Father Gerard’s Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot

A Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot

Jesus Maria. The Preface

The blessed Apostle, Master, and Teacher of us Gentiles, instructing the Romans in the cause and means of their salvation, affirmeth, that God hath ordained we must be conformed to the image of His Son, our Lord and Saviour Jesus, “Et quos præscivit (saith he) et prædestinavit conformes fieri imaginis filii sui.”230 Upon which place St. Jerome and other Doctors do teach that it is the will of God, both in this life and in the next, to frame and fashion us both in grace and glory unto that most perfect pattern.

So that if we will reign with Christ, we must expect to suffer with Him in the way unto His Kingdom, “si compatimur et conglorificabimur: si commortui sumus et convivemus; si sustinebimus et conregnabimus.”231 Yea, with that condition we are accepted, and in that measure we must look to be rewarded, ut “sicut socii passionum sumus, sic simus et consolationis.”232

This, therefore, hath been the course and manner of proceeding of Almighty God with His elected servants; even from the beginning, and will continue unto the end of the world. So when there were but two men born upon the earth, and those brethren, yet one did persecute the other, the wicked did kill the innocent. The Patriarchs had all their several probations, and lived but as pilgrims in the world; the Prophets sustained many persecutions, and sundry of them were put to cruel deaths for avouching the truth. The best and chosen part of God’s servants towards the end of the Old Testament were proved and purged with many tribulations, they were diversely tormented and slaughtered in such manner as that saying of the Prophet David was justly applied unto them, “Carnes sanctorum tuorum et sanguinem ipsorum effuderunt in circuitu Jerusalem, et non erat qui sepeliret.”233 And St. Paul doth reckon up in few words the many pressures both of those and other Saints of the Old Testament, saying, “Lapidati sunt, secti sunt, in occisione gladii mortui sunt, circuierunt in melotis,” etc.234

So that this being the case and condition of the servants and Saints of God even before the law of grace, much more may we expect, and it will be expected at our hands, that seeing now our King and Captain, Christ Jesus, doth go before us with a Cross, we should all, and each of us in particular, both willingly and joyfully take up our crosses and follow Him: seeing Truth Himself came down from Heaven to lead us by Himself this way unto life everlasting, good reason we should follow Him in the same path, “quia nemo venit ad Patrem nisi per eum.”235 If Christ did confirm it by many scriptures, “quod oportebat Christum pati, et sic intrare in gloriam suam,”236 much more must we contend to enter in at the same gate, although it be narrow and strait, especially seeing we enter not into our own but into His glory. And it were a monstrous thing that the head should go in at one door, and the parts of the body in at another; neither can it be so, unless the parts be divided from the head, and consequently not quickened with the same spirit that giveth life to the body, than which nothing in this world should be so dreadful.

This made the Apostles willingly to accept of that portion which Christ did leave them, as it were, for an inheritance in this world, when he said, “In mundo pressuram habebitis,” and again, “plorabitis et flebitis vos, mundus autem gaudebit, vos autem contristabimini;”237 that knowing well, that His promise was most assured, and that their sorrow should be turned in gladness, “et hoc gaudium nemo tolleret ab eis.”238

The same lesson have all the Saints of God learned and in all ages have practised. The vineyard of Christ was watered for 300 years together with continual showers of blood running abundantly out of the holy veins of slaughtered martyrs, from whence, although there did rise a plentiful harvest of famous conversions and gain of souls, and at the last succeeded the peace and propagation of the Church, in so much that crowns and sceptres of Kings and Emperors were submitted unto it, yet did not Peter’s ship sail long with a prosperous gale, though Christ were in the ship, Who would not suffer it to sink; for He did sleep again, and suffer the bark to be tossed with many furious storms by Arians and other succeeding heretics who rising in several ages did impugn the verity of our Christian faith, as before the heathens had fought against the divinity of the Father, so then the Arians against the divinity and equality of the Son, and others in their times and turns against the several articles of the Creed, until the Grecians raised war also against the third principal part thereof, denying the procession of the Holy Ghost from the Son; and lastly, now, towards the end of the world, the heretics of our age, Luther and his progeny, do perfect that imperfect work, and fight against God’s truth in the last articles of the Creed with all their force. Wherein, although the fury of their raging waves do beat in vain against the ship of Christ, against which “nec portæ inferi prævalebunt,”239 yet is the ship in the meantime in the midst of the storm, “motus autem magnus factus est in mari et navicula operitur fluctibus.”240 And this much more in our afflicted country of England for the present than in any other, which now may justly be said to be that “stagnum in quod descendit procella venti ita ut compleatur navis nostra fluctibus et periclitamur.”241 So that no marvel though His disciples be there troubled, though yet we should not be terrified, having Him ever present with us, “qui imperat ventis et mari et obediunt ei,” and of Whom it is truly said, “Ego dormio, et cor meum vigilat.”242 For although He seem to wink for the time, and to dissemble the injuries that are done unto His servants, yet is His Heart awake, and His will doth both watch to defend and ward us from evil in the meantime, and He will in time, when He seeth it fit and best for us, impose silence to our adversaries, and give peace to His tried servants.

This is then the state of this present age, and this the course which God hath ever continued from the first, to purge and perfect His Church by oppositions, by tribulations and afflictions; that He may hew the stones here hard by the quarry, which must afterwards be placed in their due order and ranks in His heavenly temple, where no blows with the hatchet must once be given, no sound of the hammer must be heard, that may hinder the happiness or disturb the harmony of that heavenly city. Here in this vale of misery all are beforehand fitted and prepared (as the Church doth sing in a holy hymn speaking of the like matter)—

Tunsionibus, pressuris,
    Expoliti lapides,
Suis coaptantur locis
    Per manus artificis,
Disponuntur permansuri
    Sacris ædificiis.243

And this being so, and so much to the advantage of those who are so exercised and perfected by the same, so prepared by crosses to receive crowns of everlasting glory, we may gather thereby both what mind they should be of, that are in the battle, and what their thoughts and actions that are lookers-on.

For the first, no doubt but remembering Whose cause it is we do sustain, Whom we have for our King and Captain in the combat, and Who it is that hath promised to assist us in our sufferings, and to reward and crown us for our labours sustained and victories obtained in this spiritual battle. [As244 before hath been touched,] there245 is no doubt but we should think it most just and requisite to sustain all difficulties in the cause of so great and good a Lord, most honourable to follow such a Captain, and most comfortable and commodious to serve and suffer for such a [Master]246 and so true and liberal a [rewarder]; and therefore grant that we are bound by many titles with ready will and earnest desire, yea, with true contentment and assured confidence to bear the poise of this persecution.

But it is no less apparent what in the meantime should be conceived of our case, and what should be performed by those that are not in the present labours which we poor men are forced to sustain, nor under the [scourge]247 which God for the time doth suffer to be laid upon us. No doubt but they also should humble themselves under the mighty hand of God, considering that their time of temptation and trial may also come (as it is an easy matter when one house is on fire for the next neighbours’ houses to [take the same fire]248), and withal that they are to conceive worthily and honourably of their brethren, whom they now see to be tried and purified in the furnace of many tribulations by the heavenly goldsmith, thereby the better to beat and fashion the metal of their eternal crowns; with whom in the meantime they should concur and cooperate by their charitable assistance in prayers and other helps.

This may well be thought to be their part, and so they may expect to be partakers with us also in the retribution, which we expect at the hands of God. So doth the Apostle counsel the Corinthians, touching corporal assistance to their absent and afflicted brethren. Having praised the Macedonians for the like, he saith, “Non enim ut aliis sit remissio, vobis autem tribulatio, sed ex æqualitate. In præsenti tempore vestra abundantia illorum inopiam suppleat, ut et illorum abundantia vestræ inopiæ sit supplementum,” etc.249 In like manner may we desire and expect help from our neighbours, that they out of the abundance of their present peace and power to do us good, will help in what they can, every one in that wherein he most aboundeth: Princes with their power and authority, in being mediators for us to our King for some mitigation of our afflictions; courtiers, in often soliciting for this help at their Princes’ hands; the Clergy, by often offering the Divine Sacrifice, and holding up their hands with Moses unto God for us, that we may not faint in the battle; preachers, by often commending our case unto the people; the Religious, by applying their prayers and merit for the continuance and increase of our constancy; and secular persons, in such several manners as they are best able to perform; the wise, in commending and justifying our cause; the rich, in opening their purse unto our present needs, and maintaining of such scholars as are preparing in our seminaries to be workmen for the harvest. Yea, the poorest and meanest sort of our Christian Catholic brethren [abroad] may assist us much by their good wishes and good words when occasion is offered; and all by their daily prayers both to God and His Saints for us, “ut possimus accipere armaturam Dei, et resistere in die malo, et in omnibus perfecti stare,” etc.250 And so by this means assisting us about our tents and provision, either in furnishing or in guarding the same, although they be not present with us in the battle, yet will our just David give them their share and part in our victory and spoils, every one according to the measure of his aid and assistance.

But here, if any do seem to complain of our want of constancy and patience in suffering—and some perhaps be rather ready to blame than to pity us, in regard of a late attempt of some Catholic [gentlemen]251 in our country, most worthy indeed to be blamed and misliked [for the rashness and temerity thereof]—we expect notwithstanding more equity and charity at their hands than to condemn the whole number for the error of a few, or to deem that action the effect of all our desires, or fruit of our endeavours; [whereas]252 the contrary is most true, and so testified by the chief of the [conspirators themselves]253, and proved by the process of all examinations and proceedings in law against the [said] delinquents, as shall after appear.

Sir Everard Digby in clearing the Society.

Yea, the [dealers]254 in that tragical device had so little hope of help from other Catholics, either spiritual or temporal, towards their designments in that plot, that they neither did nor durst impart the same even to their nearest and dearest friends, in whom otherwise they had all confidence and trial both for secrecy and fidelity in other matters, as the chiefest and wisest amongst them all did testify at the bar in public audience. Neither did any Priest once dream of the matter, or so much as know of it by way of confession [or otherwise] until the [whole plot was]255 contrived, and had been [by all likelihood] put in execution if the Parliament had gone forward on the first or second days in which it was appointed. But when the said session was prorogued the third time, and some of the conspirators in long delays, [besides the general light which they presumed to have drawn by certain obscure questions which to that end they had proposed, though their purpose was not understood by them that gave the answers,] were desirous to have some [more particular] advice of some one or two of the most learned and virtuous they could find, they opened the matter in confession unto one of the Society, and by him in like manner unto his Superior, with most strict charge unto both of all secrecy, according to the privilege and seal of that holy Sacrament. At which time the Superior did not only charge the other to dissuade and forbid that unlawful and inhuman action, but did likewise by all lawful means himself seek to hinder it, as shall appear in the sequel of [the ensuing narration]256.

If then they had neither help nor heartening, neither counsel nor encouragement from any Catholic [man and much less Priests, but rather to the contrary from]257 those few that by chance, and in that most secret manner, came to know of it much against their will, how can it then be laid unto the rest? How can others be blamed for it where all were ignorant of the matter [except only the said]258 two persons, and those did seek to hinder it with all their power? Doth equity or charity permit to lay the fault on those that were not guilty? or to attribute part of the blame to those that were noways partakers in the crime? Yea, doth not charity rather move the minds of just men to take pity and compassion of those few that were offenders [rather than] to be stirred with indignation against them, and for their sakes against others that are innocent? “Vera justitia (saith St. Gregory) compassionem habet, falsa verò dedignationem.”259 And doth not St. Bernard counsel us to excuse the fact if we can; if not (as in this present matter where it is so apparent to be evil), yet to excuse the intention; and in the hardest and plainest case that may be, at least to search out what motives and incentives they might have urging them to such an error.

Truly, if we [may]260 judge of their minds by the words that came from them even when they had no hope of life, or by all the signs that were to be seen either in those that died in the field, or those that were put to public justice, [at the very last instant of their lives,] we should rather be moved to think that [not so much]261 impatience [as] zeal (although “non secundum scientiam”) did stir them up to that strange and [violent]262 attempt, for so they all deeply and seriously protested at their death. Assuming belike the Machabees for their example, who seeing numbers of their brethren to suffer patiently the unjust oppressions of their adversaries, answering only in words unto them and saying, “Moriamur omnes in simplicitate nostra et testes erunt super nos cœlum et terra quod injuste perditis nos.”263 They would not follow the example of their [said] brethren therein; [but being of more intolerant heat and fervour than the rest, said one to another]264, “Si omnes fecerimus sicut fratres nostri fecerunt et non pugnaverimus pro animabus nostris et justificationibus nostris, nunc citius disperdent nos a terra.” This, [I say, seemed to have been in their minds and apprehensions]265 if we may judge of them by their carriage in their greatest extremities, with which also they opened unto the world other motives [both at their arraignment and death], which they thought to be of no small moment; as the many and great calamities they had long endured; the promises of toleration received from the King, now contradicted both in word and action; all hopes cut off of help from other Princes either by force or favour, seeing many of them would not so much as believe the persecution to be great, but rather give credit to their persecutors’ tales, seeking by all subtle means and many instruments sent abroad for the purpose to have the contrary believed in foreign countries; which, with the general peace concluded [with all Catholic Princes round about], and no peace granted to Catholics, but their penalties increased, and like so to continue by the likelihood of continuance of that flourishing issue with which God hath blessed our King (which they thought did alter the state of their sufferings very much from that it was in Queen Elizabeth’s time). These things did seem to move them much, and as they thought necessarily to seek a remedy, if not for themselves, yet for the relief of others, which they being but a few, and out of hope of any help from the most and best of the Catholics of England, could not possibly effect, [as erroneously they conceived,] but by some such stratagem, wherein the chiefest strength should be resolution and secrecy, both which in the chosen number of so few persons they thought abundantly provided for. They took not indeed the course of the Machabees, which they deemed in their case to be merely impossible. But they affirmed their end to be same, and their cause and reasons much more important. So Catesby protested at his death in the field, and Digby at the bar, that not for themselves but for the cause of Christ; not for their wives and children, but for the Church, the Spouse of Christ, and saving so many thousand souls, the children of God, from eternal flames, they attempted with fire to cut off the chiefest heads and only causes of that greater ruin. “Yea,” said Digby [ready now to die], “in respect of this cause, I little regard, or rather I could be well content, both to offer my life and fortune and also to have my posterity rooted out for ever.” So that if we shall judge of these men by their zeal, or their zeal by all the signs by which men’s minds are judged (especially in cases of extremity where human respects give little cause to move dissimulation), we may the better follow St. Bernard’s rule and interpret charitably [with compassion] their [final] intention, although [their immediate motives were unlawful, and therefore] the action for many and great respects neither was nor is to be allowed.

And if St. Bernard did think this manner of interpretation of others’ actions to be requisite in the lovers of charity, I hope then I may much more require that at least others will support with patience that act of impatience in that small number of our brethren and [not impute it to the whole number of Catholics; no, nor beyond the rule of charity to condemn the delinquents themselves by extreme exclamations and maledictions, as some do, but rather according to the Apostle’s rule in lenity of spirit to have pity of them, and reproving their fact, esteem of their persons and other parts, as otherwise they depend, of whom myself and many others can testify that, setting aside this unfortunate evil action, by all good men deplored, they were known and held, before they fell into the same, to have been as wise, temperate, circumspect, and devout gentlemen as commonly England had, and such as would not have committed a voluntary injury against any man for a world]266.

Thus we disclaim from all participation of this [fact] intended by a few in their deceived zeal. Yet we follow not the example of those that will not follow the rule of charity in their judgments. And much more we do and may stand upon the justice of our cause, and prove that it is altogether against the rules of reason, justice, and charity, to lay the fault of a few upon the whole number of Catholics in that country; who neither did nor would have concurred, nor were partakers either by work or will in so barbarous a cruelty intended: no, nor so much as imagined there could enter such a thought into the hearts of any of their company.

The verity whereof with the innocency of all Catholics in that respect will plainly appear by the narration following of the whole matter how it passed, which at the earnest request of some principal friends on that side the sea I am moved to set down. And although I know myself much less able than they imagine to pen it in such manner as the greatness of the matter and rareness of such an event deserveth, yet I hope to satisfy their desire for the matter itself, if not their expectation for the manner of handling, promising to [set down] the story truly as it passed, without partiality to the one or other side; and to conceal no circumstance (whereof I could have sufficient information) which may truly explain the intentions, actions, and events of the whole matter, wherein I had perhaps more helps to know both many and true particulars than others could easily procure.

The whole I intend and offer to God’s glory and the good of souls: desiring only this of the pious reader, that as I will perform my part in truth and fidelity in the whole narration, so he will not be wanting of his part to perform the rules of equity and charity both towards me and the matter I write of; especially towards those that in so honourable a manner do daily and hourly sustain the cause and quarrel of Christ, not only “in267 sole et pulvere,” but “in sanguine,” also “et vulneribus multis.” And so “alter alterius onera portantes adimplebimus legem Christi.”268

Or thus it may end:—

And so we suffering for the cause and they assisting in the cause “alter alterius onera portantes” (according to the counsel of the Apostle) “adimplebimus legem Christi.” And being with charity joined in the works of grace we shall by the author of charity be conjoined in the rewards of glory, “quæ præparavit Deus diligentibus se.”

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Chapter II. [I.] the State of Persecuted Catholics at the Queen’s Death and the King’s Entry, With Their Hopes of Relaxation by Him, Whereof They Failed

I was desirous by the former chapter to make known unto you the state of things how they passed in England until the end of Queen Elizabeth’s reign; wherein though I was more long than I had thought to be, yet little methinks is said in comparison of that feeling which we must needs have that live here, and see daily before our eyes “abominationem desolationis stantem in loco sancto;”269 that have so many causes to put us often in mind of the glory and splendour of the Church robbed and spoiled by the first schism under King Henry, overthrown and defaced by heresy, beginning to prevail under King Edward; and wholly trodden upon and cruelly persecuted during all the long reign of Queen Elizabeth, in which all means were used that policy could invent, or power perform, to root out all Catholics and Catholic religion out of England.

To which effect they continually devised and imposed all kinds of penalties upon such as would profess the Roman Faith. They made sundry and most severe statutes (as may appear in the end of this book) against all practice of Catholic religion. They made it death to receive the absolution of a Priest; yea, death to harbour a Priest in house, or to give him a cup of drink, or any assistance in his need; death to persuade any to the Catholic religion. They laid the premunire, which is a punishment worse than death, for keeping an Agnus Dei, or hallowed grains, or such like comforts of soul, that come from Rome. Finally, whatsoever the wit or malice of the least pitiful hearts could find out, all that was inflicted and laid upon our backs. For commonly they were such that were put in authority, either in searches, or examinations, or executions—such were authorized, such were countenanced, and borne out whatsoever insolencies they committed against us, of which infinite examples might be alleged. As for death itself, though it was the ordinary pain of the law against Catholics for practice of their Faith (acts of religion being now made acts of treason), and so came often in practice; yet was it not so heavy a load as we felt by the other laws, and the outrageous execution of them, in far worse sort than yet the laws permitted or had devised against us. True it is they put to cruel death many and worthy persons. One famous and religious Queen, mother to this King who now reigneth—an act not oft recorded in other persecutions, though never so severe. One also of the ancient Earls they put to death in like manner by the sword; two or three others of the chiefest whilst they were in prison. Other noblemen died in banishment; and many persons of great families and estimation were at several times put to death under pretence of treason, which also was their cloak to cover their cruelties against such Priests and Religious as were sent into England by authority from His Holiness to teach and preach the Faith of Christ and to minister the Sacraments. But he that would endeavour those things in this time was not “amicus Cæsaris,”270 and as such, both the Priest himself must be condemned and he that would show him any favour.

Of this kind the number was great that suffered (our difficulty considered in preparing them, and penury of so fit workmen), but their worth was much greater than this short treatise can or may contain: it is worthily reserved for a more full discourse, and indeed it will require a just volume by itself. It shall suffice us here to know, that as all were holy and full of spirit, fit for men that are sent in such an Apostolical mission, so many of them excelled in rare gifts, and for such were known and esteemed highly by Catholics before their apprehension. There was of them a Campian, so eloquent, and so much overmatching the heretics in public disputation (although they came fully armed and provided against a prisoner after tortures, preparing himself to die), that a courtier went from the disputation presently to the Queen, and said if that man were suffered to live he were enough to pervert the whole realm. Convert, they would have said, but that heresy would not permit their tongue to tell the truth. There died with him a most valiant Sherwin, full of St. Laurence his fervent spirit, and ten other Priests, redoubted servants of Christ, each one singular in their kind. Amongst whom one other was of the Society, called Brian; a man of such devotion to the Passion of Christ, that when he was extremely racked before his martyrdom, his mind being fixed in the meditation of Christ His Passion, he felt not their torments, nor any pain but only a little in one hand, upon a lively impression he then had of the pain our Lord suffered when His holy hands were pierced. What should I reckon up a Cornelius, so famous in preaching that all Catholics followed him as children do their nurse when they long for milk, and the man so full of the Apostle’s charity, that with one fervent speech in imitation of the offer which St. Paul made to be “anathema pro fratribus,”271 he expelled a devil out of a person whom he was exorcising. I know the time and place where it was performed; and where another wicked spirit confessed in a possessed person that his fellow was cast out by Cornelius his charity. This good Father was the third of the Society which suffered death by public justice for profession of the Catholic Roman Faith.

What a famous man, and how much beloved was Father Southwell! whose excellent parts England cannot forget; and if it would be so ungrateful, yet his works there extant, so full of spirit and eloquence both in prose and verse, would suffice abundantly to make the cruelty of his persecutors much accused, and his life so shortened much lamented, who living would have been so profitable and pleasing to all sorts. His value and high merit before God was much to be seen, in that he was delivered over by God’s ordinance to encounter hand to hand the cruelest tyrant of all England, Topliffe, a man most infamous and hateful to all the realm for his bloody and butcherly mind; and this man had Father Southwell many weeks together in his house alone to use him at his pleasure, where he kept him in his boots as he was taken, with bolts of iron upon his arms, and in a chamber without any bed or straw to lie upon, where he was to turn himself upon his side, and lie upon the floor like a dog when he list to sleep, as full of lice as he might hold. There also he put him nine times most cruelly upon the torture, which Father Southwell at his arraignment professed was more grievous to him than nine deaths could or would have been. About that time also suffered at York another famous Priest of the Society called Father Henry Walpole, whom first they had tortured fourteen times in the Tower, and that in very extreme manner. This gentleman was known to be of excellent parts before his going over to take that happy course of Religious life, in so much that with his sweet conversation and devout carriage he won divers to be Catholics even then before he was Priest, and it was expected he would have proved an excellent workman in that harvest, if the cruelty of heresy had not cut him off. But his merits were such as God would defer his crown no longer, and so at his first landing he was apprehended in the north, and therefore carried thither again to be executed, after they had in vain made trial at London to make him confess by torments something against the state of Catholics and their profession or practice. When he came to die all men admired his patience, and religious humility, and mortification, wherein he very much excelled.

It were too long, and not for this place to reckon up the great number of rare men both Religious and Secular Priests that suffered in Queen Elizabeth’s times, “quibus dignus non erat mundus.”272 But yet this persecution by death, though it were cruel to them that suffered, and most injurious to the Catholics that were by that means bereaved of their most beloved Fathers, yet were the persecutions in other respects more grievous to be borne and much more intolerable. Their torturing of men when they were taken to make them confess their acquaintance and relievers, was more terrible than death by much, as Bl. Father Southwell professed at the bar; and this the rather both because the pain continued longer and was often iterated, and chiefly for that it was not an end of their probation in this world, but many after such torments are forced to walk on their voyage towards Heaven for many years, being uncertain of their perseverance in that estate of fervent love to God with which they offered themselves for Him to torments, and would more gladly have done it unto death, if such had been His pleasure at that time.

Besides the spoiling and robbing laymen of their livings and goods, with which they should maintain their families, is to many more grievous than death would be, when those that have lived in good estate and countenance in their country shall see before them their whole life to be led in misery, and not only themselves, but their wives and children to go a-begging. And some, in like manner, that lose not all at once, but have somewhat left, are worse than the rest, for they have not so much as is proportionable to their charge, and yet being known to have something, can have no colour to live on alms, as others do (even some of very worshipful families), and live much better than diverse of these that have this little left them.

And to these the continual and cruel searches, which I have found to be more terrible than taking itself. The insolencies and abuses offered in them, and in the seizures of goods, the continual awe and fear that men are kept in by the daily expectance of these things, sith every malicious man (of which heresy can want no plenty) is made an officer in these affairs, and every officer a King, as it were, to command and insult upon Catholics at their pleasure. These, and the like aggrievances, Catholics having now sustained during the whole reign of Queen Elizabeth, was it not now time for them to hope that God would say unto them, “Levate capita vestra quia ecce appropinquat redemptio vestra?”273 We had now suffered more than the full number of years, not days, of this deluge of persecution pouring down upon us. Was it not now time for us to look out and to long that the earth would begin to dry and afford us some quiet habitation upon it? Were we not now to expect that some gracious bird would bring us an olive branch in sign of peace, which we had looked for so long and desired so much? True it is that most Catholics had great hope and expectation of this King James, then King of Scotland only. And this hope, as a human help of no small force, did join with God’s grace and bring some comfort with it, amidst the many discomforts sustained under the long-continued reign of Queen Elizabeth.

First, they did, and might, expect that the son of such a mother (who not only lived a Catholic in her kingdom and in prison, but died also because she was a Catholic) would himself also be a friend to Catholics at least, if he would not be a follower of Catholic religion. St. Monica, by her tears and prayers, did win her son, St. Augustin; the hope was also in England that “filius tantorum meritorum perire non poterat.”274 And who could think that the son would join in friendship and confidence with them, and with only them that had betrayed and slain both his father and mother, and who had kept himself so long like a ward in his own kingdom. Besides they could see no cause why King James should follow the course that Queen Elizabeth had done. For she in the beginning of her reign was persuaded by her Council that for reason of State it was needful she should break with the See Apostolic and maintain the new religion, that might depend upon her supremacy and supreme authority expressed by the laws of Parliament. This they pretended to be needful, first, in respect of her nativity, which they knew was not esteemed legitimate by the See of Rome. Again, in regard of the particular favour which it was known the same See did bear unto Queen Mary, then Dowager of France and Queen of Scotland, living and reigning there in all prosperity; who therefore was much envied and feared by Queen Elizabeth and her Council at that time. Unto which also was added the well-known affection of all Catholics in England unto the said Queen Mary, in respect of her true descent from King Henry VII. and her constant love and profession of the Catholic faith: these seemed great motives to Queen Elizabeth, and sufficient to lead her into the labyrinth of an heretical course. But these could not be objected unto our King James, who was the true and hopeful issue of his so worthy mother and the same so glorious a martyr. Neither could he fear the favour or furtherance of the See Apostolic, which favoured him much and assisted him many ways whilst yet he was but King of Scotland and professed a contrary faith. What might he then have expected if he had offered himself and his realm of England unto the obedience of the Church, if he had trodden that path which all his ancestors had walked, and wherein both they and the kingdom of England did so much flourish. Yea, what applause, what congratulation, what assurance of friendship and assistance against all his enemies might he have expected as most certain, both from His Holiness, and the like from all Christian Princes? Yea, truly, this seemed so strong a reason to induce His Majesty to that happy course, that many Catholics, knowing his wisdom and learning, could not persuade themselves how it could be possible that he would be drawn to any other manner of proceeding, especially seeing that as on the one side all peace with the Christian world was sure to be knit in firmest league of friendship; on the other side, they could not see how he could expect any long or assured peace with the pillars of God’s Church, if he should begin to persecute the same afresh, as the late Queen had done before him. For it were in vain to begin that war against the Church, if he meant not to do his best endeavours to root out the same out of the world, if he could; because he might be sure the more he proceeded therein the more he would exasperate both God and all good men against him. This mind Catholics could not expect in a Prince of so great judgment and so many good parts, as they had cause to think him to be of. These hopes also were much strengthened by his own words, published unto the world in that fatherly and princely gift of his unto his son, wherein amongst many other grave and wise documents unto the young Prince, one is, that he do cherish and make much of those servants whom he hath known to be faithful unto his parents, of which his counsel he first giveth divers true and judicial reasons, and afterwards confirmeth the same with his own experience, affirming in plain words he found those most true and trusty to himself who had been faithful followers of hers, and so on the contrary side in like manner. To this effect His Majesty delivered his mind unto his son, and therewith great and comfortable hopes unto all Catholics, that they who had been true lovers and followers of his mother should find favour, and that such as had either done or suffered greatly in her service should find an answerable requital and advancement.

These hopeful signs of future favour were yet much in particular confirmed by the constant report and asseveration of divers, who in the said Queen Elizabeth’s reign had lived under His Majesty in Scotland, as well English as of the Scottish nation, who did everywhere affirm and divulge both at home and abroad, and in all Princes’ Courts of the world (as it is well known to the said Princes), the great and singular hope and expectation that was to be conceived of this King for his good nature and rare parts, as mansuetude, compassion, equanimity, high esteem of his said mother and of all those that had faithfully loved and served her. And albeit that for his religion he could be no other than as he had been brought up and instructed, yet was he averse from all severity of persecution against such as were of different religion, especially the Catholic; granting it to be the ancient mother religion of all the rest, though in some things now amiss in his opinion. And that out of his own reading he had observed that all his ancestors, Kings and Queens both of England and Scotland, without exception had been of the Catholic Roman faith and religion, and that himself was the first among them all that ever professed a different religion from them. These reports were spread by many and in many places. But some others more particular and assured are said to have been sent by particular embassagies and letters from His Majesty unto other Princes, giving hope at least of toleration to Catholics in England, of which letters divers were translated this year into French and came so into England, as divers affirmed that had seen them. Yea, and further than this, I am well assured that immediately upon Queen Elizabeth’s sickness and death, divers Catholics of note and fame, Priests also, did ride post into Scotland, as well to carry the assurance of dutiful affection from all Catholics unto His Majesty as also to obtain his gracious favour for them and his royal word for confirmation of the same. At that time, and to those persons, it is certain he did promise that Catholics should not only be quiet from any molestations, but should also enjoy such liberty in their houses privately as themselves would desire, and have both Priests and Sacraments with full toleration and desired quiet. Both the Priests that did kneel before him when he gave this promise (binding it with the word of a Prince, which he said was never yet broken), did protest so much unto divers from whom I have it. And divers others, persons of great worth, have assured me the same upon the like promise received from His Majesty, both for the common state of Catholics and their own particular.

Now, more than this I think could not be, to give assured hope unto Catholics of some present relaxation by his gracious help from the many miseries and afflictions they had so long endured, being as much as they could expect or he perform until his settling. How ready Catholics were in all countries to receive him for their King, how forward to proclaim him, yea, how joyful to entertain and welcome him with all care and cost that might be, all the realm is witness. Insomuch that some set vessels of wine in the streets for all comers to drink, in show of their gladness; other Catholic noblemen at London cast store of money about the streets in sign of their universal joy. What cost all sorts of Catholics bestowed upon such furniture as was fit to welcome and meet both King and Queen, with the Prince who came at several times! All was done with such applause and jubilee as did well witness the joy and hopes they had conceived.

But now what shall we think to have been the state of all Catholic minds when all these hopes did vanish away; and as a flash of lightning, giving for the time a pale light unto those that sit in darkness, doth afterwards leave them in more desolation? What grief may we imagine they felt generally, when not only no one of these hopes did bring forth the hoped fruit, nor any promise was performed, but when, on the contrary side, His Majesty did suffer himself to be guided and as it were governed by those that had so long time inured their hands and hardened their hearts with so violent a persecution; yea, when he did not only confirm the former laws with which we were afflicted, but permitted new and more grievous vexations to fall upon us than before we had felt, and prepared yet more and more heavy whips wherewith to scourge us? Truly the event proved contrary to all our hopes. For, first, it was observed that some weeks after his being in England, he began to use far different speech of and against Catholics than was expected from the son of such a mother. And when soon afterward there ensued his first Parliament, he made a bitter speech (now extant in print) against them all; but especially, to our greater increase of grief and despair of comfort, against the See Apostolic, much different from that was expected, where so great favours and tokens of love had been received.

Now, whereas Catholics expected his published and promised honour to his mother and rewards unto her servants, it grieved them much when they saw no memory at all made of so memorable a mother either in word or work; she lying until this day obscurely in that place where her enemies cast her after cutting off her head: nor any man gratefully looked on or respected that belonged unto her or that made mention of her. As for those that did or suffered anything in her cause and quarrel, there is not any advanced nor yet recompensed for the great losses which some of them sustained in her behalf. Not long after the said Queen’s imprisonment in England, there were three, two knights and one gentleman, that intended her deliverance and assistance to her settling again in her kingdom of Scotland [one of the three was Sir Thomas Stanley, next brother to the Earl of Derby, who had much land and many friends in that country where she was prisoner; the second was Sir Thomas Gerard, whose dwelling-house was within two miles of the castle where she was kept, and at that time had means sufficient to do good service in that behalf; the third was one Mr. Roulston, an esquire of good worth in the same country, and a very devout Catholic man and a stout gentleman].275 The meanest of which three had a son, being then a pensioner in the Court, who betrayed the whole matter and caused them all to be clapt in the Tower, where they were kept a long time in strait prison, and Mr. Roulston was condemned to die, against whom they were able it is likely to prove more particulars of the secret (by his son’s means), than against the others. But it cost the others large sums of money and sale of land before they could be freed.

After this, about twenty years ago, there was another matter intended by fourteen gentlemen, Mr. Babington, Mr. Salesberie, and others of the choice of England, for the said Queen’s deliverance and restoring to her right; wherein, though they were ensnared and entrapped by some politic heads that sought both their overthrow and thereby a seeming justifiable pretence to cut off the said Queen also, yet it was apparent by their examinations and executions, taking their death in so devout and resolute manner, that they intended sincerely the Queen’s delivery for the advancement of the Catholic cause. At the same time, also, one of the foresaid knights276 was again committed to the Tower for the same cause, and kept there at least two years, though he had been so wary of his trust that they could not prove anything against him to put him to death with the rest; but it cost him much this time again, as that prison is ever wont to do to those that live in it, but especially to those that get out. Nor these nor any others of like deserts in other kind have been rewarded. True it is that the elder son of the knight,277 going to meet the King at his coming into England, His Majesty told him before divers (from whom I had it), “That he must love his blood, for that he and his had suffered persecution for him.” These were his words, showing indeed in His Majesty a good consideration of his servants and inclination to do for them; but it is likely that others overrule the matter, for,278 though he made that gentleman knight at that time, yet that was to him no advancement whose ancestors had been so for sixteen or seventeen descents together; but since he hath had no preferment at all, but rather kept back, as being known that his house hath ever been Catholic, though himself having long time followed the Court do not profess it as he should.

Another279 worthy gentleman also, one Mr. Abington, was in the Tower for the same cause when the fourteen gentlemen were there prisoners. And this gentleman, having lately some Priests taken in his house, was condemned to die; and though his life be spared for a time (they say, in respect of his former suffering; but, indeed, obtained by the Lord Mounteagle, whose sister he hath married), yet is his house taken from him, one of the fairest in all the country, and all his lands and goods forfeited: which is much more grievous than death to a man of his devotion and resolution. These and many such examples are seen and noted in the realm, and not any seen to be advanced nor regarded that truly served or suffered for his mother: yea, rather the contrary; that His Majesty was so prevented and preoccupated with divers that pursued and both sought and wrought the ruin of his mother, that he seemed to give himself wholly into their hands, and not only himself but Catholics also, to be afflicted by them at their pleasure.

All this, we say, moved great exasperation and exulceration of minds, mixed with grief and despair, foreseeing that all would pass worse for Catholics under his reign than in Queen Elizabeth’s time; when those that did persecute under her were doubtful what side might prevail or bear sway after her death, and therefore would be more sparing, and divers would seek to make the principal Catholics their friends against those times of uncertain event, which could not be far off in respect of the great age of Queen Elizabeth and her want of issue; whereas now no such fear is thought needful nor any such caution in policy requisite, the King being young and his issue like to continue and to uphold their proceedings: so that they may more freely and without fear persecute at their pleasure. Besides unto this general fear, which all Catholics had in seeing these former hopes of theirs to fail them, was added a full experience that neither hopes were to be by them expected nor promises by others to be performed. For whereas His Majesty, out of his gracious disposition, had promised much favour towards Catholics, both to other Princes and to divers particular Catholics that went unto him before his coming in, now the contrary was so much practised and all these promised favours so plainly denied, that they might not be so much as once spoken of or remembered that ever any such had been.

For, first, when at the end of the first Parliament the Puritans packed together therein, as well against His Majesty and his desires in the matter of union of the two kingdoms as also against the Catholics, and urged many new laws to their prejudice and for their greater affliction, His Majesty, that with one word might have staid their fury by saying (as it is accustomed in such cases when a Prince will show favour) that he would deliberate and consider of the matter, he confirmed first all the most sharp and rigorous laws and statutes which the late Queen or her father or brother had made against Catholics for afflicting them or shedding their blood. And, secondly, he adjoined new statutes of his own that augmented greatly the grievances of the former (which afterwards shall be set down), so as every sort of men, but especially the Puritans (that by all means desired to make the King odious unto Catholics), applied unto them presently those words of the young King Roboam to his aggrieved people—“My father pressed you with a grievous yoke; but I will aggravate the same yet more. My father beat you with whips; but I will scourge you with scorpions.” So that it is easy to guess with what terror and affliction the Catholics remained at that time. By all which we may plainly see, that not only all hopes were failed whereupon Catholics did build their comforts, but that it was also seriously endeavoured by some to give now all assurance of the contrary opinion, and so to drive men to despair, presuming perhaps that some amongst so many thousands would not be so patient as to bear it long, but that despair would urge them to some desperate attempt, whereby the chief causers of this persecution might give the better pretence of the cruelty they intended against them for the satisfaction of foreign Princes, that they might suppose these laws to be afterwards devised and not before determined or practised. And it is no marvel though divers Princes have been long in this error, knowing not the state of things with us; yea, rather being possessed of a contrary opinion to the truth of our sufferings by instruments employed of purpose, as also their whole estates were in like manner by the ordinary news, which were written in the gazettes to the end to be divulged. But Catholics that felt the smart before, had cause to believe the contrary, and that they received280 one blow upon the face with the fist, to make them fetch another against the wall. Yea, it is verily thought by many of the wiser sort, that these very things, with others that followed, were the spurs that set those gentlemen upon that furious and fiery course which they afterwards fell into; and being otherwise too forward of themselves, and not apt in those things to be retained with the bridle, did urge them to take the bit in their teeth and run headlong (being thus filled with despair of any good from this King’s government) to that desperate course of cutting off the same to set up one of his younger children—a thing very much lamented by all the body of Catholics in England, whose thoughts were only bent how to possess their souls in patience, notwithstanding all the causes of grief and despair of remedy which I have alleged, and more that I must allege in the chapter following.

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Chapter III. [II.] the Increase of Persecution and All Kind of Molestations Unto Catholics, With Their Failing of All Hopes, Procured by the Puritan Faction

Such as be acquainted with the state of affairs in England cannot be ignorant that there be many at this time of the Puritan faction put in authority and place of government, especially concerning the persecution of Catholics. All which, as they be further gone in heresy than the ordinary sort of moral Protestants be, so are they more violent enemies against all Catholics and Catholic proceedings. And this not only in respect of that spirit of heresy, which doth in greater measure possess them, but for reason of policy also they hold it very requisite. For although the Protestants are at this time the chief in Government, and their laws and ordinances preferred both in ecclesiastical and secular causes, yet are not the Puritans out of hope (if the Catholic party were taken away) to prevail against them in time, either by force or friendly means procured from their complices in other countries, in which kind they are much stronger than the Protestants, or else by force of argument and the Word, wherein they persuade themselves to have great power. And true it is, that under the pretence of more pure profession of Calvin’s doctrine and a greater outward show of a more formal religion, they do win daily some or other new-fangled heads unto their sect from the Protestants, whose grounds are more uncertain to themselves, and nothing certain unto them but the following of the will and pleasure of those that guide the State, whatsoever they hold or ordain to be professed or practised. But as for the Catholics, they are holden and tried by the Puritans and the other also to be inflexible for matter of their faith, as having most sure and infallible grounds to rest upon, alleging for the same all kind of authority, showing antiquity with universal consent of all nations; and remaining now, as others of their side have done before them, in perfect union amongst themselves in all points of their belief. So that the Puritans having no hope at all that ever their private spirit shall be able to prevail against such an army of impregnable proofs by force of reason or argument they seek therefore, by all means they can devise, the overthrow of Catholics much more earnestly than the Protestants do, who are in themselves commonly less violent; and being placed at the helm in the chief seats for commodity and honour, are content to rest when they are well, and are not so busy and stirring as the Puritans are, whose rising spirit cannot be at rest until they be in possession of that which the others enjoy and they desire. Hereupon it followeth that the Puritans are most forward continually to incense the King against us; most violent also to execute all laws, and lay all kind of molestations and afflictions upon us, and besides most desirous of all occasions whereby to put us utterly in despair of help or favour, and so to force some or other to unfit courses, that the rest may be punished for their sake. And truly, as they were the men that did frame the Bills against us in the first Parliament after the King’s entry, and did follow the matter most hotly to have both the former cruel laws remain in force and new penalties imposed upon Catholics, so when His Majesty had granted and confirmed all their desires against us, it is strange to see with what fury they sought in all places to execute the same cruelties—yea, much further in most places than the laws themselves did allow or would permit. And it is to be noted, that although the Puritans are not generally put in authority or used for the government of the Commonwealth (as men known to bear but hollow hearts unto the King, and to be much disgusted with his proceedings), yet are they ordinarily employed in the punishing and executing all kind of rigour against Catholics, as being tried by experience to be most vigilant in finding them out, most violent in afflicting them and most pitiless in their pains. So that in every shire, those Justices which be known to be most forward in the Puritan faction, though otherways they be little employed in matters of the country or esteemed of by the State, yet they are the men that are put in commission against Catholics—they are the searchers, they are the informers, they are the Judges, and they are made, as it were, the kings of Catholics.

Execution of penal laws upon Catholics.

From hence it came that the pressures of Catholics were much increased after the first Parliament and before that rash attempt of those gentlemen who were urged to that conspiracy (as most men think in those parts that know how things passed) by extremities which they saw to increase so fast, and their despair of helps in vain expected. For then presently, the execution of all laws against Catholics, both old and new, being committed for the most part to the Chief Justice, who is known to be hot and vehement in the Puritan faction and a bloody enemy to the said Catholics; and he, by direction of others and his own desire, having picked out men in every shire of the same humour to execute the same laws with all the rigour and despite they could devise. Then followed afresh the exaction of 20l.281 a month, which was imposed by Queen Elizabeth upon every Catholic that would not go unto their service, although for a time after the King’s coming there was hope given both by King and Council that it should not be exacted: but then the whole was urged together with the arrearages. Yea, and not contented with twelve months in the year (as Nature hath appointed by course of the sun), they would have the payment for thirteen months in the year, after the account of four weeks in the month, contrary to the rule of ancient law affirming that Pœnæ non sunt ampliandæ. But if Catholics could enjoy for this payment any reasonable quiet, they would think themselves in great ease. But there is a law for the poorer sort of Catholics, that they shall forfeit two parts of their lands and leases, and all their goods and chattels whatsoever that can be found; upon which law (being executed as the Puritans use to do) many and great molestations do further ensue; for by this means they are not only indicted and cast into jails and prisons and their lands seized, as the statute alloweth, but also their goods embezzled and their cattle driven away. And if they find no cattle which they are assured to be the recusants’, but that his fields be rented and stocked by other men, they drive that cattle also and put them to prove whose they were; and thereby terrify all men from hiring their said lands, wherein they also add diverse other particular afflictions that exasperate greatly the sufferer. These matters being committed for the most part to their handling, that care not how much or how far they strain poor Catholics, whereof no marvel if it come to pass according to the proverb—Qui nimium emungit elicit sanguinem—“He that scrapeth or rubbeth too much, draweth blood at last.”

It hath been also a matter of no small grief and complaint, that whereas there be now in England certain hungry and ravenous people that importuned the King for relief, having no rents or revenues in the land and yet living at a high rate and great charges many ways, His Majesty to give them content hath willed them to seek out Popish recusants which he might bestow upon them; wherein they then become diligent to inquire them out and restless in prosecuting them to the uttermost, and think all they can get too little: as it is indeed too little to satisfy their needs; which was a thing foreseen and foretold by some who yet are no prophets nor sons of prophets, but Protestants of the wiser sort, who, as it is said, when it was consulted of amongst all the Peers of the realm, before the King’s coming, concerning his admission to the crown, some amongst them alleged that it might well be feared that the lean and hungry oxen which Pharao saw in his dream would devour all the fat and goodly oxen which their English fertile ground had fed so well before, and that these ravenous beasts would eat them up and yet seem to be nothing satisfied. Thus they.

And truly the meaner sort of these to whom Catholics were thus given, were not satisfied with the Catholics they could find out, but they also procured divers to be presented and indicted for recusants who were but well-wishers unto Catholics and went to church themselves; and yet some of them could not be delivered except they would publicly abjure their faith at the Assizes and Sessions, whereof sundry rueful examples might be given. In all which, the case seemeth to divers both grievous and odious, that true and freeborn subjects of good quality should be given as it were in prey to others. And for that the sequel of this matter appertaineth to many, the exasperation also rising thereof must needs be very general.

The violent manner of searches.

Now if we should stand upon the particular enumeration of the calamities which fall upon Catholics by private persons, and especially Puritans put in authority over them, the many insolences and molestations which are offered in the searches which are used in most odious manner, and so have been ever since this first Parliament, it would much afflict the hearts of the pious readers. And it is to be thought that many particulars thereof are not known to His Majesty, though all exercised and executed in his name and under his authority. What a thing is it for a Catholic gentleman to have his house suddenly beset on all sides with a number of men in arms both horse and foot, and not only his house and gardens and such inclosed places all beset, but all highways laid for some miles near unto him, that none shall pass but they shall be examined! Then are these searchers ofttimes so rude and barbarous that, if the doors be not opened in the instant when they would enter, they break open the doors with all violence, as if they were to sack a town of enemies won by the sword, which is a strange proceeding, and proper only to our persecuted state at this time, for it is not used elsewhere, but with us so common that no man can have assurance of one hour’s quiet or safety within the walls of his own habitation, which yet in just and peaceable commonwealths should be his fortress and castle. Whereupon it seemed so strange to the Scottish gentlemen that came into England with His Majesty, that divers of them said—“If we in Scotland should be thus used, or that any should enter our house by force and against our will, we should presently have killed them.” If they said this for this forcible entry only, what may be said for their manner of proceeding being entered? Which I will therefore set down more in particular, that by this the reader may judge of our usage in other things.

The searchers being thus entered, it hath been usual with pursuivants to run up the stairs and into the chambers with their drawn swords, enough to drive the weaker sort of women and children out of their wits. Then they begin to break off locks and open all the doors of the house presently, that they may at one time search in many places. Then if they find no Priest nor suspected persons for Priests in any of the chambers or closets, they go presently to search for secret places, and this they do most cunningly and strictly, sounding the floors and walls to see if they can find any hollow places. They do also measure the walls of the house and go round about the house on the outside to see if one part do answer to another, in hope to find some void part left hollow, wherein a man may be hid. Sometimes, if the walls be not made of stone, but of wainscot or other weak matter, they will thrust through it with their swords in many places, hoping that in some place or other they may light upon a Priest, and this they do also in the roof of the house, upon suspicion there may be some conveyance, though they cannot find the entry into it, as, indeed, the doors of the secret places are commonly made with such art as it is hard to find them or espy them, otherwise it were not possible to keep Priests so long as some Catholics do and have done. But the searchers, if they find any likely cause of suspicion, not contented with that dangerous manner of trial with their swords (in which cases some Priests have escaped very hardly of being wounded or slain), they then break down the walls wholly and enter themselves to search with candles and torches in all such dark places and in housetops, where sometimes nothing but mice or birds have come of many years. This we hope will be a means to prevent the diligent search of God’s judgments wherein he saith—“Scrutabor Jerusalem in lucernis.”282 But if this be permitted by God’s judgment to be done to His servants in this life, what shall be done to the doers of this in the next? “Si in viridi ligno hæc faciunt, in arido quid fiet?”283 “Incipit judicium (saith St. Peter) a domo Dei. Si autem primum a nobis, quis finis eorum qui non credunt Evangelio?”284 But to return unto our narration.

When the searchers find not any Priest for all this cruel diligence they have used, they will not yet give over, but supposing there is or may be some so secretly hidden that yet he is there for all that they have done, then they appoint a watch about the house and every part thereof of fifty or sixty men, and sometimes more, and these with guns and bills, &c.; and this they keep for many days together (intending to starve him out), sometimes for six, yea, ten and twelve days’ continuance. Sometimes, also, they place watchmen in the chambers of the house within, both to keep that no Catholic shall stir to relieve the Priest (though commonly they make them sure for that by locking them up all in one part of the house together, which they mean least to search as being least suspected); and besides that they may hearken if any little stirring be behind a wall, yea, but the breathing or coughing of a Priest (which was the means indeed by which Fr. Cornelius before mentioned was found out and apprehended), to which end also they do sometimes cunningly speak aloud, one to another, that they will begone away because they can find nothing, and seem to make a noise as though they did depart; then will they go softly into the chambers a little after and seem to be of the house, and knock softly at every wall, willing the good man to come forth, for now the searchers are gone, thanks be to God. This subtlety is usual to these men—“Sed deficient scrutantes scrutinio et exaltabitur Dominus et sagittæ parvulorum sicut plagæ eorum.”285 And truly sometimes the protection of God is wonderful in these cases, that men do escape their hands, when by human means one would think it were wholly impossible, of which I have known many examples.

But the searchers, in the meantime, when they can find no Priest, whom they chiefly desire to take in any man’s house, because then his lands and goods and life also are all forfeited:—but if that will not be, then they rifle every little corner for church stuff, for copes and vestments, chalices, pixes, and such. For these they break open chests and trunks; then to cabinets and little boxes for letters, hoping to find some spiritual advice in them (though not to follow it, God knows), but thereby to infer that they are Priests’ letters with whom they have acquaintance; or if they find any Agnus Deis, or beads or medals that they can prove are hallowed, then also all the lands and goods of the parties are seized and themselves condemned to perpetual prison, which was the case of Mr. Tregian, a worthy gentleman of great estate. Many examples of all these particulars might be alleged, but it were too long for the reader, and not safe for the parties of whom the stories must be told, especially if they be truly set down in such barbarous manner as they were performed, which is sometimes so uncivil that they will search the very beds where man and wife do lie at their first breaking into the house, when they come in the night, as in London, it is most commonly, yea, sometimes into the beds where women lie in childbed. Yea, they will not spare grave ancient matrons and women of great place. One ancient lady, lying in Holborn, in London, was in this sort so rudely handled by them that she fell sick upon it and lived not long after—a grave lady, and a woman of great virtue.

Briefly, their insolences are so many and so outrageous, and thereby the miseries and afflictions of Catholics were so much increased and multiplied, that it seemed to many very intolerable to be long endured. The only hope might be that which at those times Priests did labour to persuade, and divers of the graver Catholics were yet content to believe, might be possible (as in darkness, the least glimpse of light, though but far off, doth bring some comfort, in hope it may come nearer), and that was the memory of His Majesty’s faithful promises, which, being given on the word of a Prince, they thought could not be violated, unless they should hear himself to speak the contrary. This only hope did yet live in some, though many apparent proofs to the contrary did continually weaken it. But this little spark of light also was soon after clean put out, no doubt by the industry and malicitious procurement of the Puritans, whose custom it is to incense the King against Catholics by some false information, and thereby to draw from His Majesty certain bitter speeches and invectives against Catholics, which then themselves are forward to publish, thereby to put Catholics the more in despair, and by despair into some cause giving of further afflictions, like him that will beat a child to make him cry, and then beat him because he crieth.

But first, that which did seem to extinguish wholly all hopes of help from His Majesty was, that whereas, in the beginning of the year 1605, it pleased him to call a conference between the Protestant Bishops and the chief of the Puritan side, in which conference or disputation the King, as head of the Church of England in ecclesiastical matters (which the Puritans acknowledge not), sat as chief moderator or judge in all things—though I say it was his pleasure to give unto the Puritans a day of hearing, yea, three days together full audience of all that they could say or allege for themselves and for their novelties and newly coined heretical inventions, yet would he not once admit the Catholics to be heard or any for them, notwithstanding their prescription and long-continued possession in their religion, and that they hold no other faith than that which was warranted from erring by Christ Himself, received from the seat of the Apostle St. Peter, commended for universal by St. Paul, planted in our own country with miracles, watered with the blood of acknowledged martyrs, strengthened with the authority of all the ancient Doctors, practised and delivered unto us by known and granted Saints, honoured and professed by all his ancestors, approved, commended, and commanded by all the ancient Parliaments and laws of the realm; notwithstanding all these and many other titles unto truth of doctrine which we can allege, prove, and convince to be on our side, and only to stand for us, yet we were put to silence, our mouth was shut, yea, and stopped also (at the instance of the Puritans), least we should be heard to cry that might not be suffered to speak. Which, that you may the better see to be most true, you shall understand that when His Majesty, having heard the Puritans at full, and knowing them to be a restless and imperious company if they should be approved in their opinions, and dangerous to his person and State (as he had often trial in Scotland) if they should be permitted to grow to greater strength—for this cause he and his Council thought it needful to define all matters in controversy between the Protestants and them wholly in every point against the Puritans, but then, being willing to give them satisfaction in some things, “Et nesciens quomodo aliter placeret eis, nisi in capitibus nostris,”286 he first, in the whole conference, uttered divers things that were very afflictive to Catholics, proceeding from the mouth of their King, whom they had so much honoured and in whom they had hoped. Then, drawing towards the end of the said conference, he urged the Bishops very much to a diligent inquiry and punishment of the said Catholics (which needed not, I wis, in respect of their known malice and vigilancy against them). At which time His Majesty said he observed and discovered three degrees of recusant Papists, as he called them; one that refused to go to the communion but not to the service or sermons, the other refused to go to communion or service but not to sermons, the third refused all three, in which distinction His Majesty did comprehend those also whom we count schismatics and well-wishers only, we esteeming, indeed, none for Catholics, nor admitting any unto the Sacraments of the Church, but those which refuse all communion with heretics in any of the three.

But all these kinds His Majesty said were carefully to be sought out and prosecuted, &c. And when the Chancellor there present, and ready to devise new afflictions unto Catholics for the satisfaction of the Puritans and his credit with the King, proposed for a greater and sharper galling of them, that ordinary processes de excommunicato capiendo might be exercised upon them, saying that no other punishment would vex them so much; for that by force of this they should be barred from making testaments; they should also be holden as outlaws and used accordingly; no man needed to pay them any debts, nor any tenant their rents, unless they list; and what injury soever they then receive, they can have no remedy. This huge and universal affliction the Chancellor had no scruple to entreat for us, and that he might have license to give out commandment for the same, and that all under officers might be punished that any way failed thereof. Whereunto, saith the book wherein all this conference is printed at large, His Majesty yielded and gave consent. By which one consent you may imagine how great a sea of molestations he did let forth upon the said Catholics, and no less also by his consent to the 104 Canons at that time set down and agreed on, all which were devised and planted by the said Bishops to beat and batter the said Catholics withal. By this it is easy to judge what cause all Catholics had by this time of extreme diffidence of help from thence where it was most expected. And that Catholics might know the better what to trust unto concerning all their former hopes conceived or promises received, the contrary was afterwards more plainly made known unto them by divers persons in authority, and that in serious and public manner, of which I will only allege two examples, by which you may guess at the rest; both which are published in print by themselves in a book intituled The late Commotion in Herefordshire, &c., printed by J. Charlton and F. Burton. One is that upon the 5th of August, in the year 1605, the then named Bishop of London, now of Canterbury, preaching at Paul’s Cross, did utter a certain protestation of His Majesty, made, as he saith, before God and His Angels, that he was so constant and firm for the maintenance of the English religion which now he professed, as that he would not only spend his own dearest blood in defence thereof together with all his kingdoms if he had ten times so many as he hath; but moreover desired of God, that if He saw any of his children would be of other mind after him, He should take them away in his lifetime, that he might see them brought to their grave before him, to the end that their shame might be buried in his lifetime.

The L. Chancellor, his speech in the Star Chamber.

All which words of the King’s related by the Bishop, the author of the book doth avow were spoken by His Majesty principally against Papists and their hope of toleration or mitigation of their pressures, which he saith to be a vain hope, &c. The other example is the Lord Chancellor his speech in the Star Chamber some days before this, to wit, Thursday, the 20th of June in the same year, where, speaking unto the Judges before they went their circuit, and to the Justices of Peace, gentlemen and others, that were to return into their countries after the Term ended and relate what they had heard in London, he delivered in vehement sort a large and sharp speech as from His Majesty’s sense, words and commandment against all sorts of Catholics, but especially Priests, Jesuits, and recusants, and such as did acknowledge the authority of the Pope of Rome, ordaining and charging in His Majesty’s name that all Judges in their circuits, all Justices of Peace in their districts, all gentlemen in their countries, and other people in the places where they should abide, should inquire after them, pursue and seek them out, that they might be punished, adding thereunto a certain new rigour of punishment not before in use, but designed now by His Majesty, as he said, to wit, that every Justice of Peace, though himself were no Papist, yet if he were thought to favour or tolerate Papists, or if his wife, children, or servants were Papists, they should lose their offices and be removed out of the Commission of Peace, as unfit members to hold that place (which could be for no other reason, but lest by some means or other some little favour might happen to some Catholic by their means, as a town that is very strictly besieged is commonly barred from all relief both by sea and land). Finally, he concluded with that in effect which the Bishop spake at Paul’s Cross concerning the vain hopes of Catholics for any toleration or alleviation of their afflictions; hereunto adding a speech (saith the book) of His Majesty’s concerning the folly of Papists, how they were besotted, yea and more than bewitched to suppose any such matter of toleration, wondering whereupon they should build their false hopes, adding also that His Majesty had vowed unto his Privy Council, that if he did know that any of his children after him would go back from this, he would lay his curse upon him.

These and the like speeches do our chiefest enemies, the Puritans, use to draw from His Majesty, and afterwards cause to be divulged also to no small prejudice of the mutual love and goodwill, reverence, and respect, which ought to be between the Prince and his subjects, as between the father and his children: they being not ignorant what effect such speeches do work, and that any injury is more easily borne at a Prince’s hand than contumely against a multitude.

Whereupon they have further procured that ordinarily when His Majesty cometh to dinner or supper, some one shall be ready to give occasion of hard speeches against the Catholics; and this is commonly the office of Mr. Mountague, dean of his chapel, who was in profession so earnest a Puritan that he would not wear the cap or surplice (which Protestants admit) before the King’s coming for any persuasion; but since, in respect of the deanery in that place of credit, he is content to dispense with his conscience, though his mother, the Lady Mountague, have given him her curse for his labour, and saith she will not acknowledge him for her son in respect of that dissimulation, as she calleth it. But howsoever it be, his partners, the Puritans, make evil use of his place, being such as may so often and so easily have the King’s ear, whereunto he is so ready, that, besides other tricks, he hath this now and then, to bring some Catholic book in his bosom, with the leaf turned into some place or other where the author doth speak any thing that may offend His Majesty, as, namely, of the Bishop of Rome, especially when it toucheth his spiritual authority over Princes; which His Majesty reading or hearing read, and growing thereby into heat of disputation, refutation, or reprehension, uttereth oftentimes words which these men and their adherents do no less odiously urge and divulge afterward, than craftily and maliciously they procured before. As for example, that His Majesty doth hold all Catholics that esteem of the Pope’s authority for traitors, and especially recusants that will not in respect of their religion communicate with Protestants in their service and sacraments, and finally that none can hold all points of Catholic religion and be a true subject; with divers other such speeches which gall and grieve the hearts of Catholics above measure, all which are afterward avouched by the standers-by in His Majesty’s name, by citing his authority for it. Whereof we could allege too many examples, which we pretermit, for that it is likely that His Majesty had not so grievous meaning therein against his Catholic subjects, as the words do sound or as by such seditious people is wont to be inferred or urged, the sooner to put men into despair.

Sir Edward Coke, now L. Chief, in his 5th part of Reports.

And yet we must confess that one circumstance hath greatly increased the fear of all Catholics touching His Majesty’s meaning in this most deeply touching point, which is, that his Attorney-General (a man not lightly esteemed in his profession of the common laws of our country) having made a book whereby he would fain prove Catholic recusants to be traitors, wresting and enforcing the common laws of the realm to that same purpose; and presenting the said book unto the King, it was not only gratefully received by His Majesty, but highly commended also, and the doctrine allowed, so far forth that the King affirmed the same by oath and said, “By my sall, I do hold them all for traitors indeed, and it is here very sufficiently and truly proved.” And this was spoken publicly at His Majesty’s table, divers noblemen standing by, and some that were not ill-affected to Catholics and knew their minds and deserts unto His Majesty to be much contrary to this construction.

This therefore being known to Catholics, it is easy to be seen how first their hopes were turned into fears and then their fears into full knowledge that all the contrary to that they hoped was intended and prepared for them. It being well known that this book was made by the Attorney according to the direction of the Council, to prepare the mind of His Majesty and the other Peers of the realm against the ensuing Parliament then to make laws against Catholics of such nature and force as are fit and usual to be made against traitors; and therefore cunningly they caused it first to be delivered to His Majesty in public place, presuming that when the King had approved the book, and showed himself of the same opinion, no subject durst seem to think the contrary, and therefore that none would be slack in giving assent to any laws intended, how cruel soever. And this is thought to have been a great cause of hastening the impatience and temerity of those gentlemen who (as we find now by their examinations) about these times conspired to work their designment against the Parliament, as thinking by like, that sith they were condemned for traitors and to be used for such at the Parliament, they had no way to defend their life but by seeking to hinder the Parliament, and that also, by so doing, they should be no more esteemed traitors than they were already, nor their brethren neither, being all esteemed and condemned beforehand for such. So that if they failed of their purpose, they should not increase any evils to themselves or others; and if their desires took effect, then they should free both (which otherwise they thought impossible), besides the delivery of infinite souls from schism and heresy, from sin and damnation, which they all protested at their death was their principal intention.

But howsoever their intention was for the cause of their enterprise (which I leave to the judgment of God), sure we are the thing intended was most unfit, and a thing that I suppose hath brought more grief to the hearts of Catholics generally in England than ever anything did in all this time of their sufferings. But by this we may see how rash and temerarious attempts extremity doth sometimes suggest, and that the counsel was wise which Abner gave to Joab, when he did prosecute his victory with too great violence. “An ignoras,” saith he, “quod periculosa sit desperatio?”287 As if he should say, Art thou so skilful a captain and art ignorant that despair doth often drive those that fly to turn head again with new and redoubled forces? especially when the despair of escaping by flight is so great that they see rather increase of hope than of danger by fighting, which hope of theirs men will then seek to strengthen with their uttermost forces; whereof the event is often such as it turns the danger on the contrary side, of which kind many examples are daily seen. And that not only in men, that by natural reason are led to choose the less danger, but in the poorest and most fearful creatures also that be, which of their own natures are so timorous that they fly at the very sight of man, as we see in many silly beasts both in house and fields; yet when they are so pursued and pressed, as they are put in desperation of their life, they turn again and leap in a man’s face itself. So that this course of giving too much cause of despair is holden dangerous by all wise men, and as such is carefully foreseen and prevented in most commonwealths. But our rulers had been so long acquainted with our patience, and made trial thereof by so many and so urging cruelties, that they thought themselves sure the Catholics would never attempt anything in their own defence that might offend the State, howsoever they were used. And surely so it had continued still, as it hath long done, if this enterprise had been in their power to prevent. But it was carried with that secrecy and with such manner of proceeding as it was not possible for others to hinder it, nor seemed probable that any did intend it; as now it will appear more plainly in the chapters following.

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Chapter III. How Upon These and the Like Motives Divers Gentlemen Did Conspire and Conclude Upon Some Violent Remedy

By that which hath been set down in the former chapter, every prudent man will easily conceive what was like to be the sense and feeling of all Catholics in this so great increase of their long-endured afflictions, in this utter despair of any help from His Majesty (in whose promised clemency all their hopes were placed), and in a certain expectation of other most cruel and newly-invented laws to be further imposed upon them at the next Parliament as against traitors not worthy to live in a commonwealth, and as such already published in books framed and printed by authority, and so censured and pronounced by the King himself. In what other state could they be but a general and most afflicting desolation, and as the Prophet Esay saith, “Omne caput languidum et omne cor mœrens”288 from the highest to the lowest.

But the cogitations of men, as they were all much afflicted in such an inundation of evils upon them without hope of ease or end, so yet no doubt they were very different according to the divers states of minds in plenty or penury of grace, and partly also according to their different natures and dispositions, some more able and apt than others to bear injuries with patience. We know right well, and all England will witness with us, that the greatest part by much did follow the example and exhortation of the Religious and Priests that were their guides, moving them and leading them by their own practice to make their refuge unto God in so great extremities, “Qui nunquam deserit sperantes in se;”289 “Nec patietur nos tentari supra id quod possumus, sed faciet cum tentatione proventum ut possimus sustinere.”290 “Immo modicum passos ipse proficiet, confirmabit, solidabitque.”291 This we found to be believed practically by most, and followed as faithfully, preparing themselves by more often frequentation of the Sacraments, by more fervent prayer, and by perfect resignation of their will to God, against the cloud that was like to cover them, and the shower that might be expected would pour down upon them after the Parliament, unto which all the chief Puritans of the land were called, and only they or their friends selected out of every shire to be the framers of the laws, which thereby we might easily know were chiefly intended and prepared against us. But in so great a multitude all are not so perfect, some few fainted in courage, and, as St. Cyprian noteth of his times, did offer themselves unto the persecutors before they felt the chief force of the blow that was to be expected.

Others again (as since it hath appeared) were much different from these, and ran headlong into a contrary error. For being resolved never to yield or forsake their faith, they had not patience and longanimity to expect the Providence of God, “qui attingit a fine usque ad finem fortiter et disponit omnia suaviter.”292 They would not endure to see their brethren so trodden upon by every Puritan, so made a prey to every needy follower of the Court or servant to a Councillor, so presented and pursued by every churchwarden and minister, so hauled to every sessions when the Justices list to meet, so wronged on every side by the process of excommunication or outlawry, and forced to seek for their own by law, and then also to be denied law, because they were Papists; finally both themselves and all others to be denounced traitors, and designed to the slaughter. These things they would not endure now to begin afresh after so long endurance, and therefore began amongst themselves to consult what remedy they might apply to all these evils (and few greater than these by the daily destruction of innumerable souls, as they alleged at their death), so that it seems they did not so much respect what the remedy were, or how it might be procured, as that it might be sure and speedy, to wit, to take effect before the end of the Parliament from whence they seemed to expect their greatest harm.

And this I do guess to have been the likeliest motive, to make that stratagem of the Parliament House to come into their head, unless perhaps they did think it was impossible for them to prevail any other way. Now peace being concluded by other Princes, they could not expect any sufficient aid from them. And they saw that other Princes were willing with the peace in regard of their own affairs (which might be cause sufficient), although there the peace of Catholics was not included; yea presently upon the concluding of that, they saw and felt that the persecution began afresh and in far worse manner than before (as in the precedent chapters hath been related), yet they found that their case would not be understood in many Princes’ Courts, but rather the Ambassadors and other instruments employed by their persecutors believed, than their case credited when it was laid down by witnesses of unstained integrity. And seeing for these causes no hope of help from others, they knew well that of themselves by open rising in field they were not able to resist and repel the force of the whole State, both because all Catholics would not join in those courses, and because both Protestants and Puritans would then join together against them; therefore this public course being not probable to take effect, it is like they fell to search out what private way might be within their power and yet might be effectual. And then, as it seems by their confessions (made after to the Council), Mr. Catesby proposed that fatal and final course of overthrowing the Parliament House, alleging for his reason that which before I gathered to be his mind out of his own words: that so, said he, we may deliver our country from the servitude she is in, and at one instant deliver us from all our bonds, and although we can have no foreign help, yet so may we plant again the Catholic religion in our country. Thus you may see how good desires may be followed by unfit means, and how much a man may be deceived when he doth follow but his own ways, how good or great soever the motives be or the wished effect of that he goeth about, for “non est faciendum malum ut inde eveniat bonum.”293

And when one of his companions, called Mr. Winter, proposed that the matter was so great and imported so many that it would be well considered of, Mr. Catesby answered, “The nature of the disease was such that it required so sharp a remedy, and that the Parliament was the place where all the laws had been made against Catholics, and therefore the fittest for the makers of those laws there to receive their punishment, especially there being then chosen all the Puritans of the realm, of purpose to make much more cruel laws than before; so that at one blow they should cut off all the greatest enemies of God’s Church, and the greatest persecutors both of their souls and bodies, which they could not do by any other possible means; and not doing that, they would never prevail nor save the whole country from destruction of their souls, nor their brethren and themselves from slaughter of their bodies.” Thus he. This, therefore, seeming probable and pious to their deceived judgments, they fell upon that conclusion, that they would prepare for it as soon as they could, but in such secret manner that no living creature for no cause should understand of their designments but themselves that then consulted, who were but five in number, and they would take an oath of secrecy upon a Primer to that effect. Only some months after, when they found some more help was needful for them, they concluded that three of the five, whereof Mr. Catesby and another of the chiefest to be two, might impart it to some other chosen person to draw him into the action. So great care they had, that it might not be so much as suspected by other Catholics, and especially they meant to keep it from their ghostly Fathers and all kind of Religious men or Priests, knowing well they should never have their assent to an action of that nature. And besides, for that they had no doubt at that time or any scruple in the matter for the causes before alleged, gathered out of Mr. Catesby his words, though afterwards when the matter depended much longer than they expected, upon some occasion or other that belike was offered, they began to doubt of one circumstance, and then sought resolution, but in such cunning and close manner, as shall afterwards appear in the process of the story. And thirdly, for that they feared their ghostly Fathers would assuredly draw them out of that course if they should have understanding of it, which to be a principal cause of their keeping the matter so secret from them, may appear by the speeches which Sir Everard Digby used afterwards at the time of his arraignment.

The five that concluded first upon this preposterous Plot of Powder were these, Mr. Robert Catesby, Mr. Thomas Percy, Mr. Thomas Winter, Mr. John Wright, and Mr. Guy Fawks, as appeareth by the confession of the said Mr. Thomas Winter: ¶294 out of whose examinations with the others that were made in the time of their imprisonment, I must gather and set down all that is to be said or collected of their purposes and proceedings in this heady enterprise. For that as I have said, they kept it so wholly secret from all men, that until their flight and apprehension it was not known to any that such a matter was in hand, and then there could none have access unto them to learn the particulars. But we must be contented with that which some of those that lived to be examined, did therein deliver. Only for that some of their servants that were up in arms with them in the country did afterwards escape, somewhat might be learned by them of their carriage in their last extremities, and some such words as they then uttered, whereby their mind in the whole matter is something the more opened, and all as I have heard then I will faithfully relate.

But first that these first conspirators may be the better known, together with the matter and manner of their conspiracy, it shall be good to let you see in particular what the persons were.

Mr. Catesby (who as it seems by many circumstances was the first inventor and the chiefest furtherer of the Plot) was a gentleman of an ancient and great family in England, whose chief estate and dwelling was in Warwickshire, though his ancestors had much living in other shires also. Some of his ancestors had borne great sway in England. But commonly the greatest men are not the best. Some others have been of great esteem for virtue, as namely one knight of his house (I take it some four or five descents ago) was commonly known and called in all the country, “good Sir William Catesby,” of whom this memorable thing is recorded; that when he had lived long in the fear of God and works of charity, one time as he was walking in the fields, his good Angel appeared and showed him the anatomy of a dead man and willed him to prepare him, for he should die by such a time. The good knight presently accepting of the message willingly, recommended himself with a fervent prayer unto our Blessed Lady in that place and then went home and settled all his business both towards God and the world, and died at his time appointed. This story is painted upon a wall in the church of Ashby, where that knight and other of Mr. Catesby’s ancestors lie buried. Myself have both seen the pictures and read the prayer in that place.

Mr. Catesby his estate in his father’s time was great, above 3,000l. a year, which now were worth much more; but Sir William Catesby, his father, being a Catholic and often in prison for his faith, suffered many losses and much impaired his estate. This son of his when he came to the living was very wild, and as he kept company with the best noblemen of the land, so he spent much above his rate and so wasted also good part of his living. Some four or five years before Queen Elizabeth died, he was reclaimed from his wild courses and became a Catholic, unto which he had always been inclined in opinion, though not in practice. But after this time he left his swearing and excess of play and apparel and all wild company and began to use daily practices of religion instead of them, insomuch that his former companions did marvel to see him so changed; for he concealed his being a Catholic a long time. After that, about three years before the Queen’s death, when the Earl of Essex did intend and attempt by force to put down some of those that ruled the State and meant (as it is thought) to have brought in His Majesty that now is into the realm at that time, and to that end combined many noblemen and gentlemen together in the enterprise, then was Mr. Catesby a principal man in the action, having first received a faithful promise from the Earl of toleration at least for all Catholics: yea and to that end he procured some other Catholics to join also.

In that business, though it was weakly performed by those that had the chief carriage, especially that Earl of Essex, yet did Mr. Catesby show such valour and fought so long and stoutly, as divers afterwards of those swordsmen did exceedingly esteem him and follow him in regard thereof, and only commended Sir Christopher Blunt and him, both which were often compared together, as well for their performance, as for the hurts they received; though Mr. Catesby kept his very secret in prison, being in hope to escape with a ransom, as he did, paying 2,000l., but it cost him 3,000l. before he got out. All which I therefore relate, as a chief means of his getting aid and followers in the other enterprise following, in which although he and his complices did us as great a wrong as might be, and took themselves a most wrong course in their deceived zeal; yet I will not wrong them with false reports in anything, nor wrong the reader so much, as not to let him plainly know what kind of men they were, and to that end do relate both their good and their evil.

When Mr. Catesby was cured of his hurts and had paid his ransom and procured his liberty, he was so much esteemed and respected in all companies of such as are counted there swordsmen or men of action, that few were in the opinions of most men preferred before him, and he increased much his acquaintance and friends. Upon which occasion he then began to labour to win many to the Catholic faith, which he performed, and brought many to be Catholics of the better sort, and was a continual means of helping others to often frequentation of the Sacraments, to which end he kept and maintained Priests in several places. And for himself he duly received the Blessed Sacrament every Sunday and Festival-day, and grew to such a composition of manners and carriage, to such a care in his speech (that it might never be hurtful to others, but taking all occasions of doing good), to such a zealous course of life, both for the cause in general and every particular person whom he could help in God’s service, as that he grew to be very much respected by most of the better and graver sort of Catholics, and of Priests, and Religious also, whom he did much satisfy in the care of his conscience; so that it might plainly appear he had the fear of God joined with an earnest desire to serve Him. And so no marvel though many Priests did know him and were often in his company. He was moreover very wise and of great judgment, though his utterance not so good. Besides he was so liberal and apt to help all sorts, as it got him much love. He was of person above two yards high and, though slender, yet as well proportioned to his height as any man one should see. His age (I take it) at his death was about thirty-five, or thereabouts. And to do him right, if he had not fallen into this foul action and followed his own judgment in it (to the hurt and scandal of many), asking no advice but of his own reasons deceived and blinded under the shadow of zeal; if, I say, it had not been for this, he had truly been a man worthy to be highly esteemed and prized in any commonwealth.

Mr. Thomas Percy was of the name and kindred of one of the ancientest and greatest Earls in England, though I think he was not very near in blood, although they called him cousin. His estate was not great, depending most upon the same Earl that now is of the house of Percies, under whom he had the keeping of a castle and the receiving of his rents, with the overlooking and command of his tenants in those parts. For the most part of his youth he had been very wild more than ordinary, and much given to fighting, so much that it was noted in him and in Mr. John Wright (whose sister he afterwards married) that if they had heard of any man in the country to be esteemed more valiant and resolute than others, one or the other of them would surely have picked some quarrel against him and fought with him to have made trial of his valour. This Mr. Percy was for most of his time affected to Catholics and a friend unto them, and did labour and was the means to get some out of prison; but himself far from professing the same, or following their counsel or example, until within five or six years before his death, and I think about the time of my Lord of Essex his enterprise he became Catholic; for he was also one in the action and a very forward man, hoping that some ease at least would have come to Catholics by the means. After that he was much more reclaimed, and grew in time, by keeping Catholics’ company, and often frequentation of the Sacraments, to leave all his old customs, and to live a very staid and sober life, and for a year or two before his death kept a Priest continually in the country to do good unto his family and neighbours, though himself came thither but at times, living for the most part in London, where he was made one of the Gentlemen Pensioners in Ordinary, and so continued till his death. He had a great wit and a very good delivery of his mind, and so was able to speak as well as most in the things wherein he had experience. He was tall, and of a very comely face and fashion; of age near fifty, as I take it, for his head and beard was much changed white.

Mr. Thomas Winter was a younger brother of the house of Huddington, in the county of Worcester, whose eldest brother and another younger than himself were also brought after into the action by his means. This gentleman had spent his youth well as it seemed by the parts he had, for he was a reasonable good scholar, and able to talk in many matters of learning, but especially in philosophy or histories very well and judicially. He could speak both Latin, Italian, Spanish, and French. He had been a soldier both in Flanders, France, and, I think, against the Turk, and could discourse exceeding well of those matters. And was of such a wit, and so fine carriage, that he was of so pleasing conversation, desired much of the better sort, but an inseparable friend to Mr. Robert Catesby. He was of mean stature, but strong and comely and very valiant, about thirty-three years old or somewhat more. His means were not great, but he lived in good sort, and with the best. He was very devout and zealous in his faith, and careful to come often to the Sacraments, and of very grave and discreet carriage, offensive to no man, and fit for any employment. I wish therefore he had been employed in some better business.

Mr. John Wright was a gentleman of Yorkshire, not born to any great fortune, but lived always in place and company of the better sort. In his youth and for the most of his time very wild and disposed to fighting and trial of his manhood, as I touched before. He became Catholic about the time of my Lord of Essex his attempt, in which he was; and after that time kept much with Mr. Catesby and some other gentlemen of his friends and acquaintance. He grew to be staid and of good sober carriage after he was Catholic, and kept house in Lincolnshire, where he had Priests come often, both for his spiritual comfort and their own in corporal helps. He was about forty years old, a strong and a stout man, and of a very good wit, though slow of speech; much loved by Mr. Catesby for his valour and secrecy in carriage of any business, which, I suppose, was the cause why he was one of the first acquainted with this unfortunate enterprise.

Mr. Guido Faulks spent most of his time in the wars of Flanders, which is the cause that he was less known here in England, but those that have known him do affirm that as he did bear office in the camp under the English coronell on the Catholic side, so he was a man every way deserving it whilst he stayed there, both for devotion more than is ordinarily found in soldiers, and especially for his skill in martial affairs and great valour, for which he was there much esteemed. And that was the cause, as it may be thought, why Mr. Catesby and the rest of the conspirators cast their eyes upon him before others, when they desired one out of Flanders to be their assistant.

But would to God these gentlemen had used their talents better and employed them to the service of God and their country, for which they were given, and not to the offence of the one and destruction of the other, as we find now to our great increase of grief amidst the rest of our many calamities and heavy burthen of persecution, of which the memory of this matter is not the least. Undoubtedly they were men of able parts to perform much in God’s service, and so it is like they would have continued as they had begun if they would have feared sufficiently their own fancies, and followed the grave example and advice of those from whom they sought for help in all other matters that concerned their soul. And yet at length they began to doubt in some points of this also, as shall appear in the chapter following.

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Chapter IV. How After They Had Begun Their Enterprise, They Fell Into Some Scruple, and Went About to Satisfy Their Conscience by Asking Questions Afar Off, of Learned Men, Without Opening the Case

It appeareth by the confession which Mr. Thomas Winter made unto the Lords of the Council, being published in print by order from the said Council, that these gentlemen having concluded upon this course of violent remedy (because they resolved to undertake it as their last refuge and remedy of all the evils they sought to prevent), Mr. Catesby, who first proposed this fatal blow to be given to the Parliament House, did also first propose unto them the last trial which he thought likely to prevail for redress of those evils by quiet means; and to use his own words, there related by Mr. Winter, “First (said he to Mr. Thomas Winter) because we will leave no peaceable and quiet way untried, you shall go over and inform the Constable (who was then upon his coming in) of the state of the Catholics here in England, entreating him to solicit His Majesty at his coming hither, that the Penal Laws may be recalled, and we admitted into the rank of his other subjects.” Mr. Winter went over and delivered his message unto the Constable as in the name of all the Catholics of England, whose answer was, that he had strict command from His Majesty of Spain to do all good offices for the Catholics; and for his own part, he thought himself bound in conscience so to do, and that no good occasion should be omitted. Thus much the Constable promised at that time, and no doubt performed it both wisely and charitably in what he could. But it is an easy matter to satisfy with hopes of future favours, when he that receives the promises shall not be present to see the performance.

So soon as the peace was concluded, and the Constable [of Spain] departed, the stream of persecution began to run more violently than before. Searches were more frequent, the seizure of goods more ordinary and violent, the payment of 20l. a month with the arrearages also were enacted, and (which terrified most) the Puritans, who were the chief men selected and summoned for the Parliament, were so full of their designments against Catholics, that they could not choose but [cast out great threats]295 against them in every place where they came; some affirming they would now set up their rest and have their will of Catholics; some that they would leave no Catholics in England after a while; others that they hoped to see them all hanged ere it were long. Yea, I know a town myself whither some Puritans came to seize some goods of Catholics long before the Parliament, where the party whose goods were taken, complaining of the rigour in the manner of proceeding, the officers answered, “They hoped to see all the Catholics’ throats cut shortly, therefore this was nothing.” Things therefore standing in these terms with Catholics, these gentlemen resolved to expect no further trials, but, as I said, concluded upon their intended stratagem, bound each other by oath to the highest degree of secrecy, and so it seems they went about their business, never fearing any fault in the thing itself, nor fall that might come to Catholics by their error; and thus it continued for a good space with them.

They hired a house by the water side (as may appear in Mr. Winter’s confession) where they might first land their powder when they had bought it, and from whence they might easily transport it by boat also unto the place appointed, which was a house close by the Parliament House, hired by Mr. Thomas Percy, as a fit residence for himself near the Court, being Pensioner, and to wait daily in his quarters. And Mr. Faulks went as his man to keep the house. In this house, to prevent occasions of often going out, because they would not seem to be many in the house, they bought baked meats and made provision at once for a long time. They began to work underground at such times as they could least be heard, and wrought the mine until they came to the wall of the Parliament House, which finding to be hard stone, they were long about a little progress, and were to be more wary than before in respect of the noise. Whilst they were thus together, and proceeding daily as they might, they had leisure, saith Mr. Winter, to fashion all their business, and to discourse of all things that were to be done in the matter, whereby it may seem their first resolution of the thing itself was sudden, and such as young heads and forward minds do often bring forth, without due consideration of circumstances and likely events, which would not have been if they had asked counsel in the cause; but rather, if the matter had been of that quality that it had been fit to have proceeded in it (as this was most unfit of all others), then would all the circumstance of importance have been foreseen beforehand, and all likely events forecast, and according to them the resolution left off or undertaken. But these gentlemen, as it seems then, with that leisure and opportunity of being so much in private together, began to fashion their business, after they had begun the enterprise. Then they began to think how they should get into their hands the next heir, whom they might set up and strengthen against the meaner sort of Puritans that would be left; so that his authority being used in his nonage, the Catholic religion might be erected, and he so brought up, as that he would at his full years be a patron of the same. And Mr. Percy undertook that charge, being one that might best be seen in the Court, in regard of his place. Then they discoursed what foreign Princes they should acquaint with the business, in respect of their help after against the heretics, if they did stand out long. And they resolved to acquaint none; first, because they could not oblige them by oath to secrecy, so as they might be sufficiently assured thereof, which they esteemed the most necessary point of all others, and the strength of the whole business; secondly, for that it seemed they were doubtful the matter would be misliked by other Princes, as indeed they had cause to think it, not likely only, but certain; and so no doubt they would have found it, if it had been imparted to any, especially if the least notice had come unto His Holiness, who had ever showed a special care of our King, and had great hope that in time he would do well both for himself and his country. Then also they began to think what Lords they should save out of the Parliament. And first they resolved they would save as many as they could. Then they descended more into particulars, to consider whom they might draw out of the danger, without danger of discovering unto them the cause why, or so that they might have the least suspicion of the matter intended.

And here, belike, finding it would be very hard to save so many as they desired, and yet withal to save the secrecy of their enterprise (in which consisted the safety of themselves and of the cause), here it is very likely they began to have that scruple in which afterwards they sought to satisfy their conscience, but not in right and plain matter as they should, by explaining the case of which they demanded, but afar off, as a thing by chance coming into their mind, and concerning rather a point of warlike affairs in general, than any particular intention of theirs at that time to be put in practice. For whilst they were in the middle of their discourses (saith Mr. Winter), understanding that the Parliament should be anew adjourned, they left off their work for that time, and went to keep Christmas in several places, which was always their custom, to avoid suspicion. Then the chiefest of them took the present commodity offered by meeting with learned Priests that holy time, and meant to inform themselves of such doubts as were risen concerning the lawfulness of the business they had in hand. And, having a great opinion both of the learning and virtue of the Fathers of the Society, Mr. Catesby desired to get, by cunning means, the judgment of their Superior, so as he should never perceive to what end the question were asked. Therefore coming to Father Garnett, after much ordinary talk, and some time passed over after his arrival, one time he took occasion (upon some speech proposed about the wars in the Low Countries or such like) to ask how far it might be lawful for the party that hath the just quarrel to proceed in sacking or destroying a town of the enemy’s or fortress when it is holden against them by strong hands. The Father answered that in a just war it was lawful for those that had right to wage battle against the enemies of their commonwealth, to authorize their captains or soldiers, as their officers, to annoy or destroy any town that is unjustly holden against them, and that such is the common doctrine of all Divines: in respect that every commonwealth must by the Law of Nature be sufficient for itself, and therefore as well able to repel injuries as to provide necessaries; and that, as a private person may vim vi repellere, so may the commonwealth do the like with so much more right as the whole is of more importance than a part; which, if it were not true, it should follow that Nature had provided better for beasts than for men, furnishing them with natural weapons as well to offend as to defend themselves, which we see also they have a natural instinct to use, when the offence of the invader is necessary for their own defence. And therefore that it is not fit to think that God, Who by natural reason, doth provide in a more universal and more noble manner for men than by natural instinct for beasts, hath left any particular person, and much less a commonwealth, without sufficient means to defend and conserve itself; and therefore not without power to provide and use likely means to repel present injuries, and to repress known and hurtful enemies. And that, in all these, the head of the commonwealth may judge what is expedient and needful for the body thereof. Unto which Mr. Catesby answering that all this seemed to be plain in common reason, and the same also practised by all well-governed commonwealths that ever have been, were they never so pious or devout. But, said he, some put the greatest difficulty in the sackage of towns and overthrowing or drowning up of forts, which, in the Low Countries, and in all wars is endeavoured, when the fort cannot otherwise be surprised, and the same of great importance to be taken. How then those who have right to make the war may justify that destruction of the town or fort, wherein there be many innocents and young children, and some perhaps unchristened, which must needs perish withal? Unto this the Father answered, that indeed therein was the greatest difficulty; and that it was a thing could never be lawful in itself, to kill an innocent, for that the reason ceaseth in them for which the pain of death may be inflicted by authority, seeing the cause why a malefactor and enemy to the commonwealth may be put to death is in respect of the common good, which is to be preferred before his private (for otherwise, considering the thing only in itself, it were not lawful to put any man to death); and so because the malefactor doth in re gravi hinder the common good, therefore by the authority of the magistrate that impediment may be removed. But now, as for the innocent and good, their life is a help and furtherance to the common good, and therefore in no sort it can be lawful to kill or destroy an innocent. But, said Mr. Catesby, that is done ordinarily in the destruction of these forts I spake of. It is true, said the Father, it is there permitted, because it cannot be avoided; but is done as per accidens, and not as a thing intended by or for itself, and so it is not unlawful. As if we were shot into the arm with a poisoned bullet, so that we could not escape with life unless we cut off our arm; then per accidens we cut off our hand and fingers also which were sound, and yet being, at that time of danger, inseparably joined to the arm, lawful to be cut off, which it were not lawful otherwise to do without mortal sin. And such was the case of the town of Gabaa, and the other towns of the tribe of Benjamin, wherein many were destroyed that had not offended. With which Mr. Catesby seeming fully satisfied, brake presently into other talk, the Father at that time little imagining whereat he aimed, though afterwards, when the matter was known, he told some friends what had passed between by Mr. Catesby and him about this matter, and that he little suspected then he would so have applied the general doctrine of Divines to the practice of a private and so perilous a case, without expressing all particulars, which course may give occasion of great errors, as we see it did in this.

Now Mr. Catesby having found as much as he thought was needful for his purpose, related the same unto the rest of the conspirators, and all were animated in their proceedings without any further scruple for a long time, but applied all by their own divinity unto their own case, persuading themselves belike, that they had all the conditions of a lawful war with the Puritans and Protestant parties. First, a just cause, in defence of their goods, lives, and liberty, both of themselves and their brethren, and especially for the delivery and safety of so many thousand souls inthralled by sin and heresy; secondly, they thought they found in themselves a right intention to suppress evil and erect and strengthen that which was good and needful; thirdly, about authority to commence the same, I suppose they had most difficulty, and do not see how they could satisfy their own reason (much less the rules that are required in schools) in that behalf, seeing they did know so well, and had been so often told by the said Father Garnett and others of their spiritual guides, that His Holiness had given strict charge there should be nothing attempted against His Majesty [and the State], but that all Catholics should seek in patience to possess their souls, and thereby, and not by force, to plead for favour. I know not therefore from what ground they could imagine themselves to have authority, although in a far less matter. For it is not likely that they should think of the opinion of some that hold “quod defensio manualis cum sit de Jure Naturali non potest auferri per Superiorem vel contrarium præcipi.”296 And besides, that is to be understood in ipso conflictu, and not longe ante, as in this case of the Parliament.

But it is an easy matter for an earnest desire to draw a man’s opinion after it, and so their great and unadvised zeal to remedy the wrongs done to Catholics both in soul and body, might perhaps make them think that this opportunity of the Parliament being omitted, they should never again have power or opportunity to defend the Catholic party. And that there was not sufficient access to inform Superiors of the case of Catholics, neither that their extremities were believed, and that if they were truly known, they neither would nor could be tolerated when remedy might be applied, in which they thought themselves as it were the officers and hands of the commonwealth, in whose hands and power it was then to perform it as they thought, but would not be so if they should ask counsel or leave of others, because so great a secret could not be kept in the mouths of many, and those not in like manner or measure affected to the business. Thus we may see how oftentimes it happens that a greedy affection and desire of the prey doth not let the bird consider or see the danger of the net which hangeth between the prey and it. And so as it is in too earnest pursuit of riches, that “qui volunt divites fieri incidunt in tentationem et in laqueum diaboli,”297 so in this case, their vehement desire of their prefixed end, did make them oversee a number of inconveniences and perils both of soul and body, that did hang upon this lamentable enterprise, which they did afterwards find, and as I hope repented: and others for their fault have felt more at leisure since this matter happened.

But we that be innocent in the case, and were no ways accessary to the cause giving, must not repine at God’s judgments, if He suffer us to be beaten for the error by others committed: Et si in vincula conjiciamur quasi mala operantes et ante reges et præsides ducamur quasi non existentes amici Cæsaris,298 yet we must be comforted in the testimony of our own conscience, that we do hate all treason against our Prince as much as those that punish us for traitors, and would no ways have joined in this if we had known it, but our earnest endeavours against it should have given sufficient testimony of a contrary mind in us, as may and will appear in the chapter following was done by Father Garnett when he began to fear they had something in hand, although he could never guess or suspect so strange a practice as they were then in plotting or rather in perfecting to be performed.

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Chapter V. How Father Garnett Beginning to Suspect Somewhat by Certain Generalities He Understood of the Gentlemen, Wrote Divers Letters to Rome for Prevention of Rebellion

When Mr. Catesby had thus satisfied his particular doubts out of this general doctrine, both he and his company went forward in their former purposes and after Christmas met again and began to labour afresh in the mine, to work through the wall of the Parliament House which they found to be difficult and long in doing. Whereupon by mutual consent they took in another assistant who was Mr. Christopher Wright, younger brother to John Wright before described in the third chapter, by whom also this other may be known without new description. For though he were not like him in face, as being fatter and a lighter coloured hair and taller of person, yet was he very like to the other in conditions and qualities, and both esteemed and tried to be as stout a man as England had and withal a zealous Catholic and trusty and secret in any business as could be wished: in respect whereof they esteemed him very fit to be of their company and so caused him to take the oath of secrecy and he received the Blessed Sacrament thereupon (as they had also done) and so admitted him. Not long after they admitted also another, which was Mr. Robert Winter, the eldest brother to Thomas Winter before spoken of.

This Robert Winter was a gentleman of good estate in Worcestershire, about one thousand marks a year, and had matched with the daughter of Mr. John Talbot, an ancient Catholic and one of the greatest men in the whole shire for blood, for living, and for power. Mr. Robert Winter was also an earnest Catholic, though not as yet generally known to be so. He was a wise man and of grave and sober carriage and very stout, as all of that name have been esteemed. This gentleman then with like ceremonies and obligation to secrecy was joined to their number and made them up seven; who all laboured hard in the mine to get through the foundation of the house, which was a hard stone wall of three yards thick. And so they continued working until near Easter, at which time finding that a cellar under the side of their house (which was until that time in the possession of others) was then to be let for rent, Mr. Percy presently took the same, as if it were to lay in fuel for his house and they found it so commodious for their purpose, that they left off their other laborious work in the mine; and in the cellar placed all their powder and covered the same with billets, in such sort as it could not be suspected: intending to store it better with powder and other necessaries nearer to the time of the Parliament which then was adjourned.

In the meantime Father Garnett understanding by some friends that Mr. Catesby was much missing from the places where he was wont continually to resort for spiritual helps; and hearing also, that he and other gentlemen of his forward humour did keep much together and had many secret meetings, he began to suspect they had something in hand that might tend to some commotion and that they did labour to get adherents for some attempt to be performed in forcible manner. Whereupon he wrote presently to his Superiors at Rome, that by their means there might be procured from His Holiness a prohibition to be sent unto Catholics from attempting anything by way of force, and of this kind he wrote divers letters which myself have seen since that time. And having had good commodity to see the copies of them lately in a place where they are safely kept, I will set down his own words written in several letters, that the reader may see his wise and quiet proceeding and the mild spirit of the man, much different from the calumnious reports his enemies have given of him concerning this action and directly contrary to the turbulent spirit of those that have been professed teachers of heresy both in those and other countries.

And first he wrote one letter to his Superiors in the year 1604, dated on the 29 of August, whilst the peace was yet in treaty and some hope yet living in Catholics that their peace would also be included, in which he hath these words (showing how difficult a matter it was for Catholics to be heard in their own cause even by some of those that were to plead for them). “Some,” saith he, “are so jealous of their peace that whosoever dealt earnestly with them to further religion, they sticked not to say that they were seditious and statesmen. ‘Nunquid pax est perniciosa religioni?’299 said one of them. But no wise men misliked the peace and we hope for good of religion, which Catholics do patiently expect.” These are his words: and truly if all that had to do in the matter had dealt as effectually for us in that kind as the Constable did in the small time of his stay there, perhaps things might have gone better with us than they did; but as he received promises which were not performed after his departure; so others were with like policy made believe that things did not go so hard with us as indeed we felt them: although it be true that the hardest of all began after the peace was fully concluded. In the same letter of Father Garnett’s one may see also what difficulty he had on the other side with some Catholics to keep them quiet if some mitigation should not be obtained for them after so long expectance, wherein he meant belike Mr. Catesby and some such whom he most feared, about which he wrote these words following in cypher: “If the affair of toleration go not well, Catholics will no more be quiet. What shall we do? Jesuits cannot hinder it. Let Pope forbid all Catholics to stir.” These are his words, which sufficiently declare both his desires and endeavours to further peace and to hinder the contrary.

About a month after he wrote another letter in answer of one he had received from his Superiors not long before (as I perceive by the party that hath the keeping of these letters), wherein they did require to be informed whether himself or any of the Society in England were against the peace, or did favour or further unquiet proceedings in any respect; for that such an information had been sent to Padua out of England, but not known by whom, unto which he answered as followeth: “That which was written to Padua, that the King is much moved against Catholics through the fervour of some Jesuits, is known to be false here by all, as well enemies as friends. For they were the setters on of the suit for peace, and the Agent always used their counsel, and without their credit and friends he had never gone so forward. Besides, an Earl of great account commended publicly the Jesuits in the Parliament House, as persons wise, learned, and of sincere conscience, and great setters forwards of peace. In Watson’s business it is well known how many had been entangled, and what danger would have followed if they had not hindered. For although they cannot hinder what every tumultuous head intendeth, yet can they carry with them to peaceable courses the best and most Catholics. Finally, our enemies see our courses and stick not to say that we flatter the Council, whose good opinion we have gotten. Thus humbly saluting yourself and all our friends, I cease this 21 of September.” Thus the good Father, in whose words we may see how, with truth and sincere dealing, he was able, and had need to defend himself and his Company from virulent surmises and false informations on both sides; some informing they did bend to the one extremity, and some thinking they did lean unto the other; but virtue is in the mean, in which path both he and his did walk.

And as for that matter of Watson’s, thus much I can say upon my knowledge, that when the Plot was revealed unto Father Gerard to have his counsel and furtherance therein, he first refused absolutely to meddle in the matter, and wished the other party to desist himself and to dissuade others from it, as a thing absolutely unlawful and many ways hurtful. Then presently, for better prevention thereof, he sent to London of purpose, both to inform his own Superior, Father Garnett, and the Archpriest, Mr. Blackwell, wishing they would presently forbid all their acquaintance from entering into the cause, and to stay it what they could; by which course he thought he had done sufficient to hinder the proceeding of the matter, not knowing then that any others were interested therein but those few Catholics from whom and of whom he had heard it. But afterwards, understanding again that the intention did go on, and that they were to be at London at Midsummer to effect their intent (which was to apprehend the King’s person as he should be hunting in a park); and seeing that Midsummer was then at hand, and the time so short, that he feared much no warning to the parties themselves would be sufficient to stay them, he then, to be more sure of the safety of His Majesty’s person, made known the whole intention unto one of His Majesty’s servants, a Scottish gentleman and a Catholic, and as such well known unto His Majesty, who presently made haste unto the Court to open the matter unto the King himself; but found it was known the day before he came, and so spake nothing of it, being not then needful, nor he willing without cause to be acknowen of his acquaintance with Father Gerard: for which cause also I do here suppress his name; but if occasion were, I doubt not but he would be willing to bear witness with what care and fidelity the said Father Gerard did seek to prevent the danger to His Majesty. All which having heard from Father Gerard himself upon his protestation to be true in every point as I have here related, I do the rather set it down, because he was one of the three afterwards most wrongfully accused of this other much greater and more pernicious conspiracy, whereof he had not so much as the least knowledge, as will afterwards more plainly appear.

But to return to the letters of Father Garnett. When once he began to suspect that the gentlemen aforesaid had something in their heads, and perceived by divers words and signs, that they were the more strange with the Society; and as it were offended that the Society were still so earnest to persuade all men to expect the Providence of God, and the help that might be procured by the mediation of other Princes, wherein also they assured all Catholics that His Holiness would effectually procure them to do their best. These gentlemen were impatient to hear of any longer stay upon unlikely hopes, and therein esteemed the Society hinderers of their good, as may appear by a letter of Father Garnett, written in the 8 of May, 1605, wherein he hath these words set down all in cypher: “All are desperate, divers Catholics are offended with Jesuits; they say that Jesuits do impugn and hinder all forcible enterprises. I dare not inform myself of their affairs, because of the prohibition of Father General for meddling in such affairs.” Then out of cypher followeth: “And so I cannot give you exact account; this I know by mere chance.” Thus much Father Garnett, whereby may appear both what commandment he had received from his Superiors and how carefully he performed it, even to the offence of these forward-minded Catholics, who were then well forward in their cruel enterprise. For this was after they had left the mine, and hired the cellar, as I said in the last chapter, as more commodious for their purpose. But of all that Father Garnett had not then the least imagination, only so much as he gathered by generalities, he informed his Superiors that they might hinder. Whereupon, having soon after received answer of these from Father Persons, with strict charge in the name of His Holiness, with Father General’s letters also to the same effect, that he and his should continue, by all means possible, to hinder any insurrection or undutiful proceedings against His Majesty or the State. Unto those letters Father Garnett made this answer following, dated the 24 of July, the same year 1605.

“Magnifice Domine,

Accepimus Dominationis vestræ litteras, quas, eâ quâ par est reverentiâ erga suam Sanctitatem et vestram Paternitatem amplectimur. Et quidem pro meâ parte quater hactenus tumultum impedivi. Nec dubium est quin publicos omnes armorum apparatus prohibere possimus; cum certum sit multos Catholicos absque nostro consensu nihil ejusmodi (nisi urgente necessitate) attentare velle. Duo tamen sunt quæ nos valde solicitos tenent. Primum ne alii fortassis in unâ aliquâ Provinciâ ad arma convolent, unde alios ipsa necessitas ad similia studia compellat. Sunt enim non pauci qui nudâ suæ Sanctitatis jussione cohiberi non possunt. Ausi sunt enim, vivo Papâ Clemente, interrogare, num posset Papa illos prohibere, quominus vitam suam defendant? Dicunt insuper, suorum secretorum Presbyterum nullum fore conscium, nominatim vero de nobis conqueruntur etiam amici nonnulli nos illorum molitionibus obicem ponere. Atque ut hos aliquo modo leniremus et saltem tempus lucraremur, ut dilatione aliquâ adhiberi possint congrua remedia, hortati sumus ut communi consilio aliquem ad Sanctissimum mitterent, quod factum est, eumque ad Illustrissimum Nuncium in Flandriam direxi, ut ab ipso suæ Sanctitati commendetur; scriptis etiam litteris, quibus eorum sententiam exposui, et rationes pro utrâque parte. Hæ litteræ fuse scriptæ ac plenius fuere, tutissime enim transferentur. Atque hæc de primo periculo. Alterum est aliquanto deterius, quia periculum est ne privatim aliqua proditio aut vis Regi offeratur, et hoc pacto omnes Catholici ad arma compellantur. Quare, meo quidem judicio duo necessaria sunt; primum ut sua Sanctitas præscribat quid quoquo in casu agendum sit; deinde ut sub censuris omnem armorum vim Catholicis prohibeat, idque Brevi publice edito, cujus occasio obtendi potest nuper excitatus in Walliâ tumultus qui demum in nihilum recidit. Restat ut (cum in pejus omnia quotidie prolabantur) oremus S. Sanctitatem his tantis periculis ut brevi necessarium aliquod remedium adhibeat, cujus sicut et Rdæ. Ptis. vræ benedictionem imploramus.300

“Londini, 24 Julii, 1605.

“Magcæ. Dnis. Væ. Servus
“Henricus G.”

By these we may see that Father Garnett having now great suspicion that these gentlemen had something in hand against the State, or perhaps perceiving by some general signs there was some such matter, he sought presently to apply the surest remedy from His Holiness. And true it is, as will appear after in Father Garnett’s arraignment, that Mr. Catesby offered sometimes to tell him that they would not endure to be so long so much abused, but would take some course to right themselves, sith others would not respect them or could not relieve them; unto which general speeches Father Garnett would give no ear, nor durst not enter to inquire further of the matter, in respect of a prohibition from his Superiors, which he touched in the former letters. But yet upon this general knowledge, you see how earnestly he wrote for an authentical instrument of prohibition from such authority as he knew they would not resist, although perhaps his own words, in a matter of so great weight, would not suffice for all, though for the most and best it would, as before he also touched.

And it seemed soon after, as he thought that he had done some good with those gentlemen also, whom he feared most, or else that they had promised him to lay aside all thought of those matters, until they had answer from the gentleman whose sending, as you see, he had proposed to defer their hot desires until a cooling card might be sent from Rome, in answer of this his letter. For soon after, he wrote other letters of the 28 of August, wherein (having first declared how both his houses were discovered unto the Council, and he thereby utterly unfurnished of a safe place, and thereupon resolved to spend most of the summer in travel to visit a holy well of St. Winifred, which is a great pilgrimage in England, and to do what good he could at friends’ houses by the way, both going and coming, until a fit house could be provided for him, wherein he might settle for the winter); this declared, he wrote as followeth: “And for anything we can see, Catholics are quiet, and likely to continue their old patience, and to trust to the King or his son for to remedy all in time. The increase of Catholics is great, and I hope in this journey (which I undertake to-morrow, both for health and want of a house) I shall have occasion of much good. I leave for substitute,” &c. And so he proceedeth to show whom he left to dispatch his London business in his absence. But where Father Garnett said in this letter that for ought he could see Catholics were quiet, his meaning was, no doubt, quiet from any attempts, as he supposed. For as for other quietness, or repose from persecution, you shall see what quiet there was by another letter of his written in October following, towards the end of his journey; which, being the true relation of the present state of things to be seen in such a man’s letter, I think best to set it down verbatim: “My very loving Sir, we are to go within few days nearer London, yet are we unprovided of a house, nor can find any convenient for any long time. But we must be fain to borrow some private house for a time, and live more privately until this storm be overblown. For most strict inquiries are practised, wherein if my hostess be not quite undone, she speedeth better than many of her neighbours. The courses taken are more severe than in Queen Elizabeth’s time. Every six weeks is a several court; juries appointed to indict, present, find the goods of Catholics, prize them, yea in many places to drive away whatsoever they find ‘contra ordinem juris,’ and put the owners, if perhaps Protestants, to prove that they be theirs, and not of recusants with whom they deal. The Commissioners, in all countries, are the most earnest and base Puritans, whom otherwise the King discountenanceth. The prisoners at Wisbich are almost famished; they are very close, and can have no help from abroad; but the King allowing a mark a week for each one, the keeper maketh his gains, and giveth them meat but three days a week. If any recusant buy his goods again, they inquire diligently if the money be his own, otherwise they would have that too. In fine, if these courses hold, every man must be fain to redeem once in six months the very bed he lieth on. And hereof (that is of twice redeeming) besides other precedents, I find one in this lodging of ——, where now I am.” (In his letter it is described, but here not fit to set down.) “The judges now openly protest that the King now will have blood, and hath taken blood in Yorkshire; that the King hath hitherto stroked Papists, but now will strike. And this is without any least desert of Catholics. The execution of two in the North is certain, and whereas it was done upon cold blood, that is, with so great stay after their condemnation, it argueth a deliberate resolution of what we may expect. So that there is no hope that [Pope] Paul [V.] can do anything; and whatsover men give out there, of easy proceedings with Catholics, is mere fabulous. And yet I am assured, notwithstanding, that the best sort of Catholics will bear all their losses with patience. But how these tyrannical proceedings of such base officers may drive particular men to desperate attempts, that I cannot answer for. The King’s wisdom will foresee. In my journey,” &c. So he proceedeth to relate some particular occurrents that happened in his journey not needful here to be set down, yet towards the end of the letter he setteth down this: “I have a letter from Field in Ireland who telleth me that of late there was a very severe proclamation against all Ecclesiastical persons, and a general command for going to the church, with a solemn protestation that the King never promised nor meant to give toleration.” All these are Father Garnett’s words truly and sincerely set down as they lie in his letter written by his own hand, dated the 4th of October, 1605,301 which I am the more glad I lit on, because it doth agree so just with my former relation of the state of England touching persecution of Catholics before the time of this late conspiracy; whereby some may see, by the plain words of so grave a witness as Father Garnett was, how much they are deceived, when they think that the persecution was caused by the conspiracy, and not, e contra, the conspiracy intended and attempted by those gentlemen out of impatience to bear so great abuses, and that from so base and cruel enemies as the Puritans are, who were everywhere made princes over Catholics, though otherwise not thought worthy to be esteemed or countenanced.

All these, I say, be Father Garnett his letters, whereof I have seen the copies and have truly set down his own words as they are in the same (as I assure the reader upon my conscience), and the letters themselves, as I understand for certain, are as yet to be seen in Rome under his own hand, if occasion require. And by all these it is most apparent that Father Garnett was as careful as a man could be, to observe the strict commandment he had received both from His Holiness and from Father General and Father Persons his Superiors not to assent to any tumult, but to use all means he could to keep Catholics in quiet and in their former long combined patience, which he performed of his part with all sorts, and therein prevailed with the most and the best, as himself noteth. And how effectual his persuasions were, may also appear in that, when the gentlemen were up in arms, no Catholic of account would come to assist them, no, not those that were hard by the place; and men of great power, much greater than those that were risen: yea and some of them near of kindred, some nearly allied unto them; and yet they would neither go, nor send them any assistance; yea they shut their gates against them, when others came to demand it. Such was their resolution to obey the order they had received and to keep themselves quiet, according to the commandment they had from His Holiness, by the means of Father Garnett made known unto them. And whereas, Father Garnett did fear at the first, and afterwards find, that he could not rule some others so well, them he persuaded to defer at the least all such practices, until they had sent to know His Holiness’ will: he, in the mean time, labouring, as you have seen, to have an effectual prohibition by a public instrument from the same authority. So that, it is most apparent, he was not only innocent from any furtherance or approbation of the treason itself; but also, an earnest hinderer of all kind of undutiful courses and violent attempts: and therein a most diligent and religious observer of his Superiors’ will and commandment. Yet all this would not serve to work sufficient patience, or any longer expectance in the minds of these foresaid gentlemen, who, although they bare Father Garnett in hand that they would expect answer, this, as it seems, was but a show of expectance in them, and continued only until they saw the Parliament was almost at hand, and that it was too late for him to send further notice to his Superiors, and receive their answer. And they, in the mean time, proceeded, as afterwards Father Garnett also chanced to know, very much against his will, as will appear in that which followeth.

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Chapter VI. How in the Mean Space, the Conspirators Proceeded in Their Purpose, and Drew in More Complices, and What They Were

Whilst the great persecution before recited did reign so much, and brought with it so many and so great afflictions upon all sorts of Catholics, as before you have read, and whilst Father Garnett did verily persuade himself that notwithstanding all those great difficulties, all was and would be borne with patience, until further order could be taken, and the same patient toleration publicly commanded which he had privately counselled; these foresaid gentlemen who had commenced a course before that time which Father Garnett did little dream of, although they did bear him in hand whom they saw resolute for quiet courses, that they would expect until order came from authority, after their messenger had been heard, whom they had sent to explain their griefs according to his counsel, yet they, persuading themselves (as they afterwards affirmed to some that were with them, when they were in arms in the country, but were not taken with them) that if contrary order to their designments should come from higher authority (as they feared in likelihood it would, and therefore were loth to expect so long) that the same was only upon mistaking of their case or upon some hope perhaps His Holiness might have that things would be better with Catholics after a time, and that favour would be procured by fair means; and this hope grounded upon promises from those that had deceived many with the like and never kept any yet that they made in that kind. They therefore, thinking themselves to have had so long trial hereof, would not be staid, as it seems, from their present purpose by future expectations, but proceeded in what way they had begun, and provided still more powder to such a quantity as made up in all thirty-six barrels, some bigger and some less; all which they placed so in the cellar under the Parliament House, as must needs have overthrown the same and some other buildings also that had been near unto it, if it had been set on fire as was intended; especially having placed thereon many billets of wood to cover the same powder and some bars of iron also of purpose: all which being blown up with the powder, would have made sure to tear and rend the Parliament House in pieces.

Thus having disposed all things in the cellar as they would have them, they absented themselves much from thence; because they would give no cause of note over that place more than others, whereof they were ever very careful. And so they had good cause, being men as likely to be noted by the State for men of action and performance, as any in the realm; and then, being withal known to be resolute Catholics, their often meetings or haunting much to one place, especially near the Court, would not have been free from suspect. For the same cause also, during all the time they wrought in the mine or cellar, they would have but small company, and were but seven acquainted with the matter, all which I named before. Only one man of meaner condition they admitted there into the secret, to help them in making provision of their powder, and that was one Bates, a servant of Mr. Robert Catesby’s, whom he had great opinion of for his long tried fidelity towards him, which the poor fellow continued even until he saw his master dead; and then, it is like, his heart was dead withal, for he showed some fear after, when he was taken, which gave others occasion to work upon his weakness and to give some beginning of colour towards the accusation of divers that were not guilty in the matter, as shall afterwards appear. But these foresaid gentlemen having left the cellar, as they desired to find it, were then to seek for further helps wherewith to effect their designments when that act should be performed. For then their purpose was (saith Mr. Winter in his printed confession) to seize upon the person of the young Prince, if he were not in the Parliament House, which they much desired. But if he were, then upon the young Duke Charles, who then should be the next heir, and him they would erect, and with him and by his authority, the Catholic religion. If that did also fail them, then had they a resolution to take the Lady Elizabeth, who was in the keeping of the Lord Harrington in Warwickshire; and so by one means or other, they would be certain to settle in the crown one of the true heirs unto the same. But to perform this part of their exploit required more hands and help than as yet they had at command. Wherefore they bethought themselves what help they might adjoin unto them in that great secret, without likely danger and yet with the assistance which they wanted, which partly required some more men of strength both in mind and body; but chiefly for supply of money, which if they had in readiness, and that placed in those countries where they meant to gather to a head, and where, for the most part, all sorts are either Catholic or affected to Catholics, they thought then they could want neither men nor any needful provision.

To this effect they first acquainted Mr. Ambrose Rookewood with the business, a gentleman of good worth in the county of Suffolk and of a very ancient family and himself the heir of the eldest house. This gentleman was brought up in Catholic religion from his infancy and was ever very devout. His parents also were very virtuous and suffered much persecution for their Faith, both in payment of money and loss of their goods and many other molestations; yet was their house a continual receptacle for Priests, and a place wherein many other Catholics did often find great spiritual comfort, the house being a very fair great house and his living very sufficient. But that which moved them specially to make choice of Mr. Rookewood was, I suppose, not so much to have his help by his living as by his person, and some provision of horses, of which he had divers of the best: but for himself, he was known to be of great virtue and no less valour and very secret. He was also of very good parts otherwise as for wit and learning, having spent of his youth in study. He was at this time, as I take it, not past twenty-six or twenty-seven years old and had married a gentlewoman of a great family, a virtuous Catholic also, by whom he had divers young children. Yet it seemed all those did little move him nor any respect to his living or fortune, though he had enjoyed them but a little time; whereby I do gather, they made a great account of this business, in respect whereof, it seems, they made account of nothing.

Next unto him was a Warwickshire gentleman, one Mr. John Grant, a man of sufficient estate for his own charge, and lived well in his country; but of no great ability to help in the business, otherwise than by his acquaintance (being well beloved and allied in that country where they were chiefly to need help). But for his own person he was as fierce as a lion, of a very undaunted courage as could be found in a country: which mind of his he had often showed unto pursuivants and prowling companions, when they would come to his house to search and ransack the same, as they did to divers of his neighbours. But he paid them so well for their labour not with crowns of gold but with cracked crowns sometimes, and with dry blows instead of drink and other good cheer, that they durst not visit him any more, unless they brought great store of help with them. Truth is, his mettle and manner of proceeding was so well known unto them, that it kept them very much in awe and himself in much quiet which he did the rather use, that he might with more safety keep a Priest in his house, which he did with great fruit unto his neighbours and comfort to himself. This gentleman therefore they adjoined to their company, as they had done Mr. Rookewood, giving to them both the oath of secrecy, according to their custom.

Then they called in one Mr. Robert Keyes, a grave and sober man, and of great wit and sufficiency, as I have heard divers say, that were well acquainted with him. His virtue and valour were the chiefest things wherein they could expect assistance from him; for otherwise, his means were not great, but in those two, by report, he had great measure. More was the pity that such men, so worthy to be esteemed, should lose themselves in such a labyrinth of erring courses.

But of all others, he that was most pitied and generally most commended of all men, was the next whom Mr. Catesby thought fit to acquaint with the matter, therein to have his help and assistance in all kinds, both for counsel and forces and provision of money, of horses and armour and men and followers; in all which, put them all together and there was not such a man amongst them. And this was Sir Everard Digby, a Knight of great living and great account in his country. He was of an ancient and great family, whose ancestors were a great help to the suppressing of Richard III. the tyrant, and the bringing and setting up of King Henry VII. from whom our King James is lineally descended: whereupon King Henry did make Knights in the field seven brothers of his house at one time, from whom descended divers houses of that name, which live all in good reputation in their several countries. But this Sir Everard Digby was the heir of the eldest and chiefest house, and one of the chiefest men in Rutlandshire where he dwelt, as his ancestors had done before him, though he had also much living in Leicestershire and other shires adjoining. His estate was not fully come into his hands, for his mother lived, who had above seven or eight hundred pounds a year; but he had in his hands above 2,000 marks a year. This gentleman was always Catholicly affected, and heir unto the piety of his parents, as well as to their living: for they were ever the most noted and known Catholics in that country. And although this gentleman being left a ward by his Father’s untimely death, was not brought up Catholicly in his youth, but at the University by his guardians, as other young gentlemen use to be; yet when he came to be of riper years, and had the guiding of himself and his own estate, he affected most the company of Catholics and finding by them the necessity not only of believing but of practising also and professing that religion, he presently made election rather to suffer with Catholic religion, and to bear with Catholics the cross of persecution than to rise with heresy and to be advanced in the Court, which until then he had followed, and was as likely to be raised as any there, if he would have followed the time. For indeed to do him right, he was as complete a man in all things that deserved estimation or might win affection, as one should see in a kingdom. He was of stature about two yards high, very little lower than Mr. Catesby but of stronger making; of countenance so comely and manlike, that when he was taken and brought up to the Court (not in the best case to make show of himself as you may imagine), yet some of the chiefest in the Court seeing him out of a window brought in that manner, lamented him much, and said he was the goodliest man in the whole Court. He was skilful in all things that belonged unto a gentleman, very cunning at his weapon, much practised and expert in riding of great horses, of which he kept divers in his stable continually with a skilful rider for them. For other sports of hunting or hawking, which gentlemen in England so much use and delight in, he had the best of both kinds in the country round about, insomuch that he made that the colour of his going into Warwickshire at this time, and of drawing company together of his friends, as it were to a match of hunting which he had made. For all manner of games which are also usual for gentlemen in foul weather, when they are forced to keep house, he was not only able therein to keep company with the best; but was so cunning in them all, that those who knew him well, had rather take his part than be against him. He was a good musician and kept divers good musicians in his house; and himself also could play well of divers instruments. But those who were well acquainted with him do affirm that in gifts of mind he excelled much more than in his natural parts; although in those also it were hard to find so many in one man in such a measure. But of wisdom he had an extraordinary talent, such a judicial wit and so well able to discern and discourse of any matter, as truly I have heard many say they have not seen the like of a young man, and that his carriage and manner of discourse were more like to a grave Councillor of State, than to a gallant of the Court as he was, and a man but of twenty-six years old (which I think was his age or thereabouts). And though his behaviour were courteous to all, and offensive to none, yet was he a man of great courage and of noted valour, which at his end he showed plainly to the world, all men seeing and affirming that he made no account at all of death. He was so studious a follower of virtue, after he became Catholic, that he gave great comfort to those that had the guiding of his soul (as I have heard them seriously affirm more than once or twice), he used his prayers daily both mental and vocal, and daily and diligent examination of his conscience: the Sacraments he frequented devoutly every week, and to that end kept a Priest in his house continually, who for virtue and learning hath not many his betters in England. Briefly I have heard it reported of this Knight by those that knew him well, and that were often in his company, that they did note in him a special care of avoiding all occasions of sin and of furthering acts of virtue in what he could; to which end he was not only studious to bring as many to be Catholics as he could (studying books of purpose to enable himself in that kind), and brought in divers of that sort and some of great account and place. Not only in this highest kind, wherein he took very great joy and comfort, but also in ordinary talk, when he had observed that the speech did tend to any evil, as detraction or other kind of evil words which sometimes will happen in company, his custom was presently to take some occasion to alter the talk, and cunningly to bring in some other good matter or profitable subject to talk of. And this, when the matter was not very grossly evil, or spoken to the dishonour of God or disgrace of His servants; for then, his zeal and courage were such, that he could not bear it, but would publicly and stoutly contradict it, whereof I could give divers instances worth relating, but am loth to hold the reader longer; having written thus much of him, that it may appear what was the cause why he was so much and so generally lamented, and is so much esteemed and praised by all sorts in England, both Catholics and others, although neither side do or can approve this last outrageous and exorbitant attempt against our King and country, wherein a man otherwise so worthy, was so unworthily lost and cast away to the great grief of all that knew him and especially of all that loved him. And truly it was hard to do the one and not the other.

The last of all that was called to be partaker in this treacherous plot was Mr. Francis Tresham, a gentleman of Northamptonshire of great estate, esteemed then worth 3,000l. a year. His parents had been long time Catholic and his father often in prison for his conscience, although he paid the statute duly besides of 20l. a month for his refusing to go to Church with heretics. This gentleman had been wild in his youth, and even till his end was not known to be of so good example as the rest, though, towards his later years, much reclaimed and good hope conceived of him by divers of good judgment. I think Mr. Catesby (who was his near kinsman) did chiefly acquaint him with the matter in regard of his help by provision of money which Mr. Tresham was as well able to do as the best, and thought to be as likely to be both faithful and forward as any, having been, before, a companion with them in that action of the Earl of Essex in Queen Elizabeth’s time, and both then and since, continually discontented with the proceedings of the State. But it is thought by most, that Mr. Tresham had not that zeal for the advancement of the Catholics’ cause in respect of itself, as the others had. And it seems by Mr. Winter’s confession, they also repented afterwards that they had made him of their council, fearing him to be the man who had opened the matter and so defeated them of their purpose; whereof I must treat in the next chapter.

But these gentlemen being thus added to the number of the conspirators, they then began to conclude amongst themselves how everything should be acted, as saith Mr. Winter. They designed Mr. Faulkes to be the man that should strike that first and fatal stroke and attend upon the powder ready prepared in the cellar, to set it on fire with a match, when the hour appointed should be come, which should be the first day of the Parliament, because then the King would certainly be there, and all the Lords also (but those whom they meant to keep from thence by some means or other), likewise all their Bishops and most of the chiefest Puritans of the land.

Mr. Percy his office should be (with a certain company ready to assist him) presently after that first blow to enter the place where the young Prince or the Duke Charles were kept, to seize upon his person, who being safely placed in the custody of Catholics, presently they would have proclaimed him King. Sir Everard Digby was in Warwickshire at the time appointed, as it was agreed amongst them, where, under pretence of a hunting match (having brought his hawks and hounds to Dunsmore Heath for the purpose, and hunted there two or three days before), he gathered many of his friends together, and had himself great store of men, and many fair and goodly horses. He had also made great provision of armour and shot, which he sent before him in a cart with some trusty servants, and had made ready above 1,000l. in ready coin, as his servants since have averred that did escape, and one of them delivered up great part of the money to the King’s officers so soon as he saw his master fallen into the lapse.

Their intention was that if they failed of the Prince or Duke about London, which was not unlike they should, then would some of them hasten down to Sir Everard Digby after the blow were given, others stopping the ways that no news might pass but by their permission; and then should Sir Everard Digby have made sure, with his forces and friends, to have taken the Lady Elizabeth out of the Lord Harrington his hands, whom then they would presently have proclaimed heir-apparent to the Crown. Then had they (as is expressed in their confessions) a proclamation ready penned, wherein they would have commanded all sorts of men, by authority of the Prince or Princess, who would have been in their custody, to assist the quiet settling of the young King or Queen in their seat. They would have offered freedom from all taxes and impositions, and payments of subsidies, and such like; and for religion, they would have left it as yet free for all sorts to follow their own conscience without compulsion, which afterwards they meant (saith the printed confession) to have set better in order. And so indeed the Catholics are able to perform it, if they might have freedom, by many means more effectual than force of arms, in such an unsettled State as that must needs have been for a time; and by many means more effectual than heretics have, who therefore only use the sword. For, if the truth might freely be preached, if the lives and examples of Catholics, and especially of Religious Orders, might be seen and suffered in public, if those that be followers of the Apostles, and expert in their trade of fishing for men, might be freely permitted to use and show their skill in gaining of souls, no doubt then but the sun shining so bright, as it would be seen to do in the doctrine of Truth, would disperse the clouds of error; no doubt but the candle set upon the candlestick would give light unto many minds that now are groping in the Egyptian darkness of heresy. And no question but many and great fishes would be taken, when the night being past, our Lord would both license and direct His servants to cast their net on the right hand, and that such a net as would not break, the net of Peter that is entire and undivided, although it be able to catch at one draught a hundred, fifty and three great fishes, wherein is designed by a great and certain number an uncertain and not to be numbered gain of souls, that the Apostles and Apostolic men should gain to Christ. And this these gentlemen hoped had been the time. But God, in Whose only hands and disposition are the moments of time, and Who hath placed bounds and limits unto the sea, and saith unto it, “Usque huc venies et non procedes amplius et hic confringes tumentes fluctus tuos:”302 He Who is the Master must be also the Measurer of time, and He will not easily make men of His council when their afflictions shall end and how far they shall proceed; especially such men as themselves will not follow counsel, but run headlong upon such a course as this, which no wise man could or would have counselled. No, on the contrary side, that was verified in this practice which Christ foretold unto St. Peter, when upon zeal he drew his sword in defence of his Master,

“Omnes qui acceperint gladium, gladio peribunt,”303 said our Lord, forewarning all men, that howsoever they may receive the sword or use it, when it is given them by authority (as it is to all lawful governors and officers in commonwealths), yet to take the sword (which noteth a private will or power not authorized) is not without a fault, nor shall be without a fall. And so it happened to these conspirators, as the sequent chapter will declare.

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Chapter VII. How, the Parliament Drawing Near, the Whole Plot Was Discovered, and That Which Ensued Thereupon

The mercies of God are great, and His patient expectance of us, granting time and occasions and motives to repent, is most gracious and full of longanimity. The foresaid conspirators had intended and prepared, as you have heard, the utter destruction and overthrow both of the King with the chiefest of his family, of the Council also, with most of the nobility, and with their clergy, and others that belonged to both the Houses of Parliament. But the mercies of God were such, that He would not permit so great and universal a ruin to light upon so many, and amongst them so many worthy persons, amongst whom, it is to be hoped, His infinite wisdom hath foreseen many upon whom His goodness will bestow His grace hereafter, and so make them vessels of election, who now perhaps, in ignorant zeal, do persecute the servants of Christ and Christ in them.

And if there were any there who finally will prove but cockle in the field, yet the Father of the family would not have them so digged out as His unskilful servants desired, “ne forte eradicantibus illis zizania, eradicatum fuisset simul et triticum.”304 We hope and pray for much good unto many of those, who should have been present at that eruption of fire, if it had succeeded according to their intent, which God forbid. And God did forbid it, for no doubt it was His will it should be discovered, which happened in this manner. About ten days before the Parliament should have begun the Lord Mounteagle (whose affection to Catholics hath long time been known unto divers) being at his own house and at supper, a man came to his page in the street and delivered him a letter wishing him to deliver the same unto his Lord’s own hands, which the page performed, but made no stay of the bringer thereof, who presently departed. The Lord Mounteagle not knowing the hand, and seeing no name subscribed, caused one of his men to read it unto him, and it was of this tenour.

The letter sent to the Lord Mounteagle.

“My Lord, out of the love I bear to some of your friends, I have a care of your preservation, therefore I would advise you, as you tender your life, to devise some excuse to shift off your attendance at this Parliament, for God and man have concurred to punish the wickedness of this time. And think not slightly of this advertisement, but retire yourself into your country, where you may expect the event in safety. For though there be no appearance of any stir, yet, I say, they shall receive a terrible blow this Parliament, and yet they shall not see who hurts them. This counsel is not to be contemned, because it may do you good, and can do you no harm, for the danger is past so soon as you have burnt the letter. And I hope God will give you the grace to make use of it, to Whose holy protection I commend you.”

This was the letter which the Lord Mounteagle having considered, and seeing so dangerous matter contained in it, he presently went to the Lord of Salisbury, who is Chief Secretary to His Majesty, and delivered the letter unto him, with relation of all circumstances in the receipt and reading of the letter. The Lord of Salisbury seemed not at the first to make any great account of it, yet said he would acquaint some other Lords of the Council with the same, and commended the Lord Mounteagle for his fidelity and care of His Majesty’s safety, and of the State, and presently showed the letter to the Lord Chamberlain, and then both of them thought the letter might have some relation with other informations the Lord of Salisbury had received from beyond seas, concerning some business intended by the Papists; and they seemed to think there might be some perilous attempt intended. And therefore they two concluded to join with them three other of the Council, to wit, the Lord Admiral, the Earl of Worcester and Northampton, to be acquainted with this matter; who having all of them concurred together to the examination of the contents of the said letter, they did conclude (saith the book written of the discovery of this treason) that how slight soever a matter it might at the first appear, yet was it not absolutely to be contemned, in respect of the care which it behoved them to have of the preservation of His Majesty’s person. Yet they resolved, for two reasons, first to acquaint the King himself with the same, before they proceeded to any further inquisition in the matter, as well (saith the book) for the expectation and experience they had of His Majesty’s fortunate judgment in clearing and solving of obscure riddles and doubtful mysteries, as also because the more time would in the meanwhile be given for the practice to ripen (if any was) whereby the discovery might be the more clear and evident, and the ground of proceeding thereupon more safe, just, and easy. And so according to their determination the said Earl of Salisbury did repair to the King upon the Friday after, being All-Hallow-day, which was the day after His Majesty’s arrival from Royston, where he had been at his hunting exercise, and was come up to London to be present at the beginning of the Parliament. The Earl therefore finding the King alone in his gallery, without any other speech or judgment giving of the letter, but only relating simply the form of the delivery thereof, he presented it to His Highness. The King no sooner read the letter, but after a little pause, and then reading it over again, he delivered his judgment of it in such sort, as he thought it was not to be contemned; for that the style of it seemed to be more quick and pithy than is usual to be in any pasquil or libel, the superfluities of idle brains. But the Earl of Salisbury perceiving the King to apprehend it deeplier than he looked for, knowing his nature, told him that he thought by one sentence in it, that it was like to be written by some fool or madman, reading to him that sentence in it, “For the danger is past as soon as you have burnt the letter,” which he said was likely to be the saying of a fool; for if the danger was past so soon as the letter was burnt, then the warning behoved to be of little avail, when the burning of the letter might make the danger to be eschewed. But the King by the contrary, considering the former sentence in the letter, “That they should receive a terrible blow at this Parliament, and yet should not see who hurt them;” joining it to the sentence immediately following already alleged, did thereupon conjecture that the danger mentioned should be some sudden danger by blowing up of powder. For no other insurrection, rebellion, or whatsoever other private and desperate attempt could be committed or attempted in time of Parliament and the authors thereof unseen except only if it were by a blowing up of powder, which might be performed by one base knave in a dark corner: whereupon he was moved to interpret and construe the later sentence in the letter (alleged by the Earl of Salisbury against all ordinary sense and construction in grammar) as if by these words, “For the danger is past as soon as you have burned the letter,” should be closely understood the suddenty and quickness of the danger, which should be as quickly performed and at an end, as that paper should be of blazing up in the fire, turning the word of “as soon” to the sense of “as quickly;” and therefore His Majesty wished that before his going to the Parliament, the under rooms to the Parliament House might be well and narrowly searched. The Earl of Salisbury wondering at this His Majesty’s commentary, which he knew to be so far contrary to his ordinary and natural disposition, who did rather ever sin upon the other side, in not apprehending nor trusting the advertisements of practices and perils when he was freely informed of them, and interpreting rightly this extraordinary caution at this time to proceed from the vigilant care he had of the whole State more than of his own person, yet he thought good to dissemble still unto the King, that there was any just cause of such apprehension, and ended the present talk with some merry jest as his custom is. But though he seemed to neglect it to His Majesty, yet he could not be at rest till with the Lord Chamberlain he came again unto His Majesty, at which time it was agreed that the said Lord Chamberlain should according to his custom and office view all the Parliament Houses both above and below, and consider what likelihood or appearance of any such danger might be gathered: but yet this was deferred until the afternoon before the sitting down of the Parliament, which was upon the Monday following: at what time, he according to this conclusion went to the Parliament House accompanied with the Lord Mounteagle, where having viewed all the lower rooms, he found in the vault under the Upper House great store and provision of billets, faggots, and coals: and inquiring of Whyneyard, keeper of the wardrobe, to what use he had put the lower rooms and cellars, he told him that Mr. Thomas Percy had hired both the house and part of the cellar or vault under the same and that the wood and coal therein was the said gentleman’s own provision. Whereupon the Lord Chamberlain looking into the room perceived a fellow standing in a corner, who called himself the said Percy his man, and keeper of that house for him, but indeed was Guido Faulks, the man that should have acted that monstrous tragedy.

The Lord Chamberlain looking upon all things with a heedful eye, though in outward show he seemed careless, presently addressed himself to the King, and in the presence of the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Admiral, the Earls of Worcester, Northampton, and Salisbury, he made his report what he had seen and observed there, affirming that he did wonder not a little at the extraordinary great provision of wood and coal in that house where Thomas Percy had so seldom occasion to remain, as likewise it gave him in his mind, that his man looked like a very tall and desperate fellow. This could not but increase the King’s former apprehension, whereupon he willed that those billets and coals should be searched to the bottom: and of the same opinion were the Lords there present, although they thought it fit to have it done in the night, and by a Justice of Peace only under pretence of searching for some of the King’s stuff that was missing; and this for two reasons; one was lest if nothing were found, it should seem the King and State were too suspicious of every light toy; also for that they said it would lay an ill-favoured imputation upon the Earl of Northumberland, one of His Majesty’s greatest subjects and Councillors: this Thomas Percy being his kinsman and most confident familiar.

Thus far the book of the discovery of this treason discourseth of the manner how the same did come to light. And because the same was set forth by authority, with desire that men all should conceive this to be the manner how it came to light, it may be thought that so it was. Yet there want not many others of great judgment, that think His Majesty and divers of those Councillors also, who had the scanning of the letter, to be well able in shorter time and with fewer doubts to decipher a darker riddle and find out a greater secret than that matter was, after so plain a letter was delivered, importing in so plain terms an intended punishment both by God and man, and so terrible a blow to be given at that very time and yet the actors invisible. And those that be of this opinion do persuade themselves the matter came out by some other means, and that this letter was but framed and sent of purpose to give another show of casual discovery both to hide the true means and to make the especial preservation of the King and State to be better discerned to come from God Himself. Unto which opinion they were the rather inclined by the circumstance of the matter. First, in that the Lord Mounteagle did that night wherein the letter was to be delivered, appoint a supper to be made for him at his own house a mile or two out of London, where he had not supped or lain of a twelve-month and more before that time, and therefore strange that party should seek him there. Then the manner of delivery seemed strange, to be so weakly handled by any that had judgment as to be delivered to a page and to be read by his Lord in the time of supper, when he could not with safety have concealed the matter, if he would. Again it was so written, as that my Lord of Salisbury might well say it was like to be the writing of a fool or a madman. For no other assuredly would have committed so great a secret to ink and paper in so plain manner and that so long before the time; especially there being many other means likely enough to be effectual for the staying of my Lord Mounteagle from the Parliament that one day, and that without his danger of concealing any practice against the State. For if some special friend had seemed to be in extremity and sent for him in the instant, he would not have failed him. Besides many sudden occasions would have sufficed, as a certain and present opportunity of some commodious bargain for provision of money or jewels or such like, which courtiers often have want of, if another, time would not have served, would have been more likely to call him that very morning than this letter so delivered to stay him ten days before.

But although many were of opinion that this was not the first means of this discovery, yet none that ever I could hear of, was able to give a certain judgment, which way indeed it was discovered. It seems the gentlemen themselves did most fear Mr. Francis Tresham to be the man that should send this letter unto the Lord Mounteagle, which Lord had married Mr. Tresham his sister. But that was nothing likely, for he was very witty; and surely the sending of such a letter in such a manner was nothing wittingly contrived, if it were done bona fide; neither would Mr. Tresham have adventured his life and estate (which was great) for his brother-in-law, if he had not thought him worthy of further trust. For if he did not think the letter would persuade, why should he write it so plainly to the overthrow of the business and so also of himself, which if the Lord followed not his counsel, must needs follow. And if he did believe it would persuade, why did he not rather do it by word of mouth the very morning it should have been done, which for divers reasons had been most likely to be effectual; whereas on the other side he might well think the Lord Mounteagle could not discern by the letter, whether it came from friend or foe, being without name and in an unknown hand: and from a friend he could not think it being sent in so simple and yet so public manner. If from a foe, he were undone, if he did conceal it. No, Mr. Tresham had too much wit to deal so sillily in a thing of such importance. More did doubt want of fidelity than of wit in Mr. Tresham, and therefore it was rather supposed, by most that doubted him to be the man, that he first opened the matter unto the Council, as thinking thereby to be raised to some place of credit, which then he might think himself with wit and living able to bear out with the best. This opinion was the rather believed afterwards, when it was evident that none of the rest had done it, who were privy unto the matter; but that every one of them either died in the field because they would not be taken, or being taken were all executed and so left not the least suspicion of having opened the matter. Again, this opinion was increased when the matter being discovered, all the gentlemen fled into Warwickshire and then according to their former designments, rose in arms, thinking to have made a head. But Mr. Tresham staid still in London and never stirred foot, though as far in as the best. And thirdly, the opinion was yet more confirmed when afterwards Mr. Tresham was also taken and kept close prisoner, at which time the general bruit was, that he confessed all he knew; but none of his confessions were published, neither did himself ever come to light afterwards, but died in the Tower; so that it is not known what he had discovered first or last, or what he would have confirmed, or repented, if he had come unto his trial and execution as the rest did.

But whosoever was the discoverer of this matter or by what means soever it came to light, we are much to thank God that it was discovered, from whom we must acknowledge the benefit received as from the chief cause, “a quo omne donum optimum et omne bonum procedit,”305 and these especially which most concern the public good.

The letter therefore being so understood as before I declared, and the place itself being viewed by the Lord Chamberlain giving such cause of suspicion, as is already noted, that night following being Monday night (when the Parliament should have begun and ended also the next day) Sir Thomas Knevet, a gentleman of His Majesty’s Privy Chamber, was sent to search the place at midnight under pretence of looking for some other things as was before devised. When he came to the Parliament House before his entry into Mr. Percy his lodging, he found the foresaid man that had the keeping of the house for Mr. Percy standing without the house and seeing him with his clothes on and booted at so dead a time of the night, the Justice apprehended him: and after went forward to the searching of the house, where after he had caused to be overturned some of the billets and coals, he first found one of the small barrels of powder, and after, all the rest, to the number of thirty-six barrels great and small. And thereafter searching the fellow whom he had taken, found three matches and all other instruments fit for blowing up of the powder ready upon him: which made him instantly to confess what his intent was, affirming withal that if he had happened to have been within the house when he was taken, as he was immediately before at the ending of his work, he would not have failed to have blown up the Justice, house and all, belike imagining that some part of the danger might have lit upon the Court and done some harm to those, to whom he most desired it. For otherwise I know not what meaning he should have, unless by his own sudden death also, which would have followed, he meant to escape the extremity of torture which he might well expect: but this we did not hear that he attempted afterwards to himself nor seemed to desire it.

This done, the prisoner was carried fast bound unto the Court and the news of all particulars presently carried unto the King by those of the Council who lay in the house, although it were but four hours after midnight. Afterwards all the rest of the Council being sent for into the town, they examined the prisoner, who both to the Council and to all the rest that spake with him that day, appeared so constant and settled upon his grounds, as all the Council said they thought they had found another Mutius Scævola born in England. For notwithstanding the horror of the fact, his sudden surprising, the terror which might have been stricken into him by coming into such a presence and the restless and confused questions that every man all that day did vex him with, yet was his countenance so far from being dejected, as he often smiled in scornful manner, not only avowing the fact, but repenting only with the said Scævola his failing in the execution thereof, whereof, he said, the devil and not God was the discoverer: answering quickly to every man’s objection, scoffing at many idle questions that were propounded unto him and jesting with such as he thought had no authority to examine him. All that day the Council could get nothing out of him concerning his complices, refusing to answer to any such questions which he thought might discover the plot and laying all the blame upon himself, whereunto he said he was moved only for religion and conscience sake, denying the King to be his lawful sovereign or the anointed of God, in respect he was an heretic; and would acknowledge no other name to himself but John Johnson, servant to Thomas Percy. But after he had been three or four days in the Tower and was threatened the rack only, as the printed book saith (though the common voice was, that he was extremely racked the first days), then, whether to avoid torments, or for that he might understand that the gentlemen had discovered themselves by rising up in arms in the country, he then named some of his complices, with his own name also, and how the matter was broken unto him, and how begun and prosecuted, as I have before declared; yet I cannot find by his confession which is published in print, that he named above six of those who had wrought in the mine and provision of the powder and who then were all known to be up in arms. And here we must leave this prisoner, who now was known to be Guido Faulks, close kept in the Tower; and will let you see what course the rest of the conspirators took, when they understood the matter was plainly discovered.

First, upon the knowledge that such a letter was delivered to the Lord Mounteagle ten days before, they grew very doubtful of the matter, and fearing only Mr. Tresham in that kind, had divers meetings with him to examine and try him how far he had proceeded. But he forswearing all and that he knew nothing how it came about, they had divers consultations what were best to do; but (as Mr. Thomas Winter saith in his confession) first that Mr. Catesby resolved, he would not fly his country, he would see further yet. And then they sent Mr. Faulks to see if all were well in the cellar, who adventured to go notwithstanding the doubt and returned to them at night and told them all was yet well, which it seems gave them some hope, yet afterwards when they heard what conference had passed between my Lord of Salisbury and His Majesty about the letter, they gave it lost the second time, and then Mr. Catesby would not go until Mr. Percy were come up, who came the next day and he would needs abide the uttermost trial. But upon Tuesday morning (which was the day appointed for the fact) Mr. Faulks being taken in the search that night as is declared, they heard and saw so many and so plain circumstances, that they must needs know the whole matter was discovered and no hope at all that way to be left them. Then they, being all excellently well horsed, rode into the country keeping the highway; but so fast a pace and with such a resolution, that it was very hard to overtake them and would not have been easy to have stayed them. They rode two and three together; and they did ride that day notwithstanding the foulness of the winter ways to Dunchurch (which I take it, is almost eighty306 miles), where Sir Everard Digby stayed in readiness to have surprised the person of the King’s daughter in case they had brought other news. But they bringing such news as was little expected and less welcome, as it may well be supposed, they all entered into consultation what was best to be done, and it was much marvelled at by divers of Sir Everard Digby his friends, who were there with him in company for his match of hunting, to see so many gallant gentlemen come in of sudden so late in the evening and so well appointed. And seeing them enter into serious consultation in a chamber apart, they knew not what to make of it; but soon after they might perceive, when they all came out, as men resolved upon some enterprise. And Sir Everard caused all his men and horses presently to be ready and departed with them. Mr. Catesby also and other of the gentlemen had prepared their horses and furniture ready in that place beforehand, although they thought they should have used it with more advantage. For now when the matter was known and bruited in the country, that such an act should have been performed in London, which had failed and that all was safe there, and that it was apparent these were the conspirators by the course they took, none would come to assist them;307 nor had they any with them, but such servants and followers as themselves had provided beforehand under other pretences, which therefore for danger of giving suspicion could not be many. Neither do I think they were ever above eighty in the whole company, although the fame in other countries went first that they were 150, then 300, and some said they were 1,000 strong. But if that had been so, it is like the matter had not been so soon ended, as it proved to be.308 But these conspirators, as it seems, hoped the matter would prove otherwise than it did, and that many would have joined with them, when once they saw them gathered to a head. And to make their rising the more bruited and withal to furnish themselves of some horses for the great saddle, they went presently to Warwick and there out of a house which is adjoining to the Castle, they seized upon certain great horse belonging to some noblemen and gentlemen which were kept there by a rider to be taught. From thence they went and took all my Lord Winsor’s armour, which by report was able to furnish a much greater company then ever they had with them. From thence they went forward through Worcestershire towards Staffordshire, offering no violence or hurt to any.309

The country in the meantime began to rise on every side, yet none did as yet set upon them, nor until Friday following;310 and on Thursday night they came to one Mr. Stephen Littleton’s house in Staffordshire, who had adjoined himself unto them. And being there it pleased God to send them such a fortune as seemed very much to alter their resolutions, and made them resolve neither to fight nor fly, but to give up themselves willingly unto death. For in the morning early when some were gone abroad to discover what companies were coming, and others were preparing their shot and powder in a readiness, because there was some of the powder that they thought to be somewhat dankish which they set before the fire and were busy about it, whilst behold, a spark falling out of the fire took hold of the powder, and that blowing up, hurt divers of them, especially Mr. Catesby, Mr. Rookewood, but most of all Mr. Grant, whose face was much disfigured, and his eyes almost burnt out. This loe311 made them see it was not best for them to proceed in their commenced course; and, as it seems, they took it for a sign of God’s will that He would not have them prepare to resist, but rather to prepare themselves to suffer, which they did. For, as Mr. Thomas Winter said in his confession, when himself (with Mr. Littleton being abroad in the fields to discover) had understood of this heavy chance, and the matter being told him by his man in worse sort than indeed it was (to wit, that Mr. Catesby, Mr. Rookewood, and Mr. Grant were burnt up with powder, and the rest of the company dispersed upon sight thereof), he resolving not to fly, as Mr. Littleton advised him, but first to see and bury the body of his friend Mr. Catesby, so returned back to the house, and there found the gentlemen reasonable well in respect of what he had heard, and asked them what they resolved to do. They answered, “We mean here to die.” Then said Mr. Thomas Winter, “I will take such part as you do.” Then they all fell earnestly to their prayers, the Litanies and such like (as since some of the company affirmed that escaped taking, being none of the conspirators, but such as joined with them in the country); they also spent an hour in meditation, and divers of their company departed to shift for themselves, the house being not yet beset.

About an hour before mid-day the High Sheriff came with the forces of the country and beset the house. Mr. Thomas Winter going into the court of the house was shot into the shoulder with which he lost the use of his arm. The next shot was the elder Wright, who was stricken dead. After him the younger Wright, and fourthly Mr. Rookewood, but he was only wounded in four or five places, and so taken and afterwards put to death at London. So were also Mr. Thomas Winter and Mr. Grant and all the rest but Mr. Catesby and Mr. Percy, who resolved they would not be taken, but rather suffer death at that time in the field. Wherefore Mr. Catesby took from his neck a cross of gold which he always used to wear about him, and blessing himself with it and kissing it, showed it unto the people, protesting there solemnly before them all, it was only for the honour of the Cross, and the exaltation of that Faith which honoured the Cross, and for the saving of their souls in the same Faith, that had moved him to undertake the business; and sith he saw it was not God’s will it should succeed in that manner they intended or at that time, he was willing and ready to give his life for the same cause, only he would not be taken by any, and against that only he would defend himself with his sword.312 This done, Mr. Catesby and Mr. Percy turned back to back, resolving to yield themselves to no man, but to death as to the messenger of God. None of their adversaries did come near them; but one fellow standing behind a tree with a musket shot them both with one bullet, and Mr. Catesby was shot almost dead, the other lived three or four days.313 Mr. Catesby being fallen to the ground, as they say, went upon his knees into the house, and there got a picture of our Blessed Lady in his arms (unto whom he was accustomed to be very devout), and so embracing and kissing the same he died.

Some of the chiefest of them did think to have escaped, as Sir Everard Digby, Mr. Robert Winter, and Mr. Stephen Littleton; and these two last knowing the country better than the other, did indeed escape for the time.314 Sir Everard Digby thinking also to take that course, offered all his servants that they might take their horses and money and shift for themselves. But his page and one other said they would never leave him but against their will. Therefore being well mounted, they three went together, but they found the country so up on every side, and all drawing towards the place where the voice was the conspirators were beset, that it was not possible for them to pass or go unknown, especially Sir Everard Digby, being so noted a man for his stature and personage, and withal so well appointed as he was. Whereupon he did rather choose (after he had gained a little ground) to strike into a wood, and thought there in a dry pit to have staid with his horses until the company had been passed. But they tracked his horses unto the very pit side, and then cried out, “Here he is, here he is.” Sir Everard being altogether undaunted, answered, “Here he is indeed, what then?” and advanced his horse in the manner of curvetting (which he was expert in) and thought to have borne them over, and so to break from them, esteeming them to be but ten or twelve persons, whom he saw about the pit, and though he made them easily give way, yet then he saw above a hundred people hard by and coming upon him: so that seeing it in vain to resist, he willingly yielded himself to the likeliest man of the company, upon a desire he had to have some time before his death for his better preparation, and withal out of a desire (as it afterwards appeared) to have done some service to the Catholic cause by word, sith he saw he could not do it by the sword. For being then taken and carried up to London prisoner and to the Court, he made earnest request to have spoken with His Majesty if it might have been admitted, intending to lay down the causes so plainly which had moved them to this attempt, and withal how dangerous it was for His Majesty to take the course he did, as that he hoped to persuade at least some mitigation, if not toleration, for Catholics.

But the Council knowing well how judicial a man he was, and how well able to work his intent with sound reasons, would not assent unto his desire, but sent him presently prisoner unto the Tower, where also all the rest of the conspirators that were taken at Mr. Littleton’s in Staffordshire were presently lodged upon their bringing up, which was as soon as their hurts would give them leave to travel. So that only four were slain in the country, Mr. Robert Catesby, Mr. Thomas Percy, Mr. John Wright, and his brother, Christopher Wright. The rest were all put into the Tower for further trial according to law, which were these: Sir Everard Digby, Mr. Ambrose Rookewood, Mr. Thomas Winter, Mr. John Grant, Mr. Robert Keyes, Mr. Francis Tresham, and Mr. Guido Faulks, who were there before; unto them also were adjoined afterwards, Mr. Robert Winter and Mr. Stephen Littleton, who being discovered315 in one place where they had been at least a month, they went into a house of the Widow Littleton’s a woman of great estate, and there were kept in a chamber by Humphrey Littleton, her alliance, she being then at London; but their being in that house was found out by the cook of the house, in the provision of meal, and so by him they were discovered, and taken by the next Justices and so carried up to London and laid with the rest in the Tower. All316 these prisoners were divers times examined, but only two of their examinations published in print, which were of Mr. Guido Faulks and Mr. Thomas Winter, both which agreed in one, only Mr. Winter’s was the larger, and contained much of the matter which I have before expressed, concerning their first intention, the names and number of the conspirators, the course they took to keep it secret, their manner of proceeding in the whole, and their intention afterwards to set up one of the King’s children, and with them the Catholic religion. And both in all their examinations and the whole process of the matter it appeared plainly they were all and the only conspirators. The rest of the Catholics were free, as shall more appear in the chapter following.317

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Chapter VIII. How Upon Examination Of The Prisoners It Was Apparent That No Other Catholics Could Be Touched With The Conspiracy. The Same Also Confirmed By His Majesty’s Own Words, To The Great Comfort Of Catholics.

When all these conspirators were brought to the Tower (which is the ordinary prison for such as are found guilty or suspected of high treason, and especially for persons of account, or in causes of great moment), they were all severally and several times examined by the Lords of the Council, and then it was in vain for them either to hide the matter, which was apparently known in the great preparation of powder which had been found, or to conceal the persons or qualities of the conspirators, who had all published themselves in prosecuting their first intended treason with a second attempt of public rebellion. Therefore all did acknowledge the fact, though none would directly yield it to be an offence to God, though they said it was so unto their Prince and the present State of the country. Their examinations did all agree in all material points, and therefore two only were published in print, containing the substance of the rest. And indeed the sum of that which I have been able to say in this narration touching either their first intentions or the names or number of the conspirators, or concerning the course they took to keep the matter so absolutely secret, or, finally, touching the manner of their beginning and proceeding in the whole matter; for that (as I noted before) it being kept as such a vowed secret in the heads and hearts of so few, and those also afterwards apprehended before they could have means to declare the particulars in any private manner, therefore no more can be known of the matter or manner of this tragedy than is found or gathered out of their examinations. The effect whereof I have set down before, in prosecution of the story, and shall not need here to repeat.

But this they all agreed in, that no other Catholics were to be touched with the matter, nor had any ways assisted them therein, but those who were now well known to the whole realm by their public rising in arms, of which also the greatest part did but join with them in the second, and had not any knowledge at all of the first attempt. Hereupon it followed, that whereas at the first breaking out of this monstrous Plot most men according to their humour and aversion from Catholics and their religion, would give their censure, that sure many Papists would be touched with this matter, and especially the Priests no doubt were the devisers and incentors of this intended fiery treason. Now after all these prisoners had been often and seriously examined, their general voice was turned and their conceit changed, and it was as general a report both in London and through England, that not one Priest could be touched with the Plot, nor any other Catholics but those that were already taken, and some few others that were well known by their public rebellion, and were in chace in the country and much watch laid for them everywhere, with public proclamation and description of their persons, as is usual in such cases. This, you must think, was a great comfort unto Catholics in so great a distress; and this comfort was much increased also, when Catholics did see that His Majesty did free most of his Catholic subjects from imputation of this crime in his proclamation about this matter, dated the 7th of November, which was after the examination and confessions of Faulks; wherein naming eight principal heads or contrivers of this conspiracy, who had published themselves in the country.

For in that proclamation, though at the beginning out of his persuasion of a contrary religion, he do say that they were persons known to be so utterly corrupted with the superstition of the Romish religion, as seduced with the blindness thereof; yet afterwards in the body of the same proclamation he doth prudently and more equally distinguish between them and other Catholics, affirming that by good experience he was so well persuaded of the loyalty of divers of his said Catholic subjects, that he held himself assured they do as much abhor this detestable conspiracy as himself, and would be ready to do their best endeavours (though with expense of their blood) to suppress all attempts against his safety and the quiet of his State, and to discover whomsoever they should suspect to be of rebellious and traitorous disposition, &c. Which equanimity of His Majesty distinguishing between the guilty and the guiltless, did much edify and content all wise and grave men of what religion soever, who cannot but greatly detest and condemn the attempt, under what pretence, cause or intention soever, it were conceived.

And as the whole multitude of Catholics were free from all consent or knowledge thereof, and could not in justice be touched therewith, so much less the religion which they profess, which in her doctrine doth no ways allow or avow any such attempt, whatsoever the enemies thereof, and namely the Puritans, may persuade His Majesty to the contrary; as it appeared they began not long after to labour His Highness upon this occasion, to be so conceited of Catholics (if they were perfect Catholics indeed) and so much more of their religion; seeming to think it more likely in them that were better grounded and more exact professors of the same religion. To which effect were His Majesty’s words in his public speech in the Parliament House not long after, in the hearing of all the Puritans,318 seeming desirous to give contentment to all parties. For first after all the conspirators had been thoroughly tried and examined in the Tower (as I have declared), and that it was now apparent by all the success of the matter, and by all their examinations, that not only the multitude of Catholics were clear, but also that there were no more to be touched than were already discovered, insomuch that the general voice and opinion of all men was changed, as is said before, then did His Majesty in his public speech confirm again his good opinion of his Catholic subjects in that behalf; but withal seemed to believe the Puritans further in their malicious reports of us and our minds, than upon due trial His Majesty will find to be true. For in the said speech after he had first given due thanks to God for his happy delivery from so great a danger, then he declared whom he took to be the practisers and plotters of this treason, and seeming to point as it were to the conspirators already discovered, those he showed to be men unto which he had not given any cause of disgust. “If, (saith he) these conspirators had only been bankrupt persons, or discontented upon occasion of any disgrace done unto them, this might have seemed to be but a work of revenge. But for my own part, as I scarcely ever knew any of them, so cannot they allege so much as a pretended cause of grief.319 And the wretch himself in hands doth confess that there was no cause moving him or them but merely and only religion.” Where by the way we may observe both out of the reason which His Majesty allegeth, and out of their own protestations, wherein they all agreed, that no particular grudge or respect to themselves was their motive to this action, but their zeal to the common cause, though not “secundum scientiam.”

Then His Majesty proceedeth in his speech, admiring “that Christian men and Englishmen, and one of them his sworn servant in an honourable place, should enter into such a practice, wherein, saith he, their following obstinacy is so joined to their former malice, as the fellow himself that is in hand cannot be moved to discover any signs or notes of repentance, except only that he doth not yet stand to avow that he repents for not being able to perform his intent” A great testimony being spoken by the King himself, both of the man’s great courage, which could not be brought down with so great torments as he had then sustained, and besides of the great opinion he had in his deceived conscience that the thing was lawful, sith he would not even then repent that he had intended it, but only seemed no more to desire the thing itself, which he might also see God would not have go forward. And truly this testimony of His Majesty’s words doth make me the rather to believe that of him which was reported by divers of credit, to wit, that at his apprehension he had a shirt of hair found upon his back when he was first searched.

The Puritans so ready to execute severity upon all Catholics that they were restrained by the King.

It followeth then in the King’s speech (after the rehearsing more at large the wonderful manner of his deliverance by his strange interpretation of the letter, as I set down before), then he cometh to declare that he doth not condemn his other Catholic subjects for the fault of those few, and laboureth to restrain the Puritans from that conceit; whereby it appears they had laboured also to put that opinion into His Majesty’s head and heart against all Catholics, if his wisdom and upright judgment had not been the greater. “It resteth now (saith he) that I should shortly inform you what is to be done hereafter upon the occasion of this horrible and strange accident. As for your part that are my faithful and loving subjects of all degrees, I know that your hearts are so burnt up with zeal in this errant, and your tongues so ready to utter your dutiful affections, and your hands and feet so bent to concur in the execution thereof (for which, as I need not to spur you, so can I not but praise you for the same), as it may very well be possible that the zeal of your hearts shall make some of you in your speeches rashly to blame such as may be innocent of this attempt; but upon the other part I wish you to consider, that I would be sorry that any being innocent of this practice, either domestical or foreign, should receive blame or harm for the same. For although it cannot be denied, that it was the only blind superstition of their errors in religion that led them to this desperate device; yet doth it not follow that all professing that Romish religion were guilty of the same. For as it is true that no other sect of heretics, not excepting Turk, Jew, nor Pagan, no not even those of Calicut (who adore the devil), did ever maintain by the grounds of their religion that it was lawful or rather meritorious, as the Romish Catholic call it, to murder Princes or people, for quarrel of religion, &c.; yet it is true on the other side, that many honest men blinded peradventure with some opinions of Popery (as if they be not sound in the questions of the Real Presence, or in the number of the Sacraments, or some such School question), yet do they either not know, or at least not believe all the true grounds of Popery, which is indeed the Mystery of Iniquity. And therefore do we justly confess that many Papists, especially our forefathers, laying their only trust upon Christ His merits at their last breath, may be and oftentimes are saved; detesting in that point and thinking the cruelty of Puritans worthy of fire, that will admit no salvation to any Papist. I therefore thus do conclude this point, that as upon the one part many honest men seduced with some errors of Popery may yet remain good and faithful subjects; so upon the other part, none of those that truly know and believe the whole grounds and School conclusions of their doctrine, can ever prove either good Christians or good subjects,” &c.

The first chief point of the King’s speech.

These be the words of His Majesty’s speech in Parliament,320 wherein we may observe two things. First, that the Puritans had laboured and in some sort prevailed with His Majesty to make him believe, that it is holden by the doctrine of Catholics lawful to kill and murder Princes, &c, wherein that they might the better persuade and work His Highness’ mind to their opinion, or rather his opinion to their desire, they did set forth two pestilent books full of subtle falsehood, one of the which I had occasion before to write of, which was directed to that unlawful end to prove all Catholics traitors by the laws of the realm. The other was yet a more impudent and malicious book, entitled The Popish Positions, wherein by a number of Canons and sayings of Popes and Doctors, falsely alleged and sophistically inferred, the Puritans labour to prove that it is by the Catholic doctrine holden and approved for lawful to kill and murder Princes, &c., and therefore not possible they should be good subjects but traitors, and so to be esteemed and used. In which case I leave it to the reader’s judgment what was the mark they shot at. But I may not leave him in that error (if by chance he be one that know not our opinions) that we either hold or teach so erroneous and wicked doctrine, as they would infer out of many places which themselves understand not, and others which they falsely allege. I will not stand to answer any particular of the book, which is not for this place, and shall be no doubt much better and more at large performed by others. But this I desire the reader to remember, that out of this very story, wherein yet there is a sorer proof against us in this point, so far as concerneth the only practice of a few, than can be equalled in the examples of many ages; yet doth it plainly appear that Catholics do hold and teach the very contrary, as if it please him to turn back unto the answer which Father Garnett gave unto Mr. Catesby in questions of the like kind but of far less moment, he shall plainly see. For although he was not demanded any such barbarous question as whether it were lawful to murder Kings (unto which his answer would have been quick and sharp no doubt, as becometh a Religious man, whose ears must be hedged about with thorns against any such traitorous tongues), but the demand being only this: “For whom it was lawful to make war and how far to proceed therein,” he showed that no war was lawful without authority, nor any authority able to give leave but from those that had the government of the commonwealth. His answer therefore was much contrary to this malicious inference of his untrue reporting enemies, although he then spoke unto a confident friend, where he feared no rehearsal of the matter; and to one also that he feared to be too forward in those causes, and therefore if he had been desirous to set him more forward in that mind, and had been of that opinion himself, or that opinion true and lawful to be practised, which our enemies slander us withal, surely he would then have delivered his mind plainly to that effect. But the truth is so far on the contrary side, that all Catholics received strict commandment from the See Apostolic, that in no case they should stir or attempt anything against His Majesty or the State, and this both from Pope Clement VIII. of pious memory, and from Paulus Vtus. that now sitteth in the Chair, who both before and since his assumption to that supreme dignity of governing the Church of Christ, hath showed himself most earnest to procure the quiet, safety, and security of our Sovereign, both by liking and allowing of the leagues that other Catholic Princes have made with him, as also by often intimation and signification into England both by letters and message, that no Catholic people should go about to interrupt or trouble the same by their impatient proceedings. This likewise was the commandment sent from the General of the Society and Father Persons to Father Garnett, as hath been showed before. This was also Father Garnett his practice and earnest endeavour, as may plainly be seen in his own letters before set down; and may be seen also in the proof and sequel of this business, sith it may plainly appear he prevailed much with all the best sort of Catholics in England, as his letters do also import that he hoped he should, whereas these conspirators rising in arms, and with protestation that they rise only for cause of religion, unto the which they were well known to be fervently addicted, and no light-headed or hare-brained persons, but men known to be full of valour and of wit, and esteemed also before this action by all that knew them well, to be full of virtue. Yea, although divers of them were much befriended and allied in those countries where they took arms, and the countries also very well stored with many Catholics of worth, yet for all this, so far had Father Garnett prevailed with them, or rather the commandment of His Holiness delivered by him, that none would or did come to help them, or offer to stand for the cause in that kind or course of forcible attempt. No, neither friends to their persons nor friends to their religion would either by themselves or their forces give them any help at all. And yet they sought it earnestly, insomuch that they sent Mr. Thomas Winter to one Catholic gentleman of a noble house and great account, and whose daughter also his brother, Mr. Robert Winter, had married, and yet this gentleman being a known and constant Catholic, and a man otherwise very stout and withal of great power in those parts, he was so far from helping or assisting them in any sort, that he would not so much as hear Mr. Winter speak, but caused his gates to be shut against him. And yet the said noble gentleman was afterwards in great trouble and had like to have lost all his estate, which is very great, upon presumption that he did bear some good will unto them. So that hereby it is most apparent, how contrary the doctrine and practice also both of Superiors and subjects in Catholic religion is from that which the Puritans did labour by their books to persuade, and it seems His Majesty was in part wrought to believe.

But whatsoever the Catholics do herein, it is well known that the Puritans do both hold it for sound doctrine, and are not ashamed to teach it as lawful and necessary, and to practise it also (not as these few Catholics did, out of their own opinion ill-applied, and blamed for it by all of their own side), but as proceeding out of their doctrine, yea and warranted by the same, or rather urged upon the people by the preachers of the said doctrine, for which they say they bring the Word in great plenty.

I will not here cite Luther and Calvin, who are very copious in this kind, and will be fittest for those to bring that answer the foresaid books. It sufficeth here to consider our home examples and that of the chief apostles and pillars of the religion now professed under His Majesty’s name and authority in Scotland, to wit, John Knox, the first broacher and preacher thereof, and Buchanan’s chief assistant therein, and master also and bringer up of His Majesty’s person. Both which in their public writings do not only place the restraint, coaction, punishment, arraignment, condemnation, deposition, yea and execution also of Princes in the people’s hands when they govern not well (according to their judgment), but further also do wish that public rewards should be appointed by the same people for such as kill tyrants, as commonly there are, say they, for those that kill wolves or bears or take their whelps. So they. Whereunto if we add these authors’ own inference in the same places here quoted, which is, that when the people are negligent in punishing evil Princes, their particular ministers may cite them; yea, and by excommunication cast them into hell, and make them unworthy to enjoy life upon earth, as their own words are. By this doctrine, and by their practice according to the same (whereof His Majesty is best able to bear witness out of his own trial), the reader may judge how different the state of Princes’ safety is under the one and the other doctrine and discipline, and from the one and the other sort of subjects. And by this I leave him to discern whether the Catholics or the Puritans deserve better to be compared with Turk, Jew, or Pagan, or the inhabitants of Calicut, in respect of cruelty or disobedience growing out of their doctrine.

And surely His Majesty was not ignorant of the mind and doctrine and manner of proceeding of the Puritans in this point; but out of his wisdom, he thought it best rather to please them for the time in seeming to believe what they had written of us than to rehearse their own doctrine, whereof he had tasted too much, knowing right well that their patience was not able to bear to be rubbed upon the back, which indeed was much galled in that kind of doctrine about government. So that herein we may think it pleased His Highness to practise321 that in this his grave and princely speech in the Parliament House, which sometimes before he had used to say in mirth, when he would show the difference between the Papists and Puritans, in matter of patient sufferance. For His Majesty would often affirm that he had in his realm two asses, an old ass and a young ass. The old ass, which was the Papist, would willingly and patiently bear what loads soever he laid upon his back; but the young ass, which was the Puritan, was so unruly, that if he laid the least burden upon his back, he would never leave wincing and flinging until he had gotten it off, and perhaps would do much harm in the meantime with his heels. And we must for this time bear with so much the more patience this imputation as a punishment for the ill desert of these few gentlemen, although it be most apparent that our doctrine and our general practice deserve much the contrary, which also His Majesty in the same speech doth seem to allow as true in the minds and manners of most of his Catholic subjects; and in that regard doth wisely and graciously restrain the too great forwardness and fury of the Puritans, which, he saith, he counteth worthy of fire, allowing the Catholics neither for saved souls in Heaven, nor good subjects in earth.

The second chief point of the King’s speech.

But yet whereas His Majesty doth distinguish between the learned and unlearned Papists, and seemeth to think those which know the less, and believe and follow the fewer of our grounds and points of doctrine, to be the better sort of Catholics, and more likely to be the better subjects and more obedient both to God in Heaven and to their Kings and Princes on earth: this is the second point I touched before, which I must grant I do not well understand. For being granted that some of our religion be good, and God’s servants, and go to heaven, I do not see how it is possible that those who know and practise more of that with which the others were good, can thereby become the worse.

For as it is most assured, that none can have grace in this life, nor glory in the next without faith—“sine qua impossible est placere Deo:”322 so no faith but the true faith which Christ delivered to His Church, and the Apostles planted in His Church, can be this necessary foundation to this good estate of a soul either in grace or glory. “Fundamentum enim aliud nemo potest ponere praeter id quod positum est.”323 Therefore these simpler Catholics being saved must needs both have had faith, and that the true faith of Christ. Now I suppose the true faith of Christ can teach none to be disloyal. Again this faith of Christ, being but one (as there is but one Lord and one baptism), cannot be divided, or in part believed and followed and in part refused, “quam nisi quisque fideliter firmiterque crediderit, salvus esse non poterit, eamque nisi quis integram inviolatamque servaverit, absque dubio in æternum peribit.”324 So that the most simple Catholics both do and must believe and profess the same faith in all points which the learned do, although they are not bound explicite to know all particulars more than the articles of their Creed and the Sacraments and other needful helps to salvation which they are to use; for the rest it sufficeth they believe the Church in all things as being “Columna et firmamentum veritatis,”325 and the same also one article of their Creed, which all are bound both to believe and know; and so consequently the simpler sort believe implicite and virtually all that is generally taught and believed by School Doctors for matter of faith: and so their faith and the grounds of their faith being all one, can work no different effect. And if there should be any difference, methinks the better lot should not light to the share of the more simple, for then it would be good to be unskilful in the law and in the grounds of faith, contrary to that which God saith by His Prophet, “Conticuit populus meus, eo quod non habuerit scientiam: quia tu scientiam repulisti, repellam et ego,”326 &c. And this was the ordinary cavil against us in the late alteration of religion (though unjustly imposed), as though we had willingly kept the people in ignorance, and therefore would not permit them the Scriptures in English. But as reason did then, so since experience hath proved that was not the cause; but as nurses that feed their children, as St. Paul did his, first with milk and then with solid meat, so we. And this to prevent their danger, which since we see hath followed, that rule being neglected under pretence, forsooth, of remedying the ignorance which Papists were kept in. But if then the case of the ignorant had been the better, we had the more wrong to be blamed for doing the best. Finally, this faith which may and often hath saved some of the ignorant Papists; as it is but one, and must be entirely believed and professed, so it is also holy, as being the faith of Christ (as before I proved), and the foundation of that Church which is “una et sancta,” &c.: and being holy it cannot follow that the greater measure should hurt, where the less doth good; for as we see, if a little fire give warmth, a greater will give a greater heat, and the sun which giveth light being under a cloud, will shine more brightly when it is fully seen: so that the more virtue is in the agent, and the more the same is applied, the more is the same effect brought forth in the patient, unless it be “propter debilitatem organi,” as in our eye against the light of the sun when we gaze upon it, which defect is not in our soul, the same being made for God Himself as for the final end of man, and therefore capable still of more and more increase of grace, as we see in the Apostles, &c.; and as God saith by His Prophet, “Dilata os tuum et implebo illud.”327 Therefore it must needs follow that the more and more perfectly and exactly the rules and grounds of this holy faith are known, the more holy it doth make the knowers and believers and followers of the same. Neither can it possibly be otherwise; for as our Lord Himself saith, “Non potest arbor bona fructus malos facere.”

Well may it happen, and doth often (as His Majesty did wisely and truly note), that “particular men of all professions and religions have been, some thieves, some murderers, some traitors,” &c., but this then is contrary to their doctrine, if their doctrine be that good Tree of which our Saviour speaketh, and which He planted in His Church. For that being “Arbor bona non potest malos fructus facere,” where we must understand, “quatenus talis arbor.” The best tree that is hath some fruit that doth miscarry. Some are blasted in the bud, some shaken off with the wind, some pecked with birds, some with one mischance and some with another miscarrieth before it come to ripeness or perfection; but by these we never measure the goodness of the tree. But if we see an apple or apricock hang upon the tree of perfect colour, of just bigness and shape, so that we may see it is come to that perfection which the tree can naturally bring it unto, then according to the taste of the fruit, we judge the goodness of the tree. If then the fruit be sour, we call the tree a crab-tree; if bitter, so we also term the tree and say it is nought; and justly, being warranted by Him that made them, “Quia non potest arbor bona fructus malos facere, nec arbor mala fructus bonos facere.”328 So that here is the difference: an evil tree cannot bring forth good fruit, that is, neither grace nor glory can grow into a man’s soul out of evil doctrine, and so that soul not possible to be saved, unless his branch be cut from his own root and grafted into the stock of the good tree to receive the juice and sap of the same, as St. Paul saith we Gentiles were into the trunk of the Jews’ fruitful olive. On the contrary part, a good tree may have some miscarry, but then it is not long of the tree, but of other mischances. And so the Catholic doctrine being holy, and in this very point of obedience holy, as teaching that all subjects are bound to obey, not as Luther teacheth, for policy only, making all men equal and to have no superior but Christ; nor as I showed before out of Knox and Buchanan; but as the truth is, and as St. Paul teacheth, that there is distinction of degrees and the subjects bound to obey, and that not ad libitum, or outwardly only, “ad oculum servientes,”329 but in conscience and of necessity, “et tanquam Domino,” and as to our Lord Himself, to Whom we serve in obeying our superiors according to His commandment. This is the doctrine of the Holy Catholic Faith in this point, wherein although some may miscarry and take wrong courses, as these few of late did, following their own conceits and desires against the direction and wills of those who delivered the contrary doctrine (as hath been declared), yet this is no impeachment to the Tree, nor to the rest of the fruit. This act of theirs cannot be laid upon the doctrine which is holy and bringeth forth no disobedient fruit, but the contrary in great measure, and that so much the more in those that know more and are the more perfect in the grounds thereof, as being the fruit which this “Arbor bona” hath brought to best perfection.

And this clearness and innocency touching this late attempt is not only thus apparently proved to be in the whole body of Catholics, but was then the general opinion of all, the Puritans excepted, who are ever ready to impugn “agnitam veritatem.” His Majesty, as you have seen, did partly affirm it and granted some other part, out of which you see it is convinced.

The prisoners being all at that time often and carefully examined, they affirmed constantly and jointly (though severally examined) that there were no other conspirators than were taken and publicly known. And as for Priests, they did both then and at their death protest there was none in the action: whereupon His Majesty in the whole course of his speech did only lay the fault upon them that were discovered, and did seem to excuse the rest, as you have heard. So that it was as generally, as justly believed and voiced through England, that other Catholics were all free, and no Priest at all accused or could be touched with the treason, which gave no small satisfaction both to Catholics and others. And so in right it should have continued. But the Puritans did much grieve and envy that those should be free from blame, upon whom they rather wished that all might light. And therefore they began to practise and work the contrary opinion, first in the King, and afterwards in public show unto the country, as shall appear in the next chapter.

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Chapter IX. How the Fathers of the Society Were by Industry of the Heretics Drawn Into This Matter, to Incense the King Against Them, and for Them Against the Catholic Religion

The Prophet doth in few words very fully express the desires and endeavours of such as are most guided by that spirit of pride, who is a professed enemy to God and to all good men. “Superbia eorum (saith he) qui te oderunt, ascendit semper.”330 As if he should say to Almighty God, not only the apostate Angel himself doth hate Thee, and all those for Thy sake whom he seeth Thee to love; but those also, who are full of his rising and resisting spirit, do still raise themselves against Thee and all Thine, but most against those whom they see Thee most to favour, or most to use and employ in Thy service. “Ascendit semper:” their spirit still fighteth against those whom at least they think the highest; although in this man’s judgment often erreth, guessing by outward signs and not being able to search the heart of man, as He doth that is “Scrutator cordis et renum,” is therefore not able to judge, or their judgment to be taken for a certain proof, who be most in God’s favour. But this their practice was plainly proved true in this present matter, whereof we have already treated and are as yet further to declare. For although we are to presume that His Majesty and the Council did proceed without passion in the matter, His Majesty having in many parts of his speech showed great equanimity and gracious opinion of his faithful Catholic subjects; yea, although His Highness did in the same speech correct the malice of Puritans against all Catholics in general, and did seek to repress their fury, which he saw so ready by word and action to oppress all Catholics upon this occasion offered, and to persecute the innocent multitude for the fault of a few: yet all this would not suffice to quench or assuage that fire (as the King did wisely observe and so express it in his speech) “with which their hearts were burnt up in this errant.” But as they had before determined, so they never left labouring, until they had wrought their will, and found out a device which they hoped would serve both to discredit and discourage Catholics; and beginning with some of the chiefest (as they thought), to proceed with better colour in punishing and persecuting of the rest.

Therefore whereas they did know very well how great esteem Catholics did generally make of the Fathers of the Society, and how much they did all for the most part (especially the better sort) rely upon their advice, reputing them to be men of great learning and judgment, and chiefly to be of approved virtue and spirit and both skill and experience in direction of souls: at these Fathers therefore did these Puritans resolve to level their first poisoned arrows, drawn out of the quiver of malice and shot from the bow of open injustice. But you must understand that this is not the first time they have aimed at this mark. No; they have been the men upon their eye of envy and spite hath ever been fixed since the first coming into England of those two famous men, Father Persons and blessed Father Campian, whose wisdom and spiritual instructions did so settle the hearts of Catholics in profession of their faith and whose exhortations both private and public did so kindle the zeal of devotion in all their minds, that the heretics might see another face of things in the persecuted state of the English Church, unto which afterwards being added the frequent and learned books of the one, and the challenged and performed disputation of the other (with all which they were convinced and confounded), these were motives sufficient to set malice on fire against them, and their Society for their sake, although they had found no like causes in their followers. But when they saw the like course to be continued; of exemplary virtue in Father Edmonds,331 of wise direction for progress in devotion in blessed Father Garnett, and of learned and spiritual books in blessed Father Southwell; also when they had tried the constancy of blessed Father Walpole and others to be inflexible and not to be drawn either by force or favour to their will, either against God’s honour or the good of their neighbours; when they found that no one of the Society that were sent into England could ever be wrought by them neither by torments to yield in infirmity, nor yet by their subtle examinations to be overreached so far, no not so much as out of simplicity to accuse the least Catholic of his acquaintance, or so that any did come in trouble by any undiscreet answer of theirs.

This long and sufficient trial hath made them so much malign the men of that Society, that they have never ceased labouring by one means or other to practise all hostility against them, as against their chief enemies. From hence hath proceeded the many slanders they have sought to publish of them: from hence the many false and foul reports in several kinds, which they by themselves have published in books and procured the like to be done by all others whom they could work unto their will, as namely those of Mr. Watson’s writing, which he so much repented at his death, asking humble pardon both of God and of the Society for the many falsehoods and slanders fathered upon them in the same. From hence also did proceed the disobedience of some scholars against the Fathers in the Seminaries, secretly wrought in their minds by some instruments which the chief of these Puritans had employed to that end and purpose. Finally, from hence as from a troubled fountain have flowed all the streams of disgraces and disturbance and persecutions both against the Fathers themselves, and against the places where they have been presumed to be; yea, against all those who have been conceived to be favourers or well-willers to them: insomuch that in hatred of the Fathers, they would often show favour to the places where other Priests were taken. But if the Priest were a Jesuit, or but a friend of theirs, and one that were known to love them and to follow some of their spiritual courses, of which number I acknowledge myself to be; then should they and their receivers be sure to drink of the whip and to have summum jus instead of mercy. And as they at the first, when Seminary Priests did come in apace and did much good, made severe laws against them, punishing with pain of death the receivers of them, in all which they exempted the old Queen Mary Priests, because they saw the others, with their apostolical zeal and fervour, to work much greater effect in the minds of men; so now in the practice of those laws, they made a plain distinction between all Priests and Jesuits, whom they esteemed the greatest enemies to the proceeding and increase of heresy. And, but howsoever that is, would to God there were a divorce between them and heresy (unto which as yet their minds are so much wedded) undoubtedly they should then find they had no friends in the world more faithful, nor any that would be more ready to serve them in the service of God, than those whom now they hate and persecute so much, upon a contrary supposed ground, and the same most contrary to all truth and justice.

But their minds being in this manner settled upon their courses, and so grounded in opinion of chief resistance in the Fathers of the Society and by their means, they resolved absolutely by one means or other to effect that which they had so much desired and so many ways laboured for. And having this opportunity of colour offered, of this late attempt of the foresaid gentlemen, and knowing the same to be so odious not only to His Majesty and the Council, but in like manner to all the graver and better sort of Catholics both in England and elsewhere, they did imagine that if they could with any little show of pretence but father this matter upon those Fathers, they should by that means either have all, or at least some of their desires performed against them. For if they could not convince them to be guilty, yet because the matter was so hateful, they hoped either in the meantime whilst the matter were in handling and not fully cleared, to procure that they might be called out of England (which hath long time been a chief part of their desires) or at least to make many Catholics both shy of them and fearful to deal with them; whilst they by extraordinary and exquisite searching might apprehend the most of them. Or at the least, if none of these took effect (as thanks be to God, the contrary through God’s providence was proved true), yet they might hereupon ground the pretence of just occasion to enact those severe laws against Catholics, which they had determined and prepared long before, as I showed in the former chapters.

Now therefore they began with all diligence to seek out likely pretences for their purpose: and it was no hard matter to find a staff to beat these dogs prepared by Christ, the Chief Shepherd, against the wolves that seek to devour His flock. For although they could not find in all the several examinations and confessions of the conspirators now in prison any little proof that they were in the Plot, but the contrary to be averred by them all with solemn protestation, yet they would have it suffice for a likelihood, that divers of these gentlemen were known unto divers of the Fathers and did sometimes come unto them for helps in the Sacraments. But so did many hundreds besides those gentlemen: and the Fathers dispense faithfully those divine mysteries to all, without exception of any, if they find them desirous and prepared, and without suspicion of any to bear undutiful minds.332 And if all the acquaintance, yea, or the familiar and inward friends unto these gentlemen should have been called in suspicion, not only many other Catholics in England, who neither are nor can be appeached of any such matter, should be convented, but as well, many of their own side, even some of those that sat as judges of them in the Parliament. Briefly, a bad excuse must stand for good, where no better can be found, and where the matter is resolved, and the parties condemned, before the proof can be found or the witnesses produced. But behold one single and he but a seeming witness was found, or rather was supposed to be found; for he also failed them, as I shall after declare.

There was one Bates a servant to Mr. Robert Catesby, of whom I made mention before; and this man having been employed by his master in the whole action for provision of powder, &c., and seeing himself so far in danger as the best, and yet not stored with so much grace and generous mind as was needful, nor perhaps entering the action with so seeming good motives as those gentlemen, who protested they did it merely for service to God and exaltation of religion; which it may be feared was not the motive to this fellow,333 being but a serving-man and never of any extraordinary capacity or devotion, but only trusty to his master, and belike, in respect of that employed. Therefore now when he saw his master gone, and all hopes by him failed, it may well be this wind would make his house to shake, if it were so built upon the sand; and when he saw likewise the likely storm coming of death which he was to expect, and of torments also in likelihood, if he did not seek to please: these loe were great temptations to the poor fellow and sufficient to toss and bend that reed which way the wind would blow; especially those fears being seconded with hopes of favour; which were also promised, as shall afterwards appear in his words, when he repented his frailty before his death. And so this334 fellow being earnestly urged by persons of great authority to confess some proofs or likelihood that the Jesuits were in this action, the poor man, of frailty and desire of life (as afterwards himself affirmed), told them that his master and another of those gentlemen had been not past a fortnight before the action broke out, at a nobleman’s house where three Jesuits were, to wit, Father Henry Garnett, Father Osmund Tesimond, and Father John Gerard. He affirmed also that himself was sent with a letter by his master after they were up in arms, to a house in Warwickshire, where two of the said Jesuits were, vidlt., Father Garnett and Father Tesimond: and that Father Tesimond then went with him to his master, who was at Mr. Winter’s with the rest of the company; but that the said Father Tesimond staid not with them, but rode presently away; yet did the poor fellow in his weakness yield so far as to say, that he thought Father Tesimond did know of the Plot, which yet he affirmed not of the other two.

This was the ground and the only foundation upon which they built that great and slanderous calumniation against all the Jesuits in England; whereas this was no proof at all, but only the single conceit of one simple man, and that only set down as a mere thought of his own head, and but of one of the three. For as for the seeing of them all three at my Lord Vaux’s, it is certain that was not true. For I have inquired of the matter since, and so have found it, as I say, to be false; besides, Father Gerard in his letters sent unto the Council in his own purgation, did protest he had not seen that Bates of at least a twelve-month before, and these letters were so sent, as they were received by the Council, whilst Bates was living and in their hands. But Bates perhaps might think it true that he was there at that time, that being the place which was generally supposed to be his chief abode, and so esteemed by the Council themselves, as appeared by the several searches had been made there for him, before as well as after this false suspicion. Besides if he would be there at any time, Bates might think it likely he would not be absent at that time, when two aunts of the Lord Vaux that now is, were come thither in their return from a long journey, who had not been there together of many years before; especially because Bates did suppose that Father Garnett, who was the Superior of all the Society in England, did continue with those two sisters, and was then come with them unto the same house, as Bates did imagine, and that Father Tesimond also did meet him there. All which might be very likely, if Father Garnett did go along in that journey with those devout gentlewomen; for it might well be supposed Father Gerard would not then be missing, but would rather be there of purpose to give his Superior the best entertainment he could procure, and this, if it were so, was cause sufficient, without any thought of the other cause of meeting, which I have heard Father Gerard himself protest, he did not so much as imagine before the thing itself was known to all men. And as for Mr. Catesby his being there, he was near cousin both unto the same Lord Vaux, and his mother who kept the house, and to those two gentlewomen whom he met there at that time, as he had done in many other places, both before and since this conspiracy was dreamt of. And as for Sir Everard Digby, there was more occasion of his being there, and there at that time (as I have since learned), for that he was a near neighbour and a great and tried friend unto the same Lord Vaux and his mother, as it was very well known unto divers of the Council, and the same also allowed of and well liked by them, with whom he had dealt concerning the said Lord and his mother about a match that should have been between the Lord Chamberlain335 his daughter and the young Lord Vaux.

So that Sir Everard Digby had many serious occasions to come to my Lord Vaux’s; and then in particular, as I have learned since, being come from his ancient house and chief living which lay in Rutlandshire, from whence he could not go unto the house336 where his wife and family lay, but he must pass by the door of my Lord Vaux his house, which also made him there an ordinary guest.

So that all this supposal had been nothing if it had been true; and as Bates neither did nor could affirm it to be true that the three Jesuits were there, but only that the two gentlewomen were there, taking their sister’s house in their way at their return, and his master also, and Sir Everard Digby met them, of which one also came merely by chance; what the other did I know not. And whereas I say that Bates did not affirm this of the Jesuits, no, nor of their only being in the house, so absolutely as he did affirm that he afterwards saw Father Garnett and Father Tesimond in Warwickshire, shall appear in his own words, when I set down his letter, whereof I have the true copy.

But yet this doubtful and uncertain affirmation of his, which, if it had been most true and certain, had been also certain to be no proof at all or just cause of presumption, where there were so many other causes concurring which would have required the being of Father Gerard in that house at that time (if that were the place of his most residence), yet was this no cause made cause sufficient of great trouble to that noble family. For presently there was commission granted out for a most severe search to be made in that house of my Lord Vaux’s, and also in another house of the said Lord’s three miles off, lest perhaps Father Gerard might be kept there in that troublesome time. The commission was directed to the most forward Puritans of the country, with strict charge not only to search narrowly for the said Father, but whether they found him or not, to keep possession of the house and the keys of the rooms, until the Commissioners should have further order from the Council. All this and much more was performed in so strict manner as might be. For although the Lord Vaux and his mother were very much beloved and respected in all the country, he being the most ancient Baron and first in place of all the shire, and so linked to most houses of worth within the shire that it was hard to find any man of account therein that was not either akin or allied or a dear friend unto their house; yet all this notwithstanding, the search was most severe, as I have been credibly informed by those that were present. The house was beset with at least a hundred men, and those well appointed. The young Lord made no resistance, as having no cause to fear, but brought the Commissioners presently in to his mother, who delivered unto them all the keys of her house, and willed them to use their pleasure. They searched for two or three days continually, and searched with candles in cellars and several dark corners. They searched every cabinet and box in her own closet for letters, in hope to find some little scroll that might show Father Gerard had been an actor in this treason, or that she or her son had received some knowledge of it. But they found not with all this diligence the least tittle of advantage in the matter, insomuch that the chief man in commission for this search (though an earnest Puritan) yet sent a very full information unto the Council that he had found the house most clear, the young Lord and his mother very respective unto authority, admitting any kind of search or inquiry that he could desire and yet very confident in their own innocency; and that he found not any preparation in the house for war, or any show at all that they had the least knowledge of any such attempt intended.

Notwithstanding, this information sent after full trial made by search, the Council sent for the young Lord and his mother up to London presently, where they were both examined; the young Lord by my Lord Salisbury alone, who cleared himself so by his answer that he was no further restrained, but only commanded to stay in the city of London. His mother was examined before the whole Council, where she did clear herself fully from all cause of suspicion in that treason, and affirmed constantly, that although she were a firm Catholic, and so would live and die by the grace of God, yet that fact she did as much mislike and condemn as themselves; and that so she had been taught by those that had care of her soul. They urged her that she knew Father Gerard, and had received him many times into her house. She answered she hoped none could justly accuse her that she had received either him or any other Priest, and that she would not accuse herself, the same being a Penal Law. They insisted she was bound to tell of him, for that he was known to be a traitor and a chief plotter of this action. She answered with serious protestation, that she had never the least cause to think so of him (if she did know him, as they presupposed); and said that she had heard so much good of the man (though she did not know him) that she would pawn her whole estate, yea, and her life also, that he was not guilty of that Plot, nor justly to be touched with it. Then the Council produced a letter which she had written unto the Sheriff of Warwickshire, her cousin, for the delivery of two Priests, who were taken passing through the country after the stirs were begun, which letter the sheriff had sent unto the Council (more like a Puritan as he is, than a kinsman as he should be). This letter, said the Lords of the Council, being written for the delivery of Strange, the Jesuit (now in the Tower, and since very sore tortured, as I shall afterwards declare), and for another Priest, one of Blackwell the Archpriest his assistants, and the same also written in so earnest and effectual manner, doth convince you to be guilty of treason in that Statute of aiding Priests.337 She answered that she wrote for them indeed, and that she desired much to set them free, but she knew them not to be Priests, but took them for Catholic gentlemen that came sometimes to her house as others did, and looked nothing like Priests. Then finally, some of the Council said, that whereas she was now in the King’s mercy to live or die, she should have her life and lose nothing of her estate, if she would tell where Gerard the Jesuit was to be found. She answered, she knew not; but if she did know she would not tell it them to save her life and many lives. “Why then,” said they, “Lady, you must die.” “Why then, I will die, my Lords,” said she, “for I will never do the other.” So they sent her away to prison, not to an ordinary gaol, but to a rich Alderman’s house in London, where she was well respected, and yet kept so close that not her own son might come to see her, only she had a gentlewoman of her own to attend her. There were also divers of her servants committed to several prisons, and often and strictly examined with many menacings if they would not confess Father Gerard to have been at the Lord Vaux his house, but nothing could be wrung out of them. The house in the country was all this while watched within and without for nine or ten days together, that if Father Gerard were still in the house hid in any secret place, he either might be starved to death, or by famine forced to come out. And for two or three miles round about the house there was watch kept in the country, and all passengers examined in desire to find the said Father, but all in vain; for where God will protect, man’s forces or policies are frustrate, “et deficient scrutantes scrutinio.”338

Soon after this search was past, Father Gerard lying secretly in another country, and understanding how that house had been severely searched for him as for one of this conspiracy, he thought it fit and needful to show his innocency in the matter by a public letter, which he performed presently, and I have read the letter. It contained, first, some reasons why he did seek to clear himself, and that by the way of protestation, the matter being true and just and in re gravi. Then he did solemnly and seriously protest before God and all the Court of Heaven, that he was never privy to the matter, nor had heard so much as one word of that Plot of Powder before the thing itself was discovered and the knowledge thereof brought unto him by public fame; and that his meaning was, he had not known of it either in secret or otherwise, no, not so much as in confession. Also he did exclude all equivocation so far forth, that if he did in any sort equivocate in this protestation, he did yield himself as guilty of the whole both in the sight of God and men. Further he alleged divers reasons why it was not likely he should know thereof, as in respect of the badness of the matter, which he utterly disliked and condemned, no man more. In respect of his estate and the prohibition he had received from his Superiors, not to meddle with any State matters at all; and much less with any such outrageous attempt. Also, that the Council had tried him sufficiently in those matters in the time of Queen Elizabeth’s reign, when they had him in their hands from three years and more, often labouring to have found him guilty, or to have him confess he had dealt in State matters; but he was ever found clear, insomuch that they could not produce the least word of his writing or witness against him in all that time of his imprisonment, nor find him guilty in the least point, although they put him to the uttermost trials to see whether force or favour would sooner prevail with him. Then further in this letter he alleged, that if in Queen Elizabeth’s time it could not be proved he had meddled in any matters of State, much more it was to be presumed he would be far from dealing in this highest kind of treason, and that against this King, for whom it was well known his father had suffered and lost much, whereof it pleased His Majesty to take knowledge unto his brother at his first coming to the Crown. And lastly, he said he was so far from ever consenting or knowing of any such matter, that he offered freely, if either before his taking or after,339 it could be proved, that ever he had any kind of knowledge of that Plot of Powder, that then he would freely give them leave, whensoever it should please God to deliver him into their hands, to put him to all the torments could be imagined, and pull one piece of him from another, and withal that all men of what side or sect soever should then repute him as a perjured creature, and to have neither faith to God nor man. This was the effect of his letter in brief, the letter itself containing a sheet or two of paper, which letter being published in London, did give great satisfaction not only to Catholics (who could not easily believe such reports of him before) but even to the Protestants themselves. Yea, it was showed unto the King himself by an Earl in great favour with His Majesty, and His Highness for that time was very well satisfied therewith.

But notwithstanding this and the general opinion which most men conceived of his innocency, and although there were no proof at all or sufficient grounds to proceed against any of the rest, yet such was the settled resolution of some to bring them into the suspicion and slander of this treason, that they proposed it unto His Majesty as a thing very requisite, to have a public proclamation sent forth against the Jesuits, and first to begin with these three, meaning to bring in the rest also by degrees. The King referred the matter unto the Council, as his manner is. The cause was therefore discussed at the council-table, and being proposed by those that were of great authority in that place, it was not much gainsaid, at least for two of the three. But for the third, which was Father Gerard, it was answered by some, that there was no reason he should be put in the number; and one Earl at the table, being of great account both for wisdom and learning, said that sith Gerard had so fully cleared himself by so ample a protestation and was a gentleman, he thought it was very hard to lay so severe a punishment upon him, upon the single accusation of one witness, and he but a base fellow and in fear of his life. For it was then supposed that Bates did accuse all these three, and perhaps so proposed also to make the matter seem more justly grounded. But it was not so, as will appear in the words of Bates his letter hereafter. But neither this pious answer, nor truth itself, which I doubt not answered for all the three in the conscience of those that most furthered this cruel course, could anything at all prevail against the course which was before intended, insomuch that it was there resolved a proclamation should presently be sent forth against those three before named. Yea, and Father Gerard was put in the first place, as if he had been the principal person of the three, which though some do think to have been done only by the penner of the proclamation in respect of his blood or kindred in the world, which they (looking only with fleshly eyes) make more account of than of spiritual dignities; yet sure it was done of purpose, to make him the more odious thereby, and to hide the want of proof which they had against him: that when all men did see him set before the other two, whereof one was his Superior, and the other his ancient every way, they might the rather think there was some great matter found out against him. And so all men might be incensed the more to betray him or apprehend him, for that was the chief intention of the proclamation against all the three. And to that end in the proclamation, first the names of the persons and the nature of their supposed offence was set down; then a subtle inducement joined with a serious commandment unto all men to discover them and to help to apprehend them, unto which also was annexed large promises to those that should be found the particular instruments of their apprehension; and lastly, a severe protestation that whosoever should presume to be a harbourer, maintainer, or concealer of any of them, or should not do their best for their discovery or apprehension, that they should hope for no mercy, but that the laws should be most severely executed upon them, as upon persons no less pernicious than the actors and concealers of the main treason itself. In the end of all the three persons were described, that they might the better be known, by their stature, their colour, and countenance. By all which it may appear how violent a desire of their apprehension those had who procured the proclamation, as the most forcible and likely means to that effect. I pray God avert the violence of His justice from their souls, and send them to find mercy, when this forcible proceeding of theirs doth come to be examined. For otherwise a dreadful doom must be expected, “quia potentes potenter tormenta patientur: horrende et cito apparebit eis,”340 saith the wise man. I pray God they may prevent it, before it light upon them; otherwise this blow will hurt and wound the strikers much more than them against whom it was intended.341

This proclamation being published in London, it was presently carried into all the market-towns of England (as the custom is) to be there proclaimed, to the end that all men taking notice of the names and the description of the persons of these three supposed traitors, it might be unpossible in any short time for any of them to pass safely through any town, but that they would be descried, discovered, and apprehended. So that they were now to be esteemed in all human likelihood, “tanquam oves occisionis,” like sheep designed to the slaughter. “Sed ira viri justitiam Dei non operatur;”342 and whom God will protect “nemo potest rapere de manu illius.”343 God provided for them such friends as knew their innocency well, and did most willingly adventure with them, not regarding the threats nor respecting the promises in the proclamation of a straw. Yea, I know where some of them refused the earnest entreaties of some persons of great worth instantly desiring to have had them in their houses. But they were well and safely provided for, for insomuch that until this day two of them were never in danger to fall into their enemies’ hands, “sed liberati sunt de manu Herodis et de omni expectatione plebis Judæorum.”344 And the third was provided for sufficiently in a house of great safety, and where he might have continued long enough without danger, if he had not been by God’s permission betrayed into their hands as his Master was; “sed advenerat hora ejus.”345 And he that betrayed him for “Quid vultis mihi dare?”346 had a halter for his pains, as Judas had, though he died not desperate, as Judas did, but very penitent for his fact, as the sequent chapters shall declare.

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Chapter X. How Father Garnett, the Superior, Was Discovered and Taken in Worcestershire and Brought Up to London: And of His First Entreaty and Examination

When all England was filled with this new rumour by means of this proclamation, that now the Jesuits were also found to be in the Plot of Powder, and especially those three, who therefore were named and described and publicly proclaimed, though Catholics did generally believe the contrary of them, many being witnesses of their innocency, and of their often and earnest persuasions to peace and quietness, and to patience in this time of persecution. And though many wise men did say in their hearts, “Quam accusationem affertis adversus homines istos?”347 because they saw them traduced by the proclamation in general words as heinous traitors and contrivers of the whole Plot, and as men so proved to be by the several examinations of the prisoners in the Tower. But when they looked for these proofs in the examinations, even those which were chosen out amongst the rest to be published in print, as the chiefest and most fit for the full discovery of the whole Plot and the plotters of the same; and finding there no one word of any of them, but the contrary, in that the whole course of the matter was there seen to be carried by others there mentioned with all particulars of their proceedings. And hearing also by many certain reports that the prisoners did all protest there was no Priests at all guilty of the conspiracy, or that did any ways assist them therein: these and the like reasons did make the wiser and more reasonable sort, even of Protestants themselves, to think, as the truth was, “quod ex invidiâ tradidissent eos.”348

But this was no impediment to the forcible authority of the proclamation, which went out under the King’s name. And instead of particular accusations, it must suffice for the present, “quod si non essent hi malefactores, non tradidisset eos potestas regia;”349 and indeed other proofs they could have none at all against all the three neither then nor since, although against two of them, to wit, against Fathers Garnett and Tesimond,350 they framed afterwards some pretended matter in particular, much like to that whereof their Master was accused, “quod subverteret gentem et prohiberet tributum dari Cæsari:”351 “Sed sufficit discipulis ut sint sicut Magister eorum.”352 In the meantime Father Garnett thought best to retire himself to a house of great safety near unto the place where then he was, and there meant to lie private till the heat of this persecution were passed, and that it might be more safe travelling towards London where he meant to settle as he had been accustomed. The house was called Henlip, two miles distant from the city of Worcester, and so large and fair a house that it might be seen over great part of the country; and indeed it was so fair and commodious a house that it had often caused the owner of it much trouble, being an eyesore unto some Puritans of great wealth that were neighbours, within some miles, and nothing so well seated; who therefore procured often warrants to search that house in hope to find some Priest there, for which the house and the whole estate of the gentleman might be forfeited to the King, and so begged by them that were the causers and actors of such apprehension. But this being often essayed was never permitted by God until this time, “quæ erat hora illorum et potestas tenebrarum.”353

The proclamation being published containing, besides other persuasions, large promises to any that would be discoverers of any of the three; it happened that there was a gentleman called Humphrey Littleton, then fallen into trouble for receiving and concealing Mr. Robert Winter, one of the principal conspirators, and Mr. Stephen Littleton, his kinsman, who had joined himself unto the conspirators in rebellion. These two having escaped from this Stephen Littleton his house, where the rest of the conspirators were, some slain and some taken (as before hath been declared), and having escaped taking a month and more in several places where they lay hid, did finally come to this Humphrey Littleton for harbour: and he received them into his kinswoman’s house, where he then lay, and kept them in his own chamber, where they were discovered and apprehended.354 Humphrey Littleton therefore being in danger of his life for having harboured them, and seeing so large promises of favour and rewards to those that would discover any of the three, thought to save himself from a temporal punishment by doing that which deserved an eternal pain, and sent up word unto the Council, that he had been not long before at Mr. Abington his house, called Henlip, before mentioned, where he heard a Jesuit preach called Ouldcorne, who did there reside for the most part, and where he thought also Garnett was to be found.

Upon this information a warrant was presently despatched into the country to Sir Henry Bromley, a Knight, who was the next Justice of account unto Mr. Abington’s house, and who was best experienced in searching of that house, which he had often performed before upon less likelihood of speeding than now he carried with him by means of this discovery, and the extraordinary authority he had to use his pleasure. He came therefore to the house on a Sunday morning very early, accompanied with above a hundred men with him, armed and furnished all “cum gladiis et fustibus”355 and with guns, and all kind of weapons, more fit for an army than an orderly search. And beginning to beat at the gate with great importunity to be let in presently, the Catholics within the house soon perceiving their intention, made all the haste possible to hide both the Priests and Church stuff, and books, and all such persons and things as belonged to the Priests, or might give cause of suspicion. In the meantime sending to the gates, as the custom is, to know the cause of their coming, and to keep them in talk with messages to and fro, from the master or mistress of the house, all to gain time, whilst they within were hiding all things in the most safe secret places they had.

But Sir Henry Bromley, impatient of this delay, caused the gates with great violence and force of men to be broken down, which yet he could not perform in so short a time (by reason they were very strong and answerable to the greatness of the house) before they within had made all safe which they would hide from this violent invasion. The Knight being entered by force, sent presently some principal persons with men enough to assist each of them into all the several parts of the house, as well to take possession of the same, as to make stay of any persons that were suspicious, and to be sure that nothing should then be hidden after his entry. Himself showed unto the mistress of the house (Mr. Abington himself being not then at home) his large commission to search, and the proclamation against those for whom he would search. She yielded to his authority, and gave him full power to do his will. He began after the accustomed manner, to go through all the rooms of the house, which were many and very large; he had with him Argus his eyes, many watchful and subtle companions, that would spy out the least advantage or cause of suspicion, and yet they searched and sounded every corner in that great house till they were all weary, and found no likelihood of finding that they came for, though they continued the daily search, and that with double diligence, all the whole week following. But upon Saturday two laymen that did usually attend upon the two Priests, and were hid in a place by themselves, being almost starved to death, came out of their own accord. For they had placed the Priests in another secret conveyance where there was some provision of victuals laid up for their sustenance a few days; but themselves were forced to go into a place on the sudden, which though it were safe from finding, yet had no provision at all to eat, and, as I have heard, they had but one apple between them in all those six or seven days. Whereupon they thought it best to come out; and yet not that so much to save themselves from death by famine, as for that they perceived the resolution of the searchers to be of staying in the house until they had either found or famished those whom they knew to be within. Therefore these two virtuous men being in hope that upon their taking, the searchers would be satisfied and depart (as either thinking them to be Priests, or that if there had been any more to be found, they would also have been forced to come out), this hope made them resolve to offer themselves to their enemies’ hands, to save the lives of those whom they loved better than themselves. And their coming out was in such manner as could endanger nothing but themselves; one of the two especially, whose name was Nicholas Owen, abounding in discretion, which was the man that attended on Father Garnett, and is thought by all men to have been a Brother of the Society, of whom we shall have occasion to speak afterwards, for he suffered many and great torments, and is now a glorious martyr.

They therefore perceiving that some of the searchers did continually by turns watch and walk up and down in the room where they were hidden, which was a long and fair gallery four square, going round about the house, they watched their time when the searchers were furthest off, and came out so secretly and stilly, and shut the place again so finely, that they were not one whit heard or perceived when or where they came out, and so they walked in the gallery towards the door, which they thought belike to have found open. But the searchers being turned back in their walk, and perceiving two strange men to be there, whom they had not seen before, presently ran unto them, and asked what they were. They answered they were men that were in the house, and would be content to depart if it pleased them. The others asked whether they were Priests: they answered they were Catholics, and that further they would not answer, being no doubt desirous to be taken for such, the better to satisfy the insatiable mind of those blood-suckers. Then being asked where they had been all that while, they answered they had hid themselves, being Catholics, to avoid taking. And being urged to tell or show the place where, they absolutely refused.

But the searchers knowing well that it must needs be in the gallery by all circumstances, began afresh to search more violently than ever, and to break down the wainscot with which the gallery was lined, and the walls also in a number of places. And so they continued with all violence for five or six days after, and leaving no place untried in so great leisure as they had, it pleased God to end the misery in which they kept those two good Fathers by their so long and strait inclosure, and to deliver them “in manus quærentium animam illorum,”356 by permitting the searchers at last to light upon the place itself, where they had been hid so many days, “sustentati aquâ, angustiæ et pane tribulationis.”357 For the Fathers were resolved (as since I have been informed) there to have ended their days (which could not much longer have continued, the uneasiness of the room and their slender provision considered) rather than by coming out to have endangered their friends in whose house they had been so charitably entreated. But it was God’s will to have their great patience and many virtues better known by their public sufferance of violent death, than it could have been if they had been in that manner privately pined up in a corner. The searchers therefore having found and entered the secret place, they took out the two Fathers out of their close and painful prison, and they seized upon such Church stuff and books as were also laid up in the same place, which had made the room more strait and uneasy for the Fathers than otherwise it would have been. When the Fathers were taken, they soon knew who Father Ouldcorne was, because he had continued in that country many years and was well known and highly respected by most of the Catholics in all those parts.

He had also been often seen by many heretics of the country, and was once in their hands before in Queen Elizabeth’s time, taken on the sudden by some that came to search the house, as he was walking with another gentleman in the garden. But then out of his ready wit he escaped their hands; for coming with the searchers to the door, which went of the parlour into the garden, and finding it locked (which it is like the servants had done after they perceived the search, because they would have respite to pull down the altar and to hide the Church stuff and other things of peril), Father Ouldcorne, therefore, finding this door shut, called the servants hastily, as if he did reprehend them for keeping out the Queen’s officers, and when they came to open the door he stept in first, as if he did continue his speech of finding fault with their long stay, and suddenly clapt to the door upon the searchers, leaving them shut out and in the garden with the other gentleman; himself presently got into a secret place, perhaps the same which now was found, though then they could not find neither it nor the man again, though they sought him long and with great diligence. And the like strange escapes had happened to Father Garnett often, though in other manner.

And so we see, that when God will protect, he can hide a Felix between two walls, and make spiders His workmen to cover the entry with their webs. And again, when it is His pleasure to deliver up His servants to their last conflicts, no secret, no hide, no defence shall serve; but He will deliver them like sheep to the devouring of wolves, when He hath ordained them to so high an honour, as to suffer for His holy name, “ut simul compatiantur in hoc sæculo, qui conregnaturi sunt in futuro.”358 So it fell out to these two holy men, who after they had spent so many years in the gaining of souls, labouring both faithfully and fruitfully in God’s vineyard, so that they might say with the blessed Apostle, “Bonum certamen certavimus, cursum consummavimus, fidem servavimus:”359 what was now remaining but that they should be called by the just Judge to receive “illam coronam justitiæ quæ reposita erat illis,”360 and which therefore the Apostle doth not only appropriate to himself, but “iis etiam qui diligunt adventum Christi,” which truly was performed by these two in great measure, as both in their life and at their death they showed abundantly. Thus therefore Father Garnett and Father Ouldcorne being taken, and Father Ouldcorne soon known who he was, they laboured much to know whether the other were Father Garnett or no, and though they brought divers unto him to see if they did know him, yet they could find none for a good while that could and would discover who he was, until at last one poor man was brought, who had drunk too much of that cup of contradiction with which the craft of heresy hath sought of late to infect the minds of some of the weaker sort, thereby to divide, and so to destroy the kingdom of faith in our country; and this poor man, I hope rather out of simplicity than malice, took knowledge of him, having known him before and been beholden to him, and called him both by his own name Garnett, and by other names that he had known him to go by, by which he was also described in the proclamation. And this silly man did utter it with a kind of spleen, as seeming to hope that now the Jesuits would bear less sway than he thought they had done. It is thought he hoped for some favour from the Council for this his good service unto them (though a Priest, and then a prisoner in Worcester); but I cannot hear that he reaped any fruit besides a wounded conscience “ex hâc delatione et accusatione fratris sui;”361 and Father Garnett’s answer unto him was with great mildness and charity, according to his custom. Sir Henry Bromley now having what he desired, presently despatched posts unto the Council with this news, and kept the prisoners at his own house in the meantime until he might receive further order.

Unto these foresaid prisoners, Mr. Thomas Abington, the master of the house where they were taken, was also now adjoined, who came home to his own house two days after the search began, and was presently apprehended, that he might be in safety if any of these supposed traitors should chance to be taken in his house: because then by the laws he loseth both life and living. Sir Henry Bromley soon after receiving order from the Council to bring up Father Garnett and Father Ouldcorne with a good guard and strength to London, he performed presently their commandment, and went towards London attended with a great number of horses for the more safe custody of his charge. But the more he conversed with Father Garnett, the more he grew in estimation of him, and the more he showed in all things to respect him, although the man be otherwise a very earnest Puritan, and one of the forwardest that way of all Worcestershire. It happened by the way that the Minister who went with Sir Henry Bromley as his chaplain or preacher, seeing Father Garnett so modest and to speak so little, especially of matters of controversy, thought belike that he had been utterly unskilful in them, and desirous to get himself some credit in that kind, began to provoke Father Garnett to the combat; but Father Garnett, loth to give offence unto any, and esteeming the example of modesty more fruitful to a proud heretic than to contend with one so likely to resist the known truth, did once or twice put him off with a mild answer, showing only what the other should believe in such a case, and forbearing to allege any further reasons. Whereupon the heretic grew more insolent (as their custom is), and then began in sort to triumph in the hearing of others, which Father Garnett perceiving, and then doubting that his good meaning would be so easily discerned by his silence as misconstrued, without giving further answer to the Minister, he hastened his horse a little to overtake Sir Henry Bromley that rode before, and told him how his Minister had divers times provoked him to disputation, which he had purposely forborne, being loth to give offence unto him in whose custody now he was; and partly also, because he knew such disputations to be often fruitless where there is no judge of authority to restrain the subdued party from entering into terms of blasphemy and such like, which himself was not willing to hear, and therefore thought it better in such a case to be silent. But that if it pleased Sir Henry to hear the one and restrain the other in case it should be offered, he then for his part was very ready to give his Minister satisfaction to anything he would or could propound. Sir Henry commended very much his wisdom and government in the manner of his proceeding, and called the Minister presently, willing him to propound all things freely that he would, but yet with modesty. So the Minister began to discourse after their diffuse manner, producing many things not digested into any good method, nor founded upon any sure grounds of faith or learning. Father Garnett suffered him to speak his fill, as long as he seemed to continue in one matter, and then desired leave to speak. Then he in few words and excellent order related the substance of all that the other had said, and then repelled it with so substantial grounds, and with such demonstration of learning, and that even in those kinds which they most esteem and stand upon, which is the Scriptures and Tongues, that it put the Minister to silence and the Knight to great admiration, and all the audience were so satisfied both with his modesty and profound learning as it was reported presently by them all over London, to the great commendation of the good Father. But Sir Henry Bromley did seem so greatly to admire and affect him, that he affirmed to divers gentlemen of account, when he came to London, that he never in his life met the like man to Mr. Garnett either for modesty, wisdom, or learning, and that he would kneel before the King to save his life, if he were not found guilty of the Powder.

When they were come to London, the two Fathers were first committed close prisoners to the Gatehouse, their two servants to other prisons. When Father Garnett was carried into the prison, there stood a great number of prisoners at the gate expecting to see him as he passed, whom he seeing, asked aloud, “Is there any of you that be in for the Catholic faith?” And divers Catholics answering, “Yes, yes, we are Catholics, and prisoners for our conscience,” “Then,” said he, “I am your fellow.” So he was locked up in a chamber.

And it was two days after before he was examined, whereof the reason was guessed to be in that the Council, hearing so much fame of his virtue, gravity, and learning, and knowing well how much he was respected by many great persons, and esteemed also by the Ambassadors of the Catholic Princes then residing in London, it made them very wary, and to deliberate much how to proceed with him, and would not call him to examination before they had informed themselves of as much as they could learn of his words and carriage at his taking and bringing up to London, many of which (to our great grief and loss) are unknown to us; for that the three that were taken and brought up with him are all put to death, and were kept close until their death, and the times also have been so troublesome since, that we could not have such means as we desire to meet and talk with those that were eyewitnesses of many notable accidents, which we hope to do hereafter, and to have many things brought to light which will be greatly to God’s glory and all our comfort.

The third or fourth day after Father Garnett was committed to the Gatehouse he was sent for to be examined by five or six of the Privy Council, at which time, as ever after, they used him with great respect, unusual from meaner Commissioners than the Privy Council when Priests are examined, and especially those of the Society, whom, as being more hated by them, they are accustomed to revile with many bitter and disgraceful terms, whereof traitor is the least. But to Father Garnett the contrary was so far used that the Lords themselves would seldom speak unto him but they would put off their hat, and sometimes hold it off a good while, and they did usually call him Mr. Garnett at every word. Of this his first examination we have not the particular; but this only in general, that he answered so to all their questions that he gave them great satisfaction, and they after his departure gave him great commendation. Yea, one of the Council said, “he could not be misliked but for matter of doctrine only. As for the Powder he was clear of it.” So he was sent back to the Gatehouse for the time. But that time was very short, for he was soon after lodged in a stronger hold and in a straiter prison, where neither any that wished him well could come near him to understand how he was used, and where there wanted not instruments full of subtlety and cruel hatred against him, who would be sure to use him far otherwise than so mild a disposition and so worthy a man deserved.

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Chapter XI. Of Father Garnett, His Carriage to the Tower and Subtle Usage There. Also of the Usage of Fr. Ouldcorne and Nicholas Owen, Ralph, and John Grisoll in the Same Place

The expectation of this matter touching Father Garnett was great in every place, and the conceits of men very diverse and their discourses different what would become of so notable a man, being so famous for learning and piety and modesty as that his very enemies could speak no other but much good of him, unless they would so apparently wrong their judgments by judging contrary to the sight of all men. Some thought he should have favour, because they saw him used with such respect; some deemed it most likely they meant to permit his friends to redeem his life, as not finding sufficient pretence to put him to death, and therefore better to gratify some courtier with that which would be given for his life; in which hope I know one devout gentlewoman who offered 500l. as a fee to a courtier, that was very likely to obtain it if that had been their intention. Others judged this stay that was made of sending him to the Tower was but to give such hope to Catholics, and to see who would make suit for him in any kind; others, again, that it was done to try his constancy first by fair means, meaning afterwards to make trial of him by contrary usage, if that would not serve the turn. Briefly, the general report was that he was free from the Plot, and not to be touched with this conspiracy, which even Protestants affirmed to be most likely, in that he was not accused by any of the conspirators, as might be easily seen in their printed examinations, for that above all the rest would have been printed, if by favour or force or fear it could have been wrung out of them. Now as for Catholics, it was generally their opinion that he was innocent, for they knew very well he could not be guilty who had so often and so effectually laboured to stay them from all attempts or disobedience, though in matters of much less moment than this so cruel intention against the Parliament House.

But whilst all London and England was full of expectation what issue this cause would have, and every man gave his judgment of the matter according to his several humour and opinion, that course was taken which was from the first intended, and he was delivered up to the Lieutenant of the Tower, a fit instrument for such a purpose, as being a man most pliable to the will of those that had no will to do Father Garnett good. And the man’s mind and manner of proceeding may be seen by his first salutation to Father Garnett when he was brought into the Tower, for presently he began to revile him, saying “he was a plotter of all treasons.” But Father Garnett gave him no answer, and being demanded why he did not answer to those accusing words, he said “he was not moved with his words, for Christ his Master had taught him by His own example to bear quietly such contumely.”

His lodging and first usage there was not evil in exterior things (supposing the condition of the place), which doth allow no bed or any such provision to any prisoner but such as himself doth provide from his friends abroad; which help, until it be procured, a prisoner there may by favour have some straw to lie upon, and that was Father Garnett his couch until such necessaries could be sent unto him, which in his case could hardly be procured without danger to the senders, nor but by divers circumstances. First he was to send to some known prisoner or notorious Catholic, not as acquainted with him, but as by request in the way of charity. Then that party did send unto his friends, and after that it was not long in doing, but yet all done with great circumspection, as not doubting but all those that brought such things to that Catholic’s house that must seem to send them, would be watched narrowly, and perhaps dogged to their home, which is an ordinary practice in all such cases.

Being now settled in the Tower, the Council came thither to examine him, but found him always the same man, both constant in his faith and function, and faithful to his friends. For though they pretended they would not deal with him in any matter concerning his Priesthood (desiring, indeed, to have his case esteemed different from others against whom they had formerly proceeded), yet were many questions such as if he had answered either weakly or unwisely he must needs have brought many of his friends to great trouble; as, where he had lived for a long time, how he had been maintained, what places he was at in that last journey, what company he had met at the places which they affirmed he did stay in, and finally, whom he knew or had had any dealings withal. But he quit himself so wisely, and answered so resolutely in them all, as did sufficiently declare he neither could lawfully, nor would upon any condition detect others, knowing nothing by them but the exercise of Catholic religion and practice of virtue. Finally, there was not any whosoever of high or low degree that came in trouble by his default or oversight. There were also many occasions offered in those several examinations of showing his skill and knowledge in matters of learning. In particular for matter of equivocation, wherein he was much and often urged, and ever gave them such satisfaction as in reason they could wish no more. The particulars of divers such-like things we cannot as yet procure, they are kept so close (as commonly it is most done where they find least advantage); only that matter of equivocation being spoken of again at the bar by Mr. Attorney,362 then he referred to the former full satisfaction he had given them in his several examinations, though there again he repeated some points thereof briefly, as shall appear when we come to handle his arraignment.

The Council, finding that no advantage was to be gotten of him in his examinations, either against himself or others in this chief matter, they committed the care and charge of proceeding with him in that kind unto the Lord Chief Justice and the Attorney-General, to wit, Popham and Coke, both professed enemies to Catholics and their religion, who were so forward or rather so desirous to undertake the business, that (as it is said) they offered, if they might have their full scope to deal with him as they thought good, they would undertake to prove him guilty in the Plot of Powder. I pray God, that of the Prophet David be not proved against them both, “Veloces pedes eorum ad effundendum sanguinem,”363 when they shall be cited to a higher Tribunal, where neither the one shall plead nor the other be judge, but both be judged “secundum mensuram quâ mensi fuerint.”364

Father Garnett was delivered over to their pleasure,365 and it pleased them to examine him very often. In all which, though they found no advantage at all, yet, after three or four examinations, they were so bold as to give it out that he had confessed all. But this was for another end. For hereupon presently the Attorney spake in the Parliament House to have eight Jesuits condemned of this treason by the High Court of Parliament, vidlt., Garnett, Hall, Greenway, Gerard, Hamon, Westmoreland (there being no such of the Society), Cresswell, and Baldwin. But the Parliament refused to condemn these men without better proof of their being guilty, and therefore willed the Attorney (seeing he had Garnett’s examinations) to lay down the next day the proofs before them, which he promised to do in so clear manner as their lordships should rest satisfied of their guiltiness, and that by Garnett’s own confession. At the time appointed he brings his proofs, which all proved no confession of Father Garnett (as he had promised), and indeed nothing else but mere conjectures, imaginations, and inferences of his own, and that with so little colour of likely truth as no man applauded the motion, although there were very many that were no friends to the parties accused (to speak the least), and so Mr. Attorney his motion died, and was never after revived. Yea, a nobleman coming from the Parliament at that time, said to his friend, that these lawyers were so accustomed to lie that they could say truth in no place. But indeed Mr. Attorney must be excused for this time, the cause and case being very particular and a thing much sought for and long desired; and if it could have been thus huddled up without further examination, that so many of the Society might have stood convicted by Act of Parliament, it would have been (as they well hoped) a stain of record to the whole Society. But it pleased God otherwise to afflict and exercise his servants at that time “et infatuavit Deus consilium Achitophel.”366 I wish him from my heart a better end than Achitophel had, though his device and advice in this matter was of like malice. There were also some questions sent unto Father Garnett from the Parliament itself, and he answered to all their demands by writing in such sort as gave good satisfaction.

The Chief Justice and Attorney, in the meantime, did often visit Father Garnett, but not in that manner that they may expect to hear for their labour, “In carcere eram et visitastis Me.”367 They did daily vex him with subtle examinations and cruel interrogations, but finding they could win nothing by these means, they devised, by treacherous stratagems, to discover the secrets of his heart, if any were concealed by him of which they might take advantage. And to this end caused the keeper that had particular charge to keep his prison close and surely locked, and who alone was admitted to come unto him and to bring him his meat and other necessaries which he wanted. This man was directed to feign himself much moved with Father Garnett his behaviour and words (as, indeed, they were sufficient to move a better and wiser man than him that had not been without grace), and to pretend that he began to be much inclined and almost won to the Catholic faith, and, in the meantime, to show himself very friendly, and promise to be faithful to Father Garnett in anything wherein he might do him service. And the fellow was so cunning in this art of cozenage, and set so fair a gilt upon his copper, that the good Father, being full of charity, “quæ omnia credit et omnia sperat,”368 did hope the best of his mind, though he meant not to trust him so far as might greatly endanger either himself or others until he had better trial. But yet he made use of his offer so far as to send by him some notes of ordinary matters (as the fellow might think); first unto a prisoner in the Gatehouse, a virtuous Priest and his kinsman of his own name, unto whom he sent a short letter concerning some necessaries that he wanted, which letter being written with ordinary ink, he wrote besides in the margent and in the free parts of the paper some other things with the juice of orange, which could not be seen without holding to the fire, and would not have been suspected if the letter had only by casualty come to light. But this faithless messenger, opposing his malice to the Father’s charity, carried the letter presently to be scanned, which imported (besides the writing in black) a brief relation of the Father’s estate, the effect of his examination, and that he was so clear of the Powder that the same could not be proved against him. When this letter was thus read by warming at the fire, because it could not then be delivered to the Priest, they therefore counterfeited the Father’s hand and sent it to Mr. Garnett in the Gatehouse, to deceive him also and to make him to return answer to the Father, that so he might think himself secure, and be emboldened to commit yet further trust unto this false messenger.369

Then the Father, knowing how great care his friends abroad had of him, hoped he might use this man in like manner unto Mrs. Ann Vaux, a noble gentlewoman, and aunt unto the Baron I had occasion to speak of in the former chapters, who had for a long time showed great devotion and charity, serving Christ in His servants, much like, in her intended course, to those holy women of Matt. 27. whom the Evangelist speaketh, “Quæ secutæ sunt Jesum a Galilæa ministrantes ei.”370 This gentlewoman, out of her great and faithful charity to Father Garnett, followed him, indeed, not only when she might with liberty enjoy the comfort of his spiritual and fatherly counsel, but also with great constancy and an undaunted mind, seeking by all means possible how she might assist him in his troubles. She therefore, being most desirous to perform all friendly offices to Father Garnett, and, as charity is ever more careful of another’s want than fearful of their own danger, and more solicitous to provide for the one than to prevent the other: understanding that Mr. Garnett in the Gatehouse had received a letter safely (as it was thought) by the means of this keeper, she procured to speak with the man, and finding by all outward signs that he did much affect the good Father (whom she well knew to deserve so much affection), she thought she might be bold to send unto her good Father by him. And so she did, desiring to know what he wanted, and what she might perform to procure him any comfort. So that under hope of this safe means there passed divers letters between them by this keeper, all which were first delivered by him to those that had employed him in that bad office; who procured the letters to be so finely counterfeited, that being delivered they were received on both sides for the true hands of the first writers. And so their trust was deceived on both sides, and their letters sent by so false a messenger were continually read, which they thought had passed so safely. By which train they afterwards entrapped the gentlewoman and bred her trouble, as I will declare in his place.

But in the meantime, finding nothing by all this that might touch Father Garnett in that degree which they most desired (there passing nothing in those letters but either spiritual comforts from the good Father, or relation of his estate and examinations, and how he would have some matters disposed of which belonged to his charge, and which he had not means before to give order for, in respect of the late great troubles which had happened); therefore, this not succeeding as yet to their full desire, though they kept this still on foot, yet they invented and put in practice another subtle craft, so much further from suspicion as it was nearer home, where the Father might to his thinking freely speak unto his friend without fear that his words should come to scanning, which letters are often subject unto.

The hole in the wall where the FFrs. were overheard.

To this end they placed Father Ouldcorne in a chamber near unto Father Garnett. And one time this sly companion and cunning or rather cozening keeper, making show of great love to Father Garnett, told him there was a thing wherein he knew the Father would take great comfort, and which he would be willing to grant (as desiring to do him any service), but that he durst never as yet tell him of it, least it should be espied by others, and then he was undone. And this was, forsooth, that he might at some convenient times come to speak with Father Ouldcorne; and that he would willingly grant them both this favour, so that Father Garnett would promise never to disclose it, and give the like charge unto Father Ouldcorne. This being promised, the fellow showed Father Garnett the way unto the wall of Father Ouldcorne’s chamber, wherein there was a cleft by which they might well speak together and hear one the other, if they did speak of any loudness. This was accepted by both the Fathers as a great courtesy; as indeed it is no small comfort in such a place to men of their quality, if this honey had not been stuffed with too much gall. But this dogged fellow dogged them so closely, as they could never meet but he would be of the council, though unseen by them; for the place was purposely so contrived as that the sound of their words must needs be carried to another place not far off, where this keeper would stand and some other with him, to have a double witness in their double dealing. Whereupon it happened not long after that these two Fathers, thinking themselves secure in this point, took some fit time (as they thought) to have each other’s help in the Sacrament of Confession. And after they had ended their spiritual business, they began to confer of each other’s estate, demanding what had been asked and what answered in the times of their examinations. Amongst other things, Father Ouldcorne demanding of Father Garnett whether Mr. Winter’s going into Spain and his negotiation there were not laid to his charge, to this the Father answered, “He could answer that well enough, for after that time he had the King’s general pardon at the time of his coming to the crown, that other business with Spain being in the reign of Queen Elizabeth.” Then Father Ouldcorne also demanded whether he were not pressed with this matter of the Powder Treason, as being a likely thing they would urge that above all other matters against him. Father Garnett answered, that “so they did; but that they could prove no such matter against him, and that no man living could touch him in that matter, but one.” This, lo, was the word that afterwards bred him so much trouble, and others of his friends so much grief, until by his public answers he had cleared their doubts, and by his death put the matter out of doubt, that he was not to be charged with any crime in the matter of that treason, but that there was one man alone that could accuse him so far forth as might give a likely pretence to their laws to proceed against him, especially his enemies being his judges, and they not judged or ruled by the law of conscience, in which the Father was clear. This word, as the rest also, was overheard by the keeper and another easing-dropper, his companion in that listening and cony-catching office. Then they thought they had enough. This was carried with all speed unto the Council, with no small joy; as it was foretold by Christ should befall his followers. “Mundus gaudebit, vos vero contristabimini.”371 But this lot is not ever to lie on their side; for He that permits this to His servants for a time, hath promised also “quod tristitia vestra vertetur in gaudium,” and then “gaudium vestrum nemo toilet a vobis.” Then shall be verified, “Væ vobis qui ridetis nunc, quia flebitis,”372 and that with fruitless and yet everlasting tears. God grant they may see and shun the danger, which is far greater and more to be feared than that which did or could befall this good Father by this seeming misfortune. But to proceed.

The trouble of Mrs. Ann Vaux.

Then it was resolved presently, that either by fear or force they would wring out of him who this person was that only could accuse him, and how far he could be accused. Then they resolved also to pull off the vizard from the dissembling face of the false keeper, and that he should no more show his former readiness to please or pleasure the good Father; but only that he should bring the good gentlewoman into the snare, which he had before drawn her into by his faithless promising, which he performed in this manner. Finding the devout gentlewoman desirous to see her good Father at the window of his prison, he promised to satisfy her wishes therein, and appointed a time when she should come to the Tower privately, and he would carry her to a place where she should at the least see him, if not speak with him. She failed not of her time; but coming thither found such signs and causes of distrust, that she returned sooner than she had intended, and was followed by persons prepared for the purpose, to see whither she would go to take her lodging, thereby not only to bring her, but her friends also in question. The gentlewoman, perceiving herself to be dogged, would not go to her own lodging nor to any Catholic house; but wisely intended to have gone into the prison of Newgate, where there was great store of Priests and other Catholics, unto which many of all sorts had continual access. Thus far they let her pass quietly, but when they saw she intended to go no further, they presently staid her, and with some rough usage carried her back unto the Tower, from whence she came, and there committed her prisoner, which is a very unwonted place for women to be committed in. But her extraordinary zeal towards her good Father deserved this extraordinary honour of being thereby more noted and spoken of, by this confession both of her faith and fervour, which was so much the more honourable as the confession was more public, and that was so much the more, as the place was more eminent where she was imprisoned.

Presently after her imprisonment, there were many false rumours spread and slanders raised, according to their custom in such cases (where they desire most to obscure the most known virtues and best deserving persons) for it was reported in many mouths that Father Garnett was married to this gentlewoman, and such like stuff, which forsooth they would have therefore the rather believed in that she was forward to adventure for him, and to go to see a man in so great danger as he was: not understanding how much more force true charity hath than fond affection, but “Animalis homo non percipit ea quæ Dei sunt.”373 And they measure others by their own desires, not feeling any spark of that heat which moved so many good Maries to follow Christ and His Apostles, nor tasting any part of their comfort, who ministering corporal food unto their spiritual Pastors, receive also from God by their ministration that heavenly manna “quod nemo novit nisi qui accipit.”374 But those reports soon died, when they saw her sober and modest behaviour, giving very good example and as great edification by her carriage as she did satisfaction by her answers in all the time of her imprisonment, never relenting or repenting the forward zeal she had showed to help her good Father in his need; but rather contrary, that she should as willingly bestow her life as her labour to do God service in that kind. And so my Lord of Salisbury did give her testimony at Father Garnett’s arraignment.

About this time also was Mr. Garnett, the Priest in the Gatehouse, brought into further trouble for the letter he had received by the treacherous keeper, although it was signed and so licensed with the Lieutenant his hand, who had also, notwithstanding this leave given, seized upon all such necessaries as were then sent unto Father Garnett by this good Priest, and he was now also called into question about the whole matter, and strictly examined, and so removed from the Gatehouse to the Tower, where he remained in likely expectation both of torture and death for his charity shown to Father Garnett, to whom no man could show any friendship, and be withal esteemed “amicus Cæsaris.”

Then the Council appointed a set time of coming to the Tower to examine Father Garnett upon this advantage they had by cunning won of him out of his own words. There came thither to that end the Lord of Salisbury, the Lord of Suffolk, the Lord Northampton and others. How Father Garnett had been used in the meantime for his preparation to this business we cannot learn, but we have cause to think it was not so well at this time especially, as he out of his modesty was content to affirm of his usage in general, being asked the question at his arraignment. For when he was brought before the Lords, he was in a very strange plight, so thirsty as not able to spit or speak; beer was called for, and he drank two glasses before them; withal he was so drowsy, as not able to hold up his head; he complaining that he had not slept in five nights before. It was reported by divers of good intelligence in London, that he was watched of purpose and kept from sleep to make his head light, and himself less able to bear that which should be imposed upon him; also that he had some mixtures of intoxicating drink given him which should obscure his understanding and distemper his body. But in respect that Father Garnett being asked the question in public, did not take knowledge of any extraordinary hard usage in those kinds, I for my part do rather think it was done, but in such manner as himself could not perceive, by mixing his drink or meat with such confections as might work both those effects to distemper his body and hinder his sleep, and yet the Father not know when or how it was procured.

At this time he was so heavy in his head, that being not fit to be examined, the Lords permitted him to go sleep an hour, and then being awaked, he was brought unto them again, but was little better. Then they did examine him of many things concerning the Powder Treason, and particularly seemed to take knowledge that one had confessed something of him in that kind, and asked seriously whether there were not some one that could accuse him therein: which he confidently denied as thinking himself as secure from being accused in the knowledge of the matter as he was in conscience clear from all consent or approbation of the thing itself. When they saw him so absolute in denying this point, they carried him to the house of torture and there did torture him for some time; it is thought not very long.375 For then they opened the whole secret, how he had been overheard speak at the hole in the wall with Father Ouldcorne, and that he said, there was one man that could accuse him, of which words they produced two witnesses that said they heard him speak them; and how many more were brought in we know not. But Father Garnett then seeing his trust deceived and the matter discovered, thought it best for divers reasons not to stand in it any longer; but said that “in tantâ nube testium,”376 he would utter the matter justly as it was, that being the time wherein he might lawfully do it, and before he could not: the knowledge that he had being a secret committed to him in confession, which the penitent did only license him to utter, to save himself from torture, but not in any other case.

Then being taken down from the torture, he was demanded, how far he was of counsel or a furtherer of the Plot of Powder. He answered he was never any furtherer of it, but did ever both mislike it in his heart, and in what he could did hinder it. And being asked how it was, or by whom he might then be accused; he answered that he could not be otherwise accused of it, but that he had only a simple knowledge of it, and that also in so secret a manner as that it was never lawful for him to utter it, being in confession. They asked him how it came to be more lawful now to utter it than before. He said, in respect that now he had leave granted by the penitent, who had licensed him to utter it, rather than endure torture for keeping his confession secret. And being urged by some of the Lords, why it might be lawful to utter the secret of confession to save himself from torture, and not lawful to utter it for the saving of so many great persons from death, &c, he answered it was lawful in neither case, but by the license of the penitent, who only could “dilatare” or “restringere sigillum secreti,”377 which appertained to himself. Being then required to tell who that party was; he answered, they should see, he would deal plainly with them in all things, it being now lawful to utter his knowledge therein; and said, “the man was Father Oswald Tesimond.”

This acknowledgment of Father Garnett’s was after censured by many; and even by some of his friends and well-wishers esteemed a weakness in him. But if the causes that moved him thereunto be well weighed (as they were no doubt very well considered by him) the matter will not be found to deserve any imputation of fear or imprudence in Father Garnett. For after it was once bolted out at the hole in the wall that he was to be accused of it (which thing indeed made the overture to all) if he had then insisted upon denial, that would neither have saved his life, nor his estimation touching that matter; yea rather, it would have left him suspected of further practice as a principal plotter of the matter, and withal would have made all the rest of his true assertions the more distrusted. Whereas by telling the plain truth, that he only heard it in confession, he did both show himself and the party from whom he heard it to be free from being either principals or parties in the action, especially declaring unto them as he did how the matter passed, to wit, that Father Tesimond came unto him much troubled about the matter, desiring for the ease of his conscience to go to confession, and therein declared, that such an intention and practice was opened unto him; wherein he might have some doubt whether he had done his duty. For though (as I have heard it affirmed by some of credit, that since have spoken with Father Tesimond) he did utterly mislike the practice, and refuse to assist them any way, either by counsel or otherwise, yet doubts or scruples fit for confession might arise in his mind two divers ways. First, on the one side he might be doubtful whether he had sufficiently dissuaded them from it, and used the best and most effectual reasons to withdraw them from proceeding therein, both in respect of the matter itself and of the charge he had from his Superiors not to meddle with any matter of State, much less of that quality that concerned the life of any, or attempts against the Prince. So on the other side, he might have some motions to doubt whether in that case378 God did not intend by them to punish heresy and revenge the cause and quarrel of his servants with a temporal affliction to some of their chiefest afflictors, which he knew well would be much more severely punished in the next world if it be not repented in this. Therefore being uncertain of the secret judgments of God, and seeing them so resolute in it, and to protest they did it only for the redeeming of the Church from persecution in England and like danger in other places, if the root of heresy should continue; but especially that they did it to save so many souls as daily were cast away, whilst heresy was in that strength and power, against which also, they said, no other means was left in human likelihood by which they could hope redress of so many evils, much greater without comparison than the loss of such as were to perish in the action. Remembering therefore the reasons they alleged, though he was sure he might not himself be an actor or furtherer thereof in any kind, yet perhaps he might doubt how far he was bound to hinder it in others. And so the matter on both sides might breed some doubts, and whether he feared he had done too much, or too little, in the cause, yet his fear on either side might be cause sufficient of confession;379 and his confession a sign that he rather disliked than approved the Plot in any sort. For either he must confess that he had hindered it or not. If that he had hindered it, then he was no furtherer of it; if that he had not hindered it sufficiently, then it was apparent he misliked the Plot, and meant to hinder it. But the truth indeed was (as I have heard it) that he had sought to hinder it by persuasion; but was doubtful whether in so earnest and effectual manner as might be likely to prevail with so absolute resolutions.

Father Garnett, therefore, opening the plain truth of the matter according to the leave he had of the penitent in that case, did not any way prejudice, but rather relieve, both his own and his penitent’s case as things then stood. But some will say, what needed Father Garnett have opened the name of the party, and not rather indefinitely have affirmed that some one in confession did open it unto him. But this (if it be well considered) would not have served. For, first, if he had named no person, he could never have taken away the fear and jealousy of the King and State, knowing assuredly that one man yet lived that was privy to the matter, and for ought they knew might be still in the same mind, and live in place, or be of power, to effect some mischief. Besides, by such concealment, he might fear great troubles would follow to many Catholics, especially that all the friends of the Society would have been troubled with continual examinations, searches, and vexations; and that his particular acquaintance should assuredly have been suspected, imprisoned, and convented before the Council as traitors under this pretence; and so to save one man from trouble he should have been the cause of trouble to many, besides his own extremity of torture, which would have been with all force and fury laid upon him until he had told the truth. And to name any other person living, it was not lawful, because not true; and to name one of the gentlemen that were slain would not have been sufficient, he having said that one man living might accuse him. And to name in particular Father Tesimond did not seem to give any just cause of increase to the hard opinion they had of him before, knowing by Mr. Winter of his going into Spain with him (though they mistook the cause) and by Bates380 of his going unto the gentlemen in Warwickshire after they were up in arms, though there also they misinterpret his intention. But this supposed, and he thereby as much laid for and as likely to suffer (if he were taken) by their former conceits, as by this one particular, this circumstance of his uttering it in confession might rather extenuate than aggravate his peril in just reason and the opinion conceived of him. For as I showed before, it proved a dislike of the action, or an endeavour against it, or both, and this before his confession. Then Father Garnett adding thereunto his further charge, that he should do his uttermost to dissuade and divert them from their purpose, and he promising to do his best, all these points do prove sufficiently that he was neither contriver nor counsellor, nor yet consenter to the Plot, of all which he stood then accused in the proclamation, so that the knowledge of the truth might seem to help and not to hinder him in anything.

All others of the Society apparently cleared from any knowledge of the Plot.

These and many more effectual reasons no doubt were considered by Father Garnett, which moved him not to conceal the whole truth of his knowledge, and the means how it came unto him; which cannot therefore be justly imputed to any frailty or imprudence in him, but rather esteemed as an argument of his care to take away jealousies from the King, who could not fear any further power or practice in Father Tesimond; to prevent troubles from Catholics; to free himself and the other also from opinion of any consent unto the Plot; but especially to clear all the rest of the Society from so much as the least knowledge that any such thing was intended. Which truth may evidently be proved out of Father Garnett’s words, “That one only could accuse him of his knowledge thereof;” for if any more of the Society had known thereof, it is certain they would and must have confessed the same to him, if they took it for a fault; if otherwise, at least have sought his advice out of confession. So that no more imparting the matter to him, it was apparent no more did know of it; and therefore very likely to be God’s especial providence that Father Garnett should be overheard to speak these words unto his confident friend in private (whereby it was most apparent he meant not to be heard by others), that thereby all others might be cleared; though for the time it occasioned his further trouble, which God doth often permit to His elected servants, for their further increase of glory in another world.

This, therefore, Father Garnett acknowledged then in his examination before the Council, that they might see, as he told them, he dealt truly and plainly with them in all things. And they asking him why he did not before acknowledge so much, but did protest against it, he answered it was not before lawful for him to do it, because he had no leave but in that case; and that it was a thing both lawful in all laws, divine and human, and ordinary also in their own practice, for men to plead not guilty, until they be convicted by witness, which he especially might do in this case, this being no sin or crime in him, and was bound to do until this time, it being before “sigillum secreti confessionis,”381 which now was released by the penitent’s leave.

So they left Father Garnett for the time; but carried with them matter enough, as they thought, to convict him of this treason in show of the world. To which end it was presently given out through the whole town, that he had confessed all, and now they could prove the Jesuits to be principal plotters of this treason, and him and Greenway to be chief authors and devisers of the same; and it was in most men’s mouths that all this was under Garnett’s hand confessed. And this presently carried unto the Ambassadors there residing, that by them it might be divulged in others States; and so a falsehood first grounded, might be more hard to be removed by sequent information of the truth, and their proceedings against Father Garnett might seem more justifiable. This report, although it troubled the Catholics of England much until they knew the contrary, yet could they not believe it, being so well acquainted with the giving out of such things, as the chiefest do desire to have believed, although the truth be often found on the contrary side.

In the meantime Father Ouldcorne was also called in further question about this conference and about his knowledge of the treason; but they found him always like himself, both virtuous and wise and constant in both, and as, indeed, he knew nothing thereof, so he ever professed his absolute innocency therein and patiently endured the extreme torments they put him unto, as I have heard five hours every day, four or five days together, which was a greater extremity than one will easily believe that hath not tried it.

Likewise one that did attend upon Father Ouldcorne, and did assist him in his journeys and many good works when he was at liberty, did now suffer with him, as he afterwards died with him. His name was Ralph ———;382 and he was divers times put upon the torture; but the certain number or measure of the times I cannot yet learn. But he patiently and constantly endured all without revealing any one place or person of his master’s acquaintance.

But, above all, they were most troubled and tormented that were known most to belong unto Father Garnett; of which kind they had first taken one John Grissold, an honest faithful man, who had the keeping of a house where the foresaid Mrs. Ann Vaux and a kinswoman of hers did use to dwell near unto London, and where they imagined Father Garnett did also remain with them. This honest man being taken in the beginning of the troubles, was first committed close prisoner to the Gatehouse and there lodged in a dungeon upon the bare ground, for the keeper (though he were earnestly entreated by the other prisoners) would not allow him so much as straw to lie upon, pretending that if he had any straw to lie on, he would with that set fire on the house. This man did both endure his affliction with great patience and answer in all his examinations with great constancy and fidelity. But afterwards, when Father Garnett was taken and prisoner in the Tower, the Commissioners desiring to get matter against him, removed this man to the Tower also, and there put him to the torture with great extremity and very often, almost every day for a long time together, as we did confidently hear reported; with which and with other bad usage in his diet and lodging, he was for a long time after like to die, and it was thought by many that he was dead, and doubtless he escaped very hardly.

But the man that was most extremely used and with extremities brought unto the last extremity, which is death itself, was one Nicholas Oven, commonly called and most known by the name of Little John. By which name he was so famous and so much esteemed by all Catholics, especially those of the better sort, that few in England, either Priests or others, were of more credit. This man did for seventeen or eighteen383 years continually attend upon Father Garnett, and assist him in many occasions. But his chief employment was in making of secret places to hide Priests and Church stuff in from the fury of searches; in which kind he was so skilful both to devise and frame the places in the best manner, and his help therein desired in so many places, that I verily think no man can be said to have done more good of all those that laboured in the English vineyard. For, first, he was the immediate occasion of saving the lives of many hundreds of persons, both ecclesiastical and secular, and of the estates also of these seculars, which had been lost and forfeited many times over if the Priests had been taken in their houses; of which some have escaped, not once but many times, in several searches that have come to the same house, and sometimes five or six Priests together at the same time. Myself have been one of the seven that have escaped that danger at one time in a secret place of his making. How many Priests then may we think this man did save by his endeavours in the space of seventeen years, having laboured in all shires and in the chiefest Catholic houses of England? Then for spiritual good, it is to be noted he was partner with them all in the gain of souls wherein he did preserve them; and to which end he intended directly all his works, labouring in that painful and dangerous business to keep them in safety for the saving of souls, which it appeared well he respected more than his own body, for he was not ignorant that his office was much subject to the danger of spies, and that when he should happen to be taken he was sure to be extremely handled to wrest out of him the secrets of other men’s houses. And so, de facto, he did prove it ten years before this his last apprehension, at which time being taken with Father Gerard, though it were not known directly that he was the man that used to make secret places, neither the time as then all out so violent (things passing much with us by storms and calms, as in times of former persecution), yet was he then put to extreme torture, and used besides with all cunning to see if either force or fear would make him to relent. But when they found that he was so constant he would not yield in the least point, and so discreet withal that they could not take any advantage of his answers either against himself or others, having no evidence at all nor witness to come in against him, they could do no more but keep him still in prison, which they did until Catholics, that could hardly want him abroad, with a good round sum of money did purchase his liberty.

One reason that made him so much desired by Catholics of account, who might have had other workmen enough to make conveyances in their houses, was a known and tried care he had of secrecy, not only from such as would of malice be inquisitive, but from all others to whom it belonged not to know; in which he was so careful that you should never hear him speak of any houses or places where he had made such hides, though sometimes he had occasion to discourse of the fashion of them for the making of others. Yea, he did much strive to make them of several fashions in several places, that one being taken might give no light to the discovery of another. Wherein he had no doubt great aid from Almighty God, for his places were exceeding fortunate (if so we may term the providence of God), and no marvel, for he ever began his work with communicating that day he entered upon it, and, as much as his labour would give him leave, did continually pray whilst he was working. But the contriving of his works in the safest manner were also very much assisted by an extraordinary wit and discretion which he had in such measure as I have seldom in my life seen the like in a man of his quality, which is also the opinion of most that did know him well. But, above all, that which did most commend him both in the sight of God and man, was his innocent life and earnest practice of solid virtues. For the first it was such, that I think no man can say that in all that seventeen or eighteen years they heard him swear by any oath, or ever saw him out of charity; yea, I have heard his ghostly Fathers affirm very seriously, that in all that time they never knew him to have committed mortal sin, nor anything that might be doubted to be such. His practice of the chiefest virtues was such that he had gotten great habits both in the religious virtues of poverty, chastity, and obedience, and no less in humility, patience, and charity, which upon all occasions were very plainly seen in his conversation and actions, insomuch that he was as a pattern of those virtues in every house where he came. One trial of his patience I cannot omit, because it was most apparent and worthy memory.

He was sent on a time to London by his Superior to fetch certain household stuff behind him upon a horse that was somewhat resty. He loaded his horse in an inn, and afterwards got up in the saddle with great difficulty; but then the horse would not forward, whether misliking his load or no, it is uncertain; but instead of going forward he rose so high with his forefeet that he fell backward and fell upon the man and burst his leg; which sore hurt he did bear with so great patience, and in like sort the dressing thereof divers times, but especially when being false knit, it was needful to have it broken the second which was worse than the first, that they all admired him in the inn, where he was forced to lie a long time. And whereas his friends were much afraid he would there have been discovered in his long abode, yet his patience and virtue got him so much love that he received no harm, but was ever after most welcome to the place.

Upon this hurt and the ill-setting of the leg-bone, one leg was a little bended and shorter than the other, whereof he had some halt, but so little as you could scarcely discern it; wherein, as he was made somewhat like in his pace unto blessed Father Ignatius (whose child and scholar he was), so did he labour to follow his steps in his Rules and holy Institution, whereof he was a most religious observer, and as we generally think a Lay-coadjutor of the Society, admitted by Father Garnett some years before his death, though his humble and discreet carriage was such as you could not discern any liberty of fellowlike conversation that he took thereupon with any of the Society, but rather carried himself in all things as a servant. And I have some reasons more in particulars to think that he was assuredly admitted of the Order, yet those can better tell that are of the Society here in England.

Now to come to the manner of his death. It was such as might be expected from so innocent and holy a life; yea, such as the enemy did therefore much malign and to seek to hide, and that with disgrace in all he might. Being taken with Father Garnett, as hath been said, he was first committed to the Marshalsea, and not close prisoner of purpose (as it is thought) to observe who would come unto him; but he was too wise to give any advantage. When Father Garnett was committed to the Tower, he also was sent thither, there to be tortured, and that with all extremity, as it was before intended when he was first known to be taken; for even then a chief Councillor said, “Is he taken that knows all the secret places? I am very glad of that. We will have a trick for him.” And so indeed they tricked him when they had him in the Tower, for they tortured him so long and so often that his bowels gushed out together with his life; which when they did espy, thinking to cover their own cruelty with his slander, they gave it out that he had slain himself with a knife that was lent him to eat his meat withal. And to make this report to go for current amongst the common people, they set forth a ballad with his picture, ripping out his own bowels with a knife as he lay in bed, his keeper being also in the chamber busy about some other thing. But this false slander was so improbable that even his enemies did not believe it, much less his friends that were so well acquainted with his innocent life and long-continued practice in virtue, besides his former tried constancy in that kind. For all men did see it stood with no likelihood that, after all his torments so patiently sustained, he should then of impatience or fear of more torments cast away himself; for then he would rather have done it before his torments, or after the first time to prevent the next, for he was beforehand well assured they meant to use him with all extremity; and yet all the while he was in the Marshalsea, or where his carriage might be seen, no sign of fear or trouble of mind could be discerned, but an humble and quiet settled mind, using great diligence in prayer, as one that prepared himself to his last conflict, which he might well expect, especially knowing the state of his body, as he did, which I will by-and-bye declare. Again, if he would have yielded to sin to save himself from pain, would he not rather have yielded to their desires and discovered the secret places that he knew, for which he might be well assured not only to escape torments, but to be most highly rewarded, as one that could have done them more service in that kind than any man in England whosoever, and might have brought more Priests into their hands and more gentlemen’s and noblemen’s livings into their possession than any one man could; yea, he might have made it almost an impossible thing for Priests to escape, knowing the residences of most Priests in England, and of all those of the Society, whom he might have taken as partridges in a net, knowing all their secret places which himself had made, and the like conveyances in most of the chief Catholics’ houses in England, and the means and manner how all such places were to be found, though made by others. So that as no one man did more good than he in assisting the labours of all the Priests that were workmen in that vineyard, so no ten men could have done so much harm as he alone might if he had been so disposed; by which he well knew he might have made himself great in the world, not only by their rewards for so great and extraordinary service, but also by the spoil of Catholics’ goods, being so many and so great, as he might have come to the rifling of, and have had no doubt much thereof for his own share, especially the Church stuff, which he knew to be very rich in some places, and where and how it was laid up. These motives therefore of riches, credit, and pleasure, being joined with assurance of life and liberty, had been more likely baits for him to have bitten at, if he would have swallowed the hook of sin for the avoiding of torment, than by the torment of death voluntarily assumed, not to end his torments, as he well knew, but to begin a never-ending and that also much more intolerable torment in hell-fire. He wanted neither wit nor knowledge in spiritual things to discern the great difference between these two; especially seeing on the one side with pleasures and riches in the world to be joined a longer life, and so a time wherein he might at last hope to do penance and be saved. Whereas on the other side he could see nothing but present death without comfort, and that but “initium dolorum,”384 the door, as it were, into the house of horror, despair, and everlasting torments.

No; the truth was this: the man had lived a saintly life, and his death was answerable, and he a glorious martyr of extraordinary merit. God assisted him with so much grace that in all his torments he gave not the least sign of relenting, not any sign of impatience, not any one word by which the least of his acquaintance either did or might come in any trouble, of which three kinds they could not so much as feign any little instance to set forth with their forged slander, but set out the bare lie without any colour or likelihood at all. Indeed, I think they intended not to have killed him by torture, though they meant to give him enough, and more than ever any sustained of whom we can find records. For he hung in the torture seven hours together, and this divers times, though we cannot as yet learn the certain number, but day after day we heard of his being carried to torments. Now true it is, and well known to many, that the man had a rupture in his belly, taken with excessive pains in his former labours; and a man in that case is so unable to abide torments, that the civil law doth forbid to torture any man that is broken. He, therefore, being not only tortured, but that with so much extremity and so long continuance, it could not be otherwise but that his bowels should come out; which, when they perceived, and minding as yet to continue that course with him, they girded his belly with a plate of iron to keep in his bowels, but the extremity of pain (which is most, in that kind of torment, about the breast and belly) did force out his guts, and so the iron did serve but to cut and wound his body, which, perhaps, did afterwards put them in mind to give it out that he had ripped his belly with a knife. Which, besides all the former reasons, is in itself improbable, if not impossible. For first, in that case, knives are not allowed, but only in time of meat, whilst one stands by, and those such as are broad at the point, and will only cut towards the midst. And if one be sore tortured (though much less than he was), he is not able to handle that knife neither for many days, but his keeper must cut his meat for him. But his particular case proceeded yet further, for his weakness was such that when a kinswoman of his (to whom they sent for some relief for him) desired to see by his handwriting what he would have, his keeper answered, “What would you have him write? He is not able to put on his own cap: no, not to feed himself, but I am forced to feed him.” This man was likely, then, belike, to do such a deed with a knife which he was not able to grasp. But afterwards, the same party, seeking further to know his estate, and coming to the keeper to learn, as desirous to help him with anything that was needful, he secretly wished her to trouble herself no more, for, said he, “The man is dead, he died in our hands.” This was known presently to divers Catholics, though reported in private, as it was spoken, for fear of further examination and trouble. For after they had published that he had killed himself, and seeing it was not believed, the only argument they had to give it credit was to commit those to prison that spake against it, of which there were divers examples to terrify others. “Sed Deus revelabit abscondita tenebrarum et manifestabit consilia cordium.”385 And of this great and worthy martyr there is no question but many witnesses will one day be produced to the glory of God and His servant, and the safety of their own souls if ever they come to penance. In the meantime I desire my soul may have part with his, and myself may be assisted with his holy prayers. About whose life and death I have been the longer, to show how much the truth of his virtuous life and glorious death is contrary to the published slander. This happy soul suffering all this, only for his conscience and constant practice of charity, not being so much as accused of any other crime.386

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Chapter XII. Of the Arraignment, Condemnation, and Execution of the Conspirators, With the Full Clearing of Some of the Society Falsely Accused in This Arraignment

About387 this time was discovered unto the Council the place where Father Garnett was, insomuch as they gave present order for his apprehension, as I will declare in the next chapter; but it could not be so soon effected as it was hoped and desired, so that in the meantime, although they were most desirous to defer the execution of the conspirators as long as might be, coveting to have found matter in Father Garnett whereby he might have been joined to them as a party at least, if not a principal contriver and author of their plot, yet finding his apprehension not to be speedy, and having no proofs and therefore weak hopes of proving him guilty, they could not well defer the trial of the conspirators so long time. Therefore upon the —388 of January, they were all carried from the Tower to Westminster Hall by water, being nine in number: vidlt., Sir Everard Digby, Knight, Mr. Robert Winter, Esquire, Mr. Ambrose Rokewood, Esquire, Mr. John Grant, Esquire, Mr. Thomas Winter, and Mr. John Winter, brothers unto Robert Winter, Mr. Guido Faulks, Mr. Robert Keyes, and Thomas Bates, servant to Mr. Robert Catesby, of all which mention hath been made in the precedent chapters, sufficient both to declare the quality and conditions of each one of them, unto which I remit the careful reader, if he be desirous to renew his memory and to join the consideration of their life with the inspection of their death.

Being brought to Westminster Hall before the Court was ready to sit, they were staid some half-hour in the Star Chamber, where in that little time of stay all men did note a great resolution in them, not seeming to fear or respect either judgment or death itself; nor showing any sign of sorrow for their attempt, in regard of their intention thereby to have pulled down heresy and set up the Catholic religion. Their state of mind and manner of carriage may in part be discerned by that printed pamphlet, which was presently set forth, entitled A true report of the Imprisonment, Arraignment, and Death of the late Traitors, wherein although all their particular words and actions were of set purpose left out, which might sound to their commendation, and many words of contumely and disgrace heaped upon them and their religion also in the most odious manner that could be devised; yet even that which is there set down of them did confirm very many in opinion that they thought themselves clear from offence to God in the matter, and that they were thereby made the more willing to suffer for the same cause. For there it is set down “that they spake little but in commendation of their conceited religion; also, that they asked no mercy either of God or the King for their offence, but seemed as though in their conscience they thought the work to be meritorious; also, that some did seem to enforce a stern look, as if they would fear death with a frown; also, that they did only pray by the dozens upon their beads.” Thus they scoff at the iteration of the Ave Maria and the set number of them which Catholics use in saying their beads. But by all these it appears they were nothing daunted with that which they expected, but were well persuaded of their cause, although they knew it was and would be condemned by the world. All which I do the rather set down, as well for the verity of the story, as that all men may see how needful it is even for the best minds to follow counsel, although their intentions be never so direct; seeing men of so excellent parts ran into so foul an error, and attempted so dangerous an enterprise against the whole State, by their own rash and heady courses, against the advice of their spiritual guides. For if they would have followed the advice of Father Garnett, they had never fallen into this grievous disorder.

When the Court was set, they were all brought into the hall and placed upon the scaffold at the bar to answer to their indictments. And, first, their indictments were read, wherein, as the manner is, their whole designment was laid open, together with the names and number of the conspirators, and the beginning and prosecution of the whole Plot, in such order as hath been before declared out of their confessions, only now they intermixed many untruths devised of their own head against the Jesuits, accusing them without any instance of time or place, and without any proof or witness at all, not only as parties of the conspiracy, but as principal actors, yea, and authors of the whole Plot. And to this end they did name those three as principal, whom they had before put in the proclamation, vidlt., Garnett, Tesimond,389 and Gerard; yet always adding unto them “and other Jesuits,” whereby it is apparent they meant by degrees to bring in the whole Company, having no proof against any, more than evil will suggested. For this was before they came to know that Father Garnett and Father Tesimond were acquainted with it in that secret manner that they could not reveal it,390 at which time both they dissuaded it, and by all lawful means did labour to hinder it. But here both they and Father Gerard by name, and other also without name, were accused of it, who never had the least knowledge or imagination of such a matter. And yet to make the matter good against them, here they were accused in this indictment, where none of them were present to answer for themselves; and were joined with the conspirators who were sure to be convicted and condemned of the fact, that the Jesuits might also seem to stand convicted and proved guilty with them; and this not only as partners, but, as I have said, as principal counsellors and causers of the whole treason. To which end they brought in in the indictment certain solemn meetings and consultations between the aforesaid three Jesuits391 and the principal of these gentlemen, especially Catesby, Winter, Percy, Faulks, and Wright; at which time these Jesuits (said the indictment) did persuade those gentlemen that the King being an heretic stood excommunicate, and therefore might be deposed, and finally persuaded them that there was no better way to effect that and restore Catholic religion than to blow up the Parliament House with gunpowder. All this was there fathered upon the Jesuits, whereof there was no one word true, as hath already and shall hereafter more apparently be showed.

And first, the prisoners unto this indictment did all plead not guilty, which though it be an ordinary course for all to do, until they have answered for themselves what they can, and then be cast by the verdict of the jury, yet in their case it was thought strange; they having all confessed the fact before in their several examinations. It was asked therefore afterwards of Mr. Guido Faulks, how he could plead not guilty, being so apparently taken in the place where the powder was laid up, and with matches and instruments about him for the purpose he intended, and seeing that also he never denied the fact nor the intention; but had confessed himself privy to the whole designment and of the most secret counsel from the beginning. It was much marvelled, therefore, how he amongst all the rest could plead not guilty; unto which he answered that he granted all to be true which they now spake of himself; but that he pleaded not guilty to the indictment, in regard of the meetings and consultations there alleged between the Jesuits and them, of which he said he knew nothing nor ever heard of any such counsel or persuasion from them. Now unto this his speech, which did so clearly discharge the Jesuits from all the imposed crime, what answer, think you, was given? Truly a very poor one. Forsooth, that all that was put in for form of law, because it must be presupposed.

But must untruths be presupposed in the place of justice, where right and truth stand to be tried from faults and falsehood, as gold and brass distinguished by the touchstone? And if some consultations must for form sake be set down before the acts themselves be said to be concluded of or commenced, yet must the innocent needs be thrust into the number and made the principals in the parley? Let us suppose the indictment had been drawn by some lawyers that had been no good friends to the Chief Justice and Attorney and Solicitor there present, and that their three names had been put into the indictment instead of the three Jesuits there named, and the whole matter laid upon their counsel and persuasion; would this have seemed to them to be just dealing and fit for the place of justice, only for that such consultations must be presupposed? Well, the time must come (and God knoweth how soon) when they and all that were the compilers of that indictment shall stand at the bar in a higher court, where their indictment will also be read, being already written by themselves in these their actions, “Eadem enim mensura, quâ mensi fuerint, remetietur eis.”392

The Attorney his Speech.

But to proceed in the narration. When the indictment was read, and they all pleaded not guilty, then according to the custom in such cases, the King’s Serjeant-at-Law (whose name was Sir Edward Philips) endeavoured to lay open the indictment that the cause of those that stood indicted might seem the more odious unto the jury and all the standers-by. After him Sir Edward Coke, the King’s Attorney-General, began his speech, wherein first he laboured to excuse the long stay that had been made of that trial and arraignment of the conspirators, which he supposed many did marvel to see so long deferred, supposing the grievousness of their fact and the apparent evidence that was to be brought against them. For excuse whereof he alleged divers reasons which some of the standers-by thought very insufficient; as, namely, that Mr. Robert Winter and Mr. Stephen Littleton were not long before taken. But what if it had been some months after before they had been apprehended (as it might well have been if by accident they had not been discovered), should then the execution have been deferred until their taking? Also he alleged, that if they had made more haste, they might have hanged Johnson instead of Faulks. But that had been a small matter, they being sure of the same man, and he of his punishment, which would have been neither greater nor less to him if he had received it by a wrong name. If Johnson and Faulks had been two several men, and then one hanged for the other, such a mistaking of the men or matter had been indeed an error, and to be prevented with some longer stay. But Mr. Attorney did not allege that which was the chief cause of this stay of execution, to wit, an earnest desire to have brought the Jesuits upon the stage if they could have been proved guilty, as they did their names into the indictment without any proof at all; yea, contrary to the published examinations and the now public witness of the conspirators themselves, as there it appeared. Secondly, Mr. Attorney did seek to excuse himself to foreign Princes in that he was forced to produce their names in that odious action, which he said he would not otherwise have done, but that he was enforced thereunto by the confessions of the conspirators, which he was to urge against them, and said he, the names of foreign Princes were so woven into the matter by their confessions, that they could not conveniently be left out. In all which I must allow of Mr. Attorney his modesty and care not to offend so great persons, who, though they were named, yet in no sort accused by any of the conspirators.

Father Gerard false accused and fully cleared.

But here in defence of the innocent, we have cause to demand of Mr. Attorney why he was not also careful to forbear the offence of a much higher Majesty, that is, of God Himself, by accusing His servants wrongfully, without any cause at all given by them, or occasion offered by the confession of the conspirators, in which they were not so much as named? Yet Mr. Attorney would needs enforce those meetings and consultations to be true which the indictment had mentioned, and which, you heard before, the conspirators disclaimed, and in respect thereof did all plead not guilty: although for their own part, they denied not the fact, nor the consultations which they had amongst themselves before they concluded of the matter. Mr. Attorney, notwithstanding, would needs insist in the same disproved falsehood, and added thereunto another most egregious untruth, never so much as thought of by the party accused, as he hath often and most seriously protested to his private and confident friends, and once in my own hearing. The tale is this: that Father Gerard did give the oath of secrecy and perseverance in this treason unto the conspirators, and then heard their confessions and ministered the Blessed Sacrament unto them. Than which a more false and pernicious slander could not be raised or reported of any man living, nor more contrary to his very natural disposition and known manner of proceeding, as all men will answer for him that are much conversant with him.

But I would ask Mr. Attorney upon what ground he did raise and report this false surmise? Did any one man ever accuse him of it, or could it be justly gathered by any little word or tittle of their confessions? They are printed and published, and I have them now by me whilst I write this. I have often read them over, and my eyes are not of so quick a sight as to discern the least cause of surmise leading to any such matter. But perhaps Mr. Attorney had it by revelation. Certainly he neither had nor brought any proof at all of so foul an accusation, which had been requisite to a man of his place. And it had been well he would have considered for his own credit that which all men know, that if there had been any such thing confessed by the conspirators, without which he could never know it, infallibly it would have been set down in their confessions; which I prove apparently by this reason: Mr. Attorney here affirmeth that he was forced to speak of other Princes, because their names were so intermixed or woven (as he termeth it) into their confessions, that he could not declare the one without the other. If then that which he saith he was so unwilling to speak of was publicly set down in their printed confessions, because they were annexed by the examinates to the discourse of their said confessions, how much more would this against a Jesuit have been left in (which here they charged him withal)393 if any such thing had been true, or confessed for such by the conspirators? I hope Mr. Attorney will not say that he suppressed the matter for good-will unto him, and was more loth to have his name spoken of in so odious a cause than the names of those Princes which he would so fain have concealed, but that he could not unweave their confessions so much, into which they were inserted.

But if you will indeed know the true reason why this absurd fiction was not set down in their printed confessions, and yet was here averred by Mr. Attorney, you must understand that the author of that first relation and discourse of all this treason and of the course and proceeding thereof (wherein the treason itself of gunpowder, the discovery thereof, the rebellion of the conspirators, their apprehension, and their confessions, were all published with all known, due, and true circumstances) was so careful of his authority and the credit of his narration, that he would not blemish the same with reporting any known untruth. And indeed the author was said to be of no less authority than the King himself; as it is easy to be gathered out of another book set forth soon after by the Earl of Salisbury, entitled An Answer to certain Scandalous Papers, in which, he saith, speaking of that discourse, “that every line discovered where Apelles’ hand hath been.” Now, on the other side, Mr. Attorney being not so sure a friend to truth, nor so careful of his own credit in that point, did not stick to allege this dream or device of his own for a true narrative, than which there never was a more foul untruth devised, the party accused being no more privy unto the giving or taking of any such oath, nor to any such plot or purpose in any one of the conspirators than the Attorney himself was, or whosoever doth think himself the furthest from it. And so it may appear that others of greater authority and judgment than Mr. Attorney were persuaded of him. For although when the matter first broke out the Council perhaps might have some suspicion that he was privy unto the Plot, in respect he was supposed to be acquainted with some of the gentlemen that were in the conspiracy, and thereupon his name put in the proclamation, yet after the conspirators were taken, and had been examined, and no proof at all found against him, or mention made of him in any of their confessions, it seems that the wisest, and those that had most to deal in the matter, did hold him free; and therefore neither the Earl of Salisbury nor of Northampton did produce any such accusation against him, although in their several speeches they had often occasion to mention that matter of the oath taken by the conspirators (which oath, as Mr. Winter directly saith in his confession,394 was taken by themselves being alone and private in a chamber):395 for these be the words of Mr. Winter’s confession related in the foresaid discourse of the whole treason set forth by His Majesty himself, as before hath been declared. “First,” saith Mr. Thomas Winter, “Mr. Percy said unto Mr. Catesby and myself, ‘Shall we always, gentlemen, talk and never do anything?’ Then Mr. Catesby took him aside and had speech about somewhat to be done; so as first we might all take an oath of secrecy, which we resolved within two or three days to do. So as there we met, Mr. Catesby, Mr. Percy, Mr. John Wright, Mr. Guy Faulks, and myself; and having upon a Primer given each other the oath of secrecy in a chamber where no other body was, we went after into the next room and heard Mass and received the Blessed Sacrament upon the same. Then did Mr. Catesby disclose to Mr. Percy, and I together with Jack Wright tell to Mr. Faulks, the business for which we took this oath, which they both approved; and then was Mr. Percy sent to take the house, where the mine was to be begun,” &c.

Here it is most apparent, that in this great business they consulted only with themselves; they took the oath by themselves; they imparted the matter amongst themselves; and assented unto it of themselves; and did admit neither counsel, nor persuasion, nor presence of any other in talking of the same. As for their hearing Mass and receiving the Blessed Sacrament, who seeth not but that might be done, and the Priest not privy to the matter? Whereof they made no scruple at all, as appears by their present receiving, but esteemed the case and cause meritorious and not belonging to confession. And yet who that Priest was, I have heard Father Gerard protest upon his soul and salvation that he doth not know. This confession of Mr. Thomas Winter is likewise approved in the confession of Mr. Faulks related also in the same discourse of this late intended treason, and contradicted by none. But we must pardon Mr. Attorney this overlashing in this his discourse, which seemed rather to be intended against the Jesuits, than to prove the prisoners guilty that were there present before him; for it appeared by his words in divers places, that the chief mark he shot at was, like another Aman, to root out the whole Order of them, not out of England only, but out of the world, if he could; for to that end he compared them with the Order of the Templars, which was suppressed by the See Apostolic. To that end it pleased him, out of his too great liberty of speech, to accuse them of teaching damned heresies, and besides, that they approve for lawful and meritorious the killing of Kings. In which last point, to show his good-will as well to the Head as to the members, he joined them with the Pope himself, affirming that Pope Sixtus Vtus did not only allow of the fact of that Dominican who killed the King of France, but did highly commend the same in a public oration in his Consistory. No marvel therefore if Mr. Attorney did pass the bounds of justice in his reports of those three Jesuits, and had no regard of truth in that fiction of his own fathered upon Father Gerard in particular, sith he showed so great a malice against the whole Order in general, and was so bold as to accuse the Pope himself in that public place, contrary to the rule of modesty in his speech, which himself had before acknowledged to be needful; and contrary to the counsel that is given in such cases, that at least his memory should be good, if his words were not true. But for the further convincing of that fiction, and full clearing of Father Gerard, I will afterwards briefly set down what course he held, to show his innocency both from that and all other participation in this treason.

Now to proceed to Mr. Attorney his speech. He endeavoured to lay open the foulness of the treason intended, with all the parts and circumstances thereof; and showed how great harm and ruin might have come to the commonwealth by their rash and unnatural attempt. Yet for the persons of those that were the conspirators, whereof some were slain and most of them were present, he said, “though some reported them to be persons of mean account, yet,” said he, “not to wrong them, they are gentlemen of good houses and of excellent parts, howsoever most perniciously seduced, corrupted, and Jesuited” (this was his phrase), “of very competent fortunes and estates;” besides he named three that were of very noble houses. But the most of his speech was directly or indirectly still bent against the Jesuits, as the men most maligned by him, and that, in respect of their religion and the industry they use to promote the same, for other matter he had not there, which he could with any justice or truth allege against them.

When it came to the prisoners’ turn to answer for themselves, although they had pleaded not guilty, as I said before, that was partly in respect of those conferences between the Jesuits and them, which were not true and therefore by them denied; partly also for that although they acknowledged the fact, yet they accounted themselves not guilty of any crime in the sight of God,

The speech of the prisoners at the bar.

Whom they sought to serve and please in the action, and would not for any other respect have attempted it. To this effect answered Mr. Robert Winter and his brother Thomas, the elder of which, though he were known to be a man both wise and stout, yet he said but little in that place, as it is thought, for that he saw it was in vain to justify the action, and yet he would not condemn it, but showed a willing mind to suffer for the fact which he confessed. In like manner the younger brother, Thomas, though he were a man of very good discourse and had delivered his mind at large before the Council about the whole matter, and that in so good order and with such resolution that he was much commended and pitied by them all, so far that the Earl of Salisbury said if his case were any other but for this Powder Treason, he would have saved his life; yet now in this place he said little or nothing for himself, rather showing a contented, ready mind to suffer: only he asked mercy of the King for his brother, who was, as he said, drawn into the action by himself. It is not amiss to see what is said of them both by that pamphlet which was then by some base person published of their arraignment and execution; for that being written in as disgraceful manner of them as could be devised, it is the surer witness of anything that may be well interpreted of their mind. Of the elder he hath this, that he said little, but had a guilty conscience, that he swallowed and concealed his grief and made little show of sorrow for that time. Of the younger, he saith that he thought himself already half a saint for his whole villainy, that he said little that either made show of sorrow or sought mercy, but only made a request to the King for his brother, &c. By which relation set down to their disgrace, it may appear what opinion they had of the attempt itself and of their present state of mind in regard of their intention in the former.

Mr. Rookwood spake more at large, declaring how he had ever been brought up in the Catholic religion, and taught to fear God from his infancy; that he was the rather induced to attempt this enterprise, as thinking it the only likely means to restore the Catholic religion; that his friendship also and love to Mr. Catesby was such as moved him the sooner to follow his counsel and example: he requested, withal, favour for his wife and children. Of him the aforesaid book hath these words, “That he would fain have made his bringing up and breeding in idolatry to have been some excuse to his villainy; but a fair tale could not help a foul deed.” So he.

Of Mr. Grant the book hath this. “Grant, stubborn in his idolatry, nothing penitent for his villainy, asked little mercy; but, as it were, careless of grace, received the doom of his desert.” In which words one may sufficiently see the state of the man’s mind to be answerable to the description in the —396 chapter, though in other language here expressed, where the Catholic religion is, as you see, esteemed and called idolatry.

The youngest brother of the three Winters did speak little, but only that he did not begin nor assist to the Plot of Powder, but was after drawn in by the example and persuasion of his brother.

Mr. Faulks did show a mind answerable to his former proceedings, and gave that reason for his pleading not guilty which I set down before in this chapter: for his own part freely and willingly acknowledging the fact, for which he was ready to suffer.

Mr. Keyes did speak but few words, but such as did make show of great spirit. He affirmed that the persecution was such before they undertook this business, and himself had his goods seized with such violence, that to live in such misery seemed worse than death, and therefore to free both himself and others, he was glad of this occasion.

Bates, being the last of the eight which were all included in one indictment, and being but a serving-man, showed more servile fear both now and at his death than any of them all, answerable perhaps to the motives that made him first to undertake it, which being most like to be the love to his master, or some such human respect, so now he showed most sense in foregoing that which it seems before he had most respected.

Last of all was read a particular indictment of Sir Everard Digby, of which he stood indicted and convicted already in the country in the county of Northampton, where the matter was imparted unto him by Mr. Robert Catesby, and where he gave his consent with promise to provide 1,500l. in money, with horses and other furniture fit for assistance and prosecution of the enterprise, as he himself had formerly confessed and now again acknowledged at the bar. Therefore when his indictment was read to this effect, and he required to speak what he would in his own defence, he answered that he could not deny the fact nor would defend it, but that he must needs defend his intention, which was to please God and profit others by the action; that his motives were neither for ambition and desire of worldly preferment, nor discontentment of his worldly estate, which it was well known he had no cause to mislike, nor yet was he moved thereunto by malice or ill-will against any particular person; but that his motives were these. First, that which moved him to listen and to trust and to conceal the matter being opened unto him, was his love to Mr. Catesby, for whose love and friendship he would have adventured his estates and fortunes. But another greater reason which moved him indeed to enter into the action was the relief of Catholics, for whom he saw no other remedy, seeing that the King, he said, had broken his word and promise of giving relief unto them, at least by toleration; which promise, said he, they received from him by divers messages; and whereof now there was no hope at all, but rather that they did all expect and see a preparation to make other laws in that Parliament more strict than the former, and that they had to that end packed all the Puritans together, which was the cause that moved them the rather to attempt that matter against the Parliament House. But the chiefest motive he said was the cause of religion, which alone, said he, seeing it lay at the stake, in that behalf he neglected his estate, his life, his name, his memory, yea, and his posterity and all the world and whatsoever the world could afford him. These were his words as near as they could be taken, which were noted by very many, and he exceedingly pitied even by many of those that were enemies to his religion, in which he showed so great a resolution and zeal, with so great estimation thereof and contempt of himself in regard thereof, which many of the hearers did so generally commend and so publicly affirm that they could never forget it, he being known to have enjoyed and that he might still have enjoyed as much worldly contentment as any man of his estate in England. After this he made some petitions unto the King and Council, that whereas his fault against the State had passed no further than himself, he neither having drawn others into the action nor performed anything to the hurt of others, therefore he desired in like manner that his punishment might be extended no further but to himself, and so that his wife and children might neither of them sustain loss, but the one enjoy her jointure, the other his lands, so far as they were entailed upon them in law before this matter was thought of. Also that his debts might be discharged out of his estate; and for himself he craved no other favour but that, if it pleased the King, he might be beheaded instead of hanging. Lastly, whereas he had noted in the indictment and in Mr. Attorney his speech, divers of the Fathers of the Society to be accused as principal counsellors and persuaders unto this enterprise, he there protested that in his conscience he thought them all clear. And in particular for Father Gerard he could best testify, being best acquainted with him, and therefore was bound in conscience to set down his knowledge that “he was wholly innocent and did never so much as know of the matter, yea (said he), I never durst tell him of it, for fear he would have drawn me out of it.” This was his testimony and protestation in that public place, being ready to receive the sentence of death; which he was likewise beginning to iterate again at the time of his death, but that he was interrupted. Now concerning this matter, if it were not for staying the reader too long from the story itself, I could here set down certain letters sent unto the Council by Father Gerard at this very time, which would make it apparent that he never knew of the conspiracy until all England knew it. But for that this chapter will grow too long, I will only set down the course he took to clear himself and the contents of the letters in few words, though I have now the copies by me procured of purpose to have been set down in this place.

I made mention before in the —397 chapter how Father Gerard, before the proclamation came out, seeing himself to be searched for as guilty of this conspiracy, did write a long letter of protestation that he was wholly innocent and had not the least knowledge of the matter. This letter was seen to divers and even to the King himself, as hath been said, and gave good satisfaction. But notwithstanding this, some heavy friends of his (to whom he never gave any cause of offence) procured a proclamation to be set forth against him and two others of the Society, as hath been said; which when he perceived, and knowing very well that there was no proof at all which was or could be brought forth against him, he presently wrote four letters and sent them to London, three of which were to three of the chiefest of the Council and one to Sir Everard Digby, then prisoner in the Tower. The letters to the Council were to the Duke of Lenox, the Earl of Northampton, and the Earl of Salisbury; in all which he did humbly and instantly require, that whereas he was accused of so great a crime, in which he was not partaker in the least degree, nor ever in any sort made privy unto it, that it would please them for God’s cause and for their love to equity, to show him so much justice as to afford him such trial as might be made of his innocency; whereof he proposed in those letters, two kinds, the one affirmative, the other negative. The one was that the letter to Sir Everard Digby, which was sent enclosed in theirs and unsealed might be delivered in their presence, and he examined upon the points thereof, containing a discourse between him and Father Gerard but three days before the Plot of Powder was publicly discovered, by which discourse (if any such discourse were then between them) it was most apparent that Father Gerard knew nothing in the world of the conspiracy. And of the verity of that discourse, the Council might by that letter make full trial, in which the time and place and words that passed between them were expressly set down, all which, if Sir Everard Digby did not affirm and agree with his letter, he would grant they had some proof against him. The trial by negatives which he required was this: that it would please them to cause all the conspirators at the hour of their death to be publicly examined, whether ever any of them had imparted the matter unto him, or would but say upon their conscience that he had the least knowledge thereof, either by them or any other means. And if they did not all of them deny it (being urged, as they would answer the Highest Judge, to speak the sincere truth), he would then yield they had some proof against him, so that the parties that should so accuse him did it not in hope of pardon, but did certainly know they should die and did make show to die in the fear of God and hope of their salvation.

These two ways of trial were proposed and most earnestly requested by Father Gerard in those his letters, which were as sufficient to try the truth of the matter (all circumstances considered) as any could be wished. And these letters were sent in such time to London, as that they certainly came to the Council’s hands that very day of the arraignment of the conspirators; so that there was time enough to have had both kinds of trial made which he required, and in equity and justice might require.

But neither of them were performed. And it is thought generally that they were forborne, because it was sufficiently known beforehand that thereby he would be proved clear, whereof the Council were before that persuaded; but that they were willing to have the proclamation go forward against him, as against the rest, to hinder him thereby from conversion of souls and drawing many from them to the Catholic faith, and that of the better sort, with whom his conversation and practice was for the most part; which made them so desirous to take him by means of the proclamation, even after they knew he was not guilty of this treason whereof he was accused.

And see the providence of God. That Sir Everard Digby, knowing nothing at all of this Father’s demand of trial by his testimony, yet hearing him so wrongfully accused in the process against them, he did of his own accord there publicly protest his knowledge of the Father’s innocency, yea, and of his inclination also against such practices, which was more than the Father desired in his letters should be demanded. Now, because these trials were not made which Father Gerard so earnestly requested, he therefore, before his going out of England, did publish these letters to some of his friends, that the world might see how clear he was, and what equal and full trial he offered to show his innocency.

Now, whereas it was reported that Bates had accused Father Gerard, and that, upon his accusation Father Gerard was put in the proclamation with the others, that is also apparently disproved by Bates his own letter, written a day or two before his arraignment, and sent unto a Priest his last ghostly Father, who did help him with the Sacraments after his examinations and some weakness showed in them, as may appear also by his letter, whereof the original is kept under his own hand, and may be seen to be the same handwriting which is annexed unto his examinations themselves. The true copy is this:

“Sir, I humbly thank you for your great comfort and pains taken for me. I praise God I find myself more stronger to resist, and do hope shall more and more. Sir, when I was at Hobadge House, where my master was slain, that morning at my going away from him, by reason of the misfortune that fell amongst us by powder, Mr. Christopher Wright flung me out of a window an 100l., and desired me, as I was a Catholic, to give unto his wife and his brother’s wife 80l., and take 20l. myself. I took out by guess some 22l., as I think, and left it with a friend of mine, and desired him, if I did miscarry in this action, he should bestow it amongst my children. Now, I would entreat you to give my fellow George instructions what to do in it. I refer it to you. Mr. Wright had of me at times, in money and kine, as much as came to some 28l., but my master told me he would pay me, but he did not. Now whether my wife may take that money out of that I refer to you. Also, further, I have dealt with my keeper to deal with the Clerk of the Council for my pardon, and have promised an 100l. if it may be had, which I made account that money should have served that turn; but I am out of all hope for that, unless it be God’s will to deliver me. This morning I was sent for down, and there was a fellow ready with a new suit of fustian, and my keeper made me to essay it, and neither said it was for me nor anything, but I know it was provided for me. The meaning I know not. And before that my Lord of Salisbury asked me what I wanted, and caused the keeper to buy me a new gown, and bade him use me extraordinary well. All this makes me full of doubts, for I fear it is but to serve their own turns of me and then to hang me. Is it not best for me, if the clothes be offered me, to refuse them? I pray you resolve me in that, for I have a purpose to tell the keeper, ‘I have clothes good enough to serve me as long as I live, I fear, and therefore will none.’ I beseech you to send me word what your opinion is in these things being offered me. At my last being before them I told them I thought Mr. Greenway knew of this business, but I did not charge the others with it, but that I saw them all together with my master at my Lord Vaux’s, and that after I saw Mr. Walley and Mr. Greenway at Coughton, and it is true. For I was sent thither with a letter, and Mr. Greenway rode with me to Mr. Winter’s to my master, and from thence he rode to Mr. Abington’s. This I told them and no more. For which I am heartily sorry for, and I trust God will forgive me, for I did it not out of malice but in hope to gain my life by it, which I think now did me no good. Thus desiring your daily prayers I commit you to God.”

This is the true copy of his letter, by which it appears that a man so weak and so ignorant, as here he showeth himself to be, might easily be wrought upon, especially by those means that here he expresseth were used to him; and that such an one to save his life would strain his conscience far, as indeed he did when he saith that he saw those three at my Lord Vaux’s; for in truth he did not, nor saw Father Gerard of a year or two before; but if he had seen him in that place at that time, yet that had been no accusation of this treason (as is sufficiently proved in the —398 chapter where the same matter is handled); and as himself directly saith in this letter, that he did not accuse him at all, nor Father Walley, nor the other neither of knowledge; but only that he thought he knew of the business: whereby it appears that it is not true, which was afterwards affirmed in Father Garnett’s arraignment that Bates had told Mr. Greenway of the matter in confession. And this Bates being the only one of the conspirators of whom it was reported that he had accused Father Gerard, which here in plain words you see himself doth say he did not, it remains apparent that never any did accuse him. And this letter under Bates his own hand being haply brought to Father Gerard a little before his departure out of England,399 he did annex the true copy of the same unto the letters before mentioned, which he had sent unto the Council, and sent them unto a friend to be published by him after his departure; and of them all there be divers copies taken, of which myself have one, in which there is this clause amongst others for his clearing, which methinks doth offer enough, if reason may be accepted and the promise there alleged performed. After he had offered and humbly desired of the Council two sufficient kinds of trial of his cause before specified, seeing that neither of them were performed, in his letter wherewith he published those offers made, he citeth a sentence out of my Lord of Salisbury his book then newly come forth, wherein the Earl declared his mind to be no ways bent to seek the blood of any but such as had themselves laboured to seek the blood of others, saying that he only desired, “Necis artifices arte perire suâ.”400 This sentence (worthy indeed the pen and practice of a Councillor in so eminent authority401) Father Gerard desired should be made the rule or square whereby the line of his accusation might be straitened; and offered that if it could be duly proved, that ever, either in this most unnatural treason or in any other action, he had wrought or sought the death of any man, let him then be punished with as cruel a death as wit of man could devise, and find no eye nor heart to pity him. This was his offer, and then he addeth further: “But if,” saith he, “neither this can be proved nor any proofs of my innocency (whereof there be divers produced for me and none against me) may be in my case admitted, but that I must remain, &c., yet I would not the world should think it doth or can bereave me of that quiet and contentment of mind, which I have in the confident expectation of God’s protection and favour;” and so he goeth forward, laying down sufficient reasons for both to the full satisfaction of the reader, both of his innocency touching this accusation and of his willing acceptance of God’s blessed will and disposition.

Now to return unto Sir Everard Digby. After he had ended his speech with the foresaid protestation,402 that he thought assuredly all the Fathers were innocent of this treason, and that he knew for certain that Father Gerard had not so much as any knowledge at all thereof, then the Earl of Northampton made a speech, which he chiefly directed to Sir Everard Digby in answer of that point, especially where Sir Everard urged the King’s promise for toleration. And, first, the Earl said that, if he could lament any man upon earth in that case, he could pity him in respect of his worth many ways, and the good opinion he had formerly conceived of him. He witnessed also that Queen Elizabeth esteemed him much, and, to his own knowledge, had spoken of Sir Everard with great grace. Then, after a sufficient discourse, proving by sound reasons the foulness of this treason, his Lordship came to that promise of the King, which there he utterly denied, and proved it by Watson his confession before his death, who had been a chief man to divulge the same before. And that Watson affirmed likewise, he had given out such hopes before contrary to his knowledge, only to move Catholics to a willing acceptance of the King. All which, though we admit as true, being affirmed by the Earl as spoken to himself, yet Catholics are not thereby persuaded that Watson received no such hopes from His Majesty when he kneeled before him in Scotland. For they think it much more likely that Watson, being in this peril of death and in the power of the Council, would misreport his former persuasion of mind and the cause thereof, thereby to please the more, and by pleasing to obtain favour, which divers of his other words at that time, related also in this speech, did plainly show he did both desire and hope for. Whereas, when he returned out of Scotland he had no such cause to dissemble, and to relate such assured promises to so many Catholics, as it is known he did, if himself had been out of hope thereof; yea, and that he did not therein dissemble his sequent actions did apparently prove. For he was the first man that laboured to persuade Catholics to take arms against His Majesty, as hath been declared before (though, thanks be to God, he could prevail but with a very few therein), which, happening within the first year, it appears he ran that contrary course so soon as he had the contrary opinion; which, if he had brought with him out of Scotland (as he affirmed to the Earl of Northampton in the time of his imprisonment), then had it been more easy for him to have persuaded Catholics there was no hope to be had, and so to have kept him out, than after he had assured them the contrary, and the King was settled in his throne, then to persuade them thereunto, which then was much more difficult and unlikely. And, therefore, nothing likely he would first have been so forward to plant that tree, which so soon after himself did first endeavour to cut down, and that with hazard and loss of his life, unless he had first expected other fruit than afterwards he found. But Watson’s reports were not the greatest grounds that Catholics did build their hopes upon. Divers men, his betters much, did affirm the same, whose words were more esteemed than either Watson’s or Percy’s in that cause. It was not the least part of needful policy that such a conceit should run for current in the minds of Catholics generally, and such hopes to be thought likely at that time by whomsoever they were given out, which I will not here dispute; for that persuasion, no doubt, did strengthen much the Catholics’ mind, which was found so ready to receive their King with all peace and comfort. And I make no question but if it pleased His Majesty to perform as much as then was hoped, it would prove no less profitable in all respects unto the stability of peace and happiness than pleasing to the receivers, in regard of their ease and mitigation of their afflictions.

Unto the speech of Sir Everard Digby the Earl of Salisbury did likewise answer in defence of the King’s word, esteeming that Sir Everard did seem to tax His Majesty with breach of promise, which many think was not the intention of the prisoner, but only to show that, such general hopes being conceived upon some likely ground as they presumed, and now seeing all hopes to fail, they were the more easily induced to run this other course for the redress of their own miseries. And so, against the likelihood of these hopes, the Earl’s speech did prove fully that the King had always professed the contrary religion most earnestly, and that His Majesty was so far from giving hope of toleration that he would not endure the least motion thereof to be proposed. And yet the Earl in the same speech declared how His Majesty had dealt favourably with divers principal Catholic gentlemen who were sent for to the Court in the time of Watson his treason before mentioned; at which time finding them free from having their hands in any treason (said the Earl) they were dismissed with encouragement to persist in their dutiful carriage, and that the payments for not going to Church should be forgiven them in respect of their so much loyalty showed at the King’s entry, and for that they had afterwards kept themselves so free.403 In this speech the Earl of Salisbury did show great zeal to defend His Majesty from the least touch of breach of his promise, and therein to disprove that which he thought would be conceived of Sir Everard Digby’s words. And though otherwise he acknowledged Sir Everard to be his alliance by marriage, yet it is thought that in regard chiefly of this his speech, he had not his petition granted of being beheaded, but was with all the rest adjudged presently to be hanged, drawn, and quartered, according to the ordinary form of judgment in case of high treason. So then, having received the sentence of death, they were all returned to their prisons until Thursday and Friday following, which were the days of their execution; only Mr. John Winter (being the youngest of the three brothers) was not then put to death, but carried after into the country and suffered at Worcester, as shall afterward be declared.

Sir Everard Digby his death.

On Thursday, therefore, being the 30th of January, four of the eight were drawn upon sledges and hurdles from the Tower to St. Paul’s Churchyard, where they were to suffer, vidlt., Sir Everard Digby, Mr. Robert Winter, Mr. John Graunt, and —— Bates. And being arrived there, first Sir Everard Digby was taken off the hurdle and led up to the scaffold, of whom the pamphlet before alleged set forth of their judgment and death as much to disgrace them as might be, yet hath these words, “First went up Digby, a man of a goodly personage and a manly aspect. He enforced himself to speak as stoutly as he could; his speech was not long and to little good purpose, only that his belied conscience (being but indeed a blinded conceit) had led him into this offence, which, in respect of his religion (alias indeed idolatry), he held no offence, but, in respect of the law, he held an offence, for which he asked forgiveness; and so, with vain and superstitious crossing of himself, betook him to his Latin prayers, mumbling to himself, refusing to have any prayers of any but of the Romish Catholics, went up the ladder.” Thus he. By which relation, though set down with much ill-will against him and his religion, yet it is easy to see thereby what state of mind he died in. The truth is he gave great satisfaction to all the standers-by.404 When he was first brought up to the scaffold, after he had commended himself to God, being wished, as the custom is, to acknowledge his treason for which he died, he did accordingly acknowledge the fact intended according to his judgment, but withal he declared that his motives were no evil will to any, nor any love to himself for worldly respects, but the ending of persecution of Catholics, the good of souls, and the cause of religion. In which regard he could not condemn himself of any offence to God, though he granted he had offended the laws of the realm, for which he asked their pardon, and was willing to suffer death, and thought nothing too much to suffer for those respects which had moved him to that enterprise. The preachers standing by, as the fashion is, did move him to pray with them. He absolutely refused, and desired the assistance and prayers of all good Catholics, himself fell to his prayers with such devotion as much moved all the beholders. And when he had done, he stood up and saluted all the noblemen and gentlemen that stood upon the scaffold, every one according to his estate, to the noblemen with a lower congé, to others with more show of equality, but to all in so friendly and so cheerful a manner, as they afterwards said, he seemed so free from fear of death as that he showed no feeling at all of any passion therein, but took his leave of them as he was wont to do when he went from the Court or out of the city to his own house in the country; yet withal he showed so great devotion of mind, so much fervour and humility in his prayers, and so great confidence in God, as that very many said405 they made no doubt but his soul was happy, and wished themselves might die in the like state of mind. He was no sooner turned off the ladder but very speedily cut down, and that with such haste as that he fell upon his face, and so somewhat bruised his forehead, yet, though he could not be dead, he made no resistance at the block whilst he was in quartering; and after his bowels and heart were cast into the fire, and his head cut off, the hangman holding it up as is usual to do, it was noted that there was no alteration at all in his countenance, but had the same man-like and comely aspect he had before his death.

Mr Robert Winter his death.

After him went up Mr. Robert Winter, of whom the foresaid pamphlet hath this, “After him went Winter up to the scaffold, where he used few words to any good effect; without asking mercy either of God or the King for his offence, went up the ladder, and making a few prayers to himself, staid not long for his execution.” By which words it may appear that Mr. Winter died much in the like mind and manner as the other gentleman before him. He was esteemed in his life to be one of the wisest and most resolute and sufficient gentlemen in Worcestershire, where he dwelt, as formerly hath been declared.

After him went up Mr. Graunt, who showed extraordinary zeal, as it may appear by the foresaid book, which saith “that he, being abominably blinded with his idolatry, though he confessed his offence to be heinous, yet would fain have excused it by his conscience and religion. He having used a few idle words to ill effect, was, as his fellows before him, led the way to the halter, and so, after his crossing of himself, to the last part of his tragedy.” Whereby it appears he alleged the same reasons and died with the same resolution the former had done.

Last of them was Bates, of whom the book saith “that he seemed sorry for his offence, and asked forgiveness of God and the King and of the whole kingdom, prayed to God for the preservation of them all; and, as he said, only for his love to his master (Mr. Robert Catesby) drawn to forget his duty to God, his King, and country.” These words which Bates spake at his death, and the mind he showed, declare sufficiently what hath been said of him before; and his motives being but human respects (as here he acknowledgeth), no marvel though he had showed less store of grace and assistance thereof both before and at his death. But seeing he showed to die penitent for his fact, it is to be hoped he found mercy at God’s hands. Thus ended the execution of this day. And many of the beholders returned full of pity and compassion towards so worthy-minded men as the first three were, especially Sir Everard Digby, whose fortitude of mind they did so much admire, and had so great opinion of his devotion that for all that day and some time after they could talk almost of nothing else.

The next day, being Friday, were drawn from the Tower to the Old Palace in Westminster over against the Parliament House, Mr. Thomas Winter, the second brother of the Winters, Mr. Ambrose Rookwood, Mr. Robert Keyes, and Mr. Guy Faulks. By the way, as they were drawn upon the Strand, Mr. Rookwood had provided that he should be admonished when he came over against the lodging where his wife lay; and being come unto the place, he opened his eyes (which before he kept shut to attend better to his prayers), and seeing her stand in a window to see him pass by, he raised himself as well as he could up from the hurdle, and said aloud unto her: “Pray for me, pray for me.” She answered him also aloud: “I will; and be of good courage and offer thyself wholly to God. I, for my part, do as freely restore thee to God as He gave thee unto me.”

Mr. Thomas Winter his death.

Being all come to the place of execution, first Mr. Thomas Winter was led to the scaffold, as the principal in the business, who was from the first acquainted therewith, and a chief actor therein. Of him the book saith that “he seemed after a sort as it were sorry for his offence, and yet crossed himself,” saith he, “as though those were sufficient wards against the devil; that he protested to die a true Catholic, and so went up the ladder.” Truth is, Mr. Thomas Winter spake not much at his execution, seeming more willing to prepare himself for death; whereat some of the standers-by marvelling, who knew him to be a wise and well-spoken man, seemed desirous to have him speak at large. But he answered he had spoken at large unto the Council concerning all their intentions and the causes that moved them to that enterprise, and he hoped he had given satisfaction in the whole; that this was no time to discourse; he was come to die, wherein he desired the prayers and assistance of all good Catholics. Only this he said in particular, that whereas divers of the Fathers of the Society were accused of counselling and furthering them in this treason, he could clear them all, and particularly Father Tesimond, from all fault and participation therein. And indeed Mr. Thomas Winter might best clear that good Father, with whom he was best acquainted, and knew very well how far he was from counselling or plotting that business. For himself, having first told the Father of it (as I have heard), long after the thing was ready, and that in such secret as he might not utter it, but with his leave, unto his Superior only, the Father, both then and after, did so earnestly persuade him, and by him the rest, to leave off that course (as his duty was), that Mr. Winter might well find himself bound in conscience to clear this Father from his wrongful accusation of being a counseller and furtherer of the Plot.406

Mr. Rookwood his death.

Next him came Mr. Rookwood, who made a speech of some longer time, acknowledged and asked forgiveness for his offence to His Majesty and the State. He prayed earnestly for the King and Queen and all their children, and wished them long life and a happy reign, and last of all (which, the foresaid book saith, was to mar all the pottage with one filthy weed) he prayed God to make the King a Catholic. And so, desiring favour for his wife and children, protesting, saith the book, to die in his idolatry, a Romish Catholic, he went up the ladder, and hanging until he was almost dead, was drawn to the block, where he gave his last gasp. The devotion and resolute mind of this gentleman was very well known to many, and he was very much pitied, as he had been much beloved.

After him came Mr. Keyes, of whom the book saith thus: “That he, like a desperate villain, used little speech, showed small or no sign of repentance, went up the ladder stoutly, where, not staying the hangman’s turn, turned himself off, and with the swing broke the halter, but after his fall was quickly drawn to the block and there divided into four parts.” But he did not, as here it is said, leap down of himself, but when he thought himself ready he showed his ready mind to go off the ladder without force, lest the hangman should take him on a sudden, when his mind was not actually upon it, and so be cause of some little reluctation.

Last of all Mr. Faulks was led to the scaffold, of whom the book hath this: “That his body being weak with torture and sickness he was scarce able to go up the ladder; also that he made no long speech, but after a sort seeming to be sorry for his offence, asked a kind of forgiveness of the King and the State for his bloody intent, and, with his crosses and idle ceremonies, made his end upon the gallows and the block.” Thus saith the author of that pamphlet, and where he said that Mr. Faulks seemed to be sorry after a sort, and asked a kind of forgiveness, he maketh it apparent that he did as his fellows had done, acknowledge their intended action to be displeasing to the King and State, whose favour they desired, and therefore in that respect asked them forgiveness; but that they did not hold it for an offence to God in respect of their intention to please Him and serve Him in the whole, as thinking when they began the action and professing when they ended their life that there was no other likely means to restore religion in England. And would to God herein they had been as well advised as they were absolute to believe and follow their own advice. Then had they neither hurt themselves nor others by this rash and heady enterprise, most unfit for subjects to undertake against their Prince and country, especially all attempts being so forbidden by His Holiness as they were, and so often and earnestly dissuaded by the Fathers of the Society, as hath been declared. And yet it is strange to see how impudently that heretical pamphlet which I have cited before so often of their arraignment and death (set forth by one T.W., I know not who), doth rail first at the Pope himself and then against all Jesuits and Priests, as against the authors and plotters of this business. For he saith: “Thus I have ended my discourse of the arraignment and execution of these eight traitors.” Then a little after he prosecuteth in this manner: “Was there ever seen such a hellish Plot since the betraying of the Lord of Heaven? If the Pope were not a very devil, and these Jesuits, or rather Jebusites and satanical seminaries, very spirits of wickedness, that whisper in the ears of Evahs to bring a world of Adams to destruction, how could nature be senseless or reason so graceless,” &c. So he proceedeth, inveighing against His Holiness and religion, and all that he imagined did favour or further the same religion in any great measure.

But silence is the best answer to such witless and wilful assertions, uttered against the truth so many ways manifestly proved. But this fellow, and such as he is, will rather “impugnare agnitam veritatem”407 than omit any opportunity to revile against the Pope and those that most do stand for his authority; which is no news for poor Catholics in England to hear of daily to their grief, long before this act was commenced or thought of by these few laymen, who had not the counsel or help of any one Priest amongst them. Yea, for these many years the most part of their sermons is in this relative kind, devising names of reproach against His Holiness, so far forth that many youths, when they are first brought to be Catholics, will hardly be brought to think that he is a natural man, and not some devil or monster, as they have heard him often described. And this custom of the heretics is so common, and yet so grievous for zealous Catholics to endure, that it is rather to be pitied than marvelled that these few gentlemen, being men of great spirit, did want patience to endure any longer when they saw all other hopes of help to fail them. We hope all others will be warned hereafter, and temper their zeal by the counsel of their guides, which, if these had done, according to the earnest wishes and serious labours of Father Garnett, then had not he sustained so many troubles (as I am now to declare) for their trespass, which he by all lawful means sought to hinder.

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Chapter XIII. Of the Arraignment and Condemnation of Father Garnett

Whereas it was now plainly and directly known unto the Council (by the means and in the manner aforesaid) how far this matter could be laid unto Father Garnett’s charge; and that they had no further expectation to find him guilty of any help or furtherance at all given by him to this Powder Treason, it was resolved to proceed against him only upon his simple knowledge thereof which he had received in confession; esteeming it not fit to let go this opportunity, sith no greater advantage could be gotten; especially seeing by this time all men were full of expectation what would become of the matter after so long time of trial and so many and strict examinations. It was hoped also, that howsoever he might excuse himself from fault in the sight of God for not revealing the seal and secret of confession, yet that he could not justify it before the world: it being accounted treason by the laws of England to know of treason intended and not to reveal it. In which law (now) the knowledge which is had by confession is not excepted; because confession itself being in England rejected, the good and necessity of the secrecy thereof is not so much esteemed, as their public peace and prosperous proceedings in their worldly estate. Upon this ground therefore it was hoped they had matter enough against Father Garnett both to make him odious to the people, and all Jesuits for his sake; and therefore it was intended, that his trial should be performed in the most public and solemn manner they could devise, thereby to disgrace the more both him and his religion; for so in express words the Earl of Salisbury did twice publicly affirm in the time of his arraignment; and that otherwise such preparation and solemnity had not been needful for the arraignment of a poor religious man, and said “he held himself much honoured that day to be an assistant where God’s cause should be so much honoured” (meaning the Protestants’ religion). And how should this be performed? “By discrediting,” said he, “the person of Garnett, on whom the common adversary had thought to confer the usurpation of so eminent jurisdiction.” So that one may see plainly the whole day’s work was bent against religion; and whatsoever was pretended against Father Garnett in this matter, all was directly intended “in odium Catholicæ Fidei.”408 And so we may see in the process of the accusation, when the Attorney brought against Father Garnett all other former matter that had been forged against the martyrs in Queen Elizabeth’s time, with which (if they had been true) yet they could no more have charged Father Garnett with them in justice, than the child that was then unborn.

Therefore the day appointed being come, which was a Friday, the 28th March, about eight of the clock, he was brought from the Tower in a coach with the Lieutenant of the Tower, Sir William Wade, and another Knight, the curtains being close drawn about them. Which manner of carriage to judgment being very extraordinary and not used to any before him, the people did much wonder at it, and thought it strange he should be so carried, considering that most of those that were indeed conspirators in the treason were men of better birth and blood than he (which by them is much respected) and yet were used in much different manner. But some did more truly guess that this was not done for any grace unto him (whom they sought to disgrace in all they could), but to grace their own cause, by making him seem a man of greatest account amongst the Papists, against whom they meant to object and hoped to prove the Powder Treason, and so all Papists to be as it were proved guilty in him they chiefly esteemed and followed. But the curtains doubtless were kept close, that the people might not be moved with the sight of so reverend a man, or he moved upon any occasion to speak unto them in his own clearing.

There were set in place of judgment in the Guildhall the Lord Mayor of London (who in that Court is the King’s Lieutenant), the Lord Charles Howard, Earl of Nottingham, the Lord Thomas Howard, Earl of Suffolk, the Lord Somerset, Earl of Worcester, the Lord Henry Howard, Earl of Northampton, the Lord Robert Cecil, Earl of Salisbury, with Sir John Popham, Lord Chief Justice of England, the Lord Chief Baron, and Justice Yelverton, Commissioners for His Majesty in that behalf, The Lieutenant of the Tower being come with Father Garnett to the place of judgment, he returned his writ unto the Council (by virtue whereof he had kept the prisoner) together with the body of the prisoner there present.409

The indictment was read and the prisoner called to hold up his hand at the bar, as the fashion is. The effect of the indictment was this. “That Henry Garnett, alias Walley, alias Farmer, alias Darcy, had conspired with Robert Catesby and the rest of his confederates (the 9th of June last past, in the parish of St Michael in the ward of Queenhithe in London) to withdraw the hearts of the subjects from their due obedience to God and their King, and to deprive the King of his crown, to kill him and the Prince, and to slaughter the whole Parliament assembled, to raise rebellion, to change religion, to ruin the commonwealth and to bring in strangers: and that this 9th of June he met with Catesby and Tesimond and did treat of means to accomplish the same, and did conclude that Winter, Faulks and others should blow up with powder the Parliament House.” To this indictment the prisoner pleaded “not guilty,” and for his trial referred himself to God and his country as the manner is. Whereupon a jury of substantial citizens was impanelled, and twelve of them sworn to try the issue between His Majesty and Henry Garnett according to the evidence produced against him; which being done, the indictment was read the second time, and then Sir John Crooke, Knight, the King’s Serjeant, began to plead in this manner (as near as it could be remembered by two or three sufficient men that were present and did carefully observe both that and all the other speeches).

The speech of Mr. Crooke, the King’s Serjeant.

“‘Nihil est occultum,’” said he, “‘quod non manifestabitur; nihil secretum quod non revelabitur.’410 Thus saith the Truth itself, ‘qui consilium pravorum dissipat:’411 which as it is generally true, so is the truth thereof laid open in the discovery of the late horrible treason, which though it were closely carried, yet by the providence of God, it hath been most apparently revealed. And truly when I cast mine eyes upon this prisoner, the rotten root of this corrupted tree of treason, I am stricken with great horror to think that under the cover of so grave a countenance, should lurk such a poisoned heart. He is a man, ‘multorum nominum sed nullius boni nominis’412—of no good name, nor honest conversation, but infamous for many treasons, and especially for this last and most abominable treason, whereby he intended the subversion of the King, Queen, Prince, State, and religion; and for testimony of his guiltiness therein,” he said, “they should have ‘loquentia signa, testimonia rerum,’ and ‘confitentem reum,’ nay, ‘reos confitentes,’413 that is the persons guilty accusing one the other. We have,” said he, “Garnett and Hall accusing Greenway, as shall be laid open by the ensuing discourse of him to whom it belongeth.”

The speech of the Attorney-General.

This speech being ended, Sir Edward Coke, His Majesty’s Attorney-General, began his speech with a low voice, that so his words could not at the first be so distinctly heard: but it tended to this effect. “That this was a later act of this horrible Powder Treason, that first he craved pardon of their Lordships that he might reiterate some things of which he had formerly discoursed, ‘quia nunquam nimis dicitur, quod nunquam satis discitur.’414 Secondly, he craved pardon that without offence to any he might nominate some great persons, who were sometimes interested in some of these causes; but he would do it without any disgrace at all unto their persons, because,” said he, “there is great difference to be made between times of hostility and times of amity. Thirdly, he desired to satisfy two sorts of people that might marvel this execution of justice should be so long deferred; the first of such, as might think such delays inconvenient lest the impunity of the malefactors might seem to patronize the offence; the second of such persons, as might think the delay of trial argued his clearness in the cause. To those both he answered, that the Lords of the Council (whose great wisdom he would not in that place much commend, because ‘coram laudare est clam vituperare’415) had spent many days in examinations of those affairs, and that the prisoner had been twenty-three [times] examined; so that the trial could not have been much sooner.” (But this seemed to many rather an excuse than accusation to the prisoner, in whom there could not with so much labour and in so long time be found any crime to be justly imposed, for “frustra fit per plura quod fieri potest per pauciora.”416) “But to draw nearer the cause of the prisoner,” said Mr. Attorney. “Henry Garnett, alias Walley, &c, is a man grave, discreet, wise, learned, and of excellent ornaments both of nature and arts.” (He might have added grace also, if he had had grace to see it.) “And one that, if he will, may do His Majesty as much good service as any subject I know in England.” (By this and the like speeches which it seems they used often, to work him to yield from profession of his faith, it is apparent they would have given him both life and much preferment, if he had not rather chosen to die for God than to live to the world.) “Besides this man,” saith he, “was a scholar in Winchester, from thence went to Oxford, and there was well esteemed.” (This Mr. Attorney did mistake, for he was never student in Oxford.) “But he hath abused his learning to the ruin of his country, as we shall hereafter declare in the discourse following, wherein I will speak of nothing but of this late horrible treason; which treason for distinction sake, I will call the Jesuits’ treason: for the Jesuits were the authors thereof; therefore I will not do them the wrong to take from them anything which is theirs, especially seeing in every crime ‘plus peccat author quam actor,’417 as it appeareth by Adam and Eve and the serpent.” (But here he presupposeth Father Garnett had counselled the Plot, as the indictment had said before, but that never was, nor ever can be proved.) “In this discourse I will speak of circumstances and observations touching the matter in hand: of no other circumstances but of treason, and of no other treasons but the Jesuits’ treasons; and of no other Jesuits’ treasons but such as shall particularly concern this prisoner, seeing all have been practised, since he was their Superior; and these circumstances I will divide into precedent, concurrent, and subsequent.

“For the precedent circumstances; you must understand this man hath been in England this twenty years, and from the very first hour he set foot in England hath been a notorious traitor, because he came in contrary to a statute made the year before his coming in, Anno 27º. of our late sovereign of happy memory, whereby it was made high treason for any Priest that had received Orders from any authority derived from the See of Rome beyond the seas, which I beseech your Lordships to observe; for of Queen Mary’s Priests nothing was spoken in the law.” (And the reason hereof is given in the former ——418 chapter, but here it is apparent, that this treason so earnestly urged, was merely matter of religion, as in all former martyrs.) “Contrary to which statute this prisoner came in, and by consequence at that very instant was a traitor. But he will say, this is a new law; these laws were never heard of before Luther’s days; this law is a cruel law, a bloody law, prohibiting men to exercise their function, to gain souls to God; and that their religion is the old religion, where ours is the new and confined in England, where on the contrary side their religion is universal and embraced of the greatest part of this Christian world. And thus for the maintenance of their rotten religion, do they seek to disgrace our gospel and do calumniate just laws with title of cruelty. But to this I answer,” saith he, “that if our religion be as ancient as Luther, it is more ancient than the Jesuits are.419 Albeit it neither be contained in those narrow limits of place, nor bounds of time, which they feignedly imagine, having been ever since the time of Christ and His Apostles. For we do not deny but Rome was the Mother Church and had thirty-two virginal Martyrs for her Popes a row; and so continued till in succeeding ages it brought in a mass of errors and idle ceremonies. But you will ask, where our Church lurked before Luther’s coming for some hundreds of years. But I say it makes no great matter where it was, so that I be certain it was; for as a wedge of gold, if it be mixed with a mass of other metal,” &c. (By your leave, Mr. Attorney, if I know not where the true Church is, I cannot be of it: if I be not of it, I cannot be saved: and if this be no matter to you, yet to God’s children it is a great matter. And your simile of the wedge is lame of all the feet: for the Church if it be invisible to all men is gone, “quia ore fit confessio ad salutem,”420 and so Christ had no true servants on earth; but this is like your dream before that the true Church could degenerate into errors, and yet those coming in, no man being able to name the time, the place, nor the person, that did alter any substantial point of faith. But can Mr. Attorney think that Christ our Lord would put His candle under a bushel, which He had lighted with so great labour? And that which He saith no man will do, as being an idle and foolish thing, yet will Mr. Attorney have the Wisdom of God to do? But good Mr. Attorney, give me leave to believe Christ our Lord before you; and therefore that the city could not be hid which Christ had built upon a hill. And so your imagined gold is turned into alchymy, and passeth away in smoke; but if the material wedge of gold be hid, men say you know where to find it, if you will but search your coffers with half the pains you took to find out this invisible wedge of gold. Pardon me for this digression, I could not well let such false follies pass without a word or two; but I will not trouble the reader any more, but leave it to others: neither should I or any other have had need to admonish Mr. Attorney, if Father Garnett had been suffered to speak at large, as he was often of set purpose interrupted. But let us proceed in Mr. Attorney his speech.) “For as a wedge of gold, if it be dissolved and mixed with a mass of brass or other metal, it doth not lose its nature, but remaineth gold still, although we cannot determine in what part of the mass it is contained, but the touch-stone will find that out; so though our Church hath ever been since Christ His time in the world, yet being mixed and covered with innovations and errors we cannot tell in what part it was.” (This is the truest word in all Mr. Attorney his speech, but presently linked with the contrary, for he saith:) “And I dare say it is now more extended than theirs is, for we have all England, all Scotland, all Germany, all Denmark, a great part of France, all Poland, and some part of Italy. Now as for the statute which they call a bloody and cruel statute, I will make it apparent to be the mildest law, the sweetest law, the law most full of mercy and pity,” (It is a great pity it were not executed upon Mr. Attorney:) “that ever was enacted by any Prince so injuriously provoked as she was. And if I prove not this, then let the world say that Garnett is an honest man. And to prove this, we must remember that Pius or rather Impius Quintus, the Pope, in the eleventh year of our late Queen deceased, sent over a Bull of Excommunication against Her Majesty, discharging all her subjects from their allegiance, whereupon arose the insurrection in the North, and other rebellions, for which divers were apprehended and executed. And here we may observe the misery of Popish Catholics, who if they do obey the Bulls of the Pope are apprehended and hanged as traitors; and if they do not obey them, are by the Pope excommunicated and cursed. But to go forward: from this excommunication also proceeded that the Popish Catholics refused to come to our churches; so that the reason of refusal is not religion, but the Pope’s Bull, which now being not of force, there is no doubt but that they both may and will come to our churches.” (False.) “Then after the suppression of the rebels in the North, the Popish Catholics being thought too weak to make a party, then did the Pope give them a toleration ‘rebus sic stantibus et donec commoda executio Bullæ fieri posset.’421 Then to make a party of Popish Catholics against the Queen, was sent in Campion and a crew of Priests with him, that laboured to pervert Her Majesty’s subjects and draw them to bloody practices, which Her Majesty sought to prevent, and withal out of her singular clemency made a law, and that the fullest of pity that could be devised, to wit, That they should keep themselves there (beyond the seas), and not to come into her dominions under pain of high treason. Now tell me I pray you, was this law made to spill their blood?” (Yes, either to spill the Blood of Christ by the loss of souls, if the Priests came not in, or if they did, then theirs.) “No, it was made to save their blood, by keeping them there, which by coming hither would be spilt in bloody practices” (which were fathered upon them, that it might not seem to be cause of religion.) “Then comes in Garnett in the twenty-seventh year of the Queen. His purpose was to prepare the way against the great compounded navy, which may well be called a compounded navy, because it consisted of the ships of all nations in Christendom, that either they could beg, hire, or borrow. He came in, I say, to be the forerunner of this navy. The Pope was the inciter and the Spaniards the actors; and this great navy was overthrown, not so much by our power, as by themselves, their own ships severing and scattering them. So that we may well apply those verses to our late sovereign, which Claudian sung to his Emperor Theodosius:

O nimium dilecta Deo, cui militat æther,
Et conjurati veniunt ad classica venti.422

“But was this a sufficient warning to the Romish Catholics to desist from their treasonable practices? No, for when they saw that open invasion served not their turn, they took themselves to private treacheries; insomuch that I dare boldly say” (but not truly) “there passed no four years without some one or other treason. For shortly after came Patrick Collyn, sent from Father Holt and Father Sherwood, two Jesuits, to kill the Queen. Shortly after cometh Lopez to poison the Queen, incited likewise by the instigation of the Jesuits.” (This Lopez was a Jew, the Queen’s physician, living in London, a rich man, and knew no Jesuit in the world, nor was acquainted with any Catholics in England that I know of.) “After him came Yorke and Williams from Father Holt, who likewise had plotted to kill the Queen. Not long after him comes Squire, sent by Father Walpole from Spain, to poison Her Majesty.” And here Mr. Attorney desired licence to advertise the Lords that each of these treasons were accompanied with some devilish book. “As for example, the plot of Patrick Collyn was accompanied with the book of Philopater written by Cresswell the Jesuit, their ledger in Spain. Then cometh Squire with his plot, and this was accompanied with another most pernicious book written by Dolman, alias Persons, their great ledger423 in Rome. And now we are come to the Spanish treason, which was in the forty-fourth year of our late sovereign. And that you may know there was a Spanish treason, you shall understand that Thomas Winter, and Father Greenway, alias Tesimond, the Jesuit, went over commended by Garnett to offer their obedience and service to the King of Spain, and to promise him their assistance, when time should serve for advancement of his title to the crown of England, and withal to entreat him to send them an army, to be conveyed hither by the galleys of Spinola; which army, if it were great, should land in Kent; if it were small, it might land at Milford Haven; that they should bring with them a round sum of money, and in the meantime to bestow some annual pensions upon certain discontented persons here; and that they for their part would prepare two thousand horses, which in such attempts were like to be the greatest want. This motion being made to the King, they were brought unto him; from him they were directed to the Duke of Lerma, who received them gracefully, and finally for their answer they were referred to the Conde de Miranda, who assured them the King his master liked very well of their motion and would be ready to further them in their just request, and would henceforward account the English as his own Castilians. With this resolution Thomas Winter and Greenway returned, expecting the next summer the arrival of their navy. And here were not wanting the books I mentioned before; but what books? They had no books indeed; but that want was supplied with two Breves or Bulls, as we call them, and they were most pernicious and treacherous, which by God’s providence came lately to light. The first was directed ‘Principibus et Nobilibus Catholicis totius Regni Anglicani.’424 The tenour of this first was an admonition that ‘postquam contigerit miseram fœminam e vitâ excedere,’”425 &c. Here you may mark this foul-mouthed monster that calleth our dread sovereign of happy memory, “miseram fœminam;” being one of the most renowned of Princes. (Here the reader indeed hath cause to mark a foul mouth, that durst call the Vicegerent of God Himself a foul-mouthed monster; nor will he mark that the Bull speaking only of the time after the Queen’s death, was not to accompany the army, which, if any such were intended, was to come at a certain prefixed time; yea, it rather showeth the Pope would have nothing attempted in her lifetime.) “But well,” saith he, “what followeth in the Bull? Marry, when it shall happen that miserable woman shall depart this life, they shall not admit of any other to succeed in her place, ‘quâcumque propinquitate sanguinis niteretur,’426 except that first they promise not only to tolerate the Catholic religion, but also do bind themselves by oath to maintain it and no other: and this to deprive King James from his rightful inheritance” (nay, rather to move him to be Catholic, and so to get him also a much greater kingdom in Heaven). “To exclude him therefore cometh this roaring Bull, that warned them also to give notice of her sickness or death, as soon as may be, when it should happen, to his Legate in Flanders. And so accordingly presently upon her indisposition, Christopher Wright was despatched with letters of commendation from Garnett the Jesuit, as appeared by a confession then produced and read. And here, my Lords, let me observe another circumstance very markable; that these peculiar traitors were severally commended by Garnett the Jesuit, as for example, Thomas Winter went over: wherefore? For treason; and yet was he commended by Garnett the Jesuit. Christopher Wright went over: wherefore? For treason; and yet was he likewise commended by Garnett the Jesuit. Guy Faulks was sent over: wherefore? For treason—that is, to solicit and deal with Owen, that Spinola and Sir William Stanley might draw their forces near to the sea-side, that when the time served they might come over with the more expedition: and yet he also is commended by Garnett the Jesuit. Sir Edward Baynham was sent over to acquaint the Pope with this business, when the blow should be given” (By this known untruth the rest may be judged of the better:) “which Edward Baynham was a fit messenger between the Pope and the devil; and yet he had also letters of commendation from Garnett the Jesuit. So that hereby it is apparent that Garnett was not only privy, but consenting to their several practices. Now when King James was settled in this kingdom, and received of all, then did Garnett burn the Bull. But out of that Bull did Catesby infer that it was lawful for him to entertain any practice against our sovereign that now is; for, said he, it is as lawful for us to expel him and cast him out now, seeing by experience he doth persecute religion, as by the Breve it was lawful to resist him and reject, when we did but fear he would not favour Catholics.” (True it is Mr. Catesby did argue thus; but was answered by Father Garnett, that the case was not like before and after admission, and that we must not by ourselves attempt anything, the Pope now commanding to be quiet.) “The other Bull was to the Archpriest and his associates, commending their patience and longanimity, and willing them to counsel all sorts of lay people to be forward in execution of the Pope’s command. Well then, out of these circumstances, I infer that Garnett was not only privy, but an author and actor in this treason.

“But now let us consider other circumstances that are ‘omni acceptione majores.’427 Your Lordships must understand that Garnett would not be known to any of the actors in these bloody practices, but only to Catesby, being a man ‘vafro et versuto ingenio et profundâ perfidiâ,’428 so that all we have against him must be chiefly drawn from himself.” (Indeed Mr. Catesby was dead, and never affirmed any such thing, and the rest of the conspirators in their examinations and public speeches affirmed the contrary; so that Mr. Attorney did want proof very much, when he brought in a dead man to be witness, like to them that brought the sleeping soldiers at Christ His sepulchre to be witnesses that his body was stolen whilst they were asleep.) “Well then, this Garnett confesseth that Catesby had in general imparted to him that something would be done by the Catholics, but could not reveal in particular what it was without the consent of two others of his consorts, which Garnett saith he dissuaded him from; but how know we that he did so? Only by his own words, who useth to deal sincerely in nothing that concerneth himself. But I will prove that he did not dissuade them, but did encourage them, even to the Powder Treason itself.” (Here, by the way, I would gladly ask Mr. Attorney how he doth save the accusation recited in the indictment from a false slander, where it is said that Garnett and Greenway did in the beginning meet with Catesby at Queenhithe, and there conclude upon destroying the King and Queen and the Parliament House by powder? How could this be true, seeing that here now long after, and after the gentlemen had concluded as it seems of the matter, and bound one another to secrecy, so that as you see Mr. Catesby could not reveal it to Father Garnett without leave of two others, Father Garnett was all this while ignorant of it: yea, and now also had but a general knowledge of something to be done, from which also he dissuaded them? We may see in this contradiction Father Garnett his innocency; and that Mr. Attorney should be mindful of what he hath said, if he will not say the truth. But let us see how he seeketh to prove by likelihoods, that here Father Garnett, getting some knowledge of the thing in general, did persuade it in particular.) “For Father Garnett,” said he, “confesseth moreover that Mr. Catesby did in general terms propound a case unto him, whether it were not lawful to destroy many enemies assembled together to our ruin, although some innocents must needs be inwrapped in the slaughter. To this Garnett answered that in just war when a town or castle is besieged that could not be taken without battering the walls, and that not to be performed without perishing of some innocents, in that case, if the advantage which redounded to the general good by the death of those enemies were greater than the loss should be by the destruction of those innocents, that then it was lawful. I beseech your Lordships mark here, that Garnett approveth this fact in particular; for this resolution was Catesby’s whole ground; and this I prove by Rookwood his confession (which he brought forth), and therein it appeared that when Catesby made the first overture of this matter unto him, he conceived great horror of the fact in respect of the innocents that were to be there, whereunto Catesby answered, that he had advice of the most learned, that it was lawful, not by proposing the case in particular, but in a like.” (Here Mr. Attorney, by his plain proof which he promised, hath proved himself to be guilty of a malicious and false inference, and Father Garnett to be clear from all furtherance to the Plot. For, first, this case was put to Father Garnett before the time this general notice of something in hand was given him by Mr. Catesby: though here Mr. Attorney did maliciously put it after, to make it seem that Father Garnett might gather some light what should be meant by them, hearing now this particular case out of the former general knowledge, which the Attorney saith he had before received. But the general knowledge came after, which I prove by these alleged words of Mr. Attorney. For here he saith, he had resolution in this case before he acquainted Rookwood; and that general knowledge was given after the matter was commenced: for, so he said, there was something in hand, but he could not tell him without leave of two; at which time Father Garnett refused to know the matter, but dissuaded it in general. Now that he proveth also Father Garnett clear from persuasion or consent, I prove by his own words, where he saith that Mr. Catesby persuaded Mr. Rookwood to yield, upon the resolution he had received of the like case, not of the same case; whereby it appears, they first concluded of it amongst themselves, and the rest consented to it, without Father Garnett his knowledge or privity, much less his counsel. Now whereas Mr. Attorney will needs conclude, that because Mr. Catesby did infer the lawfulness of the particular out of the resolution in general, therefore Father Garnett should be guilty of the powder; by the same reason he may prove many Doctors in the Schools, and the most learned writers that are or have been, to be guilty of the same treason; for they deliver the same doctrine in the same case, as it was put to Father Garnett. And as they, being wholly ignorant of the matter, cannot be touched with it, for delivering their true opinion, so Father Garnett, when that case was put, thought of nothing less than that they had any such intent. And afterward when he perceived something in general, that he also laboured to hinder by persuasion: and so no way to be blamed, but much to be commended, if he had his right).

“Then further,” says Mr. Attorney, “Garnett, under pretence of a journey to St. Winifred’s Well, and I know not what marriage, retired himself into Warwickshire, which was the rendezvous for all the conspirators, pretending he had no place to abide in until the Parliament.” (It is well known to many Catholics that all the safe lodgings which Father Garnett had about London were lately before discovered, and that was a chief cause of his journey; and it was unfit to take a new house about London, before they might see what laws would be made at the Parliament, which were expected would be such as there would be no abiding there.) “He also made a prayer for the great business about the Parliament time, which was

Gentem429 auferte perfidam
Credentium de finibus,
Ut Christo laudes debitas
Persolvamus alacriter.”430

Now for the subsequent circumstances Mr. Attorney produced, an interlocution between Father Garnett and Father Ouldcorne in the Tower; which thing is before declared at large and therefore needs not here be set down, the chapter growing too long by other points not before so much declared. Only this here is to be noted, that Mr. Attorney reported the matter otherwise than it was; for he said, that by reason the Tower was full of prisoners, the Lieutenant was constrained for want of room to lodge them in two chambers joining one upon another, which they perceiving did often discourse together, and being overheard by the Lieutenant’s men passing to other prisoners, some of them were placed near adjoining to overhear them.431 And so out of that interlocution, and Father Garnett his confession taken by the Lords after the same, he proved that Father Garnett was told in confession of the Powder Treason; which point alone he was able to prove against Father Garnett, and the which Father Garnett acknowledged, but proved it to be both lawful and necessary for him to proceed as he did therein. Then Mr. Attorney began to exaggerate the greatness of the treason, because it was intended against so worthy a Prince, and so noble a progeny, in whose praises he spent a long time; but not needful to be set down in this place. Then he praised and sought to please the City of London, affirming that the King, in desire to give contentment unto the city, had caused that solemn trial to be made in that place, which belonged to the public justice of the city.

Then he returned to Father Garnett, and said that he and the Jesuits had plotted these foresaid treasons against all these so worthy persons; and that the Jesuits were Doctors of four D’s; first of Dissimulation, wherein he made an invective against the doctrine of equivocation, showing a written book of that matter which had been taken in some search, the title whereof was written with Father Garnett his own hand, “Against lying and untruths;” and, said Mr. Attorney,432 “If this doctrine might be admitted, that men may swear and forswear what they list, there would be no martyrs: the holy Ridley, Cranmer, and Latimer would not have been martyred.” (These were three notorious heretics burnt in Queen Mary’s time.) “The thirty-two Popes, that were virginal martyrs, would not have suffered on a row. This doctrine was begun by Arius, who having a schedule of the Catholic doctrine in his left hand, and another of his own opinion in his bosom, laid his right hand upon his breast and sware he believed and would maintain that doctrine he had in his hand during his life.” (Many such things he said against “equivocatio,” either mistaking or misreporting wholly the state of the question.) The second D, he said, was Deposing of Princes, for which he produced a place out of Philopater, affirming that heretics cannot bear rule over Catholics; and another out of Dolman’s book of titles to the like effect, also two places of Simanha, whom he termed the Spanish Jesuit. The first, that all heretics were excommunicate de jure at Easter, and were excommunicate de facto. The second was that a Prince once excommunicate “amittit jus regnandi;”433 and not only for himself, but for his heirs. The third D, is the Disposing of kingdoms, for proof whereof, he alleged that they would have disposed of the kingdom of England to the Infanta of Spain, without any memory of King James. The fourth and last D, was the Deterring of Princes with fear of their excommunications, and I know not what. And then, with some invectives against Jesuits, he dehorted all men from conversing with them, with this saying, “Qui cum Jesu itis, non itis cum Jesuitis.” “Neither,” said he, “are their Priests less perilous than they of whom I hope I may presage the destruction near at hand; for seeing I am informed they are in number about four hundred, they may fitly be resembled to the four hundred false prophets that Micheas had in his company;434 for as they were possessed of lying spirits and then perishing, so may we hope that these Priests and Jesuits publicly teaching this doctrine of lying and equivocating are near their downfall.” And then making a low reverence he concluded his speech.

Father Garnett his speech.

Mr. Attorney having ended,435 Father Garnett, having first made his reverence with a very modest countenance began his speech, first craving pardon for the weakness of his memory, if he should fail to give them satisfaction in any particular that had been objected against him. “But I trust,” said he, “with the help of Mr. Attorney, I shall fail in nothing of consequence. And considering the whole discourse of Mr. Attorney, I find the things by him treated of, may be reduced to four principal heads: the first, concerning our doctrine in general; the second, concerning recusants in general; third, concerning Jesuits in general; the last, concerning myself in particular.

1. Concerning Catholic doctrine in general.

“And for the first, Mr. Attorney inveigheth greatly against that point of doctrine wherein we teach that equivocations in some cases may be lawfully used, as a doctrine which he supposeth to hinder Martyrs from their crowns and to break the bonds of human society; neither of which can ensue out of that doctrine, as we do teach it. For we do not teach (as Mr. Attorney affirmeth) that it is lawful to equivocate in matters of faith; but we teach the contrary most expressly, rejecting that doctrine as an heresy, condemned long since in the Priscilianists. Yea, some Catholics have suffered death for answering directly to questions which they might have avoided, but that they feared they should then equivocate in matters of faith, or seem to deny their religion. And, my Lords, because I have discoursed to your Lordships of this point heretofore, and to other learned men sent to me in the Tower, I will be the shorter at this present: and as I say, it is never lawful to equivocate in matters of faith, so also in matters of human conversation, it may not be used promiscually, or at our pleasure; as in matters of contract, in matters of testimony, or before a competent judge, or to the prejudice of any third person: in which cases we judge it altogether unlawful. But only we think it lawful when it is no way prejudicial to others and to be used for our own or our brother’s good, or when we are pressed to questions that are hurtful to be answered unto, or urged upon examination to answer to one who is no competent judge, or who would force us to open matters not liable to his court: as if they should examine me of the secrets of my heart, or the secrets I have heard in confession; because these secrets are not liable to any external court, I may in these cases, for avoiding of inconvenience, and redeeming my own vexation, lawfully use some reservation. Neither doth this liberty prejudice any whit human conversation; but it is conformable to reason, agreeable to the doctrine of the holy Fathers, and to the consent of all learned men, without contradiction of any one that ever I heard or read of, who teach generally with St. Thomas of Aquin, affirming the same which I have said, in several places, and specially in that place where he teacheth that if a Confessor should by any man whosoever be examined concerning points which he knoweth only by confession, he may lawfully, yea, he is bound to disavow them. And this doctrine is also found in the Scripture itself; for confirmation whereof, I will cite only two places. The first is that place where our Saviour being demanded concerning the Day of Judgment by His disciples made answer, ‘De die illâ nemo novit, neque Angeli Dei, neque filius hominis, nisi solus Pater.’436 But certain it is that Christ our Saviour did know of the Day of Judgment, not only as He was God, but as He was Man also, as all holy Doctors and Divines do constantly affirm. Wherefore it cannot be denied but therein He used some mental reservation. For lying can no ways be tolerable and much less practised by Him that is the rule and measure of all truth, as St. Augustine excellently proveth in that place where he distinguisheth eight kind of lies, all of them being sins; and the least of those when it is ‘mendacium officiosum,’ to the good of some, without the hurt of any. So that seeing this saying of our Saviour cannot be verified otherwise but, as St. Augustine expoundeth it, with this secret reservation that He knew it not to reveal it, it cannot be denied but these reservations in some cases are lawful. The second example is, where He said to His Disciples, ‘Vos ascendite ad diem festum hunc: ego autem non ascendo ad diem festum istum.’437 And yet, notwithstanding, the Evangelist affirmeth that after they were gone to the feast, ‘tunc et ipse ascendit ad diem festum non manifeste, sed quasi in occulto,’438 which argueth that in this general denial to go, He meant only that He would not go in public, which in His mind He reserved.”

Here my Lord of Salisbury interrupted the prisoner and said, that because the truth was oftentimes more plainly discovered by interposition of questions and answers, than by a continual speech delivered together, he would ask of Mr. Garnett one question concerning that doctrine he delivered. “For you teach it,” said he, “to be unlawful to equivocate before a competent judge, and I trust you take us to be such. At the least I do. Now did not you deny in the Tower unto me with earnest asseveration, that you had not any conference with Hall, until the witness was produced against you, and then you confessed it? Is not this to equivocate before a competent judge, and in a matter of small consequence?” To this the prisoner answered that he did so because, until the witness came, he did think the matter wholly secret, and therefore not liable to the examination of any judge, though otherwise competent; besides he deemed it prejudicial to a third person, whom then he accounted an honest man. Then he went forward in his speech.

“The second point of our doctrine,” said he, “that Mr. Attorney greatly inveigheth against, is the doctrine of deposing of Princes and excommunicating of Kings. Whereof although I could discourse at large, yet for that I am unwilling in this honourable assembly to speak anything which may be offensive to His Majesty or to them, I will only say a word or two in just excuse of myself and my brethren, the Catholics of England. And, first, I beseech your Lordships to consider that our doctrine in this point is the very same which is taught and holden by all Catholic Divines and other subjects in all Catholic Universities and countries of the Christian world, which subjects are not by their Princes censured for this doctrine or condemned as traitors, nor their doctrine judged to be seditious or treasonable. And therefore I cannot see why we, concurring with them and with all our predecessors in this kingdom, without innovation or changing any one principle or tittle in that matter, should be so severely branded with such notes of infamy. Secondly, for clearing our case the more, I will observe a great difference to be made between our Sovereign that now is, and other Princes that have once embraced and professed the Catholic faith and do afterwards revolt and decline into heresies, parting themselves from that body unto which they were before united, disjoining and dividing themselves from that Head to whom before they had submitted themselves and by whom they were governed; for they incur the censures which those authors, cited by Mr. Attorney, do speak of, and are punishable by that power which in precedent times they admitted. But His Majesty’s case is different from theirs; for he maintaineth no other doctrine than that which from his cradle he hath been nourished and brought up in. And therefore those general sentences are not by any private man to be applied to his case in particular.” Here the Earl of Salisbury again interrupted him and demanded if the Pope could excommunicate King James, his Sovereign. The prisoner answered, “My Lord, I cannot deny the authority of His Holiness.” Then my Lord of Salisbury demanded, whether if he should be excommunicated, it were lawful for his subjects to rebel against him. “My Lord,” said he, “I have already answered that point. I beseech your Lordship to press me no further. You have my opinion in the Canon of Nos Sanctorum which I before alleged.” Then Mr. Attorney produced the Canon, which was publicly read with derision of divers standers-by, who thought it ridiculous that the Pope should have such authority over Princes.

2. Concerning recusants in general.

After this the Father proceeded and the second thing he would answer unto, should be recusants in general, “who,” saith he, “are accused by Mr. Attorney that they only grounded their recusancy upon the excommunication of the Queen by Pius Vtus, which, if it were true, then Mr. Attorney did infer that, seeing that our Sovereign that now is stands not excommunicate, it were lawful to repair to the churches and service of England. But if this were lawful, doubtless Catholics would have done it before this, thereby to avoid the penalty of those statutes which in that case are enacted. Neither is it true, that Mr. Attorney so constantly avoucheth, that till the eleventh year of Queen Elizabeth all Catholics did resort to their churches. For I knew many Catholics at that time living, that I am certain never went to Protestants’ churches in their lives. And Sir Thomas Fitzherbert of my knowledge did not only refuse it before that time himself, but also had written a treatise to prove that it could not be tolerated in any Catholic; and it is apparent to the world that before that time many Catholic Bishops and Priests were imprisoned for their refusal. Whereby it is evident that their recusancy is not founded upon any excommunication; but only upon mere matter of conscience, judging it unlawful to communicate in their service439 with such as have separated themselves from the Church. Which doctrine is as ancient as the condemnation of the Arian heresy; for even then the Catholics refused in divinis to communicate with the Arians, albeit they had Priests, Masses, Altars and their whole service, the same both in substance and ceremony. Which doctrine hath also been taught by the most learned of the Protestants, Calvin, Luther, Beza and others, who all teach it to be unlawful to be present at our service, not only at Mass, which they count idolatry, but at Evensong also. Yet I grant this point was not so clearly understood by Catholics here until the Council of Trent, where twelve most grave and learned men were appointed to consult and conclude of this matter; who without controversy determined, that it was in no case lawful to communicate with the heretics in their service, no, not to avoid any torment whatsoever. And their decision was by the whole Council approved; although the same was also concluded of by the Council of Nice above 1,300 years ago.” Here again he was interrupted by my Lord of Salisbury, saying, “You go about to seduce the people.” The rest of his speech only tended to the City of London, and seemed to tell them they should see such an anatomy of the Popish doctrine, that he hoped after that it would not have so many followers, with other words to like effect; which speech being ended, the prisoner resumed his discourse and said:

3. The Jesuits in general.

“The third thing I determined to speak of was the Jesuits in general; of whom some have been by Mr. Attorney accused of undertaking several treasonable attempts, as the matters of Patrick Collyn, Yorke, Williams, and Squire, of all which I can say no more but this, that I have had the hands and protestations of those Fathers that are accused, as Father Holt and Father Walpole, who on their salvations affirm they never treated with the parties concerning any such matter; and that it was very unlikely, seeing the enterprisers of them were no Catholics, or but feigned Catholics, as Yorke and Squire were, who died Protestants, and were of so little acquaintance with those Fathers that it was no way probable they would employ them in matters of such weight. And howsoever they might in time of torture, or for fear, be brought to accuse themselves, yet at their death some of them discovered the practices and protested they died innocent of the facts for which they suffered, as Williams and Squire did. And for Father Sherwood, accused also by Mr. Attorney, there neither is nor was any such Father of the Society. Indeed there was one of that name that entered the Society; but he died before he came to be Priest. But I am sure there was none such of the Society, as Mr. Attorney accuseth.

4. Father Garnett in particular.

“Now for myself in particular. First I protest I am clear from approving, and much more from furthering, either this or any other treasonable attempts, and have ever thought and taught them to be unlawful; and have by all my best endeavours laboured to divert and suppress them. True it is,440 that I did understand in general by Mr. Catesby,441 that he would have attempted something for the good of Catholics; which I dissuaded him from so effectually, that I well hoped he would have desisted from all such pretences. And this I revealed not, because as a Religious Priest I thought to suppress it between him and me; which course our Saviour prescribeth, warning us, that if our brother offend in anything, we should admonish him between him and us: and if this prevail, ‘Lucratus es fratrem tuum,’442 saith our Saviour; and if that reclaim him not, then we may proceed further. Now, my Lords, because I was persuaded that upon this admonition he would give over his former designs, I held myself in conscience discharged from making any further discovery of that practice. Howbeit that in your common law I think that insufficient, in regard it deemeth it not convenient to leave the safety of the commonwealth depending on the discretion or peculiar provision of any private person. But yet, my Lords, that I did dislike such proceedings, and as much as I could did endeavour to reclaim them, your Lordships may gather by the express commandment which I procured by means of our Superior, whereby was expressly forbidden all attempts against the King in general, and also by the endeavours I used as seriously as I could to procure the like prohibition, and that under pain of some heavier censure: which I would never have endeavoured, if I had any way approved it. And I knew very well His Holiness much disliked all such courses; and, as I was informed, commended my care and vigilancy in seeking to repress the former stirs, wherein Watson and Clarke did join with others the first year of the King’s coming into England. And lastly, in that I knew them to be contrary to our Religious obedience (of which virtue in the Society we make special account), by which we were expressly forbidden to meddle in any such causes.”

Here Mr. Attorney interrupted him and said, that he did not forbid them, for he could prove no such matter, but only by his words, who used to speak the best in favour of himself, “and,” said he, “for that prohibition which you procured, I do not think you did it for love to us, but for your own ends, lest that by some matter of small importance your main plot should be prevented and hindered.” To this he answered, “That all were prohibited in general, and therefore it could not be in favour of any one in particular.” (Besides that prohibition was procured long before Father Garnett knew of this particular designment of those gentlemen, which as it appears by all proofs, was long after the powder was all placed, and but a little time before it should have been put in execution.) “And, Mr. Attorney,” said Father Garnett, “howsoever you labour to misconstrue my intentions, my meaning was so as I have said. And to proceed further, I am blamed also for giving letters of commendation to Mr. Thomas Winter and Faulks and others that went over (as now it appears) for accomplishing of treasons. And to this I answer, that I gave them indeed letters of commendation; but I protest I knew not that they went over about matters of treason, for that I never inquired of their businesses. But if I knew them to be Catholic men and of good conversation, then,443 without further inquiry, I gave them letters to testify so much to my friends beyond seas, desiring their favours and furtherance for them in any ordinary matter of courtesy or charity. And the like letters I have given to divers other Catholics that were no ways to be touched with any treacherous attempts: and these were altogether unknown to me.”

Here my Lord of Salisbury did interrupt him. “Mr. Garnett,” said he, “did you give them the letters without knowing the end why they were sent over?” “Yea, my Lord,” said he. “Why,” said my Lord of Salisbury, “did not you yourself tell me that you did nominate Sir Edmond Baynham as a fit man to go over to the Pope?” “My Lord,” said Father Garnett, “I told your Honour thus much: that it was thought convenient that some one should inform His Holiness of the estate of our country, and that it was a great charge to send over one of purpose for that business; knowing therefore that Sir Edmond Baynham was going over, and had been so resolved for above two years, I thought it better, that now he might discharge that care and save that charge, than that one should be sent over to the Pope of set purpose to inform of the state of England.” “Nay,” said my Lord of Salisbury, “you told me that Sir Edmond Baynham went over to acquaint the Pope with this Plot of Treason, and that therefore you would not have him said to be sent by you, because the Pope would be offended that you employed a layman in that business.” “My Lord,” said Father Garnett, “at the going over of Sir Edmond Baynham I did not know of that treason myself, and therefore could not think that Sir Edmond went to acquaint him with it.” (Note the modesty of this Father that would not contradict the Earl, although the matter touched him very near; but rather proved, by a necessary consequence, that he could not say so unto him, than he would seem to aver the other had misreported his words.) “Nay I am persuaded,” said the Father, “that Mr. Catesby would not have revealed the matter in particular to the Pope himself. Howbeit, afterwards I imagined with myself that peradventure Mr. Catesby by his means might intend to acquaint His Holiness with some pretence in general for the Catholic cause, which they would undertake if His Holiness should approve it And this I supposed only because Mr. Catesby promised me that he would not go forward with any attempt till the Pope had been acquainted and made privy to it And I said to your Lordship, that therefore I would not that Sir Edmond should be sent from us; for that it would displease the Pope we should send or employ any person whomsoever in the affairs of England; but refer them to others, whom it more concerned.”444

Then Mr. Attorney replied that Mr. Faulks had confessed that Sir Edmond Baynham was to give notice unto the Pope of this their attempt: and to this effect was produced a confession of Faulks which said that Sir Edmond Baynham was sent to Rome to acquaint the Pope with the matter when the blow should be given, and to crave his assistance and furtherance in all. To this he answered: “What they determined, I know not. And it may be, they thought at that time to have conveyed him some letter to give him notice thereof. But it is more than I know, and very unlikely that the first news should come by me, for the common fame and rumour thereof would have prevented my letters by a great while.” Then said Mr. Attorney: “You see, my Lords, what great care this man had for the preventing of this so great a danger; and yet he saith he did not approve nor consent to it. But I will prove that he did both; for, as I have said before, he gave Catesby the resolution that it was lawful to be done not in that case, but in another like to it; which notwithstanding was the sole ground Catesby stood upon, as appeareth by Rookwood’s confession, before alleged and now again produced and read. Besides he made a prayer for the good success of the Powder Treason, about the time it should have been put in practice, he having known thereof in particular before by Greenway his confession.”

The case concerning innocents, answered by Father Garnett.

The prayer objected to Father Garnett answered by him.

To this the prisoner answered: “That the case was proposed to him in general, and so he resolved it, being a case common in all just wars, where if a town could not be taken, or a wall beaten down without the death of some innocents, all casuists do hold that fact to be lawful. But that Mr. Catesby misapplied this general question, was neither fault nor approbation of mine; which when I heard of, I conceived a great horror at the thing itself, and thought it would be a scandal and disgrace to Catholics; and therefore, besides the former means which I had used to suppress it, I did also in my prayers desire some milder course might be taken, if it were God’s will.” “Nay,” said my Lord of Salisbury, “you prayed not with that condition; for you said to me in the gallery, that although we did not approve of your Masses, yet you did think assuredly that they had done us good; for you prayed heartily that it might not come to pass, except it were for the good of the Church.” Father Garnett answered “that he said not so; but that he desired God to make a milder course, if it were His holy will. As for the prayer upon All-Hallow Day, wherein you note those words so precisely, ‘Gentem auferte perfidam,’ you must understand it was the hymn of the same Feast, which in my exhortation I admonished the hearers to iterate unto Almighty God for the Catholic cause, the Parliament being then at hand, and great fears in us of more severity ensuing towards us; and therefore I meant not the Powder Treason, but to desire God that He would put in the mind of His Majesty and the Lords there assembled in the Parliament not to permit those rigorous laws to pass against us, which we feared would at that time be concluded of, and to restrain the too much forwardness of some others in the company that were more violent against us.” “Indeed,” said Mr. Attorney, “you said you would so colour it.” “No, in truth,” said the Father, “that was my true intention.”

Then witnesses were called into the Court which had heard the interlocution; and Mr. Attorney spake in commendation of one of them, saying he was a great linguist, a Justice of Peace, and a learned man, and one that would do wrong to no man. Father Garnett said he thought so too, but he might be mistaken, for that which he said was no more but that he could answer that point very well, for he would say (as in truth it was) that he meant, that the laws intended might not pass against us. “And how say you, Mr. Fawcet, bethink yourself, were you not mistaken?” (Here one may see the good Father had some hope left, that some sparks of grace and true dealing had been left in the man according to his former promises of friendly meaning; but he found the contrary, and that they were agreed together what they would aver, “convenientes in unum adversus christum Domini,”445 for he answered,) “No,” said he, “we both understood it so and writ it down so, and have had so great care to do you no wrong, that we omitted divers things wherein we agreed not, and nothing was set down, but with both our consents.” “No,” saith my Lord of Salisbury, “if we would touch you with the testimony of one witness, we could charge you with further matters than these, but we will not do so, that the world may see what mildness and mercy we use in execution of justice, and to this end my Sovereign determined that your trial should be in this honourable assembly. For who is Garnett that he should be called hither; or we should trouble ourselves in this Court with him? which I protest were sufficient for the greatest Cardinal in Rome, if in this case he should be tried. No, Mr. Garnett, it is not for your cause that you are called hither, but to testify to the world the foulness of your fact, the errors of your religion, and His Majesty’s clemency. For these causes His Majesty ordained your trial should be in this Court before this honourable assembly, wherein we may glory as much as if the greatest Cardinal in Rome were pleading at the bar. And, therefore, the witness is a man of reputation and who would do you no wrong.”

Mr. Garnett said he thought so too, but he might be mistaken. “No,” said my Lord of Salisbury, “he was near you enough to understand your words: for Hall and you, of policy, were lodged so near one to the other and in such a place where your interlocutions might be easily heard.” (Here it appears Mr. Attorney his speech was idle when he said it was for want of rooms and by chance that they were overheard; but he did not foresee that the Earl meant to make the truth in this point of policy serve his turn for a further policy, as here it appeareth. Unto which end also the good usage was directed to satisfy the Ambassadors who were then present, and others that were like to inquire of his usage in particular.) “For Christian policy is not to be condemned in any well-governed commonwealth, and if we should not use such courses, I know not how we should deal with such people as you. You have in your pamphlets so described us for cruelties and persecutions. But let him testify that is here at the bar, whether he hath not been used with extraordinary favour? How say you, Mr. Garnett, is it not so?” “My Lord,” said the Father, “I must acknowledge my entreaty to have been very honourable, for which I esteem myself much bound to His Majesty.”

Then my Lord of Salisbury urged that he was bound to have discovered the Powder Treason which he knew by Greenway his confession, “being no sacramental confession by your own laws,” said he, “for it had no contrition and was de futuris, and so could not be a Sacrament in your own religion.” (This point is answered where the thing itself is particularly declared at the time and place when it happened. Here the Father did only answer to the Earl’s chief intention and said:) “Though he nothing doubted but Mr. Greenway had contrition and all things needful to make it a sacramental confession, yet howsoever the party were penitent or not, the Confessor may not reveal it without mortal sin, if he utter himself in confession, and not in derision of the Sacrament.” Then said the Earl of Northampton, “Mr. Garnett, Greenway in his reservative clause was more careful of you than of the King or commonwealth, in giving liberty to you to reveal it in time of your own danger, which should have been rather to have prevented the danger to the King and commonwealth.” Father Garnett answered that Mr. Greenway having it himself also from them by confession, was restrained and limited how far he should give leave to open it; and that the Confessor hath no extensive liberty at all further than the penitent gives unto him.

Then said the Earl of Nottingham, “Mr. Garnett, if a man should tell you in confession that he would stab the King with a dagger to-morrow, are you not bound to reveal it?” “My Lord,” said he, “unless I could know it by some other means, I might not.” Hereupon the people fell into a great laughter, not understanding that the secrecy of confession concerneth a greater good in the life of many souls, than the corporal life can be of any particular man. When the laughter ceased, the Father proceeded and said, “In that case, my Lord, my duty were to dissuade the party from it, to refuse to give absolution, and by all446 means to labour to divert it, which might not open the confession.”

Then said the Earl of Northampton, “Mr. Garnett, you were consenting to the Powder Treason, for you did not forbid it: and it is a case by every good Priest approved, that ‘Qui non prohibet cum potest, jubet.’”447 “My Lord,” said the Father, “I did prohibit it, as much as in me lay.” My Lord of Northampton replied, “Why did you not then make it known to those that could and would have hindered it?” Father Garnett answered, as before, that he could not do it, because he knew it only in confession. Then the Attorney pressed him in this manner. “Although you could not discover Mr. Greenway, by whose confession you knew it, yet might you have well discovered what you understood concerning Catesby and his associates, whose confessions you heard not.” The Father answered, “What sin soever is heard in confession, although it concern not the penitent but some other, cannot lawfully be revealed.”

Mr. Attorney then urged him with his being in Warwickshire at that time when these troubles should have happened, amplifying it again, as in his former speech he had done. To which Father Garnett answered that by reason of a journey which he had made that summer to St. Winifred’s Well, he passed through that country, and was by the entreaty of some of his friends and some occasion also of business detained there for a time, not suspecting any such troubles would have happened in that place: which, if by any forecast he could have foreseen, they might well imagine he would in discretion have been a good way off from that place and country.

“But,” said my Lord of Salisbury, “what did you, Mr. Garnett, the 6th day of November, when Bates came to you with a letter from Catesby, after the Plot was discovered and they in open rebellion?” “My Lord,” said Father Garnett, “I said I would not meddle with him that had wrought himself into such treasonable attempts, and thereby endangered himself and his friends.” “Yea, but,” replied the Earl of Salisbury, “did not you send Greenway to Catesby, who went to raise the countries abroad?” “My Lord,” said Father Garnett, “he went without my knowledge; neither could I gather by any speech of his that he had any such intention, as Bates could testify, if he were alive.” And indeed Bates had said as much as that in his letter, before set down verbatim in the 11th chapter, which was more than Father Garnett could know of.

Then, for conclusion, Mr. Attorney desired license to read a letter written by Mr. Tresham, lying upon his death-bed in the Tower, wherein upon his salvation he cleared Father Garnett of any notice of the Spanish treason, protesting that he had wronged him in it, and that he had not seen Father Garnett of fourteen years before. “Now,” said Mr. Attorney, “to prove this untrue, here is a confession of Mrs. Ann Vaux, who (though otherwise a very obstinate woman) yet in this she confesseth plainly, that within these three years Tresham had been several times at her house with Father Garnett, and twice this last year, at which times Father Garnett had given him very good counsel. So that you see,” saith Mr. Attorney, “they will swear and forswear anything.” The like said my Earl of Salisbury upon the same occasion.

But they did not (or would not) mark, that Mrs. Ann Vaux her confession doth make nothing at all against Mr. Tresham his protestation; for he said not he had not seen Father Garnett within the last three years; but that he had not seen him of fourteen years before the Spanish treason, which was the year before the Queen’s death; as his words are plain, and the cause also of his writing doth make it plain, for his intention was only to clear the Father of the Spanish treason, which he had wrongfully accused him of, and therefore it was a very material proof that he had not seen him of fourteen years before that business;448 but they would needs draw his meaning to be, that he had not seen him of fourteen years before the writing of the letter. But this was their misconstruing, not his equivocating; yea, then his words had been very unproper, for he should rather then have said, “I have not seen him of fourteen year, or this fourteen years;” but whereas he said, “I did not see him of fourteen years before,” he must needs mean of fourteen years before the time he spake of, which was the Spanish treason. Therefore they were to blame, that did so much insult upon Mr. Tresham after his death, as though he had been found to have protested an untruth. But they did it to take occasion to infer thereby that other protestations also were like to be untrue, which divers of the conspirators had made before their death to clear the Fathers. But against theirs, no pretence of exception could be alleged; but only that theirs might be false, because this was false: which had been an evil consequence, although this had not been true. But this of Mr. Tresham’s was true: and the others undoubted, and no ways to be disproved. And it is worthy to be noted how Almighty God did permit them now, at the end of this long day’s trial of Father Garnett, to bring forth this letter (whereby they thought so clearly to disprove such testimonies as might be afterwards brought for Father Garnett), which letter did indeed so clearly prove him innocent in that former dealing with Spain, whereof there were more likely presumptions against him than about this Powder Treason.

The cause and manner of writing this letter was this. Mr. Thomas Winter had confessed that six gentlemen were acquainted with that Plot, but could say nothing of Father Garnett, that he did so much as know of it. Mr. Tresham acknowledged in his first examinations that himself was acquainted with it, vdlt., that money and men should have come from thence; and being found more fearful and easy to be wrought upon than the rest, he was urged to confess Garnett to be privy thereunto; to which he answered, “Perhaps he was.” On which words reflecting afterwards when he lay in extremity of sickness in the Tower, and prepared himself to die, he thought the Council would take advantage against Father Garnett by that which he had said: therefore before his death he caused his man to write in his name unto the Earl of Salisbury, protesting upon his salvation, that Mr. Garnett was not acquainted therewith, &c, as before was set down out of the letter read. This letter he was not then able to sign himself, he was so weak at that time, and therefore caused his wife to do it, and commanded her, as she would answer it before God, to deliver it to my Lord of Salisbury, for the discharge of his conscience; but afterwards growing somewhat better, he did call for the writing again, and signed it with his own hand. And his wife after his death, because she could not be admitted to come to my Lord of Salisbury, inclosed it in a letter of her own, and sent it to his Lordship. And the man that wrote this letter, being afterwards taken by Sir William Wade, Lieutenant of the Tower, for fear of his threats, affirmed his master had written the letter himself (not daring to be known, that he had written it at his master’s appointment), but afterwards being at liberty, he went to the Recorder and affirmed before him, that it was his master that had caused him to write it, and had himself subscribed it: and for this the man was committed to a close and strait prison, to Bridewell, the worst prison about London.

Notwithstanding all this, upon the reading of this letter, my Lord of Salisbury presupposed it as granted that Mr. Tresham did mean to equivocate in this letter, which the good Father did not contradict, not observing perhaps the circumstance of Mr. Tresham his words before alleged, which was no marvel, being clean wearied out with so long standing at the bar, and answering to every man’s questions before, which more concerned himself; and himself so often interrupted in his own discourse, that it was misliked by divers of the standers-by; yea, the King himself, who was there in private, sent word at length to my Lord of Salisbury, he should give the prisoner leave to speak freely. My Lord of Salisbury therefore took occasion upon this supposition to speak at large, and said, though he would not meddle with Mr. Garnett in matters of divinity, yet because he had been particularly employed in that service, he desired to demonstrate with what sincerity and moderation His Majesty’s justice was carried in all points. And so he discoursed of the manner of the proceeding therein, and said it was not performed with such solemnity in respect of Garnett, who was but a private man, but to discredit in his person his religion, and to credit the Gospel, and also to show the King’s just proceedings to the world, and withal to favour the City of London, in doing it in the sight of the city. Then he showed how gently Father Garnett had been used, more like a nurse-child than otherwise, and that in this arraignment divers things had been permitted to be read, which made for Father Garnett; as namely this testimony of Mrs. Vaux, who, said the Earl, would sacrifice her life to do him good. And so he concluded, affirming that the whole course of proceedings in that matter had been mixed with such clemency, as he thought there was none so malicious that could calumniate. My Lord of Northampton also made a speech much to the like effect, to show the foulness of the Plot of Powder, the just and merciful proceedings of the King, and the presumptions of Father Garnett his being guilty.

Which done, the jury was willed to go together, and Father Garnett, ere they departed, desired them they would take such things as he had denied, to be justly and truly disavowed, except they had more evidence to the contrary; and desired them to give their verdict only upon that which was acknowledged to be true, and not upon any other presumptions. And so indeed (by God’s providence) it was performed: for they went together for a short time, and presently returned and pronounced him guilty directly for not revealing this treason.449

He was then asked whether he had any more to say for himself, and my Lord of Salisbury told him it was the King’s pleasure he should have free leave to speak (but this leave was pronounced very late, after so many hours of continual interruption). The Father answered he had no more to say but God save the King; and referred himself to the mercy of God and the King, and that he desired their Lordships to recommend his cause unto His Majesty, whom if it would please to grant him life, he would labour to deserve it the best he could, his conscience reserved. If otherwise, he was prepared to die.

Then Serjeant Crooke prayed judgment might be given. The crier was willed to proclaim silence. The Lord Chief Justice, Sir John Popham, pronounced sentence of judgment against him, which was, to be hanged, drawn, and quartered.

The Earl of Northampton made a second speech to this effect unto the prisoner. “Nothing is, that hath not been: nor nothing hath been, that is not. That all which hath been spoken this day might be rightly understood, you are condemned not for religion or your profession; but for treason verified by pregnant proofs. It is necessary to look into the ground of this action and safety of the King; which by the Scripture is sufficiently commanded and proved, that there is no cause sufficient to depose Princes, neither tyranny, nor adultery, nor idolatry, nor apprehending of Priests, nor simony, nor heresy, nor apostacy. No power upon earth can dispossess him. That Popes have attempted it sometimes, hath been abuse crept in within these five or six hundred years, but the ancient Popes would never do it, yea, St. Gregory calleth the Emperor, his Lord. No man may lay hands upon the King, as is proved by many examples in the Old Testament. You are commanded in the New Testament to obey your Princes; and so all the ancient Fathers teach. For the Prince’s life is in no man’s power, but in the hands of God Himself. All examples of Scripture prove you ought not to touch his body, but to persuade his soul. You allege the Canon of Nos Sanctorum to prove it in the Pope’s power to depose Princes for some causes; but it never can be proved lawful by any learning or law for this 1600 years. Therefore whosoever doth maintain it, is in a foul and most gross and grievous error.”

This was about six or seven o’clock at night. Then the Court broke up; and Father Garnett being condemned to die was returned back to the Tower until the day of his execution. The King as he went from the place of trial, where he had been in private, was heard to say, they had done the prisoner wrong to interrupt him so often; and also, that if he had been in the prisoner’s place he could have defended himself better in some points. The Protestants were generally much appalled at the beginning of Father Garnett his speech, and some that came from the hall said, that never any man did speak so at that bar. But towards the end, they did weary him exceedingly with so many interruptions and interrogations. But it did comfort the Catholics much that he was condemned only for concealing the treason which he had only heard in confession; and consequently his condemnation and death was only for concealing confession, which is a most happy cause, and the case of a martyr, as all the Catholics did then account him, and as the justice of his cause did then approve him: and God hath since his death declared by diverse signs, of which I will afterwards speak in their fit place.

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Chapter XIV. Of the Arraignment and Execution of Father Ouldcorne and Those That Suffered With Him, and of the Occurrences There, With a Brief Relation of His Life

Whilst Father Garnett was kept as yet in the Tower and the expectation great450 what would become of him, not only of all the people, but of many principal persons also (the resolution of the Council concerning him being known to very few), and whilst, in the meantime, the whole afflicted company of his friends and spiritual children did join in earnest prayers unto God for him; whilst this was the thought and the business of the poor distressed Catholics, it was determined by the State that Father Ouldcorne should be sent into the country, where Father Garnett and he were taken, there to be arraigned, condemned, and executed. Wherein assuredly the providence of God, and His sweet disposition was plainly to be seen both towards the good Father himself and all the Catholics of that shire. For doubtless a more grateful thing could not have happened to that Father than to suffer in that place where he had laboured so long, and now to water those plants with his innocent blood which he had, with the help of God’s grace, so carefully planted, and so many years watered before with Catholic doctrine and instructions of good life. Neither could anything have been provided more profitable or pleasing to that country than to have him die amongst them, whom in his life they did so highly and so worthily esteem, and to see his constancy at the end of his course, whose virtues they had seen and admired in so many years’ conversation. Briefly, they might well and did esteem it a great happiness to see him go to a crown of glory who had assisted so many of them to the obtaining of grace, “ut coronati essent in misericordiâ et miserationibus.”451 And so to have him a patron to their country for time to come who had been a pattern to them in the way of virtue whilst he walked amongst them.

This good Father, therefore, about the midst of Lent was sent from the Tower towards the county of Worcester, and with him Mr. Thomas Abington, in whose house both Father Garnett and Father Ouldcorne were taken; with them also Mr. John Winter, the youngest of the three brothers, who was before condemned when his brothers and the rest of the conspirators were condemned, but was not executed with them, because the Council would have some of them executed in the country for the greater terror; and rather this than the rest, because he was no actor about the Powder, but only a party in the rebellion, which, therefore, was thought fittest to be punished where it was performed: and withal it was the rather deferred until this time of Father Ouldcorne his execution, to make a show unto the people that Father Ouldcorne was to be touched with the same conspiracy or rebellion for which it was known the other suffered. With him also was sent down Ralph ———452 of whom I spake before, who had for some years faithfully served Father Ouldcorne in his spiritual business and negotiation for souls, and was taken with him, and brought up to London with him, and had suffered torture in the Tower with him, and now was carried down with him, and was to go to Heaven with him.

As they went through Holborn, going out of London, Mrs. Abington453 did meet her husband, Mr. Thomas Abington, and, with many tears, took her leave of him, but yet promised to labour earnestly with the King for his pardon, which she hoped to obtain the rather by her brother’s means, who was the Lord Mounteagle, now in special favour, as you may guess, being the man that had discovered the Plot of Powder.454 Mr. Abington wished her to be of good comfort, for himself was not troubled; and withal, willed her to put His Majesty in mind how he had suffered four years’ imprisonment for his good mother, for whom also his elder brother was executed, and that himself had never undutifully thought against him or his in his life. They were all carried down to Worcester like prisoners, and prisoners supposed to be guilty of most heinous treason, and their usage by the way and at their coming to Worcester answerable thereunto.

They were arraigned at the Lent Assizes, which is a Court of public justice holden twice a year in every county for the trial, as well of country causes in law, as for life and death, touching all such malefactors as are taken and do belong to those shires in which the Assizes are holden. Therefore, at the Lent Assizes at Worcester were brought to the bar Father Edward Ouldcorne and Ralph ——, also Mr. Thomas Abington and Mr. Humphrey Littleton, of whom I have declared before that he was the man in whose chamber Mr. Robert Winter and Mr. Stephen Littleton were taken. In which respect this Humphrey Littleton, hoping to deliver himself from danger of the law (upon the large promises that were contained in the proclamation to any that would be the means of taking Father Garnett), discovered Mr. Abington his house, where both Father Garnett and Father Ouldcorne were taken. And yet it was not God’s will he should for so evil a deed have his expected pardon, for his greater good, as it is to be hoped, for, seeing worldly hopes and promises to fail him, he sought for mercy455 at God’s hand, and became very penitent for his fault and frailty showed in that discovery. Mr. Abington was indicted and condemned upon the statute of relieving Priests, although he did allege for himself that which had been sufficient to clear him, vdlt., that he was absent from his own house, and who might come in his absence he knew not, nor could hinder; and, before he came, they were so shut up and besieged in secret places, that they could not be gone; therefore he, neither being cause of their coming nor staying, could not justly be found guilty of that penal statute. But they knew so well his constant love to Catholic religion (which had been so often times and so well tried before), and his devotion also and respect unto Priests was so well known unto them, that they made no scruple at all to presume that those two Fathers were there with his approbation and good liking; in which respect they doubted not to condemn him as guilty, although, before the time of execution, there came a reprieve from London, obtained by his wife and the Lord Mounteagle of His Majesty; and so his life remaineth still at the King’s pleasure, and his lands and goods forfeited: which lands of his, because they should have returned to his heirs in case he had been put to death (this statute being but of felony and not of treason), they might be a motive to save his life, that so the gain might be greater by his life than by his death it could be.456 The gentleman showed great constancy, courage, and devotion at the receiving his judgment, as he had often done before in his examinations and conventions before many several commissioners for the cause of religion, where at all times he did answer with such learning, judgment, and sufficiency (being a man of great reading and of a very good understanding), that his adversaries were generally unwilling to deal with him in that kind. And several Bishops of Worcester (to whom he had been prisoner)457 had received diverse foils at his hand both in private and public conferences.

Mr. Humphrey Littleton was indicted and condemned of high treason, for receiving and harbouring the two gentlemen before named, Mr. Robert Winter and Stephen Littleton, who were proclaimed traitors. He acknowledged that fact, which he could not deny, but yielded he had much more deserved death for his treason to God in betraying his servants those two good Fathers, than in any ill intention he had unto the State, in not delivering up those two for whom he was condemned.

Father Ouldcorne his indictment was so framed that one might see they much desired to have drawn him within the compass of some participation of this late treason; to which effect they first did seem to suppose it as likely that he should send letters up and down to prepare men’s minds for the insurrection. But for this they had no other ground but that he was a man so much esteemed by the best Catholics in those parts, and those countries were the place which it seemed the conspirators did most trust upon for assistance. They also did seem to think that he had written some letters for the relief and conveying away of Mr. Robert Winter and Mr. Stephen Littleton after their rebellion, and before they came to Humphrey Littleton’s, where they were apprehended. Also, they accused him of a sermon made in Christmas, wherein he should seem to excuse the conspirators, or to extenuate their fact, and, withal, that speaking with Humphrey Littleton in private about the same matter, he should advise him not to judge of the cause, or to condemn the gentlemen by the event, alleging some examples and authorities to prove that God doth not always give present success to such causes as yet He doth approve and will afterwards prosper. “Sed nullam istarum causarum poterant probare, Patre rationem reddente, quoniam neque in Legem, neque in Regem quicquam peccavit.”458

And for the first, being a mere supposition, without any proof or instance to be alleged, it could not have any force against him, whereas his protestation was of great force in denial thereof, affirming seriously, upon his death and salvation, that he never knew anything at all of that treason, and that he was as innocent thereof as the child new-born. And for the second, as they without proof did suppose that he had holpen to convey away Mr. Robert Winter and Mr. Stephen Littleton, being his ghostly children and dear friends, he cleared himself very sufficiently from so unjust an accusation. But, withal, did prove very learnedly there at the bar, that if he had so done, yet he could not be justly condemned for that by any law, all circumstances considered of his estate and theirs, they having been reputed for so virtuous men before this error, and might justly be presumed to be very penitent now for this enterprise so unadvisedly undertaken.459 For the last, he utterly denied he had spoken anything, either in public or private exhortations, to justify the attempt of the conspirators, and declared there what he had said and with what intention. And Mr. Humphrey Littleton, who had been his accuser in those points, did there publicly ask him forgiveness in the Shire Hall, and said he had much wronged him.

But when none of these things could be proved against him, yet, being a Priest and a Jesuit well known to have gained many souls to the Catholic faith, he was found guilty by the jury and condemned by the judge to be hanged, drawn, and quartered, as in case of treason, and as blessed Father Campian and Father Southwell and others of his predecessors had been before him. He received the sentence with joy, and told them there in public that he had been tortured in the Tower five hours five several days together, one after another, which, if it were five hours at a time even one of the days (as his words were understood), then was it a most great extremity that he sustained. For one hour’s torture will make the hands so swollen and so sore (besides the pain in the other parts of the body), that it is a very cruel thing to put a man to the like the next day after. “Sed Deus non deserit sperantes in se, in quo omnia possumus.”460

Ralph —— was also indicted and condemned, upon supposition that he had carried letters to and fro about this conspiracy. But they neither did nor could allege any instance or proof against him, and he solemnly protested, upon the salvation of his soul, that he had never known of the treason in the least degree. So that he could not be condemned nor suffer for any other cause but for the helping and assisting the good Father there condemned with him, in his spiritual functions. Which cause, as it was glorious in itself, so for it the good and virtuous man did very gladly accept both sentence of death and death itself, as he showed most apparently after, when he came to his execution.

Thus they received all four sentence of death, but Mr. Abington was reprieved, and they three were kept in the jail together, with Mr. John Winter, until the next Monday after, which was the day of execution. In the mean time Father Ouldcorne added one gem more unto his crown by the conversion of an obstinate sinner, who was condemned to die for his notorious wickedness. This man “cum in eâdem damnatione esset, necdum tamen timebat Deum,”461 but the very day before he was to die went singing and whistling up and down the prison, and jesting now with this man and then with another, which thing being observed by Mr. John Winter, the young man, pitying much the lamentable state of soul of that poor heretic, began to admonish him that such neglect of his future account could not proceed but from a great blindness of soul and obduration of heart, affirming, withal, that in the Catholic religion he had been taught a much different manner of proceeding, especially at such a time. The careless heretic answered him he saw no cause to be sad, for he should be with the Lord before the next day at that time. Mr. Winter replied that he could not be sure of that, and that it depended much upon his care and penance and preparation in the mean time. The heretic replied he need not to take care for that which Christ had taken care for sufficiently. By which answer and manner of proceeding of this poor man,462 one may plainly see the spiritual blindness463 and desperate danger which heresy hath brought souls unto in this country, this being not only an opinion which some of them do hold, but an absolute point of their faith to believe, that they464 shall certainly be saved, and that so soon as they are dead (because they believe no Purgatory). Yea, this is with them not only a point of faith, but their very justifying faith, by which, they say, they must be saved without necessity of good works. Wherefore no marvel, though this poor fellow did out of that ground build his secure and careless proceedings, laying all upon Christ His back, wherein they pretend that they attribute much to the Passion of Christ, and that we dishonour the same by requiring the necessary concurrence of our own cooperation.

Mr. Winter, finding the heretic obstinate, and yet seeing and pitying his lamentable estate, told him he was far wide, “but,” saith he, “if you will talk with the Father that must die with you to-morrow, he will make it plain unto you that you are in error, and will show you the right way how to save your soul.” The man answered he cared not with whom he talked, for he knew no man could prove him to be in error. Mr. Winter called the Father, who was retired to his prayers, and hearing of this opportunity of doing good, came gladly, took the man aside, and began to catechise the man with such judgment, learning, and spirit, that he first led him out of the labyrinth of his errors, then taught him what was necessary for him to believe and know expressly, and in all the rest to465 submit his judgment to the Catholic Church, which he proved unto him invincibly could not err nor lead into error. Then taught him how to prepare himself to become a member of that Church, and having instructed him how to examine his conscience carefully, sent him away to do it by himself, and promised that night to hear his confession. The man returned from the Father greatly satisfied and contented, and forthwith applied himself to his business, left all his companions, and got himself into a corner, there to recount his years so carelessly spent, and so little thought of before that time. His companions, wondering at this sudden alteration, came to invite him to be merry and drink with them, as he had before, but he sent them away with this answer, that he had serious business to think of. That night the good Father kept his promise, and reduced this stray sheep into the flock of Christ, supplying with his prudence and skill that which, in so short a time and so raw a scholar, was likely to be466 imperfect in the preparation of his penitent. Yea, he made good proof in this one patient how great dexterity and skill he had in the curing of diseased souls. For, with the effectual assistance of God’s grace, he wrought this man’s mind, not only to a constant belief of the Catholic faith, but to a fervent profession also of the same, and a public demonstration of a perfect conversion. For the next morning, when the Father was laid upon the hurdle and drawn to the place of execution, according to the use and the form of sentence which was pronounced, this neophyte, being led in company of other prisoners in a foot-path hard by the horse-way, when he saw his Father come by lying upon the hurdle, he suddenly slipped from the rest of the company and stepped into the horse-way and followed the hurdle directly, though the way were foul and no footman went in it but himself. The keepers and the rest of the prisoners called upon him, and asked him why he did so. He answered, he would follow his Father to his death, whom he hoped to follow after death to a better place. “Why,” said they, “art thou become a Papist?” “I am a Catholic,” said he, “I thank God and this good Father, and so I mean to die.” They replied that he was a notorious thief, and known to have committed many mischiefs. “It is true,” said he, “I was so indeed when I was of your religion. I was then a Protestant and a thief, now I am a Catholic and penitent; and as heresy was the cause of my disorders then, so now the Catholic religion is the cause and means of my repentance.” And in this mind and manner of proceeding he continued till his death, to the admiration of all who had known his former courses, which gave occasion to divers to see and acknowledge the great difference between those trees which brought forth such different fruits.

Father Ouldcorne, being come to the place appointed for their death, first with great fervour commended himself to Almighty God, to the Blessed Virgin, and to his patron, St. Jerome, to whom he was ever very much devoted. He then declared unto the people that he came thither to die for the Catholic faith and for the practice of his function, seeing that they neither had nor could prove anything against him which, even by their own laws, was sufficient to condemn him, but that he was a Priest of the Society of Jesus, wherein he much rejoiced, and was ready and desirous to give his life for the profession of that faith which he had taught many years in that very country, and which it was necessary for every one to embrace that would save their souls. Then, being asked again about the treason and taking part with the conspirators, he protested there again that he never had the least knowledge of the treason, and took it upon his death that he was as clear as the new-born child from the whole Plot or any part thereof. Then, commending his soul with great devotion, humility, and confidence into the hands of God and to the Blessed Virgin, St. Jerome, St. Winifred, and his good Angel, he was turned off the ladder, and hanging awhile, was cut down and quartered, and so his innocent and thrice happy soul went to receive the reward of his many and great labours.

After him followed Ralph, his faithful follower and companion of his labours, who showed at his death great devotion and fervour, as may be guessed by this one action of his; for whilst Father Ouldcorne stood upon the ladder and was preparing himself to die, Ralph, standing by the ladder, suddenly stepped forward and takes hold of his good Father’s feet, embracing and kissing them with great devotion, and said, “What a happy man am I, to follow here the steps of my sweet Father!” And when his own turn came, he also first commended himself by earnest prayers unto God, then told the people that he died for religion and not for treason, whereof he had not had the least knowledge; and as he had heard this good Father before him freely forgive his persecutors and pray for the King and country, so did he also. Then, before he was stripped of his clothes (which is usual to all such as are afterwards to be quartered, that their bodies may be the sooner cut up after they are laid upon the block), he, perceiving a Catholic maid of his acquaintance stand weeping by the gallows, he ungartereth himself, and, with dexterity, casteth them so unto her that others could not perceive that he did it of purpose. But the maid doth still keep the garters as great jewels, and thereby it may appear what opinion he had of his own innocency and the cause of his death. He showed at his death great resolution joined with great devotion, and so resigning his soul into the hands of God, was turned off the ladder, and changed this life for a better.

At this time also suffered Mr. John Winter, who, as I have said, was condemned at London with his two brothers and the rest of the conspirators, but reserved to die at this time for reasons before declared in the beginning of this chapter. He died with great show of devotion and good state of mind, as might appear also by his fervent endeavours the night before to help towards the conversion of that soul before mentioned. He acknowledged the fact for which he died, to wit, that he had risen in arms and joined himself to the other conspirators; but affirmed that he did it only to restore the Catholic religion: and so took his death patiently and with show of a contented, willing mind in respect of that intention.

Then suffered also Mr. Humphrey Littleton, who, before his death, and before the Father was put to death, did there again ask him forgiveness, and said he had wronged him much: also he asked forgiveness of Mr. Abington in particular, and of all Catholics in general, in respect that he was the cause of the apprehension of the two Fathers at Mr. Abington’s house, for which he acknowledged he deserved death much more than for the relieving of Mr. Robert Winter and his cousin, Mr. Stephen Littleton, for which he was to suffer. He died with show of great repentance, and so with sorrow and humility and patient acceptance of his death made amends for his former frailty and too unworthy desire of life.

There had also suffered the like death467 for the same occasion, vdlt., for relieving of Mr. Robert Winter and Mr. Stephen Littleton before they were apprehended, one Perkises and his man in the same city of Worcester, the 27th of January before468: and about the same time, for the same cause, two others in Wolverhampton: all which I suppose to have been Catholics, in that it was not likely those gentlemen would commit themselves to the fidelity of any others; but as yet I cannot learn the certainty. That same Mr. Stephen Littleton was sent down into Staffordshire, to be tried and executed in Stafford, in respect that his house was in that shire where all the conspirators were last received, and where some of them were slain and the rest taken. For which assistance given unto the conspirators, and for joining with them in open rebellion, Mr. Stephen Littleton was condemned and executed. At his death he acknowledged the fact, and said he did it only for religion, for which he was ready and willing to die. He showed great resolution and devotion, to the satisfaction of all the country.

With him were sent down twelve or thirteen others, some gentlemen, some serving-men, who were arraigned and executed in the same place, who, although they were taken with their masters being in rebellion, yet they stood unto it they did it only for religion; and divers of them were offered their lives if they would go but once to heretical service, which they refused to do, and, consequently, died most happily, “eligentes potius absque opere incidere in manus hominum, quam peccare in conspectu Domini, et morientes propter justitiam regnum cœlorum adepti sunt.”469 But as for Father Ouldcorne and Ralph, their case was so clear that no Catholics in all the country doubted to call them, and to call upon them presently as Martyrs, and did strive exceedingly for some part of their holy relics. Besides, Almighty God did testify by special signs the great merits of blessed Father Ouldcorne, which I think fit here to set down, after some brief rehearsal of the course of his life, so far as it hath come unto my knowledge.

Father Ouldcorne was born in the county of York of honest and faithful parents, who brought him up in the Catholic religion, and in his young years kept him to school; so that he was a good grammar scholar when he first went over beyond the seas, which was about the twenty-second year of his age, and some twenty-seven or twenty-eight years ago.470 He first studied in France in the English Seminary at Rheims some two or three years, and from thence was sent to the English College at Rome, where he remained ——471 years. He heard his course of Logic, Philosophy, and —— years of Divinity, in all which he profited very well, being of a very good capacity. But his chief care and desire was to profit in spirit, which he did in such sort as was greatly to the satisfaction of all his Superiors, and the edification of the whole College. No man more careful to observe the rules, no man more forward to the practice of any mortification, often begging leave of his Superiors to go to hospitals and to serve in the kitchen, with other such like practices of humiliation, which he knew to be usual in the Society, unto which he had a vocation a long time before he could obtain his desire; though he was not deferred for any want of liking which his Superiors had, either of his spirit or other talents; but rather in their desire to further as many good spirits and sufficient men as they could to the end of the College, and to furnish the Clergy of England with able men against the time that God should please to have mercy upon our country. For the opinion his Superiors had of him was well declared in the particular choice they made of him, to send him into the kingdom of Naples and Sicily to negotiate for the College and to procure some alms, in a time of great want, when the College was far in debt, being overcharged with the number of scholars, more than their receipts were able to maintain; and yet the charity of the governors thereof such, and the want of fit workmen in the English harvest so great, that they would not lose good spirits when they offered themselves to that vocation. Father Ouldcorne, therefore, was sent about this business; and did perform it with such discretion and fidelity, that he brought a good round sum of money unto the College at his return.

In the year 1588, he and Father Gerard were received together into the Society by the Rev. Father Claudius Aquaviva, General of the same, upon the Assumption of our Blessed Lady; and within five or six weeks after were sent together into England, in company with two other Priests who were not of the Society. By the way Father Ouldcorne gave very great edification unto all his company with his religious behaviour, showing in all his actions great humility and readiness to help and assist any of them in their needs. When they came to the sea-side, they understood of the extraordinary difficulty to pass into England, and of such persecution in England at that time, as had not been of long time before, the Earl of Leicester (who then ruled and overruled all under Queen Elizabeth) having made a solemn vow, that within a twelvemonth he would not leave one Papist in England; but God with His mercy prevented the malice of that persecutor, and called him out of this life within half the time that he had limited for the life of others. But in the meantime he caused divers to be put to death, both Priests and others, and set watch and ward in every town, so that none could pass the country that were not known, and could not satisfy the officers of their dwelling and manner of life. In which regard those Fathers of the College where Father Ouldcorne and Father Gerard stayed whilst a passage was preparing, would not by any means let them pass, thinking it impossible they should land safely and get safely to London.

Whereupon they wrote back to Rome, to know their Superiors’ mind, yet with earnest suit that it might please them to permit their going forward. They received answer from Father Persons, that the times were much more periculous than was expected when they went from Rome, yet sith the cause was God’s, and their will so good to prefer the safety of others’ souls before the safety of their own bodies, they might in the name of God proceed, if their desire still continued; but that it was left unto their own election. These letters were received with great joy, and the two Fathers, within few days after, got a ship wherein they embarked, thinking to have landed in the north parts of England; but sailing along the coast of England one evening, and seeing a shore where they might be set on land, and no town nor house near them to see where they landed, they resolved to commit themselves to the providence of God, and caused the sailors472 to cast anchor until it was dark, and then in a cock-boat to set them on land. When they were landed, having first commended themselves to God, they purposed to have gone forward in the first way they could find, to get as far from the sea-side before morning as they could; but they found that every path did lead them to some house or other, where the dogs making a noise,473 they durst proceed no further in that course; but got them into a wood, and there stayed all night, whilst it rained a good pace. But yet they were as merry as might be, and well contented with their wet lodging, as I have heard one of them affirm from whom I have these particulars. Towards day they commended their business earnestly to God, and, after their prayers, resolved not to adventure both to go one way to London, but to take several courses, that so if one were taken in the time of danger, the other might scape. They therefore looked into their provision of money, and he that had more gave it unto the other to make it equal, and then they embraced and gave one the other their benediction; and one went out on the one side of the wood, the other went out of the other hand. They never had been in that country before, nor knew any one person in the country, nor the way to London, where they promised to meet. But God provided for them both.

Father Ouldcorne joined himself to some company that he found travelling that way, and being himself of an excellent wit and very sociable in company, he did so join those companions that they desired his company to London, and so they, being known in the way, did pass freely through watch and ward, and he also as one of their company was permitted to go without any further questions. Father Gerard was stayed by the watch in the first town he went through, and was carried by the watchmen to the chief officers of the town, who were then at their heretical service (it being Sunday morning). These officers willed the watchmen to bring him into service, and afterwards they would examine him. But Father Gerard refusing to go into their church, the officers were the more displeased, and sent twice or thrice commanding him to come in. But in the end, when they saw he would not, they were glad to come out to him, and examined him of many particulars, unto which he answered readily; yet they threatened to send him to the Commissioners of the shire. And when he expected no other but to have been sent first to them and then to prison, these officers said, “He looks like an honest man. Let him go; we will not trouble him.” That first danger being past, he came safely unto the city that was the chief of that shire; and there, by special providence of God, did light into the company of some Catholics, and at last came acquainted with one gentleman of good worth, who provided him a horse and fit apparel for travel in that country, and carried him out of the city in his own company and to his own house; from thence let him have horses and a man with him to London, so that he passed very safely. And this gentleman sent earnest request unto his Superior that he might return into that country, which he granted; and so Father Gerard stayed a long time in that gentleman’s house, who was his first host, and by his means got acquaintance in all that country and the countries thereabouts.

Father Ouldcorne and he met at London according to their first appointment, and by good hap found the Superior then at London, though his ordinary abode were then in Warwickshire, almost a hundred miles from London. There were then no more of the Society in England but Father Henry Garnett, the Superior, and Father Robert Southwell, who was since martyred about eleven years ago,474 and Father Weston, who was then in prison,475 where he remained until this King’s time, for the space of seventeen or eighteen years, and then was banished with divers other Priests. So that at liberty there was no more but Father Garnett and Father Southwell, and these two Fathers last come, of which Father Gerard was sent back to the country where they landed, and Father Garnett took Father Ouldcorne with him into the country where he remained. And there he employed him in divers missions round about,476 and found him so practical and industrious that he doubted not to send him to the most difficult enterprises. Amongst the rest there was one gentlewoman,477 sister unto a very honest Catholic gentleman, their great friend. But this gentlewoman was an heretic, and could not by any reasons or persuasion be reduced from her errors, though divers Priests had talked with her and much labour had been spent in vain about her. But no doubt she was reserved for Father Ouldcorne, for he being sent unto her, within a few days brought her to be a perfect Catholic; and afterwards she continued ever so devout that she did more good than any Catholic in all the country, and with her Father Ouldcorne did chiefly remain for sixteen or seventeen years together. In which time of his abode in those parts it is not easy to be believed how many obstinate heretics he converted, how many weak Catholics he confirmed, how many scholars he sent over to the Seminaries and religious women to monasteries, how many houses he brought to that degree of devotion that he might and did settle Priests in them. Indeed, I may safely say of him, without amplification, that “in illis partibus totas fere fundavit rexitque ecclesias domesticas.”478 Yea, in my knowledge, he assisted Father Garnett also with yearly provision of money, procured from his own acquaintance, towards his charges and maintenance of others, when the Society grew to be there of greater number. All the chiefest gentlemen and best Catholics of the country where he remained, and the countries adjoining, depended upon his advice and counsel, and he was infatigable in his journeys. I neither do nor have known any one Priest in England that did go so many journeys as he did, especially towards the latter end of his time, when he grew to be acquainted in so many places, and so much esteemed in all places, that he could never almost stay three days at home but he should be sent for.

Yet was he for many years together of very weak health, proceeding partly of his pains-taking and partly of study, unto which he was very much addicted, and spent in it almost all the time that he had free from needful business. By which means about some eight or nine years ago he did spit blood in great abundance, but being very carefully tended and provided of all helps needful in such a case, he recovered; yet afterwards, with his like labours and earnest manner of preaching (in which he had a very good talent, though his voice were somewhat hoarse and painful unto himself, yet audible unto his hearers), he fell again to spit blood three or four times, which brought him to that weakness that no man thought he could recover. And being much consumed, he grew to have a cancer in his mouth, which afterwards was miraculously cured, as himself did tell me the story in this very manner.

When the physicians did give their judgment that the cancer could not be cured, but that he must have some parts of the roof of his mouth cut out, and some bones also, he resolved first to try what help he could have from St. Winifred, a notable Virgin and Martyr, who hath in those parts a well famous for many miracles, where she was beheaded. Thither did Father Ouldcorne resolve to go on pilgrimage before he tried any further physic. And in his journey coming to a Catholic house, where he meant to celebrate, he found upon the altar divers relics, and amongst the rest a little stone of St. Winifred’s Well with drops of blood upon it (as many of the stones have that are taken up in that well and in the current that runs from it). This stone Father Ouldcorne took and went aside into a place by himself, and fell earnestly to his prayers, desiring St. Winifred’s help for his health, if so it were best for the service of God. Then he put the stone into his mouth and held it there some time, and behold within half an hour his mouth was perfectly well. He went forward to St. Winifred’s Well, and there also recovered the strength of his whole body, and returned home so strong and in such sort that all wondered exceedingly. And after this time479 he was more able to endure pains than he was before; and whereas once a year, commonly about the same time, he did usually grow weak and enter as it were into his consumption together, he used then no other physic but to go to St. Winifred’s Well, whence he ever returned with perfect strength and health, which lasted him until that time twelvemonth again. All which particulars I set down as himself did recount them unto me.

Thus he continued his labours until it pleased Almighty God to call him to receive a full reward for his so faithful service and fruitful endeavours: at which time he was near fifty years old.480 The manner of his apprehension with Father Garnett, also of his strict examinations and cruel tortures received in the Tower, I have set down in the former chapters, and in this chapter I have declared how he was carried down to Worcester and there condemned and executed in the place which of all others he would have chosen, if he might have had his wishes, “Domino voluntatem faciente timentium se.”481

After his death it pleased Almighty God to testify his fervent charity and received crown of glory by these two notable signs. For, first, the place where his bowels were cast into the fire (as the custom is), being in the open field and subject to rain and all injury of weather, yet did the fire continue burning there, and could not be extinguished for sixteen or seventeen days together, until at last the town of Worcester, fearing a miracle, did send to put it out with violence. But they could not hinder the people from seeing the wonder to be great, and more than natural, giving unto Catholics just cause to remember with what zeal of burning charity he had for the like number of years sought to enkindle their hearts with heavenly fire, like the true disciple of Him that said, “Ignem veni mittere in terram et quid volo nisi ut ardeat.”482

In like manner there was seen to grow within the court of Henlip (which is Mr. Abington his house, where Father Garnett and Father Ouldcorne were taken, and where Father Ouldcorne had for many years together deserved a crown of glory), a formal crown of grass, both higher and of different colour from the rest of the grass round about it. And the wonder was the more in respect that the gates of the house being broken down at the time of the search, and so continually standing open, and both swine and other kind of cattle coming in, yet none of them would either eat of that grass or did tread upon it to deface it; yea, when neighbours did cut it down, in like manner as they had extinguished the fire, yet did it grow up again in like height and form as it was before, and so continued to the great admiration of all the country thereabouts. But it is to me much greater marvel that they will not open their eyes and see “quam mirabilis Deus in sanctis suis.”483 I hope in God the time will come when the city of Worcester will see and acknowledge both the burning charity with which blessed Father Ouldcorne lived and died amongst them, and the crown of glory which he hath received at the hand of God for his faith so truly kept and his course so happily consummate. His life was holy; his death saintly. God send us part of his blessed merits and intercession.

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Chapter XV. Of the Execution of Father Garnett, With a Brief Relation of His Life484

After the condemnation of Father Garnett and the execution of Father Ouldcorne, they kept Father Garnett still in the Tower, to the marvel of many, from the time of his arraignment, which was the twenty-eighth of March, until the third of May. In the meantime there was of purpose spread many false rumours of his, that forsooth he would yield and go to church with heretics, and that they should see him preach publicly heretical doctrine, and such like; all which things God knows were far from his thoughts, as he showed by his great constancy, and in express words also when he came to die. But this was done to diminish the great and worthy opinion which was conceived of him generally, and to cause some bad rumours to be spread of him in other countries before his death, that the truth itself, when it came to be opened by his constant suffering, might have the less credit, at least in some men’s minds, where the contrary prejudicate opinion should be before settled.

All this time, which God of His gracious providence gave unto the holy man for his better preparation and perfecting of his fervent and religious desires, his enemies also gave him good occasion to increase his merits, often soliciting him485 to declare who was intended for Protector by the Catholics if the Plot had gone forward, whereby it was thought likely that the Earl of Northumberland would have been deeply touched. And to this end it was constantly affirmed by some that knew much how things passed, that both life and favour were often and earnestly offered him, if he would have yielded in that point. But Father Garnett was far from any such base and unworthy mind: neither could he ever be brought to repair his own liberty with the ruins of others.486

Wherefore when it was plainly seen that there was no hope to draw him to anything unlawful or unfit for a Religious Priest, it was then determined presently that he should suffer. And the day was assigned to be the first of May, which being told unto Father Garnett, he misliked the choice they had made of that day, as well in regard it hath not been usual to put any to death upon such great Feasts, as for that it hath long time been a custom in England upon that day in the morning early, for the people to go into the fields and come home with green boughs in their hands in sign of joy, and to spend most of that day in triumph and pastime. To which effect Father Garnett made answer, “What, will they make a May game of me?” which words of his (as it afterwards proved) he was by God’s providence directed to speak. For when it was told to the Council what he said, they saw it was not fit, and altered the day from Thursday, which was May-day, until the Saturday following, which was the Invention of the Holy Cross, and the day no doubt assigned by Almighty God for his martyrdom; for, of all other days in that season, the martyr himself was most affected unto that, having ever had a special devotion unto the Cross and Passion of Christ; wherefore as he misliked the unfit choice of the other day, so he rejoiced exceedingly at this election, and prepared himself gladly to find this cross which God would send him upon that day, and by that cross to find the way to Heaven. He showed himself a true disciple and follower of the Apostle “et gloriatus est in cruce Domini nostri Jesu Christi, in quo est salus, vita et resurrectio ejus, per quem salvatus et liberatus est.”487

The manner of his preparation we cannot learn, all things being kept so close in that most close and strict prison, where none but his only keeper could possibly come to him; and that keeper a most malicious naughty fellow, as before hath been showed. But we may well judge of his preparation by the effects of his well prepared mind and his cheerful carriage, which, in so grave a man, was a sign of great peace and contentment of mind. When the desired day was come, Father Garnett was brought down from his chamber in the Tower, where first there met him one of the cooks of the house, who used to provide him his meat,488 and this man took his leave of him saying, “Farewell, good sir;” upon whom Father Garnett looking with a pleasant smiling countenance, said, “Farewell, good friend Tom, this day I will save thee a labour to provide my dinner.” And going a little further towards the hurdle, there met him also the Lieutenant’s wife to take her leave, who said, “God be with you, and comfort you, good Mr. Garnett, I will pray for you.” To whom, with a joyful countenance, he gave thanks, saying, “I thank you, good madam, and for your prayers, you may keep them at this time; and if it pleaseth God to give me perseverance, I will not forget you in my prayers.” Then being brought unto the hurdle, there he was laid as the order is, having a black cloak somewhat long upon his other clothes, and a hat on his head. All the way as he was drawn (with three horses), he held his hands together, lifted up somewhat towards Heaven, and kept his eyes shut for the most part, as a man in deep contemplation.

The place of the execution was St. Paul’s churchyard, on the west end,489 over against the Bishop’s house; provided so by God, that as by his virtuous life and doctrine he had confuted heresy, so by his constant death he might confound both it and the teachers thereof. In that place there was a great scaffold made, and a gibbet in the midst of the scaffold. And such multitudes of people, noble and ignoble, so many standings set up by carpenters to hire out for money, that a mere place to stand on would cost twelvepence well; and the party from whom I chiefly have many of these particulars (being a Priest of great credit and estimation) was glad to give twelvepence only to stand upon a wall. All windows were full, yea, the tops of houses full of people, so that it is not known the like hath been at any execution. When he was taken up from the hurdle, his arms being still unbound, there met him the Dean of St. Paul’s and of Winchester,490 with a company of other ministers. And the Dean of St. Paul’s said unto him (both he and the rest having their hats in their hands and with great show of reverence), “Mr. Garnett, I am sent unto you from His Majesty, to will you, that now being in the last hour of your mortal life, you will perform the duty of a true subject, to which you are obliged by the laws of God and nature; and therefore to disclose such treasons as you know intended towards His Majesty’s danger and the commonwealth.” By this it may appear they had often laboured him to confess something, and could never get anything in that kind, which moved them now again to make this last trial. To this Father Garnett answered, “Mr. Dean, it may please you to tell His Majesty, that I have been arraigned, and what could be laid to my charge, I have there answered, and said as much as I could; so that in this place I have no more to say.”

Then the Dean and other ministers began to persuade him to a true and lively faith (meaning their own solifidian doctrine), but in this he cut them off quickly, desiring them not to trouble themselves, nor him; and said that for his estate of soul he needed not their instructions; he came prepared and was resolved. Which two last words are of themselves sufficient to convince all the slanders his enemies would fain have imposed upon him, and to declare what he had done in his private prison, whereof as yet we cannot learn the particulars. Then he was brought upon the scaffold, where there was both the Sheriffs of London, the Recorder, with the Deans and Doctors before mentioned, and some other petty officers, as also some Catholics of reckoning, and well-wishers,491 all which he saluted very kindly and cheerfully.

And first he asked whether there was not some place to pray;492 but the Recorder began to say unto him, that he and others were there by order from His Majesty, to bring him to remembrance of his treason, and that he should acknowledge he was justly condemned, and ask the King’s forgiveness. To which he answered, he had not committed any treason nor offence against His Majesty, nor was ever guilty of the Powder Treason in the least degree, but had earnestly dissuaded and sought to hinder both that and all other attempts against His Majesty; neither could they condemn him for anything, but for not opening the secret of confession, in which only he had knowledge of that Powder Treason, and in which he had done according to his function, and therefore could not justly be condemned for it; neither had any ways willingly offended His Majesty. But so far forth as this concealing of the treason (unto which he was bound in conscience) did any ways offend His Majesty or the State, he did ask them forgiveness with all his heart.

Thereupon the Recorder taking hold, said to the hearers, “Do you hear, gentlemen? He asketh the King forgiveness for the Powder Treason.” To which Father Garnett answered, “You do me wrong: for I have no cause to ask forgiveness for that whereof I was never guilty, nor was privy to it in such sort that it may justly be imputed to me for concealing it.” The Recorder then would gladly have made good his former speech with facing down the Father, and said: “What! will you deny your own hand? We have it under your hand, that you knew of it by other means than confession, that Greenway told you of it by way of consultation, and that Catesby and Greenway came together to be resolved of you.” “No,” said the Father, “Mr. Catesby never told me of any particular. And for Mr. Greenway, I knew it only, as I have said, by confession, which therefore I could not lawfully open, until now that I had leave so to do. Neither would I have named him as I have done,493 but lest any might think him guilty of counselling or furthering in the matter, and494 to the end the very truth might be known, because false reports make him thought more guilty than he is. What is under my hand I will not deny, but you shall never show my hand contrary to what I have spoken.”

The Recorder answered, “You do but equivocate, and if you will deny it, after your death we will publish your own hand, that the world may see your false dealing.” The Father answered, “This is no time to talk of equivocation, neither do I equivocate. But in troth, in troth, you shall not find my hand otherwise than I have said.” Which double asseveration did satisfy the hearers much, though he would not be satisfied that was resolved and prepared to contradict. Wherefore the Recorder said to one of his followers, “Let him see his own handwriting.” “You cannot,” saith the Father, “show me any such writing of my hand.” Then he that should have had the note, said it was not there; it was left at home (at which divers of the standers-by laughed in their sleeves). “No,” saith the Father, “neither here nor at home you have any such.”

Then they asked him whether he had anything to say unto the people. He answered his voice was low and himself weak; he doubted they could not hear him. But yet he495 turned him to the people and said, “Upon this day is recorded the Invention of the Cross of Christ; and upon this day I thank God I have found my cross, by which I hope to end all the crosses of my life, and to rest in the next by the grace and merits of my Blessed Saviour. As for the treasons which are laid against me, I protest now at my death that I am not guilty of them, neither had knowledge of the Powder but in confession, and then I utterly disliked it and earnestly dissuaded it. Yea, I protest upon my soul I should have abhorred it ever, though it had succeeded. And I am sorry with all my heart that any Catholics had ever any such intention, knowing that such attempts are not allowable, and to my own knowledge contrary to the Pope’s mind. And, therefore, I wish all Catholics to be quiet, and not to be moved by any difficulties to the raising of tumults, but to possess their souls in peace. And God will not be forgetful of them, or of His promise, but will send them help and comfort when it is most to His glory and to their good.”

Then some one that stood near unto him, seeking to interrupt him, and saying, “But, Mr. Garnett, were not you married to Mrs. Ann Vaux?” thereupon he, turning himself from the people to those about him, said, “That honourable gentlewoman hath great wrong by such false reports. And for my own part, as I have been always free from such crimes, so I may protest for her upon my conscience that I think her to be a perfect pure virgin, if any other in England or otherwise alive. She is a virtuous good gentlewoman, and, therefore, to impute any such thing unto her cannot proceed but of malice.”

Then, no more being said unto him, he prepared himself to execution, and asked if he might be permitted to pray, to which was answered, he might. Then he kneeled down at the ladder-foot, and there prayed for a good space in devout and religious manner. Then he helped to strip himself of his cloth unto his shirt, which was somewhat long, and himself had also sewed down the sides thereof almost to the bottom, that the wind might not blow it up, which was noted by many as a sign of great modesty in the Father. About that time a minister seemed again to insinuate himself as desirous to speak unto him in way of exhortation, but the Father desired him to hold himself contented, and not to trouble him any further.

And being upon the ladder, after he had made the sign of the Cross and desired the prayers of all good Catholics, one said unto him aloud, “Mr. Garnett, it is expected you should recant from your religion and become a Protestant,” for so it was given out that he would do, and afterwards preach at Paul’s Cross. The Father answered, “God forbid. I had never any such meaning, but ever meant to die a true and perfect Catholic.” And then, looking upon the people with a pious and undaunted countenance, he wished them to consider well the state of their souls, assuring them, upon his conscience and salvation, there was no other way for their eternal bliss but to live and die in the profession of the Catholic faith. Then said the Dean of St. Paul’s, “But, Mr. Garnett, we are all Catholics.” “No, no,” said Father Garnett, “you are not, for such are only Catholics as live in unity and profession of one faith, under one supreme head of God’s Church, which is the Pope’s Holiness, and you must be all of the Catholic Roman Church, or you cannot be saved.”

Then he prayed for the King, Queen, Prince, the Council, and the whole State. Then he desired the hangman to give him warning before he did cast him off the ladder. Then, making the sign of the Cross with “In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti,” he said, “Adoramus te, Christe, et benedicimus tibi, quia per sanctam crucem tuam redemisti mundum;”496 then, “Maria Mater gratiæ, Mater misericordiæ, tu nos ab hoste protege et horâ mortis suscipe;”497 then, “In manus tuas, Domine, commendo spiritum meum,”498 which he repeated twice or thrice; then,499 “Per crucis hoc signum (blessing himself) fugiat procul omne malignum. Infige crucem tuam in corde meo, Domine;”500 then returned again to “Maria Mater gratiæ, Mater misericordiæ, tu nos ab hoste,” &c. Then he told the hangman he was ready, and being desirous to carry the Cross with him out of the world imprinted in his heart,501 he crossed his arms over his heart upon his breast, and so was cast off the ladder, and his arms continued so across as he had placed them (not being bound, nor he making any struggling at all with death) until he had rendered his spirit to his Redeemer.

Neither was he cut down before he was perfectly dead. For the people was so much moved with his modesty, and so altered from their former hard conceits of him by the sight of his constancy, and by his protestation of innocency at his death, that they prevented the hangman with a loud cry that he might not cut him down too soon. Who thereupon, having permitted him to hang awhile, would then have cut him down when he presumed him to be half-dead; but the people cried out again, “Hold, hold,” and so again the third time, not permitting him to be cut down until he was thoroughly dead. Yea, and one of the citizens took him by the legs and pulled him to put him out of his pain, and that he might not be cut down alive. Which kind of favours are nothing usual when the people do presume men die for treason, and were not used to the gentlemen that suffered before, although men of good sort, and much beloved and esteemed before this enterprise.

And it was much marvelled how the people durst do this so publicly, seeing the State so generally bent against Father Garnett in this cause. But most of them proceeded much further than this. For when he was cut up and his bowels cast into the fire, and his heart pulled out and showed unto the people with these words, which are ever used in such cases, “Behold the heart of a traitor,” there was not heard any applause, or those that cried, “God save the King,” which is always usual when the heart or head is holden up in that kind.

Yea, so strange and unexpected an alteration there was in the very heretics themselves that some of them said, without doubt he was in Heaven; others said, “He died like a Saint;” others, that he looked not like a contriver of treason. Yea, and some ministers themselves were heard to say that questionless his soul was in Heaven. And, generally, the people went away much satisfied of his innocency and sanctity.

The Priest, of whom I spake before, who saw and heard most of these things, going down from his standing, went under the scaffold in desire to get some drops of his blood, which he did, and found divers there hunting for the same prey. Besides, his shirt was presently gotten by a person of great account, and most of his apparel also was redeemed by several persons, and are now esteemed of more than their weight in gold.

One marvellous thing happened whilst his body was dividing on the block, about a straw or ear of corn, which did strangely leap out of the basket into which his head and quarters were cast as they were cut up. This straw did leap into the hand of a Catholic, who stood by with great desire to get some part of the martyr’s blood, but durst not be seen to take it. But, for that the chiefest marvel that concerneth this straw was not discerned at the first, but was discovered some days after, to the great comfort of Catholics and wonder of many: therefore I reserve it for the next chapter, as also some other marvel seen about Father Garnett’s head.

Now, therefore, having declared how he finished his holy life,502 I will here set down so much of his whole course therein as I could learn from some of those that have been very inward with him, that it may the more plainly appear how his religious virtues did prepare and perfect him to this last conflict and conquest over the world.

He was born in the county of Derby. His parents were well esteemed, and well able to maintain the charge of their family. His father was given to learning, insomuch that he made profession thereof, and taught Free School in the next shire-town, which was of Nottingham.503

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Chapter XVI. Of the State of Catholics After Father Garnett His Execution: How God Did Comfort Them With Some Miraculous Events, and How Their Zeal Increased, Notwithstanding the Increase of Persecution

It was certainly expected by the Puritans and enemies of the Catholic cause that, together with the death of Father Garnett, the hopes also and courage of Catholics would have died, and that, when they should see so chief a man so publicly arraigned and executed under the title of so foul a matter, none would after that adventure to deal with the Society, which was the principal mark at which they aimed, with all their solemnities and unwonted preparation in the foresaid passages both of his trial and death. But the wisdom of God (against which the wit of man doth labour in vain), having determined to conform His elected servants unto His own image, and that as well by pressures and crosses in this world as by rewards and crowns of glory in the next, hath ever used a contrary course to the expectation of His enemies, and doth not permit His Church by persecutions to be dejected, but doth rather dilate the palm-tree when it is suppressed, “et facit cum tentatione proventum ut possimus sustinere, educens nobis aquam de petra, oleumque de saxo durissimo.”504 And He that doth daily make the most barren and stony mountains to bring forth the sweetest oil for our corporal uses, much more for the good of our souls doth use to make sweet the yoke of persecutions with the oil of His grace and mercy, “computrescere faciens jugum a facie olei.”505

Therefore much otherwise than was expected, this holy seed of Father Garnett’s slaughtered body falling upon the earth did bring forth great fruit. His mortified and divided parts did quicken and unite the minds of many that were before distracted with fears and uncertain reports, and his innocent blood did water the field of Christ in this country, and brought forth a plentiful harvest; yea, it did mollify the hearts of some that were before very hard to believe well of the Society, touching these imposed crimes. For although very many Catholics were before well satisfied of Father Garnett his innocency, and especially those that had dealings with him could not be ignorant how far he was from any such attempts, that laboured so much to suppress the least disorder in that kind; yet generally the heretics were otherwise persuaded, giving credit to those reports that were everywhere bruited of him. And some friends also stood doubtful how far he might be touched therein, upon the constant asseveration of his guiltiness in the cause, and that also given out by persons of no mean account. But when they heard him clear himself so fully at his arraignment from all concurrence or connivency in the matter, and perceived plainly he could and would have said much more in that place, if he had not been so often interrupted of purpose to put him out, and to disturb both his own memory506 and the understanding of his hearers. And when at his death they viewed his innocency, patience, and religious manner of suffering, and saw most apparently both by the one and the other that no one of the Society was to be touched with any help or furtherance, or any willing assent unto that conspiracy, nor any one of the Company507 have had the least knowledge thereof by any means whatsoever, but himself and that one Father from whom he had it, and they restrained by the secret of confession from opening it to others, and dissuading and hindering the same by all lawful means they could use. These things being plainly seen, and to be testified by so many witnesses as were there present both at his judgment and death, did fully satisfy all doubts, and clear the conceits of such as did before suspend their judgments of him. But especially when by his great patience and constancy seen at his death, his rare virtues did more appear, and his lamp, “quæ erat lucerna lucens et ardens,”508 did show itself so much the more brightly, his earthly vessel being broken, to the confusion of his enemies, and increase of comfort and courage to the faithful soldiers of our true Gideon.

Then, as I related in the last chapter, not only the Catholics and his friends that were beholders were much confirmed, and their tears turned into triumph for the victory which this champion of God had gotten of the slanders of the world and malice of sin and heresy, but many also of his enemies did bear witness of his innocency, “dicentes, Verè hic homo justus erat,”509 and wished their souls with his. Such force hath truth, that it cannot be conquered, and innocency, that it cannot be confounded. Well may it be oppressed for a time, but it cannot be suppressed; “aporiamur, sed non destituimur, persecutionem patimur sed non derelinquimur, dejicimur sed non perimus.”510 Yea rather, in the greatest needs our merciful God doth send the greatest comforts, and where His enemies do think most to triumph over Him, there doth He ofttimes manifest the truth, and set forth His own glory and the innocency of His servants with most apparent signs.

And so it happened in this case of Father Garnett: for whereas the Fathers that suffered before in Queen Elizabeth’s time were well known to all men to suffer only for their conscience, insomuch that although some matter or other were ever feigned to make it seem that they suffered for treason, yet the fictions were so palpable of matters never intended, nor so much as thought or heard of before the time they were objected, and those that were said to be joint-conspirators ofttimes so mere strangers that they never had seen or heard of one the other before: these apparent contradictions did make so manifest their innocent cause, that there need no divine testimonies to a truth so evident. But in this latter cause of Father Garnett, the case was somewhat different in the opinion of many, though his innocency the same, and the equity of his cause equal with the former. In this, it was very true, there was a real ground upon which the adversaries might raise a pretence of seeming truth in their accusation. There was a great and dangerous conspiracy intended and plotted and proceeded in by those gentlemen of whom I have before discoursed. Divers of these gentlemen were known to Father Garnett, and some of them had often used his help and the help of others of the Society in their spiritual affairs. And this matter also they had at length opened a little before it should have been executed unto two of the Society in the secret of confession, as I have before declared. Therefore in this case Almighty God did think it more needful in His divine providence to give testimony of His servant’s innocency than in former times, when the cause itself was so plain, that it could not be contradicted.

Of the miraculous straw.

The first sign by which it pleased God to show the merit and glory of this His martyr was concerning his relics, which were eagerly sought for by many Catholics at the very time of his martyrdom. Amongst the which there was one young man,511 who512 stood by the block where the martyr’s body was cut up, with great desire at least to get some drop of his holy blood.513 And whilst he had these thoughts, not daring to take where he desired for fear he might be espied, it fortuned that the hangman having cut off the martyr’s head and showed it to the people (as the custom is), he cast it into a basket standing there of purpose, full of straw, to hold the head and quarters when they were divided. Out of this basket did leap a straw, or ear void of corn, in strange manner into the hand of this young man, which he beholding, and seeing some blood upon it, kept it with great care, and no little joy that he had obtained his desire. He carried it away safely and delivered it unto a Catholic gentlewoman514 of his acquaintance, who kept it in a reliquary with great devotion; and after three or four days,515 a devout Catholic gentleman coming thither, she showed him the bloody straw, which he was also glad to see and reverence; but beholding the same more curiously than the others had done, he saw a perfect face, as if it had been painted, upon one of the husks of the empty ear, and showed the same unto the company, which they all did plainly behold, and with no small wonder, but with much greater joy did acknowledge the mighty hand of God, Who can and doth often use the meanest creatures to set forth His glory, and is able both out of stones and straws to raise a sufficient defence for His faithful servants.

They put up the straw again with great admiration, and kept it now with much more reverence and devotion than before. This was quickly published to many of the chiefest Catholics about London, who much desiring to see this wonder, it was carried unto divers, who all are witnesses of this truth. At length it came to the Council’s ear, and some of them desiring much to see it, it was granted, being now in the keeping of a great person,516 but with promise to have it safely restored; so that some of them did see it, and did much admire it, affirming that it must needs be more than natural. Others after desired to see it and to seize upon it, because now the fame did grow so great of this image of Father Garnett drawn by the hand of God, whose image and memory they sought to deface in all they could, that they feared the evidence of the miracle would plead against their proceedings and prove him innocent whom they had punished as guilty. Therefore the Bishop of Canterbury517 sought to have the miraculous straw into his hands, but it was denied, and none would acknowledge where it was to be found. He learned out the party to whom the keeping of it was first committed, and sent for her518 husband, who was a known Catholic and a virtuous man. He examined him strictly how it came to pass, and where the straw was. The Catholic affirmed the truth of the thing, and described it unto him in words; but said it was not now in his keeping, and he knew not where to find it. And when they could get no other answer of him, they committed him to prison; but afterwards, having sundry and great friends in the Court, he got out upon bonds to appear again at certain days’ warning.

In the meantime it happened that two were miraculously cured by application of the same straw. One was a gentlewoman in great peril of her life by danger of childbirth, who, when she had sustained long and painful travail and could not be delivered of her burthen, and now was out of hope of life, unless she might obtain some help from God, some of her friends made earnest means to get this holy straw to bring unto her; which being obtained, and the straw brought and applied with great reverence, presently she received help, and was delivered by the mighty hand of God and merits of the martyr, whom no midwife’s skill or endeavours could help before.

Another was the gentlewoman herself who first had this miraculous relic delivered her to keep. For she being very much subject to sickness, and sometimes in such extremity therewith that you would not think she could be able to live an hour, it happened that in one of her extremest fits, when she could find no medicine or means that could bring her any ease, she earnestly desired a special friend to make suit for the straw to be returned unto her for a small time, which was granted; and as soon as it came (she receiving it with great devotion and reverence) she presently found ease, and within half an hour was so perfectly well that she rose from her bed, and went to entertain some strangers that then were in the house, and “erat una ex discumbentibus.”519

This sudden and strange cure of hers being spoken of by divers Catholics, it came out to be known unto the Council, who sent again for the husband of the gentlewoman, and took this new occasion to commit him the second time to prison.

The Council afterwards understanding that this miraculous picture in the straw had been showed to divers painters in London, they sent for the painters, and willed them to make the like portrait to that which they had seen in a like empty ear of corn; but they all answered it was not possible for them to do it: neither could the draught of that face, in so little a room and so loose a groundwork as that empty ear, be otherwise drawn than by supernatural power. And this testimony they gave of it that had both skill to judge and no will to favour the Catholic cause (being in opinion heretics), but only convinced in their understanding by the evidence of the miracle.520

Another marvellous thing which it pleased Almighty God to show for a public testimony of the glory which blessed Father Garnett now possesseth, is a visible and apparent circle of red about his head in the form of a crown, which was and is to be seen about his head, where it is set up, as the custom is, with the heads of others that died for treason. This hath had so many witnesses as would go to behold it, which were not a few, and besides, they did affirm that his face did continue so comely and with so pleasing a countenance, as it seemed rather the head of a man alive than separated from the body; and all his quarters also so purely white, that it was much admired by all that did behold them.

To these I may adjoin the crown of grass which did grow in Mr. Abington his court, in the house where both blessed Father Garnett and blessed Father Ouldcorne were taken, which may be taken as a sign of his glory and crown of immortality as well as Father Ouldcorne’s. And of this I spake sufficiently in the last chapter but one. I could hereunto add a vision which both of these blessed Fathers had in the Tower the 7th of March before their martyrdom, the very night before they were hung upon the torture. It happened in this manner. Father Ouldcorne in his sleep did seem to behold a very sumptuous throne set up, with great care and cost adorned, at which sight when Father Ouldcorne much admired, not knowing to what end it should be prepared, it seemed unto him that there entered into the room the most521 Reverend Father General, and with him some other ancient Fathers; and that Father Ouldcorne did demand of Father General what should be the meaning or intention of that throne so much adorned; and that the Father should answer that both Father Garnett and himself should presently be professed. To which Father Ouldcorne made answer that Father Garnett was already professed. Then Father General replied, he would now have him make a more excellent profession than before. This vision Father Ouldcorne the next morning told unto his keeper, desiring he would tell it unto Father Garnett, which he performed; and Father Garnett assured him the very same thing, in the same manner, had also that night appeared unto him. But Father Ouldcorne did see it again the next night after. This was so generally spoken of in the Tower about that time, that if there had been no other means afterwards to know the truth, that alone had been sufficient to publish it.

Now, when the other foresaid marvels were seen about his head after his martyrdom, and that the miraculous image of the straw was visibly seen by many Catholics, and generally known to all, you may well think that Catholics were greatly animated, receiving now, in their greatest distress, such comforts from the merciful hand of God, “qui est Pater misericordiarum et Deus totius consolationis, qui consolatur nos in omni tribulatione nostrâ.”522 And, indeed, the effect of these heavenly comforts was such in the hearts of poor afflicted Catholics, but especially the force of the martyr’s blood and the merits of his innocent death (which now was plainly seen by all well-meaning men, and acknowledged by many also of his enemies, as before I have related), that whereas the Catholics did already feel a sharp shower of persecution in continual searchings and imprisonments and vexations much more than in former years they had experienced; and whereas they might easily discern a greater storm coming towards them, seeing, as it were, a thick and dark cloud coming on apace, carried furiously with the wind in such sort that it was likely to spread itself over all their hemisphere, intending to make a destroying deluge, no less universal than violent: though they might plainly see and hear daily thundered in their ears what cutting and cruel laws were intended and prepared against the Parliament which then was at hand: though they were assured beforehand that the penal statutes which then were to be enacted were so many and so merciless that their life would be more tedious (and terrible to many minds) than death itself: though they could find no friends that could or would now oppose themselves “murum pro domo Dei;”523 the noblemen that were Catholics or esteemed friends to Catholics, together with all principal recusants, being clapt in prison; and all others that before did seem to favour the cause now being blown away with this storm of persecution, and carried with the current of the present stream rather to oppose themselves against Catholics, both in word and action, than any ways to seek the release or relaxation of their present afflictions or prepared penalties: though all this, and more than I can in this place commodiously set down, were felt and feared by the Catholics at this time, yet such was the goodness of God towards us, such the force of His grace obtained by the merits of these holy martyrs, that presently, upon the death of blessed Father Garnett, you might see his innocent blood had warmed all their hearts; you might see in them a new fervour, expecting persecution with a peaceable and cheerful mind; you might see them everywhere begin to prepare themselves neither to resist nor run away, but how to bear the blows of persecution with Christian patience.

And although there were some few examples of human frailty, making choice rather to do against their conscience in going to heretical service than to adventure the loss of their earthly commodities, yet these were so few in number, and so followed afterwards with the remorse of conscience and the justice of God, that their example did rather confirm than weaken the constancy of other Catholics. I could hear but of three men of any note then fallen in that sort, whereof one was a knight, of a worthy family, and himself ever a devout Catholic; his lady also, ever forward but much affected to those524 men that would not at the first submit themselves to [the] Archpriest, whom His Holiness had appointed to be their Superior in England. This good gentleman, as I heard, having long paid the statute for his recusancy, which is 20l. a month, now upon this increase of persecution, and the commodity of his recusancy which should accrue unto the King being given unto a Scottish man, the Catholic gentleman offered him 2,000l. for a fine, and to pay the rent of 20l. a month, as he was wont to do beside; but the Scottish man refusing to take his offer upon hope to make a greater gain of him, the knight would not endure to be made a prey to a man of so insatiable a mind, and therefore resolved for the time to forfeit rather the greater goods, the goods of grace, and said he would conform himself to the law. He went, therefore, to their heretical service, and saved the forfeiture of his worldly estate, but with so great a torment of conscience that, poor gentleman, he fell into such fits of melancholy and distemper therewith, that it was generally given out that he was distract of his wits.

There was another knight also, more rich in worldly substance than furnished with spiritual money to maintain the war against his spiritual enemies. This man, seeing persecution to come against him with double forces to the strength of grace which he had provided to resist, “rogavit ea quæ pacis erant,”525 and did it in such manner as that “omnes qui viderunt, inceperunt illudere ei.”526 For, thinking to give double satisfaction if he could bring his wife to church with him, he laboured to overthrow her constancy in that kind, and when he found she would not yield unto his desires therein, the poor gentleman, out of his too much desire to seem conformable, went unto the Commissioners and complains of his wife’s obstinacy in that point, desiring them to help him to reform his wife, or rather, indeed, to deform her according to his ill example. But she remained constant, and he, poor knight, was laughed at for his labour, even by his very enemies, with whom he sought to gain much credit with that double diligence.

A third example I heard, of a gentleman of good estate, who, preferring darkness before light, and seeking to make a convention or union between God and Belial in his soul, offered himself to go to their heretical conventicles for the saving of his worldly substance; and so he did, and escaped the punishment of the law: “sed nunquid Deum fallere aut fugere potuit?”527 No. “Qui voluit animam suam salvam facere, perdidit eam.”528 He went to church: he thought to preserve his goods for the provision of many years, “et stultus non prævidit quod illâ nocte repeterent animam suam;”529 he was stricken with sudden death, leaving his goods to the fruition530 of others, and this dreadful example to the admonition of all.

So merciful hath God been unto us in these times of our greatest needs and trial, as to encourage us by the worthy example of many that stand, and to terrify by the example of these few that have fallen; for I have not heard of any other examples of any men531 of note; which, if we compare with that which St. Cyprian recordeth of his times, when great numbers did run to offer themselves before they felt the force of persecution, upon the only fame and fear that an edict was to be published against the Christians, this may give us great hope that God neither is nor will be wanting with His graces, if we be not wanting to ourselves, but will give us abundance of spiritual forces answerable to the measure of that trial He will put us unto, “nec patietur nos tentari ultra532 id quod possumus, sed faciet cum tentatione proventum ut possimus sustinere.”533

The Parliament presently ensued, against which time the Puritans had provided two pestilent books, as hath been touched before: the one to prove all recusants to be traitors, the other that the rules and precepts of the Catholic doctrine, yea, the very fruit of the whole tree of the Catholic Roman faith, was to teach men disobedience to Princes, yea, to deprive Kings of their temporal estates, and, finally, to kill, murder, and destroy their persons. And all this to the end that both the King himself and all the Peers of the realm might be so incensed against Catholics and their religion, as to proceed by laws against the one, as against traitors proved and convinced so to be, and to seek by all means possible, not only to cut down the other as a tree bearing in their opinion such poisoned fruit, but rather wholly to root it out of their earth of England, that there might be no memory left of the name of a Catholic in the land. And they prevailed so far with the false reasons set down in these malicious books, and with their most534 subtle and manifold subornations exhibited unto His Majesty and the Peers in the Parliament House, taking occasion to blow the coals that already were kindled in dislike taken against Catholics for the late attempt, that they easily prevailed to get those laws passed which before they were resolved of, and which in particular were known to be a breeding when those gentlemen ran so heady a course to prevent so great a deluge of persecution, which they feared, and we have felt to light upon us.

For although they now intitle this new increase of persecution to be occasioned by that temerarious conspiracy, which is disliked by us as much as by themselves, yet certain it is (as I have showed before) that these laws were intended and prepared before either they or we knew anything of this intention of conspiracy. And many of the Puritans themselves, “ex abundantiâ cordis,”535 could not choose but utter how fully they were resolved in that Parliament to seek the utter extirpation of the Catholics, and what things in particular they would procure and were prepared to be enacted against them. And truly the laws which they then intended, and which they afterwards in the Parliament procured to pass against us, were very sufficient in the likelihood of human reason to work the effect which they most wished, and to root out Catholic religion and all that professed the same out of the land, if God did not stand in defence of His servants,536 against Whom neither wit nor force of man, “imo nec portæ inferi prævalebunt.”537 How cruel and afflictive the laws are in themselves, and how grievous and intolerable it is for Catholics to live where they are put in execution, I will leave to the judgment of the prudent reader, meaning in the next chapter to set down a catalogue of them, that he may see in one place collected together a sum of those afflictions unto which we are continually subject, that he may not hereafter permit himself to be deceived with such false reports, as are of purpose given out by the politics of England, that forsooth the persecution is not great and that none are there punished, especially not with death, but for matter of State and treason against the Prince; which to be most untrue his own eyes shall be judge, when he reads the very words of the statutes enacted, which I will truly but briefly set down as they lie in the statute-book, which is printed and in every man’s hands through England, so well known that it cannot be contradicted.

And now, after the Parliament in which all these laws were passed against us, to add unto the weight of our heavy burthen, two other new afflictions were devised, not specified in the laws: the one to punish the bodies of Priests, the other to afflict and wound the minds of all sorts of Catholics.

The first was a proclamation of banishment to all Priests, that by such a day, which was there limited within a short compass in the edict, all should depart the realm; if not, to expect no mercy but present death upon their taking. By which banishment, as they pretended, on the one side, to do it in show of favour (as though they sought not their deaths, but rather wished they would draw themselves out of danger by their voluntary departure). And, indeed, it is true they do not so much seek their deaths as their departure, knowing on the one side, by experience, what force the blood of martyrs is of, both for the confirmation of Catholics and conversion of heretics; and withal that there is no means so effectual to scatter St. Peter’s sheep, and to make them a prey unto the wolf, as to take their Pastors from them: for, as St. Bernard wisely saith, “Væ illis qui assumuntur ad opera fortium, et non aluntur cibo fortium.”538 So that with this counsel, this seeming favour, but indeed a slow consuming fire of persecution was put in practice, and many Priests that were in prison in several places of England were, according to the same edict, put into ships and banished the realm by the day prefixed. Knowing withal what misery and want they were like to suffer in foreign countries, where they were not capable of benefices or cure of souls for want of language, and where their wants must needs be exceeding great, having no friends nor acquaintance nor means to furnish themselves even with necessaries, unless it please Almighty God to move the hearts of Princes to impart some temporal relief unto them, that they may be partakers of their spiritual riches and the merits of their sufferings. And this was hoped by the heretics would not be very plentiful, in respect of the seminaries and the wants of other afflicted Catholics in those parts, who have also continual need of their charitable helps. And hitherto, as I understand, their wants are very great and the provision very small which is made for them, and the hopes and desires of the heretics too much followed. But God will raise them friends, I trust, and send them provision in due season, “qui recordatus est Danielis in lacu leonum et pascit etiam pullos corvorum invocantes eum;”539 and though sometimes He will try His servants far, yet doth never forget the least of them, “quorum etiam capilli numerati sunt.”540

The other more universal affliction, and the same so much more grievous as it was more internal and piercing even to the very souls of those that did accept it, was a new oath devised for the distinction, as was pretended, between faithful and faithless subjects to their Prince, but indeed to distinguish the true subjects of the See Apostolic from those that would renounce the power thereof for the pleasing of their Prince.541

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Chapter XVII. A Catalogue of the Laws Against Catholics Made by Queen Elizabeth and Confirmed by This King, and of Others Added by Himself

It hath ever been one point of policy in the Government of England, since the beginning of persecution there, to hide the same from the knowledge of the world, and from being judged to be such by other kingdoms round about them, as much as could be possible. To this end they have ever sent and maintained their instruments in other countries to542 maintain that opinion in men’s minds. To this effect often advices have been543 sent into all Princes’ Courts by letters, which their friends and favourers there should publish and procure to be believed. For this cause, when any Catholic Princes’ Ambassadors have come into England, there hath been cunning wits ever employed to resort unto them and possess them with a different conceit from that which is and hath been the true state of Catholics in England. And if they were such as come with intention to labour for the help or ease of Catholics in any sort, then, perhaps, for a time there should be some cessation, or else some hope or half promises given, of toleration, or mitigation at least, in that matter. And that which they could not hide from being seen, they would at least cover, and keep from being known to be persecution for cause of religion. And, therefore, both in their laws at home, and letters of information sent abroad, would invest the same with other names, as of treason, and offences against the State; when nothing less than disobedience to the civil government was found in Catholics, nor any subjects in the realm more faithful, or loving, or obedient to their Prince in all things which were not against their faith or religion. Yet did the politics ever with printed books endeavour to prove that all was but the execution of justice against traitors and persons disobedient to the State. But herein they follow the platform of the first enemies and persecutors of Christ and His Church; and we the example of our Master, suffering as He did, for that which we neither preach nor practise, nor can be proved against us. Although they cry out never so loud, “Invenimus hos subvertentes gentem nostram,”544 because we desire to draw them to their ancient faith and profession of the same: “et prohibentes tributum dari Cæsari,”545 because we will not grant the supremacy in ecclesiastical matters which he affecteth, (for as for other corporal tributes, none are so ready as Catholics to pay all duties): “et dicentes se Christum et regem habere546 alium,”547 because we say and profess that the Pope is Christ His Vicegerent on earth and governeth His spiritual Kingdom, and we His children and subjects in this spiritual government.548

Therefore, although they cry out never so much that this is “contradicere Cæsari,”549 and that whosoever doth favour this cause is not “amicus Cæsaris;”550 yea, though they cry, “Crucifige, crucifige,”551 against us, and lay the heavy cross of persecution upon our shoulders for this cause, we must and will have patience, because it is Christ His cause and quarrel, and not as they affirm, and would have the world believe, that we suffer for matter of State, or for stubbornness and disobedience to552 the King or civil government.

And that the truth may herein the better appear, I will now, according to my former promise, set down a Catalogue of the laws that are made and stand in force against Catholics in England, which being carefully considered by the discreet and pious reader, I will ask no other judge than himself, either touching the greatness or the cause of persecution in England, for I know he will both see and say much contrary to that which the politic heretics in our country and their favourers in other places have given out, and would gladly have to be believed.

And albeit there be many severe and rigorous laws and statutes in force against Catholics at this day in England, that were made by King Henry the Eighth after his revolt from the Church of Rome, as also in553 the Governors of King Edward the Sixth, under whom religion was first altered and the sects of Zuinglius and Calvin were brought into our country: which laws and statutes, being repealed by the Princes of pious memory, King Philip and Queen Mary, were revived again and established by the authority of other Parliaments under Queen Elizabeth and the same confirmed, as hath been said, by His Majesty that now is: yet do I not think it necessary to set down554 in this place any other statutes than such as were made and allowed by these two latter Princes, which comprehend all the other, with many additions and aggravations besides. And in citing them, I will use as near as I can the very words themselves of the statutes, as they are in print.

First, then, Queen Elizabeth, coming to the crown in the year of Christ 1558, she called a Parliament soon after, in the said first year of her reign, wherein she repealed all the good statutes and laws which her sister, Queen Mary, had made in favour of Catholic religion, conform to the laws of all her ancestors, Kings of England, from the first Christian King until that time, except the latter end of her father’s reign, King Henry the Eighth, and the minority of her brother, King Edward the Sixth, whose laws in favour of schism and sectaries555 Queen Elizabeth revived, adding many of her own, which after do ensue.

And first of all, she meaning to break principally with the See of Rome, as well in regard of her nativity, which the said See held not for legitimate, as of the favour borne by the said See to Queen Mary of France and Scotland, mother to our King that now is, then living and reigning in prosperity, and much envied and suspected by the other; it was enacted that every Englishman, of what state, degree, or condition soever, whensoever he taketh any office, dignity, ecclesiastical benefice, or holy orders, any degree of school, university, profession, or other promotion temporal or spiritual, shall take a corporal oath upon the Evangelist protesting and swearing that he doth utterly testify and declare in his conscience that the Queen is Supreme Head of the Church of England and not the Pope; and that neither he nor the See of Rome had any ecclesiastical jurisdiction, power, superiority, or pre-eminence over that Church, nor ought to have. So help him God.556 Stat. an° 1° Elizab. cap. 1°.

And moreover, that whosoever shall refuse to take and make this oath, being required thereunto, shall for the first time of denial, not only be disabled of the foresaid preferments, offices, degrees, and dignities whatsoever, but also lose and forfeit all his goods and lands to the said Queen, and suffer perpetual imprisonment as in case of præmunire. And for the second time, if he persist three months in the same after the first tender, and will not take and pronounce the same oath in form aforesaid, then he shall forfeit, lose, and suffer death, and other like pains, forfeitures, judgments, and executions as is used in cases of high treason. Ibid. et an° 5° cap. 1°. This treason you may see was only against the state of heresy and schism, not against the State of Queen or Commonwealth.

And then yet further. Whosoever shall by writing, printing, preaching, or teaching, by express words, deed, or act (for so are the words of the statute), advisedly and directly affirm, hold, set forth, maintain or defend the authority, power, or jurisdiction spiritual or ecclesiastical of the Bishop of Rome, or his See, heretofore claimed or used within the realm of England, or of any other dominion or country thereunto belonging; for his first offence he shall forfeit and lose all his goods and chattels, as well real as personal: and for the second offence, besides the loss of goods and lands, he shall be cast into perpetual prison: and for the third time (if again he offend in defending the said Pope’s authority), he shall suffer the pains of death, and other penalties, forfeitures, and losses appointed in the cases of high treason. An° 1° Eliz. cap. 3° et an° 5° cit°.

And then for conclusion. Whosoever shall be aiders or abettors to any such offenders, assisting or comforting them to set forth and extol the said power and ecclesiastical authority of the Bishop of Rome, or to refuse the foresaid oath in form before set down, and shall be lawfully convicted thereof; they shall for the first time lose all their goods and lands, and for the second be condemned to perpetual prison as in the statute of provision or præmunire. An° 5° Eliz. cap. 1°.

And these punishments were afterwards more increased by another Act of the same Queen, in the fifth year of her reign, where it was ordained that all aiders, counsellers, and comforters557 in this case should for the second time suffer the pains of death, and other forfeitures and losses of their goods, lands, honours, and nobility, as in cases of high treason. An° 5° cap. 1°.

It was ordained in like manner, for preventing of the Catholic education of all English youths, that no person shall take upon him to be a schoolmaster or teacher of children, either in public schools or private houses, except he first take the said oath against the Pope’s spiritual authority, and that he believe the supreme authority of the Queen in all causes ecclesiastical. Ibid.

Moreover, it is enacted by authority of the said Parliament that all clergymen shall leave and abandon from this time forward the old Roman use of Latin service, Mass, and administration of other Sacraments, and shall betake themselves to say or sing the same in English in all churches and chapels, and to administer the Sacraments after the manner, rites, and fashion which is set down and prescribed in a new book of Common Prayer set forth for the purpose, and he that shall refuse to do so, or shall use any other rite or form of service or Sacraments than is therein appointed, shall for his first default be committed to prison for six months and lose the fruits of all his ecclesiastical living for a whole year, and for the second offence shall lose all his living for ever and lie in prison a year, and for the third time shall be condemned to perpetual prison all the time of his life. An° 1° Eliz. cap. 2°. Here you may see what it is they intend when they urge Catholics to come to their churches and service, and that it is no act of temporal duty or obedience in civil matters which they require (as they will sometimes pretend, to make us thought disobedient and stubborn), but a renunciation of our old and the only true religion and a conformity to their new doctrine. This is the thing which we refuse, and for which they call us recusants, and for which they punish us by many and severe penalties, as shall appear by those that follow.

And conform to this it was also decreed that if any layman that hath no ecclesiastical livings shall be present at any other sort of service than the aforesaid appointed in the common book of prayer, as, for example, at Mass or Roman service, or shall receive any other sacraments, or after other manner, form, or ceremony than is there prescribed, he shall, for the first time of his so offending, forfeit an hundred marks of lawful English money unto the Queen, for the second four hundred marks, and for the third shall lie in prison all days of his life. And if he refuse to come to the church he shall pay xiid. for every Sunday and holiday wherein he faileth. Anno 1° et 5° Eliz. cap. 2°.

These laws made Queen Elizabeth in the first five years of her reign. But afterwards, growing more angry with Catholics and Catholic religion, but especially with the See of Rome for the sentence of Pius Vtus against her, she added many bloody laws more, in the thirteenth year of her reign. As, for example, that if any man shall bring into England or into any of the dominions thereunto belonging, from the Pope of Rome or from any man that hath authority from him, any Bull, writing, instrument, or authority to absolve or reconcile any person, or to promise any such absolution or reconciliation by speech, preaching, teaching, writing, or any other open deed, that then all and every such act or acts, offence or offences, shall be deemed and adjudged by the authority of this Act to be high treason. And as well the offenders as the procurers, abettors, and counsellors, shall suffer death and other losses as traitors. Anno 13° Eliz. cap. 1°.

Moreover, that if any person within the realm of England or dominions thereof, after the first day of July, Anno Domini 1571, shall willingly receive or take any such absolution or reconciliation from the said Bishop of Rome or any of his successors, or by any that have authority from him; yea, if he shall receive or admit any manner of Bull, writing, or instrument from the said See of Rome, written or printed, containing any such thing, matter, or cause whatsoever, or if any offer thereof, motion, or persuasion being made unto him, shall not disclose or reveal the same to some of the Privy Council, all shall be high treason in him, and he shall suffer death and other losses for the same, as in cases of that crime is accustomed. Ibidem.

And yet further, that whosoever shall bring into any dominions of England after the time before named any token or tokens, thing or things, called by the name of Agnus Dei, or any crosses, pictures, beads, or any such like, from the Bishop or See of Rome, or from any person or persons authorized from the said Bishop or See to consecrate or hallow the same; or shall deliver or offer, or cause to be delivered, any part thereof to any subject of this realm, or of any the dominions thereof, to be worn or used in any wise, that then, as well the same person or persons that shall receive the same to the intent to use and wear, being thereof lawfully convicted by the order of the common laws of this realm, shall incur the penalties, pains, and forfeitures provided by the statute of præmunire, which are the loss of all his lands and goods and perpetual imprisonment. Anno 13º Eliz. cap. 2°.

Now when, by the acerbity and peril of so many cruel laws and statutes, divers Catholics, being terrified, desired and sought means to go into voluntary banishment beyond the seas, and to leave the realm either with or without licence, the Queen, understanding thereof, prevented them with another new law the very next year after, enacting that all and every person and persons, of what state, degree, or condition soever they be, under the obeisance of the said Queen, who sithence the first day of her reign have passed or hereafter shall pass into any dominions of foreign Princes without her special licence by writing, under the great seal of England, privy seal, or privy signet, and shall not return within the space of six months next after proclamation made for them to return and yield their bodies to the custody and ward of the sheriff of the county, &c.; all such persons shall forfeit and lose to the said Queen the whole profits of their manors, lands, tenements, and hereditaments during their lives, and all their goods and chattels for ever. Anno 14° cap. 6°.

Moreover, that if any person, born under the obedience of Her Majesty, have or shall pass into foreign countries with leave and licence, as before is prescribed, and shall not presently, within six months after the expiring of the said licence, return home and yield their bodies in custody, as is before prescribed, shall suffer the same loss of goods and chattels and the rents of their lands as the other that went forth without licence.

And whatsoever conveyances, estates, grants, leases, gifts, or devises, they or any of them shall be found to have made of their lands and goods for their own relief to defraud the Queen, shall be utterly void, and of no validity at all in law. Anno 14º Eliz. cap. 6°.

These laws passed in the first fourteen years of the Queen’s government. But afterwards, as she grew older, she did in most Parliaments aggravate the same. As, namely, in the twenty-third year of her reign, taking upon her to expound and explicate the former statute of bringing in Bulls, &c., from Rome, she determineth that by what means soever any man did pretend faculty or power to absolve any person or persons from their sins, or shall reconcile them to the Roman Church, or persuade to the acknowledgment of the Pope’s ecclesiastical authority over England, it shall be high treason both to the absolver and the absolved, to the reconciler and to the reconciled, that shall willingly yield thereunto, yea, and to all the procurers, aiders, and counsellors. All which, being lawfully convicted thereof, shall suffer death, as in case of high treason. Anno 23° Eliz. cap. 2°.

And if any person or persons shall come to know of any man so absolved and reconciled, or of any such that doth absolve or reconcile, and shall not, within twenty days at the furthest, disclose the same to some justice of peace, or to some higher officer of the Prince, he shall be taken, tried, and judged, suffer and forfeit as offenders in misprision of treason, vdlt., he shall forfeit his lands and livings, but not suffer death for the same. Ibidem.

Month’s Recusance.

In this Parliament also it was decreed, that for so much as many Catholics did upon conscience retire themselves from going to the Protestants’ church and service more than before, that every such recusant, being above the age of sixteen years, instead of paying xiid. for every Sunday, which was by former statute appointed, should now forfeit and pay to the Queen 20l. of lawful English money for every month, and, besides this, should be bound to put in sufficient sureties in the [sum] of 200l. at the least for their good behaviour, and so to continue bound until such time as the person so bound do conform himself to come to church. Anno 29° Eliz. cap. 2°.

And, moreover, because it was presumed that every recusant would not be able to pay this 20l. a month for his recusancy, it was enacted that such as were not able to pay the said statute should pay two parts of three of all their lands and goods, so as he that should (for example) have three hundred should pay two hundred yearly to the Queen for his recusancy, and retain one hundred for maintenance of himself, his wife, children, and family.

In the same Parliament it was also enacted that if any person or persons, body politic or corporal, after the Feast of Pentecost then next ensuing, should keep any schoolmaster for their children which should not repair to the church, or not be allowed by the Bishop or Ordinary of the diocese (which allowance could not be had without abjuring the Pope’s authority and the Catholic religion, as before hath been showed), then shall he or they forfeit and lose for every month558 10l., and the schoolmaster or teacher himself, besides his lying in prison for one whole year, shall be disabled for ever to be a teacher of youth or to exercise that office in any place afterwards.

And to the end that Catholic recusants might be able to pay these payments and pecuniary forfeitures to the Queen, and not be able to make away any part of their livings for their better relief, it was also enacted and declared in this Parliament that every grant or conveyance of goods or lands, every bond, judgment, or execution had or made from that time forward which should be judged to be done of purpose to defraud the Queen, or to save their lands or goods from being forfeited by virtue of559 this statute, that all such conveyance made by any Catholic recusant since the beginning of the said Queen’s reign, or after to be made for the use and relief of the said recusant, or any of his, should not be available in law, but all void, as if they had not been made. Anno 28° Eliz. cap. 6°.

But a little before this, to wit, in the precedent year, the said Queen, understanding that Priests and ecclesiastical men were multiplied in England by reason of the English Seminaries in Catholic Princes’ dominions,560 caused terrible thundering statutes to be made against them. And first, that all and every Jesuit, Seminary Priests, and other Priests whatsoever, made and ordained out of the realm of England by any authority, power, or jurisdiction derived, challenged, or pretended, from the See of Rome, since the Feast of the Nativity of St. John Baptist in the first year of the said Queen’s reign, 1559, shall within forty days depart out of the realm, and shall not return again without peculiar licence of Her Majesty, under pain of death and other losses and forfeitures accustomed in cases of high treason. Anno 27° Eliz. cap. 2°.

And then, secondly, if any subject of the realm whatsoever, after the said time of forty days expired, shall wittingly and willingly receive, relieve, comfort, or maintain any such Jesuit, Seminary Priest, or other Priest, Deacon, Religious, or ecclesiastical person as is aforesaid, knowing him to be such an one, such suffer the pain of death, and other losses, as in case of felony. Ibidem.

Moreover, it was enacted by authority aforesaid, that if any of Her Majesty’s subjects or their children, now being or hereafter shall be brought up in any College of Jesuits or Seminary already erected or hereafter to be erected in the parts beyond the seas, shall not within six months next after proclamation in that behalf, to be made in the City of London under the great seal of England, return into this realm, and thereupon, within two days next after his return, before the Bishop of the diocese, or two justices of peace of the county where he shall arrive, submit himself to Her Majesty and the laws, and take the oath of supremacy against the Bishop of Rome his ecclesiastical jurisdiction, set forth in the first year of the Queen’s reign; that then every such person otherwise returning or abiding without such submission and forswearing his religion, as is aforesaid, shall be adjudged a traitor, and suffer, lose, and forfeit, as in cases of high treason. Anno 21° Eliz. cap. 6°.

And it was further enacted in the same Parliament that, if any subject of the Queen’s, after the foresaid forty days expired, shall either by way of exchange, bank, merchandize, or any shift or means whatsoever, wittingly and willingly, directly or indirectly, convey or send over the seas or out of the Queen’s dominions any money or other relief to or for any Jesuit, Seminary Priest, Deacon, Religious, or ecclesiastical person, scholar, student, or the like, or for the maintenance or relief of any College or Seminary already erected or to be erected, that every such person so offending shall lose all his goods and lands and suffer perpetual imprisonment, as in case of præmunire. Also it was enacted that whosoever should send over any such students as aforesaid to the Seminaries shall for every time forfeit 100l.

The Statute of confinement.

And yet further, in the year 35 of the Queen’s reign it was enacted that every recusant persevering in denial to go to the Protestants’ churches should be bound to go to their ordinary places of dwelling, and not to depart from thence above five miles, under pain of losing all their goods and chattels. And they which should have no certain dwelling-place should repair to the place where their father and mother dwelt, under the same pains and forfeiture. And he that should fail in this either is condemned to live in perpetual prison or to abjure the land. Anno 35° Eliz. cap. 2°.

And yet this being not thought sufficient severity in this kind, another statute was made, ordaining that whosoever, by printing, writing, or express words, deeds, or speeches, should practise or go about to move or persuade any of the Queen’s subjects to deny her power in ecclesiastical causes, or to abstain from going to the Protestants’ church, or to be present at any unlawful assemblies under colour or pretence of any exercise of religion contrary to Her Majesty’s laws, or shall themselves refuse for three months’ space to go to the said churches and hear divine service, that then they shall be forced to abjure the realm and go into perpetual banishment, or if they refuse the same, they shall suffer death and other losses for it, as in cases of felony. Anno 35° Eliz. cap. 1°.

These are the chief statutes made against Catholic religion in general by the late Queen Elizabeth. For we do pretermit divers others more particular, and concerning particular persons. As, for example, that of the 28th of her reign (cap. 1°), wherein the Lord Thomas Paget, Baron, Sir Francis Inglefield, Knight (one of the Privy Council to Queen Mary, of worthy memory), and other Catholic gentlemen, were attainted of treason, their goods and lands confiscate, upon the former statute of fugitives, for that they either went forth of England without licence, for preservation of their consciences, or returned not when their licence was ended.

Another statute was also made in the 39th year of Queen Elizabeth’s reign (cap. 8°), wherein it was decreed that all such Archbishops, Bishops, Deans, and other spiritual Prelates of Queen Mary’s time, as were deprived by this Queen’s ecclesiastical authority, for that they would not accommodate themselves unto the form of religion by her set forth, were well and lawfully deprived, and by their deprivation the said bishoprics were made merely void, and the others invested in their places by the Queen’s authority were only the true Bishops and had lawful episcopal jurisdiction.561 And divers other such particular things, which in this place we think good to pass over.

All these statutes, then, of Queen Elizabeth against Catholic people and their religion, being so grievous and rigorous, as you see, were confirmed by His Majesty that now is, without any restraint or mitigation, in the first Parliament, as before hath been said, with divers other aggrievances thereunto added of new; as that Catholic recusants should not only pay the 20l. a month ordained by the former statute for such as refused to go to the Protestants’ church and service for conscience sake, but, besides this 20l. a month to be paid for himself, he should also pay 10l. a month for his wife or children that shall refuse to go to the said churches, yea, and another also for his servants.

Moreover, that all such young men or children that shall study on that562 side the seas (being Catholics) or frequent the schools or Colleges of any of the Jesuits, or shall not return home within a certain time limited to give account of themselves and their religion, shall forfeit their inheritances in England and other dominions of His Majesty, and the next of his kindred shall enjoy the forfeiture that will conform himself, &c.

And furthermore, whereas, in the beginning of his said reign, certain new canons, constitutions, and ordinances were agreed upon by those of the Protestant clergy to molest and afflict Catholics withal, by pretended censures of excommunications, as, namely, that four times at least every year all preachers, readers of divinity, and all other ecclesiastical persons, in sermons, collations, and lectures, shall teach open and declare to the people that all authority and jurisdiction of the Pope of Rome (as a thing not having any ground by the law of God) is, for most just causes, taken away and abolished, and that therefore no manner of obedience or subjection is due thereunto, but only that the King’s power, which in his dominions and countries is the highest power under God, above all other powers and potentates upon earth; and that whosoever denieth this, let him be excommunicated ipso facto, and not restored but only by the Archbishop after his repentance and public revocation of those his wicked errors. These are the words of his first two canons.

And the same punishment is laid upon whomsoever shall hold or affirm that the Church of England now established by law under His Majesty, is not a true and Apostolical Church, teaching and maintaining the doctrine of the Apostles.

And many other things like unto this, passing from one article to another of their sect, and binding Catholics, under pain of excommunication, to believe and hold all that they hold, or else to be vexed with citations, condemnations, excommunications, and other vexations, together with the writs and processes de excommunicato capiendo, as before you have heard suggested by the Chancellor. Unto all which His Majesty gave consent and authority by his letters patent, under the great seal of England, upon the year 1603, and first of his reign, in these words:—

“We have, for us and our heirs and lawful successors, of our especial grace, certain knowledge and mere motion given, and by these presents do give our royal assent to all and every of the said canons, orders and ordinances and constitutions, and to all and everything in them contained. And we do, by our said prerogative royal and supreme authority in causes ecclesiastical, notify, confirm, and establish, by these our letters patent, the said canons, orders, &c., and all and everything in them contained. And, moreover, do straitly enjoin and command by our said authority, and by these our letters patent, that the same be diligently observed and executed,” &c.

So His Majesty, in the first year of his reign, after he had confirmed and revived all the laws of Queen Elizabeth made and executed against Catholics; by all which he made it evident unto his Catholic subjects that he would not only continue and go forward in the steps of Queen Elizabeth touching the persecution of Catholics, but increase and add unto the same. For this increase of afflictions, which was laid upon Catholics the first year of his reign, was little in respect of that which was intended against them. Which divers of the forward Puritans did not stick to affirm and to threaten in the King’s name, as Roboam did in the beginning of his reign, saying, “Minimus digitus meus grossior est dorso patris mei. Et nunc pater meus posuit super vos jugum grave, ego autem addam super jugum vestrum; pater meus cecidit vos flagellis, ego autem cædam vos scorpionibus.”563 To the like effect did many of his officers give out His Majesty’s intentions to be; which, though we may presume to have been contrary to his royal disposition, yet they did so far prevail with him, that he afterwards verified what they had foretold, by confirming the former laws of Queen Elizabeth and adding unto them as you have heard. But especially when he called the second Parliament, and in that suffered to be packed together all the principal Puritans of the realm, whose insatiable hatred against Catholics we knew very well would never take up until they had made laws answerable to their mind and malice against us. Then they all before the Parliament consulted, and concluded of the bills and laws they would urge to be passed against Catholics, as afterwards, indeed, it was performed. And many of those intended laws were known to divers Catholics long before the Parliament time, which, as it is thought, was a great motive unto the gentlemen to undertake their rash and dangerous conspiracy, as deeming so desperate a course to be a needful remedy in so desperate a case.564

End Of The Narrative.

Footnotes

1 “William Gerard, son of William who died at Eton-hall in 26 Edward III. [1352], by his marriage with Joan, daughter and heiress of Sir Peter Bryn de Brynhill, convertible into Sir Peter Brynhill de Bryn, became possessed of Bryn, Ashton, and other estates, which have remained in the Gerards of Bryn ever since.”... “This family have had four seats within the township of Ashton, viz., Old Bryn, abandoned five centuries ago; New Bryn, erected in the reign of Edward VI.; Garswood, taken down at the beginning of the present century; and the New Hall, the present residence of the family, built by the Launders about the year 1692, and purchased by the Gerards forty years ago” (Baines, Hist. of Lancaster, 1836, vol. iii., pp. 637, 639).

2 Infra p. 27.

3 Tutbury is in Staffordshire, on the borders of Derbyshire, near to Etwal.

4 Public Record Office, Domestic, Elizabeth, vol. 215, n. 19. “Return of Prisoners in the Tower,” endorsed in Lord Burghley’s hand, “2 Julii, 1588” [an error for August]. “April 1, 1585. Imprimis, the Earl of Arundel, prisoner three years four months.... August 23, 1586. Sir Thomas Gerard, Knight, prisoner one year eleven months: indicted for treason.” At the end of the list are the names of five Priests “committed for religion.” From the Tower Sir Thomas Gerard was removed to the Counter in Wood-street (Domestic, Eliz., vol. 217, n. 27).

5 Sir Gilbert Gerard was of the family of the Gerards of Ince, a younger branch of the Gerards of Bryn. His eldest son, Sir Thomas, was the first Lord Gerard of Gerards Bromley.

6 Domestic, Eliz., vol. 187, n. 48, viii.

7 P. R. O., Domestic, Eliz., vol. 251, n. 14. Feb. 3, 1595.

8 Probably Edmund Lewckener, who appears in the College books as one of the new fellows on Sir W. Petre’s foundation in 1566.

9 Prece vel pretio (MS.).

10 John Elmer, Bishop of London from 1576 to 1588.

11 There were 47 Catholics in the prison, of whom 11 were Priests, amongst whom were William Hartley and John Adams, future martyrs, and William Bishop, the first Vicar Apostolic (P. R. O., Domestic, Eliz., vol. 170, n. 11).

12 In a letter dated October 3, 1614 (Stonyhurst MSS., Angl. A., iv., 24), Father Gerard says that “7 florins of Liége make but 6 of Brabant, 12s. English.” So we may turn his florins into pounds by taking off the last cypher.

13 Another occasion may present itself for placing before the reader the many anecdotes of the English Martyrs related in the Autobiography, that are now passed over.

14 Father Gerard was present, he says, at the martyrdom of William Thomson, who suffered at Tyburn, April 20, 1586. Father Holt became Rector of the English College at Rome, October 24, 1586; and the name of John Gerard is the first entry for 1587 in the College Catalogue.

15 When Father Gerard has occasion, in his Narrative of the Powder Plot, to relate what he knows of Father Ouldcorne’s history, he gives an account of this journey (infr. p. 279).

16 P. R. O., Domestic, Eliz. vol. 217, n. 81.

17 P. R. O., Domestic, Eliz., vol. 199, nn. 95, 96.

18 Ibid, vol. 217, n. 3. The Calendar gives for its date Oct. 1, 1588. The postscript of the letter bears the date “8 Septembris.”

19 They both suffered in Fleet Street; Christopher Bales on March 4, 1590, and George Beesley on July 2, 1591. They were condemned under the statute 27 Elizabeth, for being made Priests beyond the seas and exercising their functions in England.

20 Ad subcuratorem pacis, et ad censorem (MS.). The above are conjectural renderings. These seem to have been only village officials.

21 Irenarchâ aut curatore pacis (MS.).

22 Ut vanitas veritatem occultet (MS.).

23 Father William Weston, commonly called Father Edmonds.

24 The name “Yelverton” is added in the margin. Sir Christopher Yelverton was at this time Queen’s Serjeant, and subsequently Speaker of the House of Commons, and Puisne Judge of the King’s Bench. He died in 1607. His son, Sir Henry Yelverton, Judge of the Court of Common Pleas, condemned Father Edmund Arrowsmith in 1628, and died in the January following.

25 Dr. Andrew Perne, Master of Peter-house, Cambridge, and second Dean of Ely. He is incidentally mentioned by Miss Strickland as having changed his religion four times (Lives of the Queens of England, vol. vii., p. 208).

26 “It [Braddocks] seems to have been formerly moated round, and two sides of the moat remain at present” (Morant, History of Essex, London, 1768, vol ii., p. 559).

27 Their names appear in 1580, among the signatures of the thirty Nuns of Sion, then at Rouen, in a petition to the Catholics of England, praying them not to allow “the only Religious Convent remaining of our country” to perish for want of support (Public Record Office, Domestic, Eliz., vol. 146, n. 114). The convent reached Lisbon in 1594, and in 1863 returned to England and settled at Spetisbury, near Blandford. It is the only Religious House in England that can trace an unbroken descent from a foundation made before the Reformation. Sion House was founded by Henry V. in 1413.

28 William is said to have been knighted at a later date. Three baronetcies were conferred on various branches of the family, William of Canfield (1628), Richard of Thundersley (1628), and Sir William Wiseman, Knight, of Riverhall (1660). The two last mentioned are extinct. The Wisemans of Braddocks were descended from John Wiseman, Esq., ancestor of the present baronet, who purchased the estate in Northend about 1430, and was the first of the family who lived in Essex.

29 P. R. O., Domestic, Eliz., vol. 247, n. 3.

30 “While the house at Sawston was erecting, Sir Edmund resided on his estates in Essex, and served the office of Sheriff for that county in 20, 21, [1578-9] and 30 Elizabeth” [1588] (Burke’s Landed Gentry, 1850, vol. i., p. 602).

31 The relationship is by affinity and half-blood. Jane, daughter of Sir William Dormer, by his first wife, Mary Sidney, married Don Gomez Suarez, Count of Feria; and Dorothy’s father, Robert Lord Dormer, was a son of Sir William, by his second wife, Dorothy Catesby (Burke’s Peerage).

32 Lady Penelope Devereux, daughter of Walter first Earl of Essex, wife of Robert third Lord Rich, afterwards Earl of Warwick.

33 Charles Blount, eighth Baron Mountjoy, who in 1603 was created Earl of Devonshire. He was married December 26, 1605, to Lady Rich, after her divorce, and in the lifetime of her husband, by William Laud, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury. The Earl of Devonshire died in a few months after this marriage, April 3, 1606.

34 William Wiseman, Richard Fulwood, and Ralph Willis were with Father Gerard at Lady Gerard’s house before Michaelmas, 1592 (P. R. O., Domestic, Eliz., vol. 248, n. 103).

35 Thomas Percy, Earl of Northumberland, was beheaded at York, in 1572. He had four daughters: Elizabeth, wife of Richard Woodroff; Lucy, wife of Sir Edward Stanley; Jane, wife of Lord Henry Seymour; and Mary, the second Abbess of the English Benedictine Convent at Brussels.

36 This venerable Community was transferred in 1794 to Winchester, and in 1857 to East Bergholt, in Suffolk. This was the first English Convent founded after the Reformation, and the first to come to England at the French Revolution.

37 When this was written, the strict laws of Urban VIII. had not yet been made, which forbid the introduction of any public religious veneration except by the authority of the Holy See.

38 Defecerunt scrutantes scrutinio (MS.).

39 P. R. O., Domestic, Eliz., vol. 248, n. 103.

40 P. R. O., Domestic, Eliz., vol. 247, n. 3.

41 “Robert Wiseman, her other son, is also an obstinate recusant and will by no means take the oath. He is prisoner in the Clink.” (Young, Apr. 14, 1594. P. R. O., Dom. Eliz., vol. 248, n. 68).

42 The Lady Mary Percy, of whom mention has been previously made. She “was a devout Catholic, and had come to London a little before my imprisonment, to get my help in passing over to Belgium, there to consecrate herself to God. She was staying at the house of her sister,” who had lost the faith, Jane, the wife of Lord Henry Seymour, with whose Protestant servants Father Gerard was confronted later on. “I dined with them on the day the witnesses mentioned. It was Lent; and they told how their mistress ate meat, while the Lady Mary and I ate nothing but fish” (infr. p. lxviii.).

43 He had previously said that “between Midsummer and Michaelmas last, Scudamore the Priest was there by the name of John Wiseman and stayed there one night.” John was apparently the name of the younger Jesuit, who died in the Novitiate at Rome.

44 Amongst the letters seized at Braddocks in a search apparently in 1592, was one “sent by Dolman the Priest to Mrs. Wiseman, dated 28 die Jun., advertizing her of her son Thomas and her son John their healths, and of his going to Wisbech, and that he was sorry her daughter Jane had no warning whereby she might have wrote an epistle in Latin to the Priests at Wisbech, that they might have understood her zeal” (P. R. O., Dom. Eliz., vol. 243, n. 95).

45 P. R. O., Dom. Eliz., vol. 248, n. 68.

46 Young adds, “Mr. Wiseman and his mother had many more servants, both men and maids, all which were recusants, and none of them would come to church, to the great offence and scandal of all Her Majesty’s good subjects in that country.”

47 Stonyhurst MSS. P., ii., p. 550.

48 Mr. “Homulus” is Ralph Emerson, the Lay-brother, of whom Father Campion wrote to the General, “Homulus meus et ego” (infr. p. lxx). It was of the greatest consequence that no names to strike the eye should appear in letters, in case they were intercepted.

49 Probably White Webbs in Enfield Chase, called “Dr. Hewick’s house” (P. R. O., Gunpowder Plot Book, n. 70).

50 P. R. O., Dom. Eliz., vol. 248, n. 36.

51 In the original the words “is Richard Fulwood” are interlined, and “he will not tell” underlined or erased.

52 Being learned. Erased in Orig.

53 It was of the last importance for the friends of a prisoner to know, if possible, what replies he had really given, not only that they might take measures, if necessary, for their own safety, but also that they might know how far to go in their own answers when summoned. The persecutors were constantly in the habit of publishing all sorts of pretended replies which they said had been given by prisoners in their secret examinations, so that prisoners seized every possible opportunity of communicating the truth to their friends, often, as we shall see, in the most ingenious way.

54 It will be noticed, both from this passage and many others, that the persecuted Catholics followed that common doctrine of theologians, maintained also by many Protestant moralists, that an unjust oppressor has no right, by the law of God, to exact or expect true answers from his victims, if such true answers would help his unjust designs, except where the question is of the faith of the prisoner. It is quite likely that many will be startled now-a-days at such direct denials, owing to our present freedom from those extreme circumstances in which such denials were then made. Their own lives were at stake, or those of other innocent persons, whom it would have been a sin to betray; and for those persons’ sake, if they held such denials to be lawful, they were bound to make them. The English law, with a tenderness then unknown, would now protect a man from all efforts to make him criminate himself. The persecutors themselves, who showed so great indignation at their victims’ falsehoods, told lies systematically in order to ensnare the Catholics; a thing which no code of morality ever countenanced, whether Catholic or Protestant. We propose to discuss this subject more fully in the sequel.

55 This was the unfortunate Countess of Arundel, whose husband, Philip Howard, Earl of Arundel, was at this time (1594) in the tenth year of his imprisonment in the Tower. He died the following year in the same prison, the noblest victim to the jealous and suspicious tyranny of Elizabeth, non sine veneni suspicione, as his epitaph still testifies.

56 This holy martyr’s true name was Nicholas Owen. Father Gerard gives an interesting account of him in the Narrative of the Powder Plot (infra p. 182).

57 We learn from Frank that it was called Middleton’s.

58 Sir Thomas Egerton, afterwards Lord Ellesmere and Viscount Brackley, was Attorney General at this date, 1594, and Lord Chancellor in 1609, when this was written. His having been a Catholic is not mentioned by his biographers.

59 Father Gerard was first confined in the Counter, as he tells us later. Father Garnett in one of his letters speaks of the Counter as “a very evil prison and without comfort.” There were in London three prisons of this name: the Counter, a part of the parish church of St. Margaret in Southwark; the Counter in the Poultry, “some four houses west from the parish church of St. Mildred”; and the new Counter in Wood-street, removed from Bread-street in 1555 (Stow’s Survey of London, ed. Thoms, pp. 99, 131).

60 Even the gentle Father Southwell could not but show his estimate of this reprobate man. We translate the following from Father More’s History of the English Province, l. v., n. 15. “Though he readily answered the questions of others, yet if Topcliffe interposed he never deigned him a reply; and when asked the cause of this, he answered: ‘Because I have found by experience that the man is not open to reason.’”

61 Stonyhurst MSS., Angl. A., vol. ii., n. 27; P., vol. ii., f. 604.

62 This was a prison in Southwark, adjoining the palace of the Bishops of Winchester. In Father More’s Latin Narrative it appears as Atrium Wintoniense. “It was a small place of confinement on the Bankside, called the Clink from being the prison of the ‘Clink liberty or manor of Southwark,’ belonging to the Bishops of Winchester” (Brayley, History of Surrey, vol. 5, p. 348).

63 Father Garnett writes, Nov. 19, 1594: “Sir Thomas Wilks goeth into Flanders, as it is thought for peace; whereupon the arraignment of the three Jesuits, Southwell, Walpole, and Gerard, is stayed. Gerard is in the Clink, somewhat free; the other two so close in the Tower that none can hear from them” (Stonyhurst MSS., P., ii., p. 550).

64 “There is a little fellow called Ralph, who is in England for Father Persons, is a great dealer for all the Papists; he is a very slender, brown little fellow” (Confession of Ralph Miller. P. R. O., Domestic, Eliz., vol. 173, n. 64).

65 John Rigby suffered at St. Thomas’ Watering, June 21, 1600, for having been reconciled by a Catholic Priest.

66 Ann Line executed at Tyburn, Feb. 27, 1601, for harbouring a Catholic Priest. “She told her confessor, some years before her death, that Mr. Thomson (Blackburn), a former confessor of hers, who ended his days by martyrdom in 1586, had promised her, that if God should make him worthy of that glorious end he would pray for her, that she might obtain the like happiness” (Challoner, from Champney’s MS. History).

67 Francis Page, S.J., suffered at Tyburn, April 20, 1602, for his Priesthood.

68 These words are given in the MS. in English.

69 Roger Filcock, S.J., alias Arthur, executed for his Priesthood, with Mark Barkworth, alias Lambert, O.S.B., and Ann Line, at Tyburn, Feb. 27, 1601.

70 John Jones, alias Buckley, suffered at St. Thomas’ Watering, July 12, 1598; and Robert Drury at Tyburn, Feb. 26, 1607, for being Priests in England.

71 Tres valedictiones mundo datæ a tribus in diverso statu morientibus (MS.).

72 Qualis vita, finis ita (MS.).

73 “Morbum regium” (MS.). Consumption is a form of scrofula, or King’s evil, and seems to be the form most likely to be brought on by the causes here mentioned. In classical Latin, however, morbus regius signifies jaundice; and this may be the meaning here.

74 Father Bartoli, in his Inghilterra (bk. v., ch. 13), has the following passage about Father Gerard, whom he knew personally at Rome: “At his first entrance into this prison (the Clink) he procured himself a habit of the Society, and continued to wear it from that time forward, even in the face of all London when he was being taken to his different examinations; so that the people crowded to see a Jesuit in his habit, while the preachers were all the more exasperated at what they thought an open defiance of them.”

Father Weston in his Narrative (Father Laurenson’s copy, p. 93) gives it as one of the signs that warned Catholics that Anthony Tyrrel was wavering in his faith, that without any necessity, in the Clink prison, he would wear secular dress. His own clerical costume in prison he mentions as a matter of course. “Egressus sum sequenti die, mutato habitu in sæcularem” (p. 98).

75 The Gatehouse prison, near the west end of the Abbey, “is so called of two gates, the one out of the College court towards the north, on the east side whereof was the Bishop of London’s prison for clerks convict; and the other gate, adjoining the first, but towards the west, is a gaol or prison for offenders thither committed” (Stow, p. 176).

76 The celebrated theologian and controversialist, Dr. Sanders, was sent as Papal Legate into Ireland by Gregory XIII. in 1579.

77 Gabriel Goodman, Dean of Westminster from 1561 to 1601.

78 William Atkinson, the apostate Priest, in a letter to Blackwell the Archpriest, dated Apr. 9, 1602, said that he was in prison with Father Gerard (Bartoli, Inghilterra, p. 416). This man dared to offer to poison the Earl of Tyrone in a host (P. R. O., Domestic, Eliz., vol. 251, n. 49).

79 Henry Walpole, S.J., was executed at York, April 7, 1595, for his Priesthood.

80 It was Father Walpole’s custom to make notes of his conferences with ministers. In the Public Record Office (Domestic, Eliz., vol. 248., n. 51) there is an interesting record in his own hand of his discussions while he was in the custody of Outlaw, the pursuivant.

81 Edmund Campion, S.J., suffered at Tyburn, Dec. 1, 1581, for a pretended conspiracy at Rome and Rhemes. The Act of 27 Elizabeth (1585), which made the mere presence of a Priest in England high treason, had not yet been passed.

82 This was said, of course, because it was dangerous to mention the names of any friends who were still at liberty. It could do no harm to mention those already in prison.

83 Domestic, Eliz., vol. 262, n. 123.

84 As he supposed. Erased.

85 Denieth that. Erased.

86 Denieth that. Erased.

87 Thinketh that some substituted for knoweth who.

88 Care substituted for charge.

89 Maintenance of, &c, interlined.

90 The name... person interlined in place of to whom.

91 By what name substituted for to whom.

92 The spelling in those days was simply reckless. Father Gerard signs this Examination “Jhon Gerrard;” it is endorsed “Jo. Jerrard;” and Sir Edward Coke’s note on it is “Jarrard.” It becomes difficult to know how to print proper names; e.g., Campion or Campian, Persons or Parsons, Garnet or Garnett, Ouldcorne or Oldcorn. In the Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot the form of name is adopted that is most prevalent in the autograph from which it is printed.

93 On the back of a playing card (the seven of spades), which is attached to the original document, is written in Sir Edward Coke’s handwriting:
“Polewhele 1
Walpole 1
PatCullen 1
Annias 31
Willms 1
Squier
Jarrard 1.”

Polewhele, Patrick Cullen or O’Collun, Williams, and Squire were all executed for high treason, the latter on the accusation of having, at Father Walpole’s instigation, poisoned the pommel of Elizabeth’s saddle. Annias apostatized after two years’ imprisonment.

94 Scirpicula quaedam duo vel tria ex juncis facta (MS.). It is not easy to understand exactly what these were.

95 Father Gerard’s great stature could not be more clearly indicated. This would of course involve a greater weight of body, and consequently greater severity in this mode of torture. “Erat enim,” says Father More, in his History, “pleno et procero corpore.”

96 Stonyhurst MSS., P., vol. ii., f. 547.

97 Ibid., Angl. A., vol. ii., n. 27; P., vol. ii., f. 604.

98 Ibid., P., vol. ii., f. 548.

99 Stonyhurst MSS., P., vol. ii., f. 601.

100 These arguments are purposely omitted in this place, and they are reserved for insertion later, when we propose to examine into the morality of the answers made by Father Gerard and others in their judicial interrogations.

101 We find from an extract of one of Father Garnett’s letters in the Stonyhurst MSS. that this gentleman’s name was Arden. “Oct. 8, 1597. Upon St. Francis’ day at night broke out of the Tower one Arden and Mr. Gerard the Jesuit. There is yet no inquiry after him” (P., vol. ii., f. 548). Father Bartoli, also, and Father More mention Arden as the name of Father Gerard’s companion. Francis Arden was committed to the Tower, Feb. 22, 1584. He was probably a relation of Edward Arden, who was hanged Dec. 23, 1583, “protesting his innocence of every charge, and declaring that his only crime was the profession of the Catholic religion” (Rishton’s Diary in the Tower).

102 The number of piers in Old London Bridge was so large, and offered so great an obstruction to the water, that it was always a service of danger to pass under the arches while the tide was running, and often the river formed a regular cataract at this part.

103 The distance would be something over half a mile.

104 Our readers will remember that at this time each side of the bridge was lined with houses, which looked sheer down into the river.

105 Oct. 4, 1597, says Father Bartoli (Inghilterra, p. 426) quoting Father Garnett’s letter of Oct. 8.

106 Quod differtur, non aufertur (MS.).

107 This may very likely be White Webbs in Enfield Chase.

108 Atkinson was not always so unsuccessful. Sir Robert Cecil endorsed the letter quoted in a former note, “Atkinson’s letter, the Priest that discovered Tychburn and was brought me by Mr. Fouler.” Thomas Tichburn suffered at Tyburn, April 20, 1601, for his Priesthood.

109 The Knight Marshal had jurisdiction within the precincts of the Court, that is, twelve miles from the lodging of the Sovereign, even on a progress, though not a chase. The Marshalsea was the prison originally attached to the King’s house, and at first was intended only for the committal of persons accused of offences within the jurisdiction of the Knight Marshal. It stood in High-street, Southwark, on the south side, between King-street and Mermaid-court, over against Union-street (Cunningham’s Handbook of London, p. 316). Queen Elizabeth’s Knight Marshal was Sir Thomas Gerard, already mentioned as created by King James Lord Gerard of Gerard’s Bromley.

110 About this time Father Garnett thought of sending Father Gerard out of England, evidently from fear lest, owing to his zeal, he should be recaptured and be still more hardly dealt with, for on March 31, 1598, he wrote to Rome, probably to Father Persons: “Father Gerard is much dismayed this day when I wrote to him to prepare himself to go. He came to me of purpose. Indeed he is very profitable to me, and his going would be wondered at. I hope he will walk warily enough.... You know my mind; if you think it good, I desire his stay. All the rest are well” (Stonyhurst MSS., P., vol. ii., f. 551).

111 P. R. O., Domestic, Eliz., vol. 233, n. 3.

112 “He was sent to Tournay for his Noviceship in 1594, and towards the end of his second year over-application had so injured his head that he had to be forbidden to use any kind of prayer. Sent to recruit in his native air, he passed through Holland on his way to England. At Flushing he was taken by some English soldiers. The letter he was carrying showing who he was, they threatened him with torture unless he would say who had brought him over from Rotterdam. He was ready to confess anything about himself, but he would say nothing of any one else; so, instead of offering, as he had hoped to do that day, the Sacrifice of the Body of Christ, he offered that of his own, to undergo anything rather than injure others. They hung him up by the hands to a pulley, and then tortured him by twisting a sailor’s rope round his head. During the torture he fixed his mind on the eternity of either pain or joy, and uttered nothing but ‘O eternity!’ The harm the soldiers tried to do him turned out a remedy; for the head-ache and singing in the head, from which he had suffered in the Noviceship, diminished from that time and gradually ceased. He was taken to London in custody and committed to Bridewell, where his cell was an utterly unfurnished turret. He bed was the brick floor and a little straw, till he was helped by the care and charity of his Catholic fellow-prisoners, and of our Father Gerard. The latter, who was in the Clink, kept up a secret correspondence with him, and came to his help both with his advice and money. After about seven months he succeeded in making his escape through the tiling, together with two other Priests and seven laymen” (Father More, Historia Provinciæ, l. viii., c. 23).

113 The confession of Ralph Myller (9 Oct. 1584) gives us an insight into the late Lord Vaux’s London house: “This examinant did afterwards meet one Robert Browne, who hath an uncle a Priest with the Lord Vaux, who is a little man with white head, and a little brown hair on his face, goeth in an ash-colour doublet coat and a gown faced with cony, and he was made Priest long sithence at Cambray as this examinate thinketh. This examinant spoke with the Lord Vaux and with his lady at Hackney, after that his son, Mr. George, and the said Robert Browne had told him that this examinant was a tailor of Rhemes; and on Sunday was fortnight this examinant did hear Mass there, whereat were present about xviii. persons, being my lord’s household, and the Priest last before named said the Mass. The said Priest lieth in a chamber beyond the hall, on the left hand the stair that leadeth to the chambers, and the Mass is said in the chapel, being right over the port entering into the hall; and the way into it is up the stair aforesaid, on the left hand, at the further end of the gallery: and there is a very fair crucifix of silver” (P. R. O., Domestic, Eliz., vol. 173, n. 64).

114 Anne Vaux and Eleanor, widow of Edward Brooksby, daughters of William third Lord Vaux, by his first wife, Elizabeth, daughter of John Beaumont of Gracedieu, in Leicestershire, Esq. The mother of George Vaux was Mary, sister of Sir Thomas Tresham, of Rushton, in Northamptonshire, Knight.

115 Sir Christopher Hatton, who died childless, November 21, 1591, had built a country house at Stoke Pogis, Bucks (Campbell’s Lives of the Chancellors, 3rd edit., vol. ii., p. 180).

116 Patrem Pulvium (MS.). We give the English form of the name on the authority of Dr. Oliver, in his Collectanea, s.v. Pullen.

117 In the Public Record Office there is a letter, dated July 22, 1599, purporting to be from Francis Cordale to his partner Balthasar Gybels, at Antwerp, which says, “I wrote to you of one Mr. Heywood’s house searched and a man there taken. I have learned his name since to be John Lilly. He is sent to the Tower upon suspicion of helping Gerard the Jesuit out of the same place” (Domestic, Eliz., vol. 271, n. 107).

118 Tali loco qui vocatur Spitell (MS). Spitalfields, a district without Bishopsgate, once belonged to the Priory and Hospital of St. Mary Spital, founded in 1197, in the parish of St. Botolph (Cunningham’s Handbook of London, p. 463).

119 John Lilly entered the Society Feb. 2, 1602, æt. 37 (Bartoli, Inghilterra, p. 429).

120 In the margin of the MS. is written “Digbæus,” in the same hand as the text.

121 George Abbot was appointed Dean of Winton in 1559, in 1609 Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, from which in about a month he was translated to London, and thence in 1611 to Canterbury. In July, 1621, as he was shooting at a deer with a cross-bow, he shot the keeper, for which King James gave him a dispensation. In 1627 he was sequestered from his office, and his metropolitan jurisdiction put into commission, but about a year after he was restored. He died at Croydon, Aug. 4, 1633, æt. 71.

122 Richard de Burgh, commonly called Richard of Kinsale, from his conduct at that place, Baron of Dunkellin, succeeded his father as fourth Earl of Clanricarde, May 20, 1601. He was subsequently made Earl of St. Albans, and died Nov. 12, 1635. He married Frances, daughter and heiress of Sir Francis Walsyngham, Knight, widow of Robert second Earl of Essex. She died in 1632. Thus Walsyngham’s only child became a Catholic.

123 Qui nunc in rure est (MS.). An evident mistake of the copyist for “in turre,” as is clear from a former passage, where Father Gerard says, “Father Thomas Strange is at present suffering imprisonment in the Tower of London, where he has had to undergo many grievous tortures, and a long solitary confinement. This solitude indeed, if we look only to his natural disposition, cannot but be very irksome and oppressive to him; but he is not solitary who has God always present with him, consoling him, and supplying in an eminent degree and full abundance all those comforts which we are wont to go begging for from creatures.”

124 Sir Ambrose Vaux, Prior of St. John of Jerusalem.

125 This name is written “Lathuilli” in the MS. English names frequently suffer at the hands of this copyist. We have restored the true name by the aid of Dr. Oliver’s Collectanea.

126 Father Gerard here gives a summary of his Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot.

127 In a letter addressed by Father Ouldcorne to the Council, dated March 25, 1606, in which he relates all that had passed in the Tower between Father Garnett and himself, but in a way that could not be hurtful to either, the following passage occurs. “Also Mr. Garnett told me that while he was in the Gatehouse he received a note written in orange (but he told me not from whom) whereby he understood that Father Tesimond was gone over sea, and that Father Gerard would presently follow him after he had recovered a little more strength: ‘whereby’ (said Garnett) ‘I gather he hath been lately in some secret place, as we were; but by this I hope he hath recovered his strength, and is also past over the sea’” (P. R. O., Gunpowder Plot Book, n. 214).

128 Both Father Bartoli and Father More remark that Father Gerard was admitted to the solemn vows of a Professed Father by a special favour, as his learning, owing to the short course of study through which he had passed, fell short of that which the Society requires as a condition of Profession. Father Bartoli says that this “most rare but most just privilege” was conferred on him, “as virtue, in which he exceeded the standard, supplied for the studies in which he fell short of it” (Inghilterra, p. 586).

129 Bartoli, Inghilterra, pp. 586, 592.

130 Stonyhurst MSS., Angl. A., vol. iii., n. 111.

131 P. R. O., Domestic, James I., vol. 68, n. 67, and vol. 71, n. 24; Chamberlain to Carleton.

132 P. R. O., Domestic, James I., vol. 70, nn. 25, 46, 55; dated August 3, 12, and 20, 1612.

133 P. R. O., Sign. Man., vol. iii., n. 6.

134 Rymer’s Fœdera, t. xviii., f. 44.

135 P. R. O., Proclamation Book, p. 121.

136 P. R. O., Domestic, Eliz., vol. 165, n. 21.

137 P. R. O., Domestic, James I., vol. 18, n. 19.

138 P. R. O., Domestic, James I., vol. 47, n. 96.

139 P. R. O., Domestic, James I., vol. 16, n. 88; vol. 18, n. 4.

140 P. R. O., Domestic, James I., vol. 18, n. 19.

141 Bartoli, Inghilterra, p. 586.

142 Hist. Prov., lib. vii., n. 43, p. 339.

143 Archives of the English College at Rome, Scritture, vol. 30; 1632.

144 Stonyhurst MSS., Father Grene’s Miscell. de Coll. Angl., p. 19.

145 Stonyhurst MSS., Angl. A., vol. iii., n. 70.

146 More, Hist. Prov., lib. vii., cap. 3, p. 291.

147 More, Hist. Prov., lib. viii., n. 8, p. 355.

148 Stonyhurst MSS., Angl. A., vol. iv., n. 5.

149 This is Father Thomas Laithwaite, also called Kensington (More, Hist. Prov., lib. ix., n. 1, p. 391; supra p. clxxvi).

150 In 1617, Sir Thomas Leeds was Prefect and Sir Ralph Babthorpe Secretary of the Congregation of the Blessed Virgin at Louvain (Stonyhurst MSS., Angl. A., vol. iv., n. 47). A considerable number of Catholic families had settled in Louvain, and in 1614 they were disturbed by a summons to appear in England under pain of losing their possessions. On a remonstrance being made by the Spanish Ambassador, King James disclaimed the summons, on which the magistrates of Louvain expelled the pursuivant from the town (More, Hist. Prov., lib. ix., n. 10, p. 406).

151 Stonyhurst MSS., Angl. A., vol. iv., n. 6.

152 The Archduke Albert, Governor of Flanders.

153 Stonyhurst MSS., Angl. A., vol. iv., n. 7.

154 Stonyhurst MSS., Angl. A., vol. iv., n. 17.

155 Ibid., n. 22.

156 Father Gerard bought a house and ten acres of land; and the price was less than “200l. in present money and the rent of 30l. with which the house and grounds are already charged, which then we may redeem by little and little, as we get friends to buy it out” (Stonyhurst MSS., Angl. A., vol. iv., n. 23). As the rent could be redeemed at fifteen years’ purchase, the whole price was thus under 650l.

157 More, Hist. Prov., lib. ix., n. II, p. 406.

158 “Sir Basil Brooke telleth that our German friend is very well at his house, and in protection of the King, that Canterbury has used him very kindly, and entreated him, as one whose scholarship is famous, to make use of his library [as] it shall please him.” Father Silisdon to Father Owen, August 25, 1614. Endorsed by Father Owen—“Sir Geo. Talbott well entertained by K. and Cant.” (Stonyhurst MSS., Angl. A., vol. iv., n. 17).

159 More, Hist. Prov., lib. ix., n. 15, p. 414.

160 Ibid., pp. 415, 424. Maximilian had two sons by his second wife, Mary Anne of Austria, when he was over 60 years of age, and the eldest he named Ignatius.

161 The Priory of Watten, with its revenue of 3000 florins of Brabant, was transferred to the Society in 1611 by James Blase, O. S. F., Bishop of St. Omers. The proposal had been approved of by the King of Spain in 1604, and by Pope Paul V. in 1607, but the jealousy of the English felt by the Archduke Albert delayed the establishment of an English Novitiate there till his death in 1622 (More, Hist. Prov., lib. vii., nn. 5-7, lib. ix., n. 17, pp. 294-298, 416).

162 Stonyhurst MSS., Angl. A., vol. iv., n. 20.

163 They soon increased in numbers, for in 1617 Father More says there was a Community at Liége of 45, of whom 30 were Novices (p. 424).

164 Stonyhurst MSS., Angl. A., vol. iv., n. 29.

165 Ibid., n. 23.

166 Infra p. 110.

167 Stonyhurst, MSS., Angl. A., vol. iv., n. 29.

168 Ibid., n. 31.

169 Ibid., vol. iii., n. 107.

170 This would appear to be a mention of the death of the “son and brother of an Earl,” Sir Everard Digby’s great friend, who was converted when holding some office in personal attendance on King James, and, after his conversion, received the King’s leave to go to Italy (supra p. clxvi.). The intermediate link is furnished in Father Gerard’s letter to Father Aquaviva, Louvain, August 17, 1612 (Stonyhurst MSS., Angl. A., vol. iii., n. 111). “Now at length our friend Oliver has passed over from Paris to England, for the Treasurer is gone, his and all good men’s enemy.” [Robert Cecil, Earl of Salisbury, died May 24, 1612] “and others are about to succeed him, who, as we hope, entertain for Oliver an ancient and particular affection. Besides, his eldest brother is dead, and the second brother left inheritor of all the honours and wealth, so that a manifold occasion is offered to this our friend of helping himself in temporal affairs, and others to some extent in spiritual and greater goods. Summoned by his family he has left in haste, humbly asking your Paternity’s benediction; in the efficacy of which he disregards all that heretical fury or perverse malice can invent against him. The King is going this summer to his brother the new Earl’s castle, to remain there awhile for hunting. Perhaps Oliver will take that occasion of presenting himself to the King, who liked him when he was in his service before he entered the service of God, and whom he has never offended in anything, except in choosing to be an abject in the House of God, rather than to dwell in the tabernacles of men.” We have here the necessary data for determining that the convert in question was Sir Oliver Manners, fourth son of John fourth Earl of Rutland, knighted at Belvoir Castle, April 22, 1603, by James I. on his coming from Scotland. The eldest brother Roger, fifth Earl, married Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Philip Sidney, and died without issue, June 26, 1612, when he was succeeded by his brother Francis.

171 Father Edward Coffin was Confessor of the English College for nearly twenty years. He was succeeded by Father Gerard, who held the same office for the last fifteen years of his life.

172 Dr. Oliver has misread this date 1611. Cardinal Bellarmine was born October 4, 1542, so that he would be in his seventy-seventh year in 1618-9.

173 Dr. Oliver says that Father Silisdon succeeded Father Gerard as Rector and Master of Novices in 1620, and transferred the Novitiate to Watten in 1622. Father More (Hist. Prov., p. 416) may certainly so be understood, but it is clear from the Florus Anglo-Bavaricus (p. 11) that Father Gerard was Rector in March, 1622, and that the transfer to Watten took place in 1625. And in the Archives of the English College at Rome (Scritture, vol. 30), in a notice of him written in 1632, he is said to have been Rector of the English Noviceship at Liége for eight years.

174 Stonyhurst MSS., P., vol. ii., f. 532.

175 Fiat in me, de me et per me, et circa me, sanctissima et dulcissima voluntas Tua, in omnibus et per omnia, nunc et semper ac in æternum. Amen (MS.).

176 An allusion, no doubt, to one of the Belgian Sanctuaries of our Blessed Lady, perhaps that at Montaigu.

177 Stonyhurst MSS., Father Grene’s Miscell. de Coll. Angl., p. 19, quoting “Baines his diary.”

178 Supra p. xxi.

179 Supra p. cxl.

180 Infra p. 244.

181 Apologia pro Vita sua, by John Henry Newman, D.D. London, 1864, p. 418. The reader’s attention is earnestly called to Dr. Newman’s treatment of this subject, both at the page quoted, and in the Appendix, p. 72. To the Protestant authors quoted above may be added Mr. Froude (History of England, vol. ii., ch. vi., p. 57, note). “It seems obvious that a falsehood of this sort is different in kind from what we commonly mean by unveracity, and has no affinity with it.... Rahab of Jericho did the same thing which Dalaber did” [a Protestant, who gave false answers and swore to them, to save Garret, his fellow] “and on that very ground was placed in the catalogue of Saints.”

182 Supra p. li.

183 Supra p. lxviii.

184 Supra p. lxxxii.

185 Supra p. cxiv.

186 Ostendi non esse hoc falsum dicere (MS.).

187 This was the wretched Anne Bellamy, a young Catholic gentlewoman, who for some overbold denunciation of the persecutors was given into the custody of the ruffian Topcliffe, and was so deeply depraved by him, as to be brought to the almost incredible infamy of serving as his tool to inveigle and betray Priests.

188 In subornatâ gubernatione Reipublicæ (MS.). There is clearly some blunder here. Probably we ought to read “subordinatâ;” yet, even so, the phrase is not very intelligible. We have judged of the sense intended, by the context.

189 Sir Walter Scott’s words have been often quoted, and they are fair specimens of what an honourable man considers lawful. As they were no hasty and unconsidered expressions, they are deserving of insertion in this place. Lockhart calls them “a style of equivoque which could never seriously be misunderstood.” To John Murray Scott wrote: “I give you heartily joy of the success of the Tales, although I do not claim that paternal interest in them which my friends do me the credit to assign me. I assure you I have never read a volume of them until they were printed, and can only join with the rest of the world in applauding the true and striking portraits which they present of old Scottish manners. I do not expect implicit reliance to be placed on my disavowal, because I know very well that he who is disposed not to own a work must necessarily deny it, and that otherwise his secret would be at the mercy of all who choose to ask the question, since silence in such a case must always pass for consent, or rather assent. But I have a mode of convincing you that I am perfectly serious in my denial—pretty similar to that by which Solomon distinguished the fictitious from the real mother—and that is, by reviewing the work, which I take to be an operation equal to that of quartering the child.” And, in a letter written two years later, he says: “I own I did mystify Mrs. —— a little about the report you mention; and I am glad to hear the finesse succeeded. She came up to me with a great overflow of gratitude for the delight and pleasure, and so forth, which she owed to me on account of these books. Now, as she knew very well that I had never owned myself the author, this was not polite politeness, and she had no right to force me up into a corner and compel me to tell her a word more than I chose, upon a subject which concerned no one but myself—and I have no notion of being pumped by any old dowager Lady of Session, male or female. So I gave in dilatory defences, under protestation to add and eik; for I trust, in learning a new slang, you have not forgot the old. In plain words, I denied the charge, and as she insisted to know who else could write these novels, I suggested Adam Fergusson as a person having all the information and capacity necessary for that purpose. But the inference that he was the author was of her own deducing; and thus ended her attempt, notwithstanding her having primed the pump with a good dose of flattery” (Lockhart’s Memoirs of Sir Walter Scott, 1844, pp. 338, 389).

190 We translate partly from Bartoli, Inghilterra, lib. v., c. 9, and partly from More, Hist. Prov., lib. v., c. 29.

191 Father Bartoli here asks us to contrast the pious horror expressed by the officials at Father Southwell’s doctrine with the fact related by Father Gerard (supra p. lxvii.) of the magistrate Young swearing on the Scriptures to what he knew to be false, that Father Southwell had expressed a desire to confer with a Protestant minister with the view of abandoning the Catholic faith.

192 This last consideration applies, of course, not to the general question of equivocation (for in that case it would involve a petitio principii), but to the sub-question whether supposing a simple equivocation lawful (i.e., allowing it to be no violation of veracity in some cases), it could ever be lawful to add to it the confirmation of an oath. Father Southwell maintains reasonably, that whatever it is lawful to say, it is lawful also to swear to, provided the other conditions for an oath are present.

193 Infra p. 244.

194 Gunpowder Plot Book, n. 217A.

195 Cowetry (MS.). If this word is read thus correctly, it is a curious proof of the antiquity of the phrase “being sent to Coventry.”

196 “One necessary condition,” says Father Garnett in another paper (P. R. O., Domestic, James I., vol. 20, n. 2), “required in every law is that it be just. For if this condition be wanting, that the law be unjust, then is it ipso facto void and of no force, neither hath it any power to oblige any. And this is a maxim, not only of divines, but of Aristotle and all philosophers. Hereupon ensueth that no power on earth can forbid or punish any action which we are bound unto by the law of God, which is the true pattern of all justice. So that the laws against recusants, against receiving of Priests, against confession, against Mass, or other rites of Catholic religion, are to be esteemed as no laws by such as steadfastly believe these to be necessary observances of the true religion.

“Likewise Almighty God hath absolute right for to send His preachers of His Gospel to any place in the world. ‘Euntes decete omnes gentes.’ So that the law against Priests coming into the realm sincerely to preach, is no law, and those that are put to death by virtue of that decree are verily martyrs because they die for the preaching of true religion.

“Being asked what I meant by true treason, I answer that that is a true treason which is made treason by any just law, and that is no treason at all which is made treason by an unjust law.”

197 Dodd’s Church History, ed. Tierney, vol. iv., p. 44, note.

198 History of England, ed. 1849, vol. vii., p. 44.

199 Supra p. clxii.

200 Supra pp. clxxiv., clxxvii.

201 Supra p. clxxvi.

202 Faulks’ confession, P. R. O., Gunpowder Plot Book, n. 54.

203 Infra p. 59.

204 In the King’s own hand. P. R. O., Gunpowder Plot Book, n. 17.

205 Calendar of State Papers, by M. E. Green. James I., 1603-10, p. 247.

206 P. R. O., Gunpowder Plot Book, n. 164.

207 Dodd’s Church History, by Tierney, vol. iv., p. cii.

208 Vol. viii., p. 543.

209 Tierney’s Dodd, vol. iv., p. cv. The original letter is now in the archives of the Archbishop of Westminster.

210 Vol. iii., p. 37, note.

211 Tierney’s Dodd, vol. iv., p. cvi.

212 Vol. vii., p. 542.

213 See Narrative, infra p. 79.

214 Domestic, James I., vol. xviii., n. 35.

215 Supra p. clxxix; infra p. 208

216 Here the paper is torn, and three or four words are consequently illegible.

217 Inghilterra, lib. vi., cap. 6, p. 513.

218 He was then Confessor in the English College at Rome.

219 Lib. vii., n. 44, p. 339.

220 Angl. A., vol. iv., n. 92.

221 Inghilterra, pp. 510, 512.

222 Bartoli, Inghilterra, lib. vi., c. 6, p. 510.

223 History of England, ed. 1849, vol. vii., p. 549.

224 There is a letter extant from Father Blount, the Provincial, to the General, dated Feb. 10, 1632, which has been understood to relate to the accusation against Father Gerard, or to a similar accusation against some other member of the Society. It must, however, relate to some other matter, as it says, “Vivit enim adhuc author ipse criminis,” and that the alleged offence took place five years before the entrance into the Society of the Father in question.

225 Oliver’s Collectanea S. J.

226 Father Martin Grene wrote a letter (Stonyhurst MSS., Angl. A., vol. v., n. 69) to his brother, January 1, 1665, addressed, “for Mr. Christopher Grene, at Hilton” [Hilton, i.e., Hill-town, meant Rome, as in the same language customer was the Archpriest, physicians were Priests, workmen, secular Priests, journeymen, Jesuits, &c.]. His brother had asked him to give what help he could to Father Bartoli. Speaking of the Gunpowder Plot, he says, “I had once occasion to inform myself of that history, and I found none better than the two books of Eudæmon Johannes, the one Ad actionem Edouardi Coqui Apologia pro P. Hen. Garnetto, the other, Parallelus Torti ac Tortoris. Though the things be there spread and scattered, yet they are (if collected) very pertinent to clear Father Garnett and ours; for example, among other things this is one, that the traitors had among themselves made an oath that they would never speak of their designs to any Priests, because they knew they would not allow of it; also, that they were specially offended with the Jesuits for preaching patience and submission. There are divers other circumstances which manifestly excuse ours. I had a relation made me by one of ours who had it in Civil [Seville], which clearly shows that the whole Plot was of Cecil’s making; but it being only told by an old man, who forgot both times and persons, I believe I shall never make use of it. Yet I have heard strange things, which, if ever I can make out, will be very pertinent. For certain the late Bishop of Armagh, Usher, was divers times heard to say that if Papists knew what he knew, the blame of the Gunpowder Treason would not lie on them. And other things I have heard, which, if I can find grounded, I hope to make good use of. It may be if you write Civil to my brother Frank, he will, or somebody else there, give you some light in this business.”

227 This Philip Beaumont was Father Oswald Tesimond, alias Greenway, (More, Hist. Prov., l. vii., n. 40, p. 336).

228 For our translation we are indebted to the pen of Father Kingdon. Portions of it have appeared in the Month, and, rendered into French by Father Forbes, in the Etudes Théologiques at Paris.

229 Collectanea M, f. 52 h.

230 “For whom He foreknew, He also predestinated to be made conformable to the image of His Son” (Rom. viii. 29).

231 “If we be dead with Him, we shall also live with him: if we suffer, we shall also reign with Him” (2 Tim. ii. 11).

232 “As you are partakers of the sufferings, so shall you be also of the consolation” (2 Cor. i. 7).

233 “The flesh of Thy saints and the blood of them they have shed round about Jerusalem, and there was none to bury them” (1 Mach. vii. 17).

234 “They were stoned, they were cut asunder,... they were put to death by the sword, they wandered about in sheep-skins,” &c. (Heb. xi. 37).

235 “No man cometh to the Father but by Me” (St. John xiv. 6).

236 “Ought not Christ to have suffered these things, and so to enter into His glory?” (St. Luke xxiv. 26).

237 “You shall lament and weep, but the world shall rejoice, and you shall be made sorrowful.... In the world you shall have distress” (St. John xvi. 20, 33).

238 “And your joy no man shall take from you” (St. John xvi. 22).

239 “The gates of hell shall not prevail” (St. Matt. xvi. 18).

240 “A great tempest arose in the sea, so that the boat was covered with waves” (St. Matt. viii. 24).

241 “There came down a storm of wind upon the lake, and they were filled and were in danger” (St. Luke viii. 23).

242 “I sleep and My Heart watcheth” (Cant. v. 2).

243 “Stones, polished smooth by blow and pressure, are fitted together each in place by workman’s hand, and set in order, ever to abide in the sacred fane.”

244 The passages in this Preface enclosed in brackets are alterations in the original MS. made in another but contemporary handwriting. The erasures in the original are given in the footnotes.—Ed.

245 I say. Orig.

246 Such a Lord and so true and liberal a paymaster. Orig.

247 Whip. Orig.

248 To be inflamed. Orig.

249 “For I mean not that others should be eased and you burthened, but by an equality. In this present time let your abundance supply their want, that their abundance also may supply your want” (2 Cor. viii. 13, 14).

250 “Take unto you the armour of God, that you may be able to resist in the evil day and to stand in all things perfect” (Ephes. vi. 13).

251 Catholics. Orig.

252 For. Orig.

253 Contrary party. Orig.

254 Actors. Orig.

255 Until the whole matter was plotted and prepared and had been without doubt. Orig.

256 This discourse following. Orig.

257 But the contrary from. Orig.

258 But. Orig.

259 “True justice hath compassion, but that which is false indignation.”

260 Should. Orig.

261 No impatience but zeal. Orig.

262 Desperate. Orig.

263 “Let us all die in our innocency, and heaven and earth shall be witnesses for us that you put us to death wrongfully.” “If we shall all do as our brethren have done, and not fight against the heathen for our lives and our justifications, they will now quickly root us out of the earth.” 1 Mach. ii. 37, 40.

264 But said one to another. Orig.

265 This might seem to have come into their minds if we shall judge. Orig.

266 That they will follow the rule of the Apostle, saying, “Fratres, si præoccupatus fuerit homo in aliquo delicto, vos qui spirituales estis hujusmodi instruite in spiritu lenitatis.” This is not to condemn them severely, to cry out against them, to inveigh bitterly against the men and their minds and intentions whatsoever: oh no, “in spiritu lenitatis,” saith the Apostle. We that be Catholics in England do all with one voice grant the fact to be evil, we neither did nor would for a world have concurred with the action; but we pity the persons whom we knew to be otherwise wise and circumspect as any they left behind them; yea, devout and zealous men as any one shall see in a kingdom, and divers of them of so tender consciences that they would not to save their life have deceived their neighbour of a penny, or wittingly have admitted the least offence to God. Orig.

267 Not only “in the sun and dust” but “in blood” also and “many wounds.”

268 “Bear ye one another’s burdens, and so you shall fulfil the law of Christ” Gal. vi. 2.

269 “The abomination of desolation standing in the holy place” (St. Matt. xxiv. 15).

270 “Cæsar’s friend” (St. John xix. 12).

271 “I wished myself to be an anathema from Christ for my brethren” (Rom. ix. 3).

272 “Of whom the world was not worthy” (Heb. xi. 31).

273 “Lift up your heads because your redemption is at hand” (St. Luke xxi. 25).

274 “The son of such great merits could not perish.”

275 The passage within brackets is erased in the original.

276 Sir Thomas Gerard. Erased in orig.

277 Sir Thomas Gerard. Erased in orig.

278 Underlined in orig. probably for erasure.

279 This whole paragraph is marked in the original.

280 Were first beat till they cried, and then beaten for crying. Erased in orig.

281 Interlined 80 crowns and in another hand 88 at least.

282 “I will search Jerusalem with lamps” (Soph. i. 12).

283 “For if in the green wood they do these things, what shall be done in the dry?” (St. Luke xxiii. 31).

284 “For the time is that judgment should begin at the house of God. And if first at us, what shall be the end of them that believe not the Gospel of God?” (1 St. Peter iv. 17).

285 “They have searched after iniquities: they have failed in their search... and God shall be exalted: the arrows of children are their wounds” (Psalm lxiii. 7, 8).

286 “For how can he otherwise appease his master, but with our heads?” (1 Kings xxix. 4).

287 “Knowest thou not that it is dangerous to drive people to despair?” (2 Kings ii. 28).

288 “The whole head is sick and the whole heart is sad” (Isaias i. 5).

289 “Who hath not forsaken them that hope in Him” (Judith xiii. 17).

290 “Who will not suffer you to be tempted above that which you are able, but will make also with temptation issue, that you may be able to bear it” (1 Cor. x. 13).

291 “Who after you have suffered a little, will Himself perfect you and confirm you and establish you” (1 St. Peter v. 10).

292 “She reacheth from end to end mightily and ordereth all things sweetly” (Wisd. viii. 1).

293 “We must not do evil that good may come.”

294 Where this kind of mark ¶ is found, my meaning is to have a new line begin. Orig. in marg.

295 “Eructare verbum malum.” Orig.

296 “That, as the right of hand to hand defence is of the Natural Law, the Superior cannot take it away, or enjoin the contrary.”

297 “For they that will become rich, fall into temptation, and into the snare of the devil” (1 Tim. vi. 9).

298 “Though we be cast into bonds as evil doers, and be brought before Kings and rulers as not being Cæsar’s friends.”

299 “Can peace be hurtful to religion?”

300 “We have received your letters and accept them with all the reverence due to His Holiness and your Paternity. For my part four times up to the present I have hindered disturbances. Nor is there any doubt that we can prevent all public taking up of arms, as it is certain that many Catholics would never attempt anything of this sort without our consent, except under the pressure of a great necessity. But two things make us very anxious. The first is lest some in some one province should fly to arms, and that then very necessity should compel others to like courses. For there are not a few who will not be kept back by a mere prohibition of His Holiness. There were some who dared to ask, when Pope Clement was alive, whether the Pope could prohibit their defending their lives. They further say that no Priest shall know their secrets; and of us by name even some friends complain that we put an obstacle in the way of their plans. Now to soften these in some way, and at least to gain time, that by delay some fitting remedy may be applied, we have advised them that by common consent they should send some one to the Holy Father, which they have done, and I have sent him into Flanders to the Nuncio, that he may commend him to His Holiness, and I have sent by him letters explaining their opinions and the reasons on both sides. These letters are written at some length, as they will be carried very safely. And this for the first danger. The other is somewhat worse, for the danger is lest secretly some treason or violence be shown to the King, and so all Catholics may be compelled to take arms. Wherefore, in my judgment, two things are necessary: first, that His Holiness should prescribe what in any case is to be done; and then, that he should forbid any force of arms to the Catholics under censures, and by Brief publicly promulgated, an occasion for which can be taken from the disturbance lately raised in Wales, which has at length come to nothing. It remains that as all things are daily becoming worse, we should beseech His Holiness soon to give a necessary remedy for these great dangers, and we ask his blessing and that of your Paternity.”

301 This date is an interlineation. Father Gerard has not noticed that the passage “I have a letter from Field,” &c., is taken from the PS. of this letter, and that the PS. bears date 21 Octobris. For this omission he has been severely blamed by Mr. Tierney.—Ed.

302 “Hitherto thou shalt come, and shalt go no further, and here thou shalt break thy swelling waves” (Job xxxviii. 11).

303 “All that take the sword, shall perish with the sword” (St. Matt. xxvi. 52).

304 “Lest perhaps gathering up the cockle, you root up the wheat also together with it” (St. Matt. xiii. 29).

305 “Every best gift and every perfect is from above” (St. James i. 17).

306 Is above 60. Erased in Orig.

307 Neither friends to their persons, nor friends to their religion. Erased in Orig.

308 But this bruit, indeed, had been the likeliest way to increase their number by the resort of other Catholics from other countries, if the fact itself had not disliked other Catholics, and their minds had not been well prepared beforehand to refuse all such attempts by the persuasion of Father Garnett and others by his direction, according to the order sent from His Holiness and the like commandment also from Father General and Father Persons, as before hath been declared. Erased in Orig.

309 But expecting belike that divers Catholic gentlemen of those countries (where there be very many, and some of great worth and large estates) should have come unto them. And Mr. Thomas Winter was sent unto one of the greatest (whose daughter Mr. Robert Winter aforesaid had married), but he caused his gates to be shut against him and would not so much as hear him speak. And yet the said gentleman was afterward in great trouble and had like to have lost all his estate, as bearing good-will unto them. Erased in Orig. The lines of erasure extend over the following sentence also.

310 This must be in. Orig. in marg.

311 Compare the German “Lohe,” a flame. Some English dictionaries give “Low,” a local and obsolete word, with the same meaning.—Ed.

312 He also protested there was no more the conspiracy than those who had there published themselves by that public rising in arms. Erased in Orig. This is not good to be in, because of Mr. Tresham, who was one, and not with them. In marg. in another hand.

313 If he lived so many days, he should have carried from that place and examined, etc. In marg. in yet another hand.

314 And got to some friends’ houses, where they lived safe for a month or more, but afterwards were discovered and taken. Erased in Orig.

315 Let all this be in and stand for the end of this chapter, until you come to that which is blotted out. Orig. in marg.

316 This must be in. Orig. in marg.

317 All unto this place must be in. Orig. in marg. They affirmed constantly there were no other conspirators than were taken. And as for Priests, they did both then and at their death protest there was none in the action, insomuch that it was generally voiced and believed through England that there was no Priest accused or could be touched with the treason, which gave generally great satisfaction both to Catholics and others. And so in right it should still have continued; but the Puritans did much envy that they should be free from blame, upon whom they wished rather that all might light. And therefore they began to practise and work the contrary opinion, first in the King, and afterwards in public show unto the country, as shall afterwards appear. Erased in Orig.

318 Who had much laboured to possess the King with that opinion as being most for their advantage. Erased in Orig.

319 By which we may gather that their grief and motives were chiefly for the common cause, as was gathered before out of their own words and protestations. Erased in Orig.

320 Concerning his opinion of his Catholic subjects. Erased in Orig.

321 Upon this occasion of the disobedience in these few gentlemen. Erased in Orig.

322 “Without faith it is impossible to please God” (Hebr. xi. 6).

323 “For other foundation no man can lay but that which is laid” (1 Cor. iii. 11).

324 “Which unless every one shall believe faithfully and firmly, he cannot be saved: and unless a man shall keep it whole and inviolate, without doubt he will perish for ever.”

325 “The pillar and ground of the truth” (1 Tim. iii. 15).

326 “My people have been silent because they had no knowledge; because thou hast rejected knowledge, I will reject thee” (Osee iv. 6).

327 “Open thy mouth wide and I will fill it” (Ps. lxxx. 11).

328 “A good tree cannot bring forth evil fruit, neither can an evil tree bring forth good fruit” (St. Matt. vii. 18).

329 “Not serving to the eye... but... as to the Lord” (Col. iii. 22, 23; Eph. vi. 6).

330 “The pride of them that hate Thee ascendeth continually” (Ps. lxxiii. 23).

331 Father William Weston was known by this name.—Ed.

332 To be lions within when they seem lambs without. Erased in Orig.

333 Bates was a very honest and devout man. Orig. in marg. in another hand.

334 Poor. Erased in Orig.

335 Earl of Suffolk. Erased in Orig.

336 Of his ordinary abode. Erased in Orig.

337 So that you are now in the King’s mercy. Erased in Orig.

338 And searching they will fail in their search.

339 Whensoever it should please God to permit it. Erased in Orig.

340 “Horribly and speedily will He appear to you, for a most severe judgment shall be for them that bear rule” (Wisd. vi. 6).

341 One thing was observed by many at that time as markable in respect of the event, although the foresight were but casual, which was a prediction by one of their kind of prophets, one Gresham, a man of special fame amongst them for skill in astrology and making of almanacs, with certain predictions of events, not only of the weather, but of other accidental matters depending of man’s free-will, and therefore far past his skill to divine of. Yet this man, in an almanac which he had set forth for that year of 1605, had assigned for every particular day some special event of things that should then happen. Amongst the rest, the mark which was set upon the day of the date of this proclamation, and in which it was published in London, was this, “Might against right;” which, seeing it was prepared and printed before the proclamation was thought of, it gave many cause to think that the pen of this man was guided by a better foresight than his own, and directed to set down the truth by the same power that could make the beast that Balaam rode upon to reprehend his master, and afterwards caused that covetous Prophet to bless the people of God and to foretell the truth, much against his own inclination and the intention of his coming. Erased in Orig.

342 “For the anger of man worketh not the justice of God” (St. James i. 20).

343 “No one can snatch them out of the hand of My Father” (St John i. 29).

344 They are “delivered out of the hand of Herod, and from all the expectation of the people of the Jews” (Acts xii. 11).

345 But his hour was come.

346 “What will you give me?” (St. Matt. xxvi. 15).

347 “What accusation bring you against” these men? (St. John xviii. 29).

348 “For envy they had delivered” them (St. Matt. xxvii. 18).

349 If they were not malefactors, the royal power would not have delivered them up.

350 Greenway. Erased in Orig.

351 “Perverting our nation, and forbidding to give tribute to Cæsar” (St. Luke xxiii. 2).

352 “It is enough for the disciple that he be as his Master” (St. Matt. x. 25).

353 Which was their “hour and the power of darkness” (St. Luke xxii. 53).

354 If this be particularly set down in the former chapter, it may be here left out. Orig. in marg. in another hand.

355 “With swords and clubs” (St. Matt. xxvi. 47).

356 Into the hands of those that sought their life.

357 Fed “with bread of affliction and water of distress” (3 Kings xxii. 27).

358 That they may suffer together in this world, who are to reign together in the world to come.

359 We “have fought a good fight,” we “have finished the course,” we “have kept the faith” (2 Tim. iv. 7).

360 The crown of justice which was laid up for them, and for those also who love the coming of Christ.

361 From this delation and accusation of his brother.

362 Who must needs have a fling at it, because his place was not to speak much before, when the Council did examine him. Erased in Orig.

363 “Their feet are swift to shed blood” (Psalm xiii. 3).

364 According to the measure they have meted.

365 As Job to the accusing enemy, to persecute by bloody interrogations and other vexations also, as they should find it needful, reserving his life. Erased in Orig.

366 And God infatuated “the counsel of Achitophel” (2 Kings xv. 31).

367 “I was in prison and you came to Me” (St. Matt. xxv. 36).

368 “Which believeth all things, hopeth all things” (1 Cor. xiii. 7).

369 This letter was so cunningly counterfeited that it could not be distinguished from Fr. Garnett his own hand, and it was signed also and so licensed to pass with the lieutenant his brand unto it. Yet all such necessaries as the Father writ for and the other sent were seized upon by the Lieutenant, and the Priest himself brought after in great trouble for returning this charitable answer. Erased in Orig.

370 “Who had followed Jesus from Galilee, ministering unto Him” (St. Matt. xxvii. 55).

371 “The world shall rejoice and you shall be made sorrowful, but your sorrow shall be turned into joy... and your joy no man shall take from you” (St. John xvi. 20, 22).

372 “Woe to you that now laugh, for you shall mourn and weep” (St. Luke vi. 25).

373 “The sensual man perceiveth not these things that are of the Spirit of God” (1 Cor. ii. 14).

374 Which no man knoweth but he who receiveth it.

375 But the time we cannot certainly learn. Erased in Orig.

376 In so great a cloud of witnesses.

377 To enlarge or restrain the seal of the secret.

378 Being no causer of it himself, he should not have left them to themselves without seeking to divert them from their purpose; not knowing whether. Erased in Orig.

379 And the confession being only of his knowledge what others had opened unto him of their intentions so long time after they had begun the practice. Erased in Orig.

380 Of his knowledge thereof from him, and. Erased in Orig.

381 The seal of the secret of confession.

382 Ralph Ashley, for eight years Father Ouldcorne’s servant, is believed, like Nicholas Owen, to have been a Lay-brother of the Society.—Ed.

383 18 or 19. Erased in Orig.

384 “The beginnings of sorrows” (St. Matt. xxiv. 8).

385 But God “will bring to light the hidden things of darkness, and will make manifest the counsels of the hearts” (1 Cor. iv. 5).

386 Now I must set down their proceedings by course of law against the gentlemen that were the conspirators in the treason (of which I formerly treated), and this I will do in this chapter following. Erased in Orig.

387 This great diligence and often iterated examinations of Father Garnett continued so long that it was almost the end of March before they could bring matters to that pass which hath been declared, and so that they might have any little show to prove the Father guilty against the laws of the realm for his only concealing of that which by the laws of God he could not reveal. Erased in Orig.

388 The 27th.—Ed.

389 Greeneway. Erased in Orig.

390 As in the last chapter hath been declared. Erased in Orig.

391 And with divers others. Erased in Orig.

392 For with the same measure with which they shall have meted, it shall be measured to them again.

393 And namely Fr. Gerard. Erased in Orig.

394 Related in that discourse set forth by His Majesty, as I said before, was concluded of amongst themselves and. Erased in Orig.

395 And that after they went into another chamber to confess and to receive the Blessed Sacrament: so that it appears most evidently by His Majesty’s own narration of the conspirators their confessions that Mr. Attorney did that public audience speak or deliver, &c. Erased in Orig. The following passage in the text from For these be the words to he doth not know are in the margin of the Orig.

396 The sixth.—Ed.

397 The ninth.—Ed.

398 The ninth.—Ed.

399 When he meant to publish those foresaid letters he had sent unto the Council, and did withal. Erased in Orig.

400 That the craftsmen of death should perish by their own craft.

401 As the Earl of Salisbury now is placed in. Erased in Orig.

402 Of his knowledge touching Father Gerard his innocency. Erased in Orig.

403 This clause may be omitted in this place, and serve better to be alleged in the last chapter. Orig. in marg.

404 Who returned from the execution full of pity towards so worthy a man, yea, so full of admiration of his fortitude and great opinion of his devotion that they could talk almost of nothing else all that day. Erased in Orig.

405 Here wants something. In another hand, erased in Orig.

406 This sentence in the original is underlined, and marked with crosses in the margin.

407 Impugn the known truth.

408 In hatred of the Catholic faith.

409 But the Commission was not read, which was expected as needful. Erased in Orig.

410 “There is nothing hid, that shall not be revealed; nor secret that shall not be known” (St. Matt. x. 26).

411 God “disappointeth the counsel of the wicked” (Job v. 13).

412 Of many names but of no good name.

413 Speaking signs, the testimonies of circumstances, and the confession of the accused.

414 For that can never be said too often which cannot be sufficiently well learnt.

415 Public praise is private blame.

416 It is a mistake to use many means when a few will suffice.

417 The author of an evil is more guilty than the actual perpetrator.

418 The Ninth.—Ed.

419 (So the Attorney, and truly it is a grief to pass forward in this narration and not to refute such absurd speeches as a man findeth therein, but if I should do so this chapter would be much too long, and it is already sufficiently done by others. He proceedeth:). Erased in Orig. The passage is in a different hand.

420 “With the mouth confession is made unto salvation” (Rom. x. 10).

421 While circumstances should remain as they were, and until it should be fitting to carry out the Bull.

422 O well beloved of God, for whom the very air fights, and the winds conspire to come to the trumpet call.

423 Prefect. Erased in Orig.

424 To the Catholic Princes and Nobles of the whole Kingdom of England.

425 When it shall happen that that miserable woman shall depart this life.

426 Whatsoever be the nearness of blood on which his claim rests.

427 Unexceptionable.

428 Of a cunning and subtle wit and profound perfidy.

429 Take away the faithless people from the boundaries of the Faithful, that we may joyfully give due praises unto Christ.

430 This was the hymn of that time, being the Feast of All Saints, and so applied by Father Garnett to the hindrance of heretics in making heretical laws intended against Catholics. Erased in Orig.

431 Thus he. But he did not know that my Lord of Salisbury would afterwards tell the case truly that it was done of policy. So we see that Mr. Attorney can add and diminish like a cunning orator. Erased in Orig.

432 (Either mistaking or misreporting the state of the question). Erased in Orig.

433 Loses the right of reigning.

434 Dreamed of. Erased in Orig.

435 His long discourse. Erased in Orig.

436 “Of that day or hour no man knoweth, neither the Angels in heaven, nor the Son, but the Father” (St. Mark xiii. 32; Cf. St. Matt. xxiv. 36).

437 “Go you up to this festival-day: but I go not up to this festival-day” (St. John vii. 8).

438 “Then He also went up to the feast, not publicly, but as it were in private” (St. John vii. 10).

439 In divinis. Erased in Orig.

440 Albeit I must acknowledge. Erased in Orig.

441 Long since. Erased in Orig.

442 “Thou shalt gain thy brother” (St. Matt. xviii. 15).

443 Upon means made unto me. Erased in Orig.

444 This part may be omitted. In marg. against this sentence.

445 Agreeing together against the anointed of the Lord (Vid. Psalm ii. 2).

446 Indirect. Erased in Orig.

447 Not to prohibit when possible, is to order.

448 This may be left out. In marg.

449 Which was indeed. Erased in Orig.

450 In every place. Erased in Orig.

451 That they might be crowned with mercies and compassion (Cf. Ps. iii. 4).

452 Ralph Ashley, for eight years Father Ouldcorne’s servant, is believed, like Nicholas Owen, to have been a Lay-brother of the Society.—Ed.

453 The Lord Mounteagle’s sister. Erased in Orig.

454 As you might read in the beginning. Erased in Orig.

455 Where it is ever found by those that seek it with a penitent heart, which he did, and acknowledged his fault to be exceeding great in betraying those Fathers. And both there publicly in the Shire Hall did ask Father Ouldcorne publicly forgiveness and again at the time of his execution, acknowledging that he had done both them and all the Catholics of England great wrong in being cause of their apprehension. Erased in Orig.

456 I am uncertain whether he was condemned of felony or treason, because of harbouring a proclaimed traitor. In marg. in another hand.

457 And the Bishops of Worcester in particular (whose prisoner he had been before that). Erased in Orig.

458 But none of these causes could they prove, the Father showing that he had not sinned in anything, either against the law or against the King.

459 In which case the gravest casuists of this time. Erased in Orig.

460 But God, in Whom we can do all things, does not forsake them that hope in Him (Cf. Jud. xiii. 17).

461 Being under the same condemnation, and not as yet fearing God (Cf. St. Luke xxii. 40).

462 Blinded soul. Erased in Orig.

463 The great blindness of heart. Erased in Orig.

464 Are elected and. Erased in Orig.

465 Believe and. Erased in Orig.

466 Must needs be very. Erased in Orig.

467 In the same place and. Erased in Orig.

468 After the old account. Erased in Orig.

469 Choosing rather without offence to fall into the hands of men than to sin in God’s sight, and dying for justice’s sake, they have gained the Kingdom of Heaven.

470 Father Ouldcorne suffered April 7, 1606, æt. 45. So Dr. Oliver. Father Gerard, infra. p. 285, says that he was “near fifty years old.”—Ed.

471 Seven, according to Father Henry More.—Ed.

472 Shippers. Erased in Orig.

473 And finding it so in two or three trials. Erased in Orig.

474 Father Southwell was executed February 21, 1595, æt. 34.—Ed.

475 Father Weston was apprehended in 1586, and, after imprisonment in the Clink, was sent to Wisbech Castle in 1587. In 1598 he was prisoner in the Tower of London, and he was banished in 1603.—Ed.

476 The place where he remained. Erased in Orig.

477 Her name is given by Father More as Dorothy Abington.—Ed.

478 He founded and governed nearly all the domestic churches in those parts.

479 (As himself did constantly affirm unto me). Erased in Orig.

480 And his head full of grey hairs, the rather occasioned by his much loss of blood before mentioned. Erased in Orig.

481 Our Lord doing the will of those who fear Him.

482 “I am come to send fire on the earth, and what will I but that it be kindled?” (St. Luke xii. 49).

483 How “God is wonderful in His Saints” (Ps. xxii. 36).

484 And of the signs by which it hath pleased God to show his innocency and martyrdom. Erased in Orig.

485 To draw some other great person into. Erased in Orig.

486 This may be considered whether it be convenient to be left out. In marg. in another hand.

487 And he gloried in the Cross of our Lord Jesus Christ, in Whom is his salvation, life, and resurrection, by Whom he is saved and delivered.

488 Dinner. Erased in Orig.

489 Side. Erased in Orig.

490 Dr. John Overal, afterwards Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, and Dr. George Abbot, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury.—Ed.

491 Staying for him. Erased in Orig.

492 And perceiving that there was no place of retiring, he began to speak of the present festivity of the Cross. Erased in Orig.

493 In the matter. Erased in Orig.

494 Further to be touched than he is. Erased in Orig.

495 Went to the side of the scaffold. Erased in Orig.

496 “We adore Thee, O Christ, and we bless Thee, because by Thy holy Cross Thou hast redeemed the world.”

497 “Mary, Mother of grace, Mother of mercy, protect us from the enemy, and receive us at the hour of death.”

498 “Into Thy hands, O Lord, I commend my spirit.”

499 Again, “Maria mater gratiæ, Mater misericordiæ, tu nos,” etc. Erased in Orig.

500 “By this sign of the Cross, may all that is wicked fly far away. Fix Thy Cross in my heart, O Lord.”

501 (Unto which he was so much devoted). Erased in Orig.

502 With a happy death. Erased in Orig.

503 The chapter is unfinished.—Ed.

504 And makes “with the temptation issue, that” we “may be able to bear it” (1 Cor. x. 13), bringing forth for us “water out of the rock” (Ps. lxxvii. 16), “and oil out of the hardest stone” (Deut. xxxii. 13).

505 Making “the yoke” to “putrefy at the presence of the oil” (Is. xi. 27).

506 The memory of the prisoner. Erased in Orig.

507 Whosoever but he. Erased in Orig.

508 Which “was a burning and a shining light” (St. John v. 35).

509 “Saying, Indeed this was a just man” (St. Luke xxiii. 47).

510 “We suffer tribulation, but are not distressed: we are straitened, but are not destitute: we suffer persecution, but are not forsaken: we are cast down, but we perish not” (2 Cor. iv. 8, 9).

511 This was John Wilkinson, who afterwards became a student at St Omers, and on his death-bed in that College dictated a narrative of Father Garnett’s execution and the finding of the straw, which is given by Father More, Hist. Prov. Angl. S. J., lib. vii., n. 35.—Ed.

512 Is now a scholar in the English College at St. Omers. Erased in Orig.

513 In such sort as it might not be espied. Erased in Orig.

514 Her name was Griffin.—Ed.

515 Two or three months. Interlined in Orig. Wilkinson himself says, “Paucis post diebus.”

516 Father More says it was the Spanish Ambassador, and he gives an attestation of the Baron de Hobocque, dated in 1625, attesting that he had seen it in 1606, when he was in London as Ambassador of the Princes of the Netherlands.—Ed.

517 Dr. Richard Bancroft.—Ed.

518 The gentlewoman’s. Erased in Orig.

519 “Was one of them that were at table” (St. John xii. 2).

520 Father Richard Blount, in a letter dated Nov. 8, 1606, says—“A Catholic person in London having kept, since the execution of Mr. Garnett, a straw that was embued in his blood, now these days past, being viewed again by the party and others, they espy in the ear of the straw a perfect face of a man dead, his eyes, nose, beard, and neck so lively representing Mr. Garnett, as not only in my eyes, but in the eyes of others which knew him, it doth lively represent him. This hath been seen by Catholics and Protestants of the best sort and divers others, who much admire it, &c. This you may boldly report, for, besides ourselves, a thousand others are witnesses of it.” And in another letter, dated March, 1607, “It cannot be a thing natural or artificial. The sprinkling of blood hath made so plain a face, so well proportioned, so lively shadowed, as no art in such a manner is able to counterfeit the like.” Father More, whose history was published in 1660, says that the straw was kept in the Jesuit College at Liége. The last mention we have met of it is by the Abbé Feller, in his Dictionnaire Historique, which was published at Liége in 1797, and therefore after the suppression of the Society, “L’épi est aujourdhui entre les mains d’un de mes amis, qui le conserve soigneusement” (Art. Garnett).

521 Our. Erased in Orig.

522 Who is “the Father of mercies and the God of all comfort, Who comforteth us in all our tribulation” (2 Cor. i. 3, 4).

523 “A wall for the house of Israel” (Ezech. xiii. 5).

524 Party. Erased in Orig.

525 He desired “conditions of peace” (St. Luke xiv. 32).

526 “All that” saw it began “to mock him” (St. Luke xiv. 29).

527 But could he deceive or escape God?

528 He who would save his life, lost it (Cf. St. Luke ix. 24).

529 And in his folly did not foresee that that night they would require his soul of him (Cf. St. Luke xii. 20).

530 Enjoying. Erased in Orig.

531 Worthy. Erased in Orig.

532 Supra. Erased in Orig.

533 He “will not suffer” us “to be tempted above that which” we “are able; but will make also with temptation issue, that” we “may be able to bear it” (1 Cor. x. 13).

534 Secret and. Erased in Orig.

535 “Out of the abundance of the heart” (St. Matt. xii. 34).

536 Beholding St. Stephen’s conflict.—Erased in Orig.

537 Nor even the gates of hell shall prevail (Cf. St. Matt. xvi. 18).

538 Woe unto those who are chosen for the works of the strong, and are not fed with the food of the strong.

539 Who remembered Daniel in the lions’ den, and feeds even “the young ravens that call upon Him” (Ps. cxlvi. 9).

540 Whose very hairs are numbered (Cf. St. Matt. x. 30).

541 Here must be added the oath, and some few words after, to bring in the other chapter. In marg.

542 Establish and. Erased in Orig.

543 Usually. Erased in Orig.

544 “We have found” these men “perverting our nation” (St. Luke xxiii. 2).

545 “And forbidding to give tribute to Cæsar” (Ibid).

546 In Roma. Erased in Orig.

547 And saying that they have another Christ and King.

548 Which Himself denied not to Pilate to be in the world, though it were not a kingdom of the world. Erased in Orig.

549 To speak “against Cæsar” (St. John xix. 12).

550 “Cæsar’s friend” (Ibid).

551 “Crucify, crucify” (St. Luke xxiii. 21).

552 Our Prince. Erased in Orig.

553 By. Erased in Orig.

554 Cite. Erased in Orig.

555 Heresy. Erased in Orig.

556 As by the contents of that book, &c. Erased in Orig. Elizab. cap. 1°.

557 And abettors. Erased in Orig.

558 So keeping. Erased in Orig.

559 According to. Erased in Orig.

560 Foreign countries. Erased in Orig.

561 Authority. Erased in Orig.

562 This. Erased in Orig.

563 “My little finger is thicker than the back of my father. And now my father put a heavy yoke upon you, but I will add to your yoke: my father beat you with whips, but I will beat you with scorpions” (3 Kings xii. 10, 11).

564 Here must be added the chief laws made in the third year of the King’s reign. And after that some few lines to show how much Catholics must needs suffer under so heavy a yoke, more than they do under the Turk or any other Government, and how hard it is for Catholics to live in such trials, being so barred the Sacraments and helps, according to that of St. Bernard, “Væ illis qui assumuntur in fortium et non aluntur fortium.” In marg.