Imperii Rom., iii., Berlin, 1897, 349.

680 See Noris, Cenotaphia Pisana, Venet. 1781, 431 et seq., and Muratori, Dissertatio, i. and ii., in the Opera S. Paulini Nol. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxi. 779 et seqq.

681 Paulinus Nol., Poema, 21; v. 60-80, 210-215, 285-290, refer to the father; v. 314-324, to the son Turcius Asterius. See Muratori, op. cit.

682 Cf. my articles in the Tüb. Quartalschr., 1902, 237 seqq.; 1903, 321 seqq.; 1905, 258 seqq. Fr. Hippolyte Delahaye, in the Analecta Bollandiana (xxii. 1903, 86 seq.), when reviewing my articles, characterised my statements as “trop ingenieuses” and “fragiles,” without, however, being able to adduce any arguments on the other side. My first opponent, Dr Kirsch, was at least sufficiently fortunate as to ferret out a misprint. The sole attempt to overthrow my conclusions reduces itself to the remark that the “Depositio Martyrum” is not an exhaustive catalogue of all the Roman martyrs who had suffered previously to its compilation. I never said it was. But did it not contain all the martyres recogniti in Rome at the commencement of the fourth century (cf. below, page 350, for Mommsen’s remarks on this point), it would be a worthless piece of paper from which nothing could be gathered. Fr. Delahaye seems not to understand that, in dealing with material of this kind, it is of the utmost importance to start with what is actually known of the Roman officials and governments of the period. When he scornfully criticises my work as “trop ingenieux,” I must say that on my part I have found nothing in his obscure ex cathedra assertions to upset the date given above to the martyrdom of St Cecilia. [See Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, pt. ii. vol. i. 516-522, for a discussion on St Cecilia’s martyrdom.—Trans.]

683 Nilles (Kalendarium), who usually pays no regard to his reader’s desire for information on disputed questions, is entirely silent concerning St Catherine. On the other hand, Kaulen has been satisfied with following the much criticised article by Pfülf (Kirchenlexikon, vii². 335), an imperfect piece of work.

684 Carmina, 22-24, ed. Ughelli, Ital. S., 10, 47. Migne, Patr. Lat., cxlvii. 1240 seqq.

685 See Petrus Dam., Epist., 8, 5. Migne, Patr. Lat., cxliv. 471.

686 Ἐγκώμιον ἐις τοὺς ἁγίους πάντας ἐν ὅλῳ τῷ κόσμῳ μαρτυρήσαντες Migne, Patr. Gr., l. 706-712.

687 Liber Pont., ed. Duchesne, i. 317: “Fecit ecclesiam B. Mariæ semper virginis et omnium martyrum.” See Bede, Hist. Angl., 2, 4; Paulus Diac., Hist. Long., 4, 37; Rorbacher-Rump, Kirchengesch., x. 107 seqq.

688 Liber Pont., ed. Duchesne, i. 417.

689 Id. op., i. 419. Bianchini, 200.

690 Beleth, Rationale, 127. Migne, Patr. Lat., ccii. Probst (Kirchenlexikon, i., 2nd ed., art. “Allerheiligen”) is incorrect in some of his statements concerning the parts played by Gregory III. and Gregory IV.

691 Ado, Martyrol., Kal. Nov.: “In Galiis monente s. record. Gregorio pontifice piissimus Ludovicus imperator omnibus regni et imperii sui episcopis consentientibus statuit, ut solemniter festivitas omnium sanctorum in prædicta die annuatim perpetuo ageretur.” Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxiii. 387. Sigebert Gembl. gives the year of its introduction: “Monente Gregorio papa et omnibus episcopis assentientibus Ludovicus imp. statuit, ut in Gallia et Germania festivitas omnium sanctorum in Kal. Nov. celebraretur, quam Romani ex institutione Bonifatii papæ celebrant.” Chron., ad ann. 835. Migne, Patr. Lat., clx. 159.

692 Nat. Alexander, Hist. Eccl., 8, 23; ed. Paris, 1699.

693 See Isidori, Reg. Mon., c. 24, No. 2. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxiii. 894. A mass for the dead was to be celebrated for all the departed on the day after Pentecost.

694 Printed in Migne, Patr. Lat., cxlii. 1038, from the Bibl. Cluniac., 338.

695 Consuet. Farf.; ed. Albers, 124 (where it is enjoined that the masses be applied for all souls). Consuet. of the Carthusians, by Guigo († 1137), c. 11. Migne, Patr. Lat., clii. 655.

696 Binterim, Denkw., v. 494.

697 Binterim and Mooren, Die Erzdiözese Köln, i., 2nd ed., 536. The archivium of St Peter’s in Aix-la-Chapelle possesses a martyrology belonging to the monastery of the “Kreuzherren,” formerly existing there. It dates from 1382, and is preceded by a calendar. In this All Souls’ Day does not appear, neither do St Peter’s Chair on the 18th January, nor St Gereon and his companions; the eleven thousand virgins are mentioned, but without St Ursula.

698 Beroldus, 222 seqq. (ed. Magistretti). Magistretti is plainly mistaken when he says the Church of Milan was the first to follow the example of St Odilo.

699 Sozomenus, Hist. Eccl., 2, 3. Theophanes, Chronogr., 18, ed. Bonn, 33. Procop., De Acclif., i. 9. Nicephorus, Hist. Eccl., 7, 50.

700 Morcelli, i. 219, and Acta SS. Boll., loc. cit., 57.

701 Epiphanius, Hær., 21, and Theodoret on Col. ii. 18, speak of the heresy in question. See Thomassin, 440.

702 Ambrosius, Epist., 21 (11). Hilarius, Hom. in Matth. xxviii., and on Psalms 119 and 137. See Baillet, vi. 2, 404-413.

703 Sacram. Leon. Migne, Patr. Lat., lv. 103.

704 This addition is also found in a missal at Padua belonging to the ninth century. See Ebner, Iter Ital., 127.

705 Lib. Pont., ed. Duchesne, i. 262: “intra civitatem,” and the note.

706 Acta SS. Boll., Sept. tit. viii. Ado, Mart., 29th Sept. It stood, according to Ado, in summitate circi, according to Baronius: circuli molis Hadriani, i.e. on the terrace of the Castle of St Angelo.

707 Cf. Lectionary of Silos.

708 Spelman, Conc., i. 520.

709 As, for example, in the ninth century Calendars of Stablo and Cologne. Notker Balbulus is ignorant of the church on the Via Salaria, but gives the story of Monte Gargano on the 29th September. Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxxi. 1154.

710 It is the same with the missals of Ivrea and Florence in Ebner, Iter Ital., 28 and 52.

711 See Schrod., art. “Schutzengelfest” in the Kirchenlexikon, x., 2nd ed., 2015. The Spanish calendars printed in Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxv. and lxxxvi., have not the Festival of the Guardian Angels.

712 Marzohl and Schneller, iv. 707 note.

713 Tillemont, Hist. des Emp., iv., art. ix. 251 et seq. Also 93, art. lxii.

714 Niceph. Call., Hist. Eccl., 8, 31. Tillemont, Mém., vii., art. viii. 8.

715 Theophanes, Chronogr., ed. Bonn, i. 37-40.

716 Ambrosius, De Obitu Theod., c. 40. Migne, Patr. Lat., xvi. 1399. Paulinus Nol., Epist. ad Severum. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxi. 326. Theodoret, Hist. Eccl., i. 18.

717 Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxiv. 374: “Via Lavicana S. Helenæ, matris Constantini imperatoris.” The place of her first burial was the present Torre Pignattara.

718 [She appears, however, in the supplement to both the Breviary and Missal. Trans.]

719 Marucchi, Nuovo Bull. di Arch. Christ., iv. 163, takes the opposite view.

720 Vita Constant., 3, 25.

721 Op. cit., cc. 26-28.

722 Op. cit., cc. 33-40.

723 Op. cit., cc. 42, 43.

724 In this he says that wonderful things have taken place at the Lord’s sepulchre during his own life-time. In Constantine’s letter to Macarius also the references are expressed in general terms.

725 Socrates, Hist. Eccl., i. 17. Sozomenus, 2, 1. Theodoret, i. 18. Theophanes, Chronogr., i., ad ann. m. 5817, Chr. 317. Chrysostom., In Joann., 84. Rufin., Hist. Eccl., i. 8. Sulpicius Sev., 2, 34.

726 Epist. ad Severum, 21, 5.

727 Excerpta Lat. Barbari, ed. Frick, 359. Theophanes gives a still earlier date, i.e. 5817 of the world = 317 A.D. He also places the death of Macarius and Helena in the same year as the discovery of the cross. In the Excerpta Barbari we find the words πρὸ ἡ καλανδῶν Δεκεμβρίων, but this must be an error, for immediately afterwards follows ὅ ἐστι Θώθ ιζ’. Thoth coincides with September, not with December. See Schoene, Euseb. Chron., i. 234. The Liber Pontificalis, “Vita Euseb.,” i. 167, places the finding of the cross on the 3rd May 310; but this is obviously a mistake.

728 Duchesne, Lib. Pont., i., preface, cviii.

729 Peregr. Silviæ, c. 48, ed. Geyer, 74 cod.

730 Geyer, Itin. Hierosol., 149.

731 Arculf in Adamnanus, De Locis Sanctis, 3, 3; ib. 287.

732 Muralt, Chronogr. Byz., i., 272, 286. Theophanes, ed. Bonn, i. 504, ad ann. 6120. Chron. Pasch., ed. Bonn, i. 704, ad ann. 6122, relates only the carrying away of the cross, and then concludes.

733 The Menologium Constantinopolitarium has an “Adoratio Pretiosæ Crucis” on 31st July, the meaning of which is not stated. Morcelli, i. 63.

734 Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxii. 285, 511.

735 See the new edition by Wilson.

736 The text of De Rossi and Duchesne in Act. SS. (54). A better word would have been “recuperatio.”

737 Ebner, Quellen und Forschungen zur Gesch. des Missale, etc., Freiburg, 1896, 123. In addition to these two festivals in honour of the Holy Cross, the Egyptians and Abyssinians celebrate one on the 6th March, “Manifestatio S. Crucis per Heraclium Imp.,” instead of the 3rd May. See the Synaxaria in Seldenius and Mai.

738 Magistretti, op. cit., 141.

739 Duchesne, Origines, 113-137.

740 Ebner (Iter. Italicum, 381) proves against Probst that the letter deals not with an antiquated rite, but with the rite then actually in use in Rome.

741 Epist. Hadr., 49; Cod. Carol., 72. Migne, Patr. Lat., xcviii. 435. The oldest of the numerous existing MSS. is the Codex Ottobonianus 313 (ninth century), originally belonging to Paris. The codex in the library of the seminary at Mainz is of the middle of the ninth century. In the Cathedral Library at Cologne are two codices, No. 137 belonging to the end of the ninth century, and No. 88 somewhat more recent.

742 Printed together in Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxii., from the edition of Mabillon. [See E. Bishop’s art. on the “Earliest Roman Mass-book,” Dublin Review, Oct. 1894. Trans.]

743 Binterim, Denkw., v. 18 et seq. Hontheim, Prodromus, i. 358.

744 See the author’s article in the Tüb. Quartalschrift, 1905, 590-608.

745 E.g., the Ordinarium of the diocese of Rouen, etc., in Migne, Patr. Lat., cxlvii. 157; the Consuetudines Avellanenses, ib. cli.

746 See Appendix xi.

747 Regula ad monachos. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxviii. 396.

748 “Ut ad capitulum primitus martyrologium legatur et dicatur versus, deinde regula aut homilia quælibet legatur, deinde a ‘Tu autem’ dicatur” (Hardouin, Conc., iv. 1232).

749 Leo Allatius, De Libris Eccl. Græcorum, Romæ, 1645, 78, 82, 91. Daniel, Cod. Lit., iv. 320 et seq.

750 With regard to the Chronograph of 354, Leipzig, 1850, 581, the title runs: Hic continentur dies nataliciorum martyrum et depositiones episcoporum, quos ecclesia Carthaginis anniversaria celebrat.

751 The statement in Teuffel (Gesch. der Röm. Literatur, iv. 118) that everything savouring of heathen superstition is omitted, is incorrect.

752 W. Wright, in Journal of Sacred Literature, October 1865 and January 1866. A better edition is given by Duchesne, Acta SS. Boll., Nov. II. 1, lii.-lxv., under the title: Breviarium Syriacum. [It is perhaps only fair to add that all scholars are not agreed upon the Arian character of this document. Trans.]

753 Philostorgius, Hist. Eccl., 4, 7, passim.

754 Le Quien, Oriens Christ., ii. 718.

755 Op. cit., ii. 1107 and 1237.

756 Sozomenus, Hist. Eccl., 2, 13, 14.

757 Le Quien, Oriens Christ., ii. 1102. Nestle, Theol. Literaturztg., 1894, No. 2, 43.

758 Samuel Anian., ed. Mai, 43.

759 See H. Achelis, Die Martyrologien, ihre Geschichte und ihr Wert, Berlin, 1900, 61.

760 The Bononia mentioned on the 30th December is not Bologna, but Bononia in Mœsia, now Widdin, to which, according to other documents, the martyr Hermes also belonged. The town of Tomi, now Kustendsche, was called Constantia at the end of the fourth century, but in this document and in Peutinger’s table it appears under its old name. Constantinople (11th May) and Byzantium (19th May) appear side by side, which marks the date when this document was drawn up. Babiduna is a slip for Noviodunum in Mœsia, now Isaktscha.

761 See Achelis, op. cit., 33 et seq., for the connection between the Arian martyrology and the Hieronymianum.

762 Duchesne, Acta SS. Boll., Nov. II., lviii. It is better to say from the 8th to the 30th than from the 6th to the 30th; for Tirinus and his sixteen companions are not to be found in the Hieronymianum, and, instead of Arius on 6th June, the Bern Codex has: In Alexandria Arthoci; the Epternach has Artotis; and the Weissenburg, Ari-thoti. It is impossible to say whether these names are intended for Arius or not.

763 See Tillemont, Mém., vi. 8, art. xxv.

764 According to the view of Duchesne and Achelis, the 6th July was the day of his death. In this case the year would be 335.

765 The name Eusebius occurs very frequently in this calendar, both with and without distinguishing additions.

766 Chrys., Hom., i. 291.

767 Hist. Eccl., 6, 39, 4.

768 It is printed in Migne, Patr. Lat., xviii. 878.

769 Nos autem pæne omnium martyrum distinctis per dies singulos passionibus collecta in uno codice nomina habemus atque cotidianis diebus in eorum veneratione missarum solemnia agimus. Non tamen in eodem volumine quis qualiter sit passus indicatur, sed tantummodo nomen, locus et dies passionis ponitur. Unde fit, ut multi ex diversis terris atque provinciis per dies, ut prædixi, singulos cognoscantur martyrio coronati.—Greg. M., Registrum, 8, 29.

770 The passage is capable of receiving various interpretations. See Duchesne, Prolegg. ad Mart. Hieron. in Acta SS., Nov. II. xi., xlvii. The words are as follows: “Passiones martyrum legite constanter, quas inter alia in epistola S. Hieronymi ad Chromatium et Heliodorum destinta procul dubio reperietis, qui per totum orbem terrarum floruere, ut sancta invitatio vos provocans ad cœlestia regna perducat.” Cassiodor., Instit. Div. Lit., 32. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxx. 1147.

771 Beda, Liber Retractionis in Acta Ap., c. i. Migne, Patr. Lat., xcii. 997: Liber martyrologii, qui B. Hieronymi nomine ac præfatione intitulatur, quamvis Hieronymus illius libri non auctor sed interpres, Eusebius autem auctor exstitisse videatur.

772 Hilduin., Epist. ad Ludov. Pium. Migne, Patr. Lat., cvi. 19.

773 [Since the appearance of the second edition of Dr Kellner’s Heortologie, a work of the first importance on the Roman martyrology has been published, Les martyrologes historiques du moyen âge, par Don. Henri Quentin, bénédictin de Solesmes, Paris, 1908, Lecoffre. Trans.]

774 B. Krusch (Neues Archiv für ältere deutsche Gesch., xx. [1895] 437-440 and xxvi. [1901] 349-389) is in favour of Autun as the place of its origin. But what is gained?

775 Grisar (Gesch. Roms., 291) thinks it may belong to the time of Xystus III. (433-446).

776 Aug. Urbain has attempted to reconstruct the original Martyrologium Romanum, as it was at the end of the fifth century from the Hieronymianum Harnack: Texte und Unters., vi. 3, Leipzig, 1901.

777 Martyrs of the name of Felix, number 118, Saturniuus 86, Januarius 68, Donatus 64, Cajus 40, Alexander 42, Lucian 28, etc. Similarly the common feminine names and Thecla. Afra occurs four times. Strange sounding names are found everywhere: e.g. Piperion, Prunimus, Tipecirus, Herifilius, Manira, Itercola, Eunuculus, and Eununculus, Barbalabia, etc. We are, however, ignorant of the names which the wealthy Romans were wont to give to their slaves.

778 See Gregor. Turon., Mirac., i. 63. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxi. 762.

779 Achelis sees in the phrase “in Africa” a reference to the massacres of Christians by the Vandals. See 101, seqq.

780 Achelis gives examples, 209, 242, etc.

781 Achelis, 115-118, has collected together 68 instances, which he has analysed critically and historically as far as possible.

782 The entries respecting St Gereon and his companions may serve as an example. St Ursula and Palmatius with the “innumerabiles trevirenses” have no existence in the Hieronymianum. viii. Id. Oct. (8th October):—

BERNE	EPTERNACH	WEISSENBURG
Nothing.	Agrippin. sct. Gereon et aliorum cccxcii. mart.	Nothing.
vii. Id. Oct. Gereon cum sociis suis trecentorum decim et vii martirum quorum nomina Deus scit.	Et alibi Cassi, eusebi, florenti, jocundi; Agrippinæ depos. scor. mart. mart. maurorum cum alis cccxxx.	Coloniæ Agrippine nat. sctorum cccxvii. quorum nomina Deus scit.
vi. Id. Oct. Et alibi Cassi, eusebi, florenti, victoris, Agrippinæ mallusi cum aliis trecentos xxx.	Nothing.	Et alibi... Heracli, cassi, eusebi, florenti victoris, Agrippinæ mallus cum aliis cccxxx.

783 Achelis, 91 seqq.

784 If this be the case, and it is not free from doubt, still the name of Arius was not read out “at the altar,” as Achelis states (87 and 98), for the martyrologies were not read at the altar but in the choir, and it would have happened only were the Weissenburg Codex in use, for other codices have different readings. The reading of the martyrology—not of the “Passions” of the martyrs—at the choir office dates back, as far as the evidence exists, to the ninth century. Bishop Gregorius of Corduba, whom Achelis (98, note 4) places at a very early period, is not an historical personage; he exists only in the list of bishops contained in the letters ascribed to St Jerome.

785 In Codex 2171 nov. acqu. of the Nat. Libr., Paris, ed. by G. Morin in Anecdota Maredsolana, vol. i. 1893. Cf. præf., ii., viii., xiii., etc. [See also Le Liber ordinum de l’Eglise d’Espagne du Vᵉ au XIᵉ siècle, published by Dom. M. Férotin, 1904. Trans.]

786 Joh. Seldenius, De Synedriis et Præf. Jurid. Vet. Ebreorum., Amstelod., 1679, lib. 3, c. 15, 204-247.

787 F. Wüstenfeld, Synaxarium, Gotha 1879. Introduction.

788 Le Quien, Oriens Christ., ii. 453.

789 Muralt, Chronogr. Byz., i. 286.

790 Le Quien, op. cit., 452, 476.

791 A. Mai, Nova Collectio Veterum Script., iv. 15-34.

792 Wüstenfeld, Synaxarium, 10, Hatur. The Patriarchs mentioned above are also omitted.

793 Le Quien, op. cit., ii. 479 and 445-466.

794 When the name of St John Chrysostom occurs more than once in the Byzantine, Egyptian, and Syrian calendars, it commemorates certain events connected with him besides the day of his death (14th September). Such dates are the 7th May and the 13th November, the 27th January is the day of his return to Constantinople, i.e. his translation by Proclus under Theodosius II., in 448, and is celebrated by the Greeks and Syrians. The meaning of the other two days is unknown; See Morcelli, i. 223; ii. 41.

795 A. Mai, Nova Collectio Veterum Script., iv. 92-122.

796 Wüstenfeld, Synaxarium, etc., 97.

797 Op. cit., 120 seqq.

798 Morcelli, Calend. Eccl. Const. i., 227.

799 Morcelli (op. cit., i. 15), declares it is the oldest, and older than the Menologium Sirleti in particular.

800 Muralt, Chronogr. Byz., i. 475.

801 Both appear in the Calendar of the Syrian Church: Jacobus Zebedæi on the 30th April, Jacobus Alphæi on the 9th October, and Jacobus frater Domini on the 23rd October and 28th December.

802 Printed in Morcelli, i. 69-105.

803 Gams, Series Epp., 904.

804 Nova Collectio Script. Vet., v., Romæ, 1821, 58-65.

805 E.g. in Aurelian of Arles, † 553 (Migne, Patr. Lat., lxviii., 596): “In martyrum festivitatibus, etc.”

806 Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxxviii., 881. Mone, Lat. und. Griech. Messen aus dem 2-6 Jahrhundert, Frankfurt, 1850.

807 Projectus, deacon of Bishop Evasius of Asti, appears to belong to the Lombard period, and his veneration dates from about the time of Luitprand (713-743).

808 Calendarium Romanum nongentis annis antiquius, ed. F. Joh. Fronto, Parisiis, 1652. The title Calendarium is not well chosen.

809 Liber Pontif., ed. Duchesne, i. 420.

810 Op. cit., 402, Vita Gregorii, ii.

811 Introduction, 98.

812 [Much light has recently been thrown upon these calendars and their relation to one another by Dom. Henri Quentin, op. cit. Trans.]

813 Beda, Hist. Eccl. iii., 24. Migne, Patr. Lat., xcv. 290.

814 Printed in the Acta SS. Boll., March, vol. ii. Both recensions are placed side by side in Migne, Patr. Lat., xciv. A “Kalendarium Anglicanum” is in the same vol., 1147 et seqq. Bede’s words under the 7th Feb. are remarkable: “Britaniis in Augusta natale Augusti Episcopi et martyris.” The feast of All Saints is given on the 1st Nov. as well as the feast on the 13th May, whose transference to the 1st Nov. only took place later under Gregory IV. (827-844). No explanation has been given of Andrew with 2597 companions on the 19th August.

815 Wandelbert, ed. Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxi. 577. See also cxix. 10, 11.

816 And the same is true of the other works mentioned: e.g., Florus has admitted Gereon and 315 companions on the 10th October, who are omitted by Bede, but he knows nothing of Ursula. Wandelbert mentions on the 21st October flocks of virgins amounting to some thousands murdered by the tyrant in Cologne, whose trophies adorn the banks of the Rhine. Gereon has Cassius, Florentius, and Victor as his companions (Migne, Patr., Lat., xciv. 1067, 1078; cxxi. 614).

817 Edited with an introduction, English translation, and notes by Whitley Stokes in the Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, i., Dublin, 1880.

818 Edited by the same under the title, Felire hui i Gorman: The Martyrology of Gorman, among the publications of the Bradshaw Society, London, 1895. See also Analecta Boll., xiii. 193. Bellesheim, Gesch. der kathol., Kirche in Irland, i. 239 seqq.

819 Dümmler (Das Martyrologium Notkers, etc., in the Forschungen z. deutsch. Gesch., xxv. 201), incorrectly dates it from between 860-870.

820 Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxiii. 146-178.

821 Ib., 182-202.

822 Ib., 292-419.

823 Ib., 143, 144. Mosander, before Rosweyde, had edited the larger Ado by itself without the smaller.

824 “Quod ego diligenti cura transscriptum... in capite hujus libri ponendum putavi.” Transscriptum cannot be understood of mere copying (describere) but of re-editing. The Roman Calendar makes no mention of Old Testament names, Jeremias, Moses, etc., nor of Alban, Servatius, etc. Accordingly this Mart. Rom. Parvum has not the importance which Achelis (p. 112) attributes to it.

825 Bäumer, 474.

826 H. Læmmer, De Martyrol. Rom., 19.

827 Bœhmer-Will, Regesta Archiep. Mogunt., i. 67, 68. The martyrology of Rabanus is printed in Migne, Patr. Lat., cx.

828 Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxxi. 1070. See also Binterim, Denkw., v. 62. “Cujas causæ nos utpote barbari et in extremis mundi climate positi sumus ignari.”

829 Læmmer, op. cit., 10-17.

830 Benedict, xiv., De Servorum Die Beatificatione, i. 43, and iv. 2, 17. N. Paulus, Martyrolog. u Brevier als histor. Quellen, Katholik, 1900, i. 355.

831 [The reader will find much information bearing upon English heortology in the following works:—A Menology of England and Wales, by R. Stanton, 1887, London, Burns & Oates; Die Heiligen Englands, by F. Liebermann, 1889, Hannover, Hahn; The Bosworth Psalter, ed. by Gasquet and Bishop, 1908, London, Bell & Sons. Trans.]

832 Edited by Ferd. Piper, Berlin, 1858.

833 Lanfranc, i. 9. Migne, Patr. Lat., cl. 472-478.

834 Hartzheim, iv. 106, for A.D. 1307. The correct date, according to Binterim, is 1307. Conc., vi. 118, note 1, 1308. Joerres regards the sixth canon as not authentic, Röm. Quart. Schr., 1902.

835 Hartzheim, vi. 498.

836 J. Braun (Innsbr. Zeitschr. für Kath. Theol., 1901, i. 155 seqq.) contends that white was not the only liturgical colour in antiquity, and rests his contention on some representation (not miniatures) of the fifth to the ninth centuries in which yellow, brown and other colours appear. But “white” is not to be taken as meaning always “snow-white,” and the natural colour of silk and wool would border on yellow. The representations may have grown darker through age, or been painted over at a later date. At any rate the proofs on which he relies are not sufficiently strong to overthrow the received view which is based on many statements in original sources.

837 Sicardus, Mitrale, 2, 5 (Migne, Patr. Lat., ccxiii. 77): In colore pro qualitate temporis alternatur, albo utimur in resurrectione... rubeo in pentecoste. The passage in Johannes Abrinc., De Off. Eccl. (Migne, Patr. Lat., cxlvii., 62) is defective and obscure. It seems only to refer to the high priest of the Old Testament.

838 Durandus, Rationale Div. Off., 3, 18. The Ordo Rom. xiv., c. 49 seqq. of the thirteenth century mentions five colours: white, red, green, violet and black.

839 Innocent III., De S. Alt. Myst., i. 65; Migne, Patr. Lat., ccxvii., 799-802.

840 For the history of liturgical vestments, see J. Braun, S.J., Die Priesterlichen Gewänder des Abendlandes, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1897, and a larger and more recent work by the same author, Die Liturgische Gewandlung im Occident u. Orient, etc., Freiburg im Breisgau, 1907. [Also J. Wilpert, Die Gewandlung der Christen in den ersten Jahrhunderten, Cologne, Bachem, 1898. Trans.]

841 See Thalhofer, Liturgik, ii. 82, who points out this meaning in Micrologus.

842 “Sacramenta” is found, amongst others, in Innocent I., Epist., 17, c. 5, 12; 25, c. 4.

843 Tertull., De Exhort. Cast., 11; Apol., 2; Ad uxor., 2, 8; De Præscr., 4; De Virg. Vel., 13; De Corona, 2; De Carne Christi, 2, etc. Tertullian uses “sacrificium,” De Cultu Fem., 2, 11, etc. Cyprian, Epist., 12, 2; 15, 1; Ad Cæc., 9 and 17, etc. Ambrosius, De Obitu Valent., 2, 113; In Psalm., 38, c. 25; 118, c. 48; Epist., 39, 4.

844 De Civ. Dei, 10, 6-20; Cont. Faustum, 20, 18; Enarr. in Psalm., 33, c. 6; 106, c. 13; Epist., 54, 4; 149, 15; 159; Sermo, 137, 8; 310, 30; 311, 18; 345, 4, etc.

845 Baronius, Annales, ad an. 34, c. 59.

846 Epist. I. ad Gundobadum, c. i., and Epist., 3.

847 Test. De Anima, c. 9.

848 The formula in question runs: Ἀπολύεσθε ἐν εἰρήνῃ, i.e. “Depart in peace,” or, Πορεύεσθε ἐν εἰρήνῃ, or, Ἐν εἰρήνῃ προελθῶμεν. Daniel, Cod. Lit., iv. 79, 131, 370, 449. “Ite missa est” literally means: Go, it is the dismissal.

849 Peregr. Silviæ, ed. Geyer, c. 24 seqq.

850 “Missa autem quæ fit... hoc est oblatio”; the passage seems to have been corrected. The other passage adduced by Professor Funk (Tüb. Theol. Quartalschr., 1904, 56) to prove the contrary—“fit oblatio in Anastase maturius, ita ut fiat missa ante solem”—ought to be translated: “the Mass took place earlier, so that its conclusion came before sunrise.” Missa here = the dismissal at the end of Mass.

851 Cassian, De Cœnobiorum Institutis, 2, 7, 13 and 15; 3, 7; 11, 15.

852 See Leo I., Sermo, 41, c. 3; Epist., 156, c. 5. Once, in Epist., 9, c. 8, we find “missa.” But the general employment of the term cannot be inferred from its use in one isolated instance.

853 “Missa catechumenorum” meant originally not that part of the Mass at which the catechumens assisted, but the dismissal of the catechumens.

854 For missæ in the sense of the canonical hours, we may cite Gregor. M., Epist., 2, 12; 3, 63; 11, 64; Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxvii. 1187; in the sense of the Mass: Epist., 4, 39; Hom., 50, 8; as a general term for both, Epist., 3, 63; 4, 18, etc. As regards St Benedict’s usage, Fr. Lindenbauer, O.S.B., draws our attention to Mattins. It means dismissal at the hours: Regula, c. 17 (Migne, lxvi. 460), but Mass, ib. c. 35, 60.

855 Acta S. Ludgeri, c. 20. Migne, Patr. Lat., xcix. 779.

856 Agathense 506, can. 30: “missæ vespertinæ.”

857 E.g., Braccarense, ii., can. 64; Agath., can. 47.

858 Epist., 1, 20, c. 3-5.

859 As by Prof. Funk, Tüb. Theol. Quartalschr., 1904, No. 1.

860 It was published by B. Georgiades from a MS. discovered in the Monastery of Chalki (Constantinople, 1885-86), then by Bratke, Bonn, 1891, and by Bonwetsch, Hippolyts Werke, vol. i., Leipsig, 1897.

861 In Cyril of Scythopolis, the Arabian bishop, George of Horta (before 724), and Photius, Bibl. cod., 222, 163 b, ed. Bekker, and perhaps also in Germanus. The passages are collected in Bonwetsch, op. cit., xv. seqq., and partially in Gallandi, Bibl. Vet. Patr., II. Such minute indications of time in so ancient a writer were too precious to be passed over.

862 The Liber Generationis (Migne, Patr. Lat., iii. 651 seqq., Corp. Inscr. Lat., and Frick, Chron. Min., i. 1-77) is certainly a part of the Chronicle of Hippolytus, as Mommsen has conclusively proved (Abhandl. der Sächs. Akademie d. Wissensch., 1850, i. 586 seqq.).

863 That interpolations of this kind were formerly made by unskilful hands is shown by the addition to the MS. belonging to Mount Athos, by the Slav translation: Καὶ Γάϊου Καῖσαρος τὸ τέταρτον καὶ Γαίου Κεστίου (instead of Sentii) Σατορνῖνου, the consuls for the year 41 A.D., which Bonwetsch has placed in the text, although within brackets.

864 Leo Allatius, De Dominicis et Hebdom. Recent. Græcorum, Cologne, 1648, 1400 quoted by Daniel, Cod. Lit., iv. 212 seqq. Alt., 181-221. Nilles, II. xvii.-xxi.

865 The adjective is formed after the analogy of ἄκερως.

866 Anselm speaks of him, Epist., 3, 43 and 77; 4, 114. Migne, Patr. Lat., clviii. Eadmer refers to him, Hist. Novorum., 5, 492 and 497. Migne, clix.

867 It is found in MSS. among the works of the elder Anselm, to whom it was at first ascribed. Fr. de Buck and others set it down to the nephew, but in the earliest codex at Canterbury, belonging to the twelfth century, it is expressly described as a work of Eadmer’s. See Thurston et Slater, Eadmeri Mon. Cant. Tractatus de Conceptione S. Mariæ, Frib. Brisg., 1904.