Appendix
I
[Y.B. Pasch. 1 Edw. II, pl. 4. f. 4.]
Trans.
Symon de Paris porta breve de transgression vers H. bailliffe sire Robert Tonny et plusours autres, et se pleint, qe W. et H. certein jour luy pristrent et emprisonerent etc. a tort encountre la pees etc. Pass respond pur toutz, forspris le bailliffe, qe riens nount fait encountre la pees, et pour le bailliff yl avowea le restreinement par la resoun qe lavantdit S. si est villeine lavandit R. qi bailliffe yl est, et fuist trove a N. en soun mes, le quel vint a lui tendist office de Provoist et il la refusa et ne se voilleit justicier etc. Tond. rehercea le avowery, et dit qe a cele avowery ne doit il estre resceve pur ceo qe S. est Fraunc Citizene de Londre, et ad este touz ceux diz anz, et ad este Vicounte le Roy en mesme la Citee, et rend accounts al Eschequer, et ceo voloms averrer par Record, et uncore huy ceo jour est Alderman et de la Ville de Londre, et demande jugement, sils puissent villenage en sa persone allegger. Herle. A ceo qil dient qil est citezen de Londre nous navoms qe faire, mes nous vous dioms, qil est villein R. de Eve et de Treve, et les Auncestres Ael et Besayel et toux ces Auncestres ses terres tennantz deinz le manoire de N. et ces Auncestres seisitz des villeins services des Auncestres S. come affaire Rechat de Char et de Sank et de fille marier, et de euz tailler haut et bas, etc., et uncore est seisi de ces freres de mesme le piere et de mesme la mere et demande Jugement si sour luy, come sour soun villein en soun mese trove, ne puisse avowere faire. Tond. Fraunc homme et de fraunc estat et eux nient seisi de luy, come de lour villein prest etc. Ber. Jeo ai oi dire qe un homme fuist prist en la bordel, et fuist prist et pendu, et sil eust demorre a lostiel, il neust en nul mal etc. auxient de ceste parte, sil eust este fraunc Citezen pur qe neust il demorre en la Citee? Ad alium diem; Tond. se tient qil ne fuist seisi de lui come de soun villein ne de ses villeins services etc. Pass. la ou il dit qe nous ne sumes pas seisis de lui come de nostre villein, il nasquit en nostre villeinage, ou commence nostre seisine, et nous lui trova mese en soun mes, et la nostre seisine continue, Jugement. Ber. Vous pledietz sour la seisine, et il pleident sour le droit issint naverrez james bon issue de plee. Herle. Seisi en la fourme qe nous avoms dit. Ber. La Court ne restreinera tiel travers sanz ceo qe vous dietz, que vous estez seisitz de lui come de vostre villein et de ses villeinz services, et sic fecit. Et alii e contra.
II
[Y.B. Trin. 29 Edw. III, f. 41. I do not give a translation of this document because it has been explained with some detail in my text.]
Sur l’estatut de labourer.
Op. Curiae.
Op. Curiae.
Le servant suit par attorney, et le Master in propre persone. Que dit qe le servant fuit soun villein regardant al Manoire de C. et dit qil avoit mestre de ses services et de luy, pur qe nous luy prisoms come nostre viliein, come list a nous. Jugement si etc. tort in nostre party par tiel reteignement puit assigner. Et nota, qil fist protestacion, qil ne conust pas qil fuit in le service le plaintiffe etc. Et nota, qe le servant dit auxi, qil fuit le villein le Master qi plede, et dit qil fuit distreint, et auxi les amis pur luy tanqe qil convensist par cohercion venir a ses Seigneours. Burt. Le servant est par attorney, qe ne puit par soun ple faire sans Master villein. Purqe ceo ple ne gist in soun bouche. Et non allocatur par Wilb. qi dit qe le ple nest pas al breve: car mesqe il fuit icy in propre persone, et voillet conustre qil fuit villein ce nabat pas vostre breve (le quel qil fuit frank ou villein) si vous poies maintenir qil fuit in vostre service, si ce ne fuit par autiel mattier (come il ad plede) ou autre semblable. Et puis le servant weyva, et dit qil ne fist pas covenant etc. Et alii e contra. Et nota, qe l’opinion fuit, qe si villein fuit chace et distreint de venir a son Seignour propre, qe ce luy excusera del’ penance del l’estatut. Sed Burt. negavit, eo qe ce vient de sa folie qil voilleit faire covenant dautre servir, qant il fuit appris qil fuit autry villein. Et ideo quere. Qant al’ plea le Master Burt. challange ceo qil navoit pas alleger qil fuit seisi de luy come de soun villein. Et non allocator par Wilb. Qui dit, sil soit soun villein, soun plee est assez fort: car seisi et nient seisi ne fera pas issue. Et sic nota. Puis Burt. dit que l’on allege est quil est soun villein regardant a soun manoire de C. nous dioms qe mesme le manoire fuit in le seisin un A. que infeffa le defendant de mesme le manoire; et dioms qe tout le temps que il fuit allant et walkant a large a sa frank volunte come frankhome, sans ce qil fuit unque seisi de luy in son temps, et cety qe ad l’estat A. ne fuit unques seisi de luy, tanques ore qil de soun tort demesne luy pris hors de nostre service. Purque nous nentendons pas que par tiel cause il nous puit ouster de nostre accord. Finch. Et nous Jugement, depuis qil ne dedit pas qil nest nostre villein de nostre manoire de C. et le quel nous fuit seisis de luy devant, ou non, ou nostre feffor seisi, etc. ou ce ne puit my estre a purpose: car il alast alarge, purtant ne fuit il enfranchy. Purque etc. Th. Si vostre feffor ne fuit unques seisi de luy, coment qil vous dona le manoire, jeo di que ce de que il navoit pas le possession ne puit pas vestir in vous. Purque etc. Jer. Villeins regardants al’ manoires sont de droit al’ Seignour de prendre les a sa volunte, et sil face don le manoire a un autre, a quel heur que l’autre les happa, il est asses bon. Th. Sir, uncre mesque il soit issint entre luy et le grantor ou le villein, nous qe sums estrange ne serrons pas ly purtant: car si home qi soit estrange veigne in pais, et demurges par xx ou xxx ans, et nul home met debat sur luy, ne luy claime come seruant, il list a moy de prendre soun service, et de luy recevoir in mon service pur le terme solonque nostre covenaunt: et il nest pas reason qe jeo soy perdant, depuis qe in moy default ne puit etre ajuge, causa ut supra. Gr. Per mesme le reason qe vous luy purrets retenir tanque al’ fine de terme, si poit un autre: et sic de singulis, et sic in infinitum: issint le Seignour ouste de soun villein a toujours, et ce ne seroit pas reason. Puis Th. n’osa pas demurrer; mes dit qil ne fuit pas soun villein de soun manoire de C. Prest etc. Fiff. Ceo n’est pas respons: car coment qil nest pas soun villein del’ manoire, etc. sil fuit soun villein in gros, asses suffist. Et non allocatur pur ce quel avoit traverse soun respons in le manere come ce fuit livere, etc.
Common Pleas Roll (Record Office).
[Trin. 29 E. III, r. 203, v. Oxon.]
Thomas Barentyn et Radulfus Crips Shephird attachiati fuerunt ad respondendum tam domino Regi quam Priori hospitalis Sancti Iohannis Ierusalem in Anglia quare, cum per ipsum dominum Regem et consilium suum pro communi utilitate regni Regis Anglie ordinatum sit, quod si aliquis seruiens in seruicio alicuius retentus ante finem termini concordati a dicto seruicio sine causa racionabili vel licencia recesserit, penam imprisonamenti subeat et nullus sub eadem pena talem in seruicio suo recipere vel retinere presumat, et predictus Thomas predictum Radulfum nuper seruientem predicti Prioris in seruicio suo apud Werpesgrave retentum qui ab eodem seruicio ante finem termini inter eos concordati sine causa racionabili et licencia predicti Prioris recessit, in seruicium predicti Thome quamquam memoratus Thomas de prefato Radulfo eidem Priori restituendo requisitus fuerit admisit et retinuit in Regis contemptum et predicti Prioris grave dampnum ac contra ordinacionem predictam. Et unde predictus Prior per Ricardum de Fifhide attornatum suum queritur quod cum per ipsum Regem et consilium suum etc. ordinatum sit quod si aliquis serviens in servicium alicuius retentus ante finem etc. a dicto seruicio sine causa etc. recesserit penam imprisonamenti subeat et nullus sub eadem pena talem in seruicio suo recipere vel retinere presumat, predictus Thomas predictum Radulfum nuper seruientem predicti Prioris in seruicio suo apud Werpesgrove retentum scilicet die Lune proxima post festum Sancti Laurentii anno regni domini Regis nunc Anglie vicesimo octavo ad deseruiendum ei in officio pastoris etc. scilicet die Lune in septimana Pentecostes a festo Sancti Michaelis Archangeli tunc proximo sequenti per unum annum proximum sequentem qui ab eodem seruicio ante finem termini... recessit, in seruicium predicti Thome quamquam idem Thomas de prefato Radulfo eidem Priori restituendo requisitus fuerit admisit et retinuit in Regis contemptum et predicti Prioris grave dampnum ac contra ordinacionem etc. et predictus Radulfus a seruicio predicti Prioris ante finem sine causa etc. videlicet predicto die Lune in septimana Pentecostes recessit in Regis contemptum ad predicti Prioris grave dampnum ac contra ordinacionem etc. unde dicit quod deteriorates est et dampnum habet ad valenciam viginti librorum. Et inde producit sectam.
Et predicti Thomas et Radulfus per Stephanum Mebourum attornatum suum veniunt. Et defendunt vim et iniuriam quando etc. et quicquid etc. Et protestantur quod ipsi non cognoscunt quod predictus Radulfus fuit seruiens predicti Prioris nec retentus cum eodem Priore prout Prior superius versus eos narravit et predictus Thomas dicit quod predictus Radulfus est villanus suus ut de manerio suo de Chalgrave per quod ipse seisivit eundem Radulfum tanquam villanum suum prout ei bene licuit. Et hoc paratus est verificare unde petit iudicium si predictus Prior injuriam in persona sua assignare possit. Et predictus Radulfus dicit quod ipse est villanus predicti Thome ut de manerio predicto et quia idem Radulfus extra dominium predicti Thome morabatur parentes ipsius Radulfi districti fuerunt ad venire faciendum predictum Radulfum ad predictum Thomam dominum suum et ad eorum sectam et excitacionem idem Radulfus venit ad predictum Thomam absque hoc quod ipse retentus fuit cum predicto Priore ad deseruiendum ei per tempus predictum prout idem Prior superius versus eum narravit. Et de hoc ponit se super patriam. Et predictus Prior similiter. Et idem Prior quo ad placitum predicti Thome dicit quod predictus Radulfus non est villanus ipsius Thome ut de manerio suo predicto prout idem Thomas superius allegat. Et hoc petit quod inquiratur per patriam. Et predictus Thomas similiter. Preceptum etc.
III
See p. 66, n. 2., and p. 78, n. 2.
The so-called Mirror of Justice is still in many respects an unsolved riddle, and a very interesting one, as it seems to me. The French edition of 1642 from which quotations are so frequently made presents a text perverted to such an extent, that the gentleman from Gray’s Inn to whom we owe the English translation of 1648 took it upon himself to deal with his original very freely, and in fact composed a version of his own which turned out even less trustworthy than the French. Ancient MSS. of the work are very scarce indeed; the fourteenth century MS. at Corpus College, Cambridge, is the only one known to me; although there are also some transcripts of the seventeenth century. This means that the work had no circulation in its time. It is very unlike Bracton, or Britton in this respect, and indeed in every other. Instead of giving a more or less learned or practical exposition of the principles of Common Law it appears as a commentary written by a partisan, acrimonious in form, almost revolutionary in character, full of stray bits of information, but fanciful in its way of selecting and displaying this information. ‘Wahrheit und Dichtung’ would have been a proper title for this production, and no wonder that it has excited suspicion. It has commanded the attention of the present generation of scholars notwithstanding the odd way in which the author, Andrew Horne, or whoever he may be, cites as authority fictitious decisions given by King Alfred and by a number of legal worthies of Saxon times who never gave judgment save in his own fruitful imagination. This may be accounted for by peculiar medieval notions as to the manner in which legal discussion may be most efficiently conducted, but altogether the Mirror, as it stands, appears quite unique, quite unlike any other legal book of the feudal period. It must be examined carefully by itself before the information supplied by it can be produced as evidence on any point of English medieval history. Such an examination should lead to interesting results, but I must reserve it for another occasion. What I have said now may be taken simply as a reason for the omission in my text of those passages of the Mirror which bear on the question of villainage. I may be allowed to discuss these passages in the present Appendix without anticipating a general judgment on the character of the book and on its value.
The author of the Mirror shows in many places, that he is hostile not only to monarchical pretensions, but also to the encroachments of the aristocracy. He is a champion of the lower orders and gladly endorses every rule set up by the Courts ‘in favour of liberty.’ In this light he considers the action ‘de nativitate’ as conferring an advantage upon the defendant, the person claimed as a villain, but considered as free until the contrary has been proved854. Another boon consists in the fact, that the trial must be reserved for the decision of the Royal Courts and cannot be entertained in the County855. So far the Mirror falls in with the usual exposition of our Authorities—it takes notice of two facts which are generally recognised as important features in trying a question of status. But the Mirror does not stop there, but further formulates an assertion which cannot be considered as generally accepted in practice, though it may have emerged now and then in pleadings and even in decisions.
It is well known, that the main argument in a trial of villainage turned on the question of kinship. As Britton (pp. 205, 206, ed. Nichols) states the matter, we are led to suppose that the plaintiff had to produce the villain kinsmen of the person claimed, and the defendant could except against them. Glanville (v. 4) says, that both parties had the right to produce the kindred and in case of doubt or collision a jury had to decide. If the fact of relationship were established on both sides, it was necessary to see on which side the nearer relatives stood. Legal practice, so far as we can judge from the extant plea rolls, followed Glanville, although questions arising from these suits were much more varied and complicated than his statement implied. (See, for instance, Bracton’s Note Book, 1041, 1167.) But in the Mirror we find the distinct assertion, that if the defendant in a case of ‘nativity’ succeeded in proving a free stem in any generation of his ascendants, this was sufficient to prove him free856. This connects itself with the view, that there can be no prescription against free blood, a view which, as we have seen in the text, was in opposition to the usual conception that people may fall into servitude in the course of several generations of debasement. The notion embodied in the Mirror was lingering, as it were, in the background.
In accordance with this liberal treatment of procedure, we find our author all in favour of liberty when treating of the ways by which bondage may be dissolved. He gives a very detailed enumeration of all such modes of enfranchisement, and at least one of his points appears unusual in English law. I mean his doctrine that a serf ejected from his holding by the lord becomes free, if no means of existence are afforded to him857.
The motive adduced is worthy of notice by itself. ‘Servus dicitur a servando,’ a serf is a man under guardianship, like a woman in this respect858, and so, if the guardian forgets his duty of taking care of his subject, he forfeits his rights. The Roman derivation ‘a servando’ is often met elsewhere, but instead of being applied to the bondman as a captive who has been kept alive instead of being slain, it is here made the starting point of a new conception and one very favourable to the bondman. It is not the only indication that the author of the Mirror had been speculating about the origin of servitude. By the law of nature all men are free, of course, but yet, says he, there exists by human law a class of men to whom nothing belongs, and who are considered as the property of other people: an anomaly which he guesses may possibly come from the time when Noah pronounced his malediction against Canaan, the son of Cham, or else from the defeat of Goliath by David859.
It is curious too, and at first sight rather inconsistent, that our author sometimes speaks against those very serfs towards whom he seems, as a rule, so favourably disposed. He dwells on their disability, marks as an abuse that they are admitted to act in the courts without the help of their lords, although nothing can be owned by them860, and, what is more, he insists on the necessity of their being excluded from the system of frank-pledge, which ought to be restricted entirely to free men861. All this seems rather strange at first, and certainly not in favour of liberty. It turns out, however, that these very qualifications are prompted by the same liberal spirit which we noticed from the first; they are suggested by a most characteristic attempt to draw a definite line between the serf and the villain.
The villain is no serf, in any sense of the word. He is a free man862, his tenure is a free tenure863. He is enfeoffed of his land, with the obligation to till it, as the knight is enfeoffed of his fee in return for military service; the burgess enfeoffed of his freehold in the borough for a rent864. The right of ownership on the part of the villain is clearly recognised in the Great Charter, which prescribes the mode and extent of amercing villains, and thereby supposes their independent right of property, while the serf has nothing of his own, and could not be amerced in his own865. The author undoubtedly hits here on a point where the usual feudal theory had been discountenanced by statute: it was certainly difficult to maintain at the same time that the villain, as serf, had nothing but what had been precariously entrusted to him by the lord, and at the same time that he must suffer for misdeeds in the character of an owner. Strained in one sense the article of the Charter could be made to mean that, at the time of the Great Charter, there was no such thing as the civil disability of servitude in England. Strained in another sense suggested by the Mirror, it would lead to a standing distinction between villains, as owners, and serfs, as people devoid of civil rights. We know that legal practice preferred a compromise which was anything but consistent in point of doctrine, but, as I have said in my text, the notion of the civil right of the villain, and especially in his so-called wainage, seems to have been deep-rooted enough to counterbalance in some respects the current feudal doctrine.
It would have been difficult for the author of the Mirror to maintain that practice was in accordance with his theory; and he falls out of his part now and then, as, for instance, when he speaks of the enfranchisement of the serf from whom the lord had received homage in addition to fealty—this is a case clearly applying to villains as well as to those whom he calls serfs, and it is not the only time that he forgets the distinction866. But when his attention is not distracted by details he takes his ground on the assumption that the original rights of the villains were gradually falling into disuse through the encroachments of the stronger people. We even find in the Mirror that the villains ought to have the assise of novel disseisin as a remedy in case of dispossession. If they were oppressively made to render other than the accustomed services they had to resort to the writ, ‘ne injuste vexes,’ and it is a sign of bad times that they are getting deprived of it. Edward the Confessor took good care that the legal rights of the villains should not be curtailed867. It is needless again to point out that this view of villainage is well in keeping with the fundamental notion which I tried to bring out in my text, the notion, namely, that the law of villainage contained heterogeneous elements, and had been derived partly from the status of free ceorls.
IV
[Coram Rege 10 Henry III, N. 26. m. 4. d.]
Assisa venit recognitura si Iohannes Cheltewynd iniuste etc. disseisiuit Willelmum filium Roberti de libero tenemento suo in Cheltewynd post ultimum etc. Et Iohannes venit et dicit quod non disseisiuit eundem Willelmum de aliquo libero tenemento quia villanus suus est et nullum habet liberum tenementum et quod Robertus pater suus fuit villanus. Et Willelmus dicit quod tenementum illud liberum est et quod Robertus pater suus libere tenuit de Ada patre Iohannis de Chetewod et per cartam quam profert in haec verba quod Adam de Chetwud concessit Roberto filio Wourami patri Willelmi et heredibus suis dimidiam virgatam terre cum pertinenciis in Chetwud in feodum et hereditatem tenendam de eodem Roberto et heredibus suis libere quiete cum omnibus consuetudinibus et libertatibus quas ceteri franci homines habent pro 26 denariis per annum reddendo pro omni servicio et pro omnibus rebus ad eum et heredes suos pertinentibus.
Et Iohannes bene cognoscit cartam illam et dicit quod idem Robertus fuit villanus patris sui et per pecuniam domini sui redemptus fuit a seruitute et quod antequam esset liberatus a servitute fuit idem Willelmus nativus, et petit judicium si per cartam quam pater suus ei fecerat debeat esse liber tempore Iohannis cum redemptus esset per pecuniam patris Iohannis et Robertus nichil proprium habuit cum esset villanus. Et dicit quod idem Willelmus non fuit nisi custos patris sui de eadem terra dum pater suus fuit alibi manens.
Post uenit Willelmus et retraxit se et ideo in misericordia Pauper est. Et Iohannes dat ei III marcas et Willelmus remanet etc. Ita quod idem Willelmus ibit quocumque uoluerit. Et Iohannes quietum clamauit Willelmum de omni seruitute.
V
[De Banco Roll, Michaelmas, 15 Edw. II, m. 271.]
Abbas de Sancto Edmundo attachiatus fuit ad respondendum Rogero filio Willelmi Henri homini praedicti Abbatis de manerio de Mildenhale quod est de antiquo dominico corone Anglie etc. de placito quare exigit ab eo alias consuetudines et alia servicia quam facere debent et antecessores sui tenentes de eodem manerio facere consueverunt temporibus quibus manerium illud fuit in manibus progenitorum Regis quondam Regum Anglie contra prohibicionem Regis etc. Et unde idem Rogerus per Petrum de Elyngham attornatum suum dicit quod ipse et antecessores sui et quilibet tenens unum messuagium et quindecim acras terre cum pertinenciis in eodem Manerio sicut idem Rogerus tenet tempore quo Manerium illud fuit in manibus Sancti Edwardi Regis quondam Regis Anglie progenitoris Domini Regis nunc tenuit tenementa sua per fidelitatem et servicium inveniendi unum hominem ad tenendum vel fugandum carucam Domini singulis diebus anni quando caruce arare consueverunt tantum pro omni servicio et habere consuevit carucam Domini qualibet altera septimana singulis annis per diem Sabbati ad terram suam propriam arandam vel carucam illam aliis locandam et similiter sextam partem vesture unius acre ordei et medietatem vesture unius rode frumenti de melioribus tempore messis et prandium suum ad nonam singulis annis per sex dies in anno in aula Domini sumptibus ejusdem Domini scilicet in diebus Sancti Michaelis, Omnium Sanctorum, Natalis Domini, Purificacionis Beate Marie, Pasche et Pentecostes et oblacionem suam singulis annis per quatuor dies in anno scilicet in diebus Natalis Domini, Purificacionis Beate Marie, Pasche et Assumpcionis Beate Marie Virginis scilicet quolibet die unum denarium et per hujusmodi certas consuetudines et servicia ipse et omnes antecessores sui tenementa quae ipse modo tenet tenuerunt a tempore quo non exstat memoria usque ad tempus istius Abbatis quod idem Abbas praeter praedicta servicia exigit ab eo singulis vicibus quibus aliquis Abbas est de novo creatus finem ei praestandum pro capa sua ad voluntatem suam et pro filiis et filiabus suis maritandis et pro terris suis dimmittendis et pro ingressu habendo in hereditatem suam post obitum antecessoris sui finem similiter ad voluntatem suam ac idem Rogerus die Jovis proxima ante festum Apostolorum Simonis et Jude anno regni Domini Regis nunc quartodecimo apud Sanctum Edmundum in praesencia Thome de Wridervill Roberti Tillote Philippi de Wangeford Roberti de Lyvermere et aliorum liberasset praedicto Abbati breve Regis de prohibicione et ei inhibuisset ex parte Domini Regis ne idem Abbas exigeret ab eo alias consuetudines et alia servicia quam ipse et antecessores sui tenentes de eodem Manerio facere consueverunt temporibus quibus Manerium illud fuit in manibus progenitorum Regis quondam Regum Anglie. Idem Abbas spreta regia prohibicione praedicta nihilominus postmodum exigit ab eo praedicta superonerosas consuetudines et ad ea sibi facienda per graves et intollerabiles districciones distringit quominus terram suam excolere potest unde dicit quod deterioratus est et dampnum habet ad valenciam centum librarum. Et inde producit sectam etc.
Et Abbas per Willelmum de Bakeham attornatum suum venit. Et dicit quod non debet praedicto Rogero ad hoc breve nec ad aliquod aliud breve respondere. Quia dicit quod idem Rogerus est villanus ipsius Abbatis et villanus ecclesie sue Sancti Edmundi. Et quod ipse seisitus est de ipso tanquam de villano suo unde petit judicium etc. Et Rogerus dicit quod ipse est homo ipsius Abbatis de Manerio de Mildenhale quod est de antiquo dominico corone Anglie. Et quod Mildenhale sit de antiquo dominico Corone Anglie paratus est verificare per librum Domesday. Et super hoc inspecto libro praedicto comperta sunt in eodem verba subscripta.—Suffolk—Inter terras Stigandi quas Willelmus Denvers servat in manu Regis.—Lacforde Hundred. Mildenehalla dedit Rex Edwardus Sancto Edmundo et post tenuit Stigandus sub Sancto Edmundo in vita Regis Edwardi pro manerio xij carucate terre tunc et post xxx uillani modo xxxiij. Tunc viij. Bordarii post et modo xv. semper xvj. servi semper vj caruce in dominio et viij caruce hominum et xx acre prati ecclesia xl acrarum et j molendinum et iij piscaciones et dimidiam xxxj eque silvatice xxxvij averia et lx porci et Mille oves et viij socemanni xxx acrarum semper dimidia caruca. Huic iacet i bervita—Et quia ex verbis praedictis videtur Curie quod Mildenhale est de antiquo dominico corone etc. dictum est praedicto Abbati quod respondeat quod sibi viderit expedire etc.
Et Abbas dicit sicut prius quod praedictus Rogerus est villanus suus et ecclesie sue praedicte et quod ipse seisitus est de ipso ut de villano suo et quod ipse et omnes Abbates de Sancto Edmundo praedecessores ipsius Abbatis ex tempore quo non extat memoria seisiti fuerunt de ipso Rogero et antecessoribus suis ut de villanis suis talliando ipsos alto et basso pro voluntate sua et faciendo de ipsis praepositos et messores suos et capiendo ab eis merchetum pro filiis et filiabus suis maritandis et finem pro terris suis dimittendis et pro ingressu habendo in terris et tenementis post mortem antecessorum suorum ad voluntatem ipsorum Abbatum. Et hoc paratus est verificare etc.
Et Rogerus dicit sicut prius quod ipse est homo de antiquo dominico corone Anglie de praedicto Manerio de Mildenhale et quod ipse et omnes antecessores sui a tempore quo non exstat memoria tenuerunt tenementa sua praedicta de praedecessoribus praedicti Abbatis et de progenitoribus Domini Regis Regum Anglie quondam Dominis ejusdem Manerii per praedicta certa servicia et consuetudines in narracione sua superius contenta absque hoc quod praedecessores praedicti Abbatis fuissent seisiti de ipso Rogero aut antecessoribus suis ut de villanis suis talliando ipsos alto et basso vel faciendo de ipsis praepositos et messores aut capiendo de ipsis incertas consuetudines et servicia sicut praedictus Abbas dicit. Et hoc petit quod inquiratur per patriam. Et praedictus Abbas similiter Ideo praeceptum est Vicecomiti quod venire faciat hic a die Pasche in tres septimanas xij etc. per quos etc. et qui nec etc. ad recognicionem etc. Quia tam etc.
The Mildenhall trial just quoted may serve as an instance of litigation between lord and tenant of a manor in ancient demesne, when it took place before the Royal Courts. The Rolls of King’s Ripton, Hunts, now published by Prof. F.W. Maitland, for the Selden Society, give an insight into the working of the Manorial Court itself when it had to decide between lord and tenant in a question of right (pp. 118 et sqq.). Jane the daughter of William of Alconbury claims eight acres of land against the Abbot of Ramsey, lord of the manor. He does not choose to answer at once and takes advantage of all the procrastinations usual in such matters. Three times he gets summoned and does not appear; the Court proceeds to distrain him and after three distraints he essoins himself three times before making up his mind to answer by attorney and to ask a view of the land. Pleadings follow in the usual course, and ultimately a sworn inquest has to decide on the question whether the plaintiff was of full age at the time of a transaction through which the land claimed came into the hands of the Abbot. The point is, that the lord of the Manor is placed entirely on the same footing in regard to the action of his tenant as any other suitor.
In 1296 an action of dower occurs between a certain Maud Grayling and a number of persons holding land within the manor. It is opened by a writ of right which is bound up with the roll, but has not been printed by Mr. Maitland as it does not contain anything of special interest. The beginning of this writ is typical—it does not mention the abbot, but only the bailiffs of the abbot: [Edwardus Dei gratia Rex Angliae] Dux Aquitaniae, Ballivis Abbatis de Rameseye de Riptone Regis Salutem. Precipimus vobis quod sine dilacione et secundum con[suetudinem manerii de Riptone Regis ple]num rectum teneatis Matildi que fuit uxor Hugonis Grayling de medietate sex messuagiorum sexaginta et qua[tuor acrarum] et unius rode [terre dimidia acra prati] cum pertinenciis in Riptone Regis, unde etc. (Court of Augmentation, Portf. XXIII, N. 94, r. 9). On pp. 100-104 Mr. Maitland gives the translation of two most valuable records of Monstraverunt in the Court of King’s Bench between the men of King’s Ripton and the Abbot. The suit is very similar to that of the men of Mildenhall; and indeed all these ancient demesne trials turn on the same points.
VI
The Stoneleigh Register, in the possession of Lord Leigh, is certainly one of the most interesting surveys of a medieval manor extant, and gives a better insight into the condition of ancient demesne than any other document I know of. Its publication would be particularly desirable in the interests of social history. This compilation is indeed a late one, but it has been made with great care and evident accuracy from the original records which go back even to Henry II’s time. One part is especially important, because it gives selections from the Court Rolls of the Manorial Court. An extract from the compiler’s Introduction will show the nature and grouping of his material.
F. 2, a: In quorum primo libro agitur de generacione nobilium regum Anglie incipiendo modicum ante conquestum usque ad presens sumarie concepta. Et de possessionibus et graciis per eos nobis factis et collatis, tam in monasterio de Rademora quam in monasterio de Stonleya. Ac eciam de diversis memorandis consuetudinibus, placitis, feuffamentis, diuisionibus tenementorum in villa et hamelettis de Stonle. Et de bundis et peranbulacionibus dicti manerii de Stonle. Ac subsequenter de actis abbatum de Stonle a tempore fundacionis quod infra intitulabitur usque ad presens videlicet usque ad feriam quartam in festo Sancti Gregorii pape anno domini millesimo trecentesimo nonagesimo secundo, anno vero domini Regis Anglie Ricardi secundi post conquestum sexto decimo. In secundo libro continentur memoranda de villis de Hartone, Cobsitone.... Erdyngtone.... In tertio libro continentur diversa memoranda tam nos quam alios tangencia et alia informatiua abbatum iuniorum consilia racionabilia secundum antiquas consuetudines, extentas, computaciones per quas poterit a nociuis abstineri, videlicet in diuisionibus possessionum et aliis faciendis pro bono et conseruacione juris monasterii. In quarto libro summarie scribuntur copie diuersorum priuilegiorum et diuersarum composicionum decimarum et placitorum. Et de diuersis casibus et defensionibus super eisdem. Item in casu quo facta esset commissio alicui abbati a curia Romana et a generali capitulo.
The following passage is characteristic of the conception of ancient demesne: (4, a) Prefatus dominus Edwardus rex habuit in dominico suo iure hereditario manerium de Stonle cum membris, videlicet Kenilworth, Bakyngtone, Ruytone et Stratone, una cum aliis terris et maneriis. Que quidem maneria existencia in possessione et manu domini Regis Edwardi per universum regnum vocantur antiquum dominicum corone Regis Anglie prout in libro de Domusday continetur.
F. 21, a: Henricus Dei gracia Rex... venire facias coram nobis Alexandrum de Canle... et Hugonem le Seynsterer, ita quod sint apud Kenilworth in octabis Sti Edwardi ostensuri quo warranto subtraxerunt prefatis Abbati et Conventui quasdam consuetudines, libertates et jura ad Sokam de Stonle spectantes... anno regis nostri quinquagesimo... Et unde predictus Abbas pro se et Rogero Loueday qui sequitur pro Rege dicunt quod, cum manerium de Stonle fuit antiquum dominicum domini Regis... quilibet tenens ipsius manerii unam virgatam terre consuevit reddere ipsi domino Regi per annum 30 denarios et facere sectam ad curiam suam de Stonle de tribus septimanis in tres... predictus Alexander qui unam virgatam terre de antiquo et tres rodas de assarto tenet, de quibus reddit Roberto de Canle predictum redditum et 18 denarios pro predicta secta subtrahenda et pro predicto assarto denarium et obolum... Predictus Robertus de Canle tenet duas virgatas terre pro 5 solidis et omnes tenentes predicti secundum tenuras suas detinent predicto Abbati predictas sectas pro quibus dictus Robertus de Canle capit a predictis tenentibus secundum tenuras [folio 22] suas, scilicet pro una uirgata 30 denarios et de maiori tenura plus et de minori minus. Et de totis assartis capit totum seruicium....
Et predictus Alexander Hugo et alii veniunt et defendunt vim et injuriam etc.... et bene cognoscunt, quod antecessores eorum tenuerunt tenementa sua in dicto hameletto de progenitoribus domini Regis per seruicium 30 denariorum pro virgata terre... et bene cognoscunt quod ipsi reddunt predicto Roberto de Canle redditus suos, sed qualiter ipse uel antecessores sui huiusmodi seruicia perquisierint, ignorant.... Jurati... per sacramentum suum dicunt, quod tempore Henrici Regis avi domini Regis nunc tenuerunt omnes.... faciendo inde domino Regi seruicia et consuetudines ad tenementa sua pertinentes. Quo tempore quidam Ketelburnus antecessor Roberti predicti et vicinus ipsorum tenencium qui tenuit de Rege sicut alii vicini sui, et quia predicti tenentes domini Regis fuerunt exiles in bonis et predictus Ketelburnus fuit maior et discrecior eis, locuti fuerunt cum ipso quod ipse colligeret redditum eorum et illum deferret pro eis ad curiam regis, tanquam per manum ipsorum. Et post mortem ipsius Ketelburni quidam heres ipsius Ketelburni accreuit et duxit in uxorem quandam sororem cuiusdam constabularii de castro de Kenilworth. Qui quidam heres ex permissione dicti constabularii atraxit ad se omnia servicia vicinorum suorum et reddidit antecessoribus domini Regis pro qualibet virgata dicte ville 30 denarios et fecit sectam pro eis ad curiam domini Regis. Et cepit pro secta predicta certum redditum et pro assartis predictis et ipsum redditum penes se retinuit... [folio 23] Dicunt eciam quod idem Robertus de Canle coram iusticiariis domini Regis ultimo itinerantibus in comitatu isto tulit breve de natiuitate versus predictum Alexandrum Hugonem et alios et petiit eos, ut natiuos suos, et tunc ibidem declaratum fuit quod liberi fuerunt et ipse Ricardus remansit in misericordia. Unde dicunt, quod ipsi sunt adeo liberi penes se, sicut predictus Robertus penes se et tenere debent tenementa sua de domino Rege in capite.... Et ideo consideratum est, quod dominus Rex recuperet seysinam suam... et predictus Alexander Hugo et alii sint intendentes domino Regi et balliuis suis uel illis quibus dominus Rex eos dare voluerit.... Item coram eisdem justiciariis inquisicio facta fuit per preceptum domini Regis quod... tempore quo rex Henricus avus domini regis Henrici filii regis Johannis contulit abbati manerium de Stonle cum soka... fuit idem Rex in seysina de toto manerio integro de Stonle... et idem Abbas similiter in seysina... quousque Petrus de Canle qui fuit collector redditus de Canle ad instanciam vicinorum suorum ad redditus illos deferendum domino Regi et pro eis soluendum, subtraxit a se per diuturnam colleccionem suam et per remissionem et negligenciam dominorum sine impedimento et calumpnia sectas, relevia, escaetas octo tenencium qui tenebant octo virgatas terre de domino Rege et postea de Abbate de Stonle [folio 23d] Anno regni Regis Henrici... quinquagesimo primo... Dominus Rex habuit seysinam dicti hameletti per duas ebdomadas et deinde dominus Rex per vicecomitem suum posuit prefatum Abbatem in plenam seysinam dicti hameletti de Stonle die Sti Clementis eodem anno ad magnam crucem ville de Stonle.
The Stoneleigh Register has the following entry on f. 12: Memorandum quod tempore fundacionis fuerunt in manerio de Stonle lx et xiij villani quatuor bordarii cum duobus presbyteris tenentes xxx carucatas terre prout continetur in libro de Domesday, fuerunt eciam tunc quatuor natiui siue serui in le lone (sic) quorum quilibet unum mesuagium et unum quartronem terre tenebat per servicia subscripta, videlicet leuando furcas... et debebant... redimere sanguinem suum et dare auxilium domino ad festum Sti Michaelis scilicet Ayde, et facere braseum et alia servicia seruilia, quorum nomina fuerunt Henricus Croud, cuius heres Iohannes Shukeburghe; secundus vocabatur Robertus Bedul, cuius heredes extincti sunt in prima pestilencia. Tercius fuit Galfridus Dore cuius eciam heredes extincti sunt in eadem pestilencia. Quartus fuit Robertus Stot qui eciam mortuus est sine herede. Fuerunt eciam quatuor liberi tenentes in villa de Stonle qui tenuerunt hereditarie quinque mesuagia et quinque virgatas terre cum pertinenciis de Rege in capite per seruicia sokemanrie, videlicet Paganus de Stonle qui tenuit duas virgatas terre, qui Paganus abavus fuit Iohannis de Stonle, patris Roberti le Eyr. Qui Iohannes de Stonle dedit unum quartronem terre Iuliane filie sue et Roberto Carteri marito dicte Iuliane, cuius heres est Iohannes Iulian. Dedit eciam prefatus Iohannes de Stonle cum alia filia sua Alicia nomine unum mesuagium et unum quartronem terre Roberto filio Reginaldi Baugy, marito ipsius Alicie et ipsorum heredibus. Qui Robertus et Alicia dederunt dictum tenementum Willelmo filio Roberti Staleworthe de Flechamstede et heredibus suis prout inferius pleniter continetur. Quorum heres est linealiter Willelmus Staleworthe qui modo ea tenet. Predictus vero Robertus le Eyr dedit omnia residua tenementi sui cum redditibus et seruiciis Ioanni Sparry et Iohanni Hockele approwatoribus Abbatis de Stonle. Et ipsi approwatores de licencia Domini Regis per breue ad quod dampnum predicta tenementa Roberti le Heyr dederunt Roberto de Hockele Abbati de Stonle et successoribus suis in perpetuum anno regni Regis Edwardi tercii post conquestum vicesimo....
Fuerunt eciam duo liberi tenentes in parva Sokemanria, qui tenuerunt hereditarie duo mesuagia et medietatem unius virgate terre cum pratio et pertinenciis de Rege in capite. Quorum heredes ea dederunt in feudo de licencia domini Abbatis Alexandro Lynburgh, Henrico Rachel, Ricardo Sheperde et Simoni Malyn. Et ipsi ea dederunt Iohanni Hockele approwatori Thome Pype Abbatis de Stonle. Qui abbas ipsa tenementa una cum aliis tenementis amortizauit per breue ad quod dampnum, prout in carta regia inferius contenta plenius apparet. Item fuerunt tenentes cottarii in predicta villa de Stonle tempore fundacionis Abbatii xxiv tenentes xxiv cotagia in villa de Stonle pro certis redditibus.
In the description just quoted the greater bulk of the tenants is described as villains according to the terminology of Domesday and only a few (six in all) are said to be free socmen and little socmen. But a remarkable passage on the constitution of the Court and the rights and duties of its suitors describes these very villains as socmen.
F. 73. Curia de Stonle ad quam Sokemanni faciebant sectam solebat ab antiquo teneri super montem iuxta uillam de Stonle vocatam Motstowehull. Ideo sic dicta quia ibi placitabant. Sed postquam Abbates de Stonle habuerunt dictam Curiam et libertatem pro aysiamento tenencium et sectatorum fecerunt domum Curie in medio Ville de Stonle. Ad quam curiam veniunt et sectam faciunt omnes sokemanni manerii de Stonle de tribus septimanis in tres. Et quilibet eorum tenens unam virgatam terre solvet domino annuatim 30 denarios, scilicet unum denarium per acram quia quelibet virgata continet 30 acras et non plus. Et in quolibet hameletto manerii sunt 8 virgate terre. Et si quod amplius habent, hoc utique habent de approvacione et assartacione vastorum. Item quodlibet hamelletum dabit domino sextam porcionem ad communem finem bis per annum ad curiam visus franciplegii. Ad quem finem prefati socemanni sectatores curiae nihil solvent sed inferiores tenentes, nisi in casu quod deficiant tenentes inferiores. Item prefati sokemanni in obitibus suis dabunt herietum integrum, scilicet unum equum et hernesium et arma si habuerint. Sin autem melius averium integrum quod habuerint. Et quilibet heres patri succedens debet admitti ad hereditatem suam anno etatis sue quintodecimo et solvet domino releuium, scilicet dupplicabit redditum suum. Et dabit iudicia cum aliis paribus suis sokemannis. Et erit prepositus colligendo redditum domini quando eligetur per pares suos. Et debet respondere brevibus et omnia alia facere ac si plene esset etatis per legem communem. Item Sokemanni habebunt in forinsecis boscis manerii per visum forestariorum estoverium, scilicet.... Et omnes tenentes Sokemannorum simul cum tenentibus domini venient cum faucillis ad bederipam domini ad metendum blada domini. Et ipsi etiam Sokemanni venient ad ipsam bederipam equitantes cum virgis suis ad videndum quod bene operantur, et ad praesentandum et ad amerciandum deficientes et male operantes. Et si non venerint ad dictam bederipam in forma predicta, debent graviter amerciari.
In the Warwickshire roll (Queen’s Remembrancer’s Miscellaneous Books, N. 29) villains are mentioned, but only exceptionally and in very small number. It looks as if they represented that class of the tenantry which in the Register is described as servi vel nativi. It would be out of the question to print here the detailed account of the distribution and character of the holdings given in the Hundred Roll—this must be left to the future editor of that document. But I may say here, that the holdings are much scattered, and that it would be difficult to trace the original plan mentioned in the Register. Still the division into principal tenants, mesne tenants, and cotters is clearly discernible, and the principal tenants are called free in the manor itself as well as in the hamlets. In two cases they are also spoken of as socmen.
VII
[County Placita, Norfolk, No. 5, 21 Ed. III.]
Edwardus Dei gracia Rex Anglie et Francie et Dominus Hibernie Thesaurariis et Camerariis suis salutem. Volentes certis de causis cerciorari super tenore recordi et processus loquele que fuit inter Willelmum de Narwegate et quosdam alios homines Rogeri Bygod nuper Comitis Norfolk de Manerio de Haluergate quod est de antiquo dominico corone Anglie ut dicitur, et ipsum comitem coram Domino E. nuper Rege Anglie auo nostro anno regni sui vicesimo primo per breve ejusdem aui nostri de eo quod idem Comes ostenderet quare a praefatis hominibus exigebat alias consuetudines et alia seruicia quam facere deberent et ipsi et antecessores sui tenentes de eodem Manerio facere consueverunt temporibus quibus Manerium illud fuit in manibus progenitorum nostrorum quondam Regum Anglie, vobis mandamus quod scrutatis rotulis praefati aui nostri de tempore praedicto qui sunt in thesauraria nostra sub custodia vestra (ut dicitur) tenorem recordi et processus praedictorum nobis in Cancellaria nostra sub sigillo scaccarii nostri sine dilacione mittatis et hoc breve. Teste Leonello filio nostro carissimo Custode Anglie apud Redyng vi die Julii anno regni nostri Anglie vicesimo primo regni vero nostri Francie octavo.
Placita coram Domino Rege de termino Sancti Michaelis. Anno regni Regis Edwardi filii Regis Henrici xxj finiente incipiente xxiio.
Rogerus Bygod Comes Norfolk et Marescallus Anglie attachiatus fuit ad respondendum Willelmo de Narwegate, Henrico filio Simonis de Culyng, Thome filio Henrici de Haluergate, Ricardo atte Howe, Roberto Sewyne et Ricardo filio Henrici Margerie hominibus praedicti Rogeri le Bygod de Manerio de Haluergate quod est de antiquo dominico corone Anglie de placito quare exigit a praefatis Willelmo de Narwegate et aliis alias consuetudines et alia seruicia quam facere debent et antecessores sui tenentes de eodem Manerio facere consueverunt temporibus quibus Manerium illud fuit in manibus praedecessorum Regis Regum Anglie. Et unde queruntur cum antecessores sui tenentes de eodem Manerio tempore Domini Willelmi Regis Conquestoris quando praedictum Manerium fuit in manum suam tenuerunt tenementa sua per certa seruicia videlicet pro qualibet acra terre quam in eodem Manerio tenuerunt duos denarios per annum et qui plus tenuerunt plus dederunt et sectam ad Curiam Regis in eodem Manerio de tribus septimanis in tres septimanas et quando aliquis eorum in Curia praedicta pro aliqua transgressione esset amerciandus per sex denarios tantum amerciatus esse debet, et similiter per dupplicacionem firme sue minoris vel majoris post mortem antecessorum suorum et solent talliari quando Dominus Rex talliare fecit dominia sua Anglie pro omni seruicio et per praedicta certa seruicia terras et tenementa sua tenuerunt a tempore Regis Willelmi praedicti usque ad tempus Domini Henrici Regis patris Domini Regis nunc, quod Rogerus Bygod antecessor praedicti Rogeri qui nunc est ab eis et antecessoribus suis alias consuetudines et alia seruicia exigebat et ad ea facienda distrinxit videlicet pro qualibet acra quam in praedicto Manerio tenuerunt quatuor denarios per annum et tallagium alto et basso cariagium aueragium et merchettum pro filiis et filiabus suis maritandis et de eisdem propositum faciendum iniuste et pro voluntate sua distrinxit. Et praedictus Rogerus Bygod qui nunc est illam iniuriam continuando a praefatis Willelmo et aliis praedicta seruicia villana et incerta exigit et eos ad ea facienda distringit et inde producunt sectam etc.
Et praedictus Rogerus Bigod venit et defendit vim et iniuriam quando etc. Dicit quod praedicti Willelmi et alii non debent ad breve suum respondere. Dicit enim quod ipsi in brevi suo dicunt se esse homines ipsius Rogeri de Manerio praedicto et tenentes de eodem Manerio qui quidem Willelmus et alii non sunt homines ipsius Rogeri de Manerio praedicto nec fuerunt die inpetracionis brevis sui videlicet xij die Maij Anno regni Regis nunc xxjo nec eciam aliqua tenementa tenent in praedicto Manerio nec tenuerunt die praedicto nec antea per magnum tempus unde petit iudicium etc.
Et praedictus Willelmus de Narwegate dicit quod ipse est homo praedicti Comitis de Manerio praedicto et tenet in eodem Manerio unum Messuagium unum croftum et dimidiam acram Marisci et tenuit die impetracionis brevis praedicti. Et Thomas filius Henrici dicit quod ipse est homo praedicti Comitis et tenet in praedicto Manerio unum messuagium et octo acras marisci et tenuit die praedicto etc. Et de hoc ponunt se super patriam. Et praedictus Comes similiter. Ideo veniant inde Jurati coram Rege a die Sancti Hillarii in xv dies ubicumque etc. Quia tam etc. Et praedicti Henricus Ricardus atte Howe Robertus et Ricardus filius Henrici dicunt quod reuera ipsi iam viginti annis elapsis inpetrauerunt quoddam breve consimile etc. tempore quo ipsi fuerunt homines ipsius Comitis et tenentes de Manerio praedicto coram Domino Rege versus praedictum Comitem et ab illo tempore usque nunc illud placitum sine interrupcione sunt prosecuti ita quod si aliquod breve amiserunt medio tempore statim breve consimile resussitauerunt. Unde dicunt quod si praedictus Comes pendente praedicto placito et diligenter prosecuta quod eis pro uno placito et pro uno et eodem brevi debeat reputari ipsos a tenementis suis in eodem Manerio eiecit homines ipsos nunc ab agendo repellere non debet. Et quod ita sit etc. offerunt verificare etc. tam per placita que secuntur Dominum Regem quam per placita de Banco etc. et eciam per placita ultimi itineris Salomonis de Roffa in comitatu Norffolk etc. Et praedictus Rogerus Comes etc. dicit quod praedicti Henricus Ricardus, Robertus et Ricardus non continuauerunt placitum suum praedictum sine interruptione in forma praedicta etc. et hoc offert etc. Ideo mandatum est Thesaurariis et Camerariis etc. quod scrutatis brevibus et rotulis de placitis que sequuntur Dominum Regem a die praedicto usque ad festum Sancti Michaelis anno regni Regis nunc xijo et eciam brevibus et rotulis de itinere praedicti Salomonis. Et similiter mandatum est Elye de Bekyngham quod scrutatis rotulis et brevibus de tempore Thome de Weylaund etc. que sunt sub custodia sua etc. Et quid inde etc. scire faciant Domino Regi a die Pasche in xv dies ubicumque etc. Idem dies datus est partibus etc. Ad quem diem venit praedictus Comes et praedicti Henricus filius Simonis, Ricardus atte Howe, Robertus Sewyne et Ricardus filius Henrici non sunt prosecuti. Ideo ipsi et plegii sui de prosequendo in misericordia videlicet Adam atte Gates, Henricus de Blafeld et Eustachius Hose de eadem. Et praedictus Comes inde sine die etc. Postea in octabis Sancti Hillarii Anno regni regis nunc vicesimo quarto venerunt praedicti Willelmus de Narugate et Thomas filius Henrici et praedictus Rogerus Bygod venit et similiter Jurati venerunt qui dicunt super sacramentum suum quod praedicti Willelmus et Thomas praedictis die et anno non fuerunt homines praedicti Comitis neque tenentes de praedicto Manerio. Ideo consideratum est quod praedicti Willelmus et Thomas nichil capiant per breve suum set sint in misericordia pro falso clamio. Et praedictus Rogerus Comes inde sine die etc.
[In dorso:]
Memorandum quod tenor recordi et processus infrascripti exemplificatus fuit sub magno sigillo Domini Regis sub hac forma videlicet. Edwardus Dei gracia Rex Anglie et Francie et Dominus Hibernie Omnibus ad quos etc. salutem. Inspeximus tenorem recordi et processus cuiusdam placiti quod fuit coram Domino E. quondam Rege Anglie auo nostro anno regni sui vicesimo primo inter Willelmum de Norwegate et quosdam alios et Rogerum Bygod nuper Comitem Norfolk quem coram nobis in Cancellaria nostra venire facimus in hec verba Placita coram Domino Rege etc. recitando totum tenorem praedictum usque in finem et tunc sic Nos autem tenorem recordi et processus praedictorum tenore praesencium duximus exemplificandum. In cuius etc. Teste Leonello filio nostro carissimo Custode Anglie apud Redyng xx die Julii anno regni nostri Anglie vicesimo primo regni vero nostri Francie octauo que quidem brevia non irrotulantur aliter quam hic inseritur.
VIII
[Exch. Memoranda Q.R. 20 Edw. I, Trin. m. 21 d.]
Baronibus pro hominibus de manerio de Costeseye.
Rex mittit Baronibus peticionem hominum manerii de Costeseye presentibus inclusam mandantes, quod audita intellecta et diligenter examinata peticione predicta de diversis gravaminibus et iniuriis per preceptum baronum et per Ricardum Athelwald de Crek ballivum eiusdem manerii eisdem hominibus multipliciter illatis, predictis hominibus iusticie complementum inde exhiberi faciatis prout de iure et secundum legem et consuetudinem regni Anglie fuerit faciendum Ne oporteat ipsos homines ad Regem iterato habere recursum ex causa praedicta. Teste Rege apud Enleford VII die Maii XXo.
Peticio hominum de manerio de Costeseye. A nostre Seignur le Rey e a sun conseil se pleynent les pours genz le Rey de la basse tenure de le maner de Costeseye ce est a sauer de la foreyn sokne com de Colton, Eston, Hiningham, Thodeham, Rongelsunde, Weston, Tauerham, Berford, Wramplingham et Dunholt ke Richard de Crek bailif le Rey del maner avantdit a tort lur greve e distreynt e lur met hors de lur usages en dreyt de lur tenaunce uses del tens memore ne curt. Ce est a sauer par la ou memes cele genz sa en arere en les tens les cuntes de Bretayne, e en le tens le Rey Johan e le Rey Henri ke deus asoile e en le tens nostre Seignur le Rey Edward ke deu gard e de tuz iceus a queus le maner avaunt dit a este done ou lesse a la volunte de Reys avaunt nomes pur ke le Cunte de Bretayne e le viscunte de Dohay mesnes le maner forfirent, unt vendu, done e lesse lur terres champestres per aper (?) saunz conge demaunder en curt, forpris lur mes e lur croftes, la vient mesme celuy Richard bailif auant nome e lur terres saunz conge venduz per aper (?) ad seysi a greuuesement les ad amercie pur les tenemenz issi uendus solonc les usages de lur tenaunce. Estre ce memes celuy Richard a tort greve e distreint les genz auaunt nomes pur office de prouosterie e de coylure (collector) ne ils ne deyuent estre ne soleyent, mes les viles de Costeseye et de Banburg seruent et deyuent servir de tel office pur lur tenaunce charge de tel seruise. E priunt la grece lur seignur le Rey ke il voyle fere enquere par pais si le plest coment ils deyuent tenir e ke la duresse fete a eus par le bailif auant dit seit redresse. Estre ce les poure genz auant nomes sunt mut enpoureriz pur un taylage voluntref ke le bailif Alianor Reyne de Engletere la mere nostre seignur le Rey ke deus asoile nut pris a tort de an en an ce est a sauer xx markes de hom apele communage ke auaunt sun tens ne fut donc mes a la premere venue de nouel signur une conisaunce de Cs. cum fu done a nostre seignur le Rey Edward kant le maner li fu done forpris les viles de Costeseye e de Banburg ke sunt taylables haut e bas a la volunte le Rey cum costemers del maners. Pur ce est ke les paure genz auaunt nome priunt la grace nostre seignur le Rey si le plest pur le regard de pite ke il empreynt pite de eus e lur face suffrir lur usages del tens dunc memore ne curt e grace del torteuus taylage pur le quel il sunt mut empoairiz.
IX
[Augmentation Court Rolls, XIV. 38.]
(Havering atte Bower, Essex.)
Curia ibidem tenta die Iouis proxima ante festum S. Iohannis ante portam latinam anno r. r. Ricardi Secundi post Conquestum vicesimo. Ricardus Rex Ballivis Thome Archiepiscopi Ebor et Edwardi comitis de Hauering atte Boure. Precipio vobis quod sine dilatione et secundum consuetudinem manerii de Hauering atte Boure plenum rectum teneatis Roberto Merston de London et Ricardo Quylter de Hauering etc.
Hec est finalis concordia facta in curia Thome archiepiscopi Cantuar et Edwardi Comitis Roteland apud Hauering atte Boure—coram Ricardo Wytl... tunc senescallo et Ricardo Wylde tunc ballivo et aliis domini Regis fidelibus tunc ibi presentibus inter etc.
Curia Thome Archiepiscopi Cantuarensis et Edwardi Comitis Roteland tenta ibidem die Iouis proxima ante festum S. Bartholomaei apostoli anno r. r. Ricardi Secundi post conquestum vicesimo primo.
Inquisicio ex officio coram Ricardo Wythmerssh senescallo de Haueryng atte Boure per sacramentum Walteri Herstman——juratorum qui dicunt supra sacramentum suum quod Alicia Dyere que de domino Rege tenuit duas acras terre in marisco obiit seisita. Et quod Thomas de Donne filius predicte Alicie est eius heres propinquior et plene etatis, ideo preceptum seisire dictam terram in manus domini et respondere de exitu quali etc. Item dicunt quod idem Thomas ingressus est feodum domini videlicet unum mesuagium cum pertinentiis in Romford quod habuit ex dono et feofamento Iohannis Cole ideo preceptum ipsum distringere pro fidelitate et relevio etc. Item predicta Inquisitio onerata super sacramentum suum si aliquis homo nativus de sanguine ingressus fuerit feodum domini nec ne et quantum feodum illud valeat per annum dicit quod non est aliquis homo nativus de sanguine ingressus feodum domini. Set dicunt quod est quidam Iohannes Shillyng qui sepius dictus fuerat fore nativus. Et dicunt ultra quod quidam Iohannes Shillyng pater predicti Iohannis fuit alienigena et quod predictus Iohannes Shillyng quo ad eorum cognitionem est liber et libere conditionis et non nativus. Item prefata inquisitio dicit quod Robertus Clement de London Sadelere ingressus est feodum domini videlicet unum mesuagium cum pertinenciis in Romford quod habuit ex dono et concessione Iohannis Cole Taillor ideo preceptum ipsum distringere pro fidelitate et relevio etc.
Item dicunt quod quidam homo veniens in comitiva domini Regis dimisit quemdam equum in hospicio Iohannis atte Heth et cepit ibidem unum alium equum etc. et dimisit predictum equum ibidem stare per unum mensem absque aliquid clamando de predicto equo ideo preceptum dictum equum seisire ad opus domini Regis et inde Regi respondere.
Curia ibidem tenta die Iouis proxima post festum S. Martini anno r. r. Ricardi secundi post conquestum vicesimo primo.
Compertum est per inquisicionem ex officio captam per sacramentum Thome Olyuere... Qui dicunt super sacramentum suum quod quidam Iohannes Pecok quondam tenuit unam peciam terre in marisco vocatam Wattiscroft pro qua quidem terra reparabat et reparare tenebatur quoddam murum in marisco erga Tamisiam in defensum aque inundantis. Et idem Iohannes Pecok de terra predicta obiit seisitus. Et quod quidam Iohannes filius predicti Iohannis Pecok est eius heres propinquus. Et dicunt quod predictus murus est wastatus pro defectu reparacionis ita quod aque Tamisie inundans superfluit murum predictum et demergit mariscum predictum ad grave dampnum domini Regis et tenencium suorum.
Et predictus Iohannes filius Iohannis Pecok in propria persona sua dicit quod non supponitur per presentacionem predictam quod terra predicta vocata Wattiscroft prefato Iohanni filio predicti Iohannis Pecok descendebat post mortem Iohannis Pecok patris sui nec quod predictus Iohannes filius Iohannis Pecok aliquo tempore fuit tenens terre predicte vocate Wattiscroft. Et si videtur Curie quod protestacio est sufficiens, etc. dicit per protestacionem quod ipse non fuit heres predicti Iohannis Pecok patris sui tempore mortis sue, etc. Et ulterius protestando dicit quod predicta terra vocata Wattiscroft tenetur ad communem legem. Et ulterius dicit pro placito quod ipse numquam habuit poscessionem manualem de terra predicta set dicit quod quidam Iohannes Harwere post decessum predicti Iohannis patris sui et longo tempore ante inquisicionem predictam captam intravit in terram predictam ad usum cujusdam Iohannis Selman... Et dictum est pro domino Rege quod predictus Iohannes filius predicti Iohannis Pecok fuit tenens terre predicte die quo inquisicio predicta capta fuit. Et petitum est per dominum Regem quod inquiratur per patriam. Et pro predicto Iohanne filio, etc. similiter. [Jurati] dicunt super sacramentum suum quod predictus Iohannes Pecok vivente predicto Iohanne patre suo occupavit predictam terram vocatam Wattiscroft per voluntatem patris sui et cepit inde exitus et proficua. Et postea predictus Iohannes Pecok pater, etc. obiit post cujus mortem predictus Iohannes filius, etc. intrauit ut filius et heres et terram predictam ocupavit et inde cepit exitus proficua, etc. Et dicunt quod est eorum consuetudo quod nullus homo adquireret sibi aliquam terram in marisco que oneratur ex reparacione alicuius muri in marisco erga Tamisiam nisi haberet sufficientem tenuram in eodem dominio extra mariscum que poterit portare omnes reparaciones illius muri in marisco quum necesse fuerit. Et dicunt esciam quod Iohannes Selman non fuit tenens terre predicte vocate Wattiscroft die quo officium predictum captum fuit set quod predictus Iohannes filius, etc. terram predictam occupavit usque in diem quo predictum officium captum fuit. Et dicunt quod est ad dampnum domini Regis quod murus predictus non fuit reparatus predicto die, etc. de triginta et octo solidis uno obolo.
Curia ibidem tenta die Iouis in festo S. Iohannis Apostoli et Evangeliste anno r. r. Ricardi post Conquestum vicesimo primo.
Dominus Rex mandauit breue suum clausum Ballivis Edwardi Ducis Albemarle de Haueryng atte Boure... Precepimus vobis quod sine dilacione et secundum consuetudinem manerii de Haueryng atte Boure plenum rectum teneatis Ricardo filio Iohannis Legati de uno mesuagio viginti et octo acris terre et una acra prati cum pertinenciis, etc.... Et predictus Ricardus invenit plegios ad prosequendum breue predictum... Et fecit protestacionem ad sequendum breue predictum in natura breuis de convencione. Virtute cuius brevis preceptum Ballivo quod summonere faciat per bonos summonitores secundum consuetudinem manerii de Haueryng atte Boure, etc....
Curia tenta ibidem die Iouis proxima... vicesimo tercio.
Dominus Rex mandauit breue suum clausum Ballivis suis de Haueryng atte Boure.
Curia ibidem tenta die Iouis proxima ante festum S. Laurencii martiris anno r. r. Ricardi secundi post conquestum vicesimo tercio....
Ricardus Dei gratia Rex Anglie... Ballivis suis de Haueryng, etc.
Hec est finalis concordia facta in curia domini Regis de Haueryng atte Boure die Iouis... coram Ricardo Withmerssh tunc senescallo et Iohanne Bokenham tunc Balliuo et aliis domini Regi fidelibus tunc presentibus inter W., etc.
X
Exchequer Q.R. Ancient Miscellanea.
902/77 (No date, about 1300.)
| Inquisitio: | Will’s Frere | Walt’s Michel | Joh’es Broket | |
| Rob’s Diaconus | Elias de Leyes | Thomas Coker | ||
| Rob’s Snellyng | Elias Pany | Will’s Hardyng | ||
| Joh’es Longus | Godefrid’ Newman | Will’s Walysce | ||
| Joh’es Ordmar | ||||
Qui dicunt subscripta per sacramentum suum.
Maur’ ate Neuthon’
| Estrelda | man’ apud Machynge | ||
| Agnes |
| Joh’es Rotlonde | man’ London’. | ||
| Walt’s Rotlonde | |||
| Thomas Rotlonde |
Joh’es Rotlonde
Joh’es Pany
Will’s Pany
Will’s Pany
Ric’s Pany
Nativus—
Nich’s ate Neuthon’
Elias Pany—modo tenens
Agnes Pany
Simon ate Neuthon’
nullus ab eo.
Ric’s le Couper
Thomas le Couper
Simon le Couper
Joħes le Couper
Isabella la Couper
Joh’es Bate
Walt’s ate Neuthon’—modo tenens
Cristina
Will’s
Pater extraneus
ignotus adhuc
propter diurnitatem
temporis
Wymarks
nullus ab eo
Joh’es Woderove
Galfr’s Woderove
Will’s Woderove
n.
n.
Will’s Vaccarius
nullus ab eo
Steph’s Pistor
Will’s Pistor
Will’s Pistor
Rog’s Pistor
Joh’es Pistor
Cristina Pistor
Isabella
Nativus—
Rog’s ate Neuthon’
Cristina ate Neuthon’
nullus ab eo (sic)
Joh’es Broket
Agnes ate Neuthon’
Joh’es Broket Junior
Matild’ Broket
Isabella Broket
Agnes Broket
Nativus—
Alanus ate Hache
nullus ab eo
Ric’s ate Hache Junior
Nich’s ate Hache
Rog’s ate Hache
Will’s ate Hache
Will’s ate Hache
Adam ate Hache
Will’s ate Hache
Joh’es ate Hache
Alic’ ate Hache
Nativus—
Rog’s ate Hache
Matild’ ate Hache
Editha la Daye
Emmot’ ate Hache
Marger’ ate Hache
Matild’ ate Hache
nullus ab eo
Orgor’ ate Hache
nullus ab eo
Will’s ate Broke
Walt’s ate Broke
Walt’s ate Broke
Ranulfus ate Broke
Ric’s ate Broke—London’
Cristin’ ate Broke
Matild’ ate Broke
Agnes ate Broke
Walt’s ate Hache
Nativus—
Walterus Mathy
Matheus ate Broke
Will’s Mathy
Agnes Mathy
Emmot’ Mathy
Mathild’ ate Broke
nullus ab ea.
XI
The best way to form an opinion as to the position of the hundredors among other classes will be, I think, to start from a closer examination of the Ely Surveys, which give the term several times. They are peculiar in this respect, and only in this. A comparison with other Cartularies will show at once, that the same thing is to be found elsewhere over and over again.
Both Ely Surveys—that of 1222 (Tiberius, B. ii) and that of 1277 (Claudius, C. xi)—are remarkably alike, and may serve as an illustration of the continuity of the fundamental organisation of a feudal village. I shall take the later Cartulary because it is a trifle fuller, and coincides in time with the Hundred Rolls. It would not be sufficient to give only the entries relating to the hundredors, because the reader would not be able to judge of their position in relation to other classes. I may be allowed in consequence to present rather large extracts.
In the manor of Wilburton belonging to the Ely Minster we find the following classification of the tenantry868 [f. 49 sqq.]
De hundredariis. Et libere tenentibus.
Philippus de insula tenet 16 acras de mara et debet sectas ad curiam Elyensem et ad curiam de Wilbartone, et in quolibet hundredo per totum annum. Et dat ad sixþepany et wardpany, et arabit cum caruca sua per duos dies in hyeme et habebit quolibet die unum denarium. Et arabit in XLma per 2 dies et habebit quolibet die unum denarium.... Et inveniet omnes tenentes suos ad magnam precariam autumpni ad cibum episcopi. Et dabit pro filia sua.
Ricardus filius Rogeri tenet 12 acras de ware et debet sectas... (the same as Philip). Et dabit leirwite pro filia sua et gersumam cum ipsam maritare uoluerit, scilicet 30 et 2 den. Et tallagium cum aliis. Et de herieto meliorem bestiam uel 30 et 2 denarios, si non habeat bestiam. Oues sue non iacebunt in faldo domini....
De operariis et plenis terris.
Samson filius Jordani tenet 12 acras terre de Wara que faciunt unam plenam terram... Et sciendum quod tota villata, tam liberi quam alii, debent facere 40 perticatas super calcetum de Alderhe sine cibo et opere.
In Lyndon the division of the tenantry is somewhat more complex [f. 52 sqq.].
De militibus.
Philippus de insula tenet tres carucatas in Hinegeton per seruicium unius militis. Et sciendum quod omnes tenentes sui ibidem debent uenire ad precariam carucarum episcopi cum quanto iungant per duos dies in hyeme et per 2 dies in XLma... Et dominus Philippus de Insula debet sectam ad curiam Elyensem. Et ad curiam de Lyndon, in aduentu senescalli.
Nigellus de Cheucker tenet 2 carucatas terre per seruicium unius militis cum terra sua de Harefeud... Et liberi tenentes sui qui tenent per soccagium debent unam sectam ad frendlese hundred, scilicet ad diem sabbati proximum post festum Sti Michaelis.
De hundredariis.
Robertus de Aula tenet 40 acras terre de wara per seruicium sequendi curiam Elyensem. Et quodlibet hundredum et curiam de Lyndon.... Et ueniet ad precarias cum caruca sua... Et inueniet omnes tenentes suos ad magnam precariam episcopi in autumpno ad cibum domini. Et ipsemet ibit ultra eos eo die. Et habebit cibum suum similiter cum balliuis domini. Et ueniet coram justiciariis ad custum suum proprium... Et sciendum quod iste et quilibet hundredarius dabit gersumam pro filia sua maritanda, scilicet 32 denarios. Et dominus episcopus habebit meliorem bestiam de domo sua pro herietto siue 32 denarios, si bestiam non habuerit et operabitur super calcetum de Alderhe sine cibo pro se et tenentibus suis.
Galfridus le Sokeman tenet 12 acras et dimidiam de wara....
De consuetudinariis qui vocantur Molmen.
Patrik filius Henrici le frankeleyn tenet 10 acras terre in hylle pro duobus solidis... Et ueniet ad precariam carucarum cum caruca sua uel cum quanto iungit... Et debet sectas ad curiam de Lyndon... Et dabit gersumam pro filia sua maritanda ad voluntatem domini. Et in obitu suo dominus habebit meliorem bestiam domus pro hereto uel triginta duos denarios, si bestiam non habuerit. Et dabit tallagium. Et filius suus et heres dabit releuium.
De operariis qui tenent plenas terras.
Radulfus filius Osbern tenet unam plenam terram que continet 10 acras de wara.
The next survey is that of Dudington (f. 63 sqq.).
De libere tenentibus et hundredariis in Dudlingtone et Wimblingtone.
(The typical hundredor is made to pay merchet, leyrwite, and heriet as above.)
De consuetudinibus censuariorum in Dudingtone.
Radulfus filius Willelmi tenet unum mesuagium quod continet dimidiam acram pro 12 denariis.... Et dabit gersumam pro filia sua et leyrwite ad voluntatem domini. Et dupplicabit redditum suum pro suo releuio.
De consuetudinibus operariorum in Dudington.
(They hold ‘full lands’ of 12 acres, and perform all kinds of agricultural work.)
If we turn now to the Survey of Wyvelingham (f. 111 sqq.), we shall not find the heading ‘hundredarii,’ but it will not be difficult to discern the tenants who correspond to the hundredors of the former Surveys.
De libere tenentibus.
Henricus Torel tenet dimidiam virgatam terre pro decem et octo denariis equaliter. Et ueniet in autumpno ad magnam precariam domini cum omnibus hominibus suis quot habuerit laborantes ad cibum domini. Et dabit tallagium si dominus voluerit. Et gersumam pro filia sua. Et debet sectam curie et molendini. Et ibit cum aliis extra uillam ad districtiones faciendum.
Willelmus Nuncius tenet dimidiam virgatam pro 18 denariis equaliter. Et faciet omnia alia sicuti predictus Henricus Torel.
Thomas filius Oliue tenet unam virgatam terre pro 6 denariis equ. ad festum Sti Andreae. Et arabit tres rodas terre per annum.... Et herciabit cum equo suo ante Natale per unum diem integrum sine cibo et per unum diem in quadragesima sine cibo... Et falcabit cum uno homine per unum diem integrum sine cibo. Et adiuuabit fenum leuandum et cariandum sine cibo. Et sarclabit per unum diem integrum sine cibo. Et illud quod messuerit cariabit sine cibo. Item portabit breuia domini episcopi uel senescalli usque ad Dudington uel ad locum consimilem. Et dabit tallagium, herietum et leyrwite, et gersumam pro filia sua. Et debet sectam Comitatus hundredi, et curie, et molendini. Oues sue iacebunt in faldo domini ut supra....
De operariis.
Thomas Wecheharm tenet dimidiam virgatam terre que continet 15 acras terre.
In Shelford (f. 125 sqq. Cf. Rot. Hundr. ii. 544) there are only two main headings: ‘de militibus’ and ‘de consuetudinariis et censuariis;’ but I think it is quite evident from the Survey that the first ought to run ‘de militibus et libere tenentibus,’ or something to the same effect, and that it includes the hundredors.
De militibus.
Johannes de Moyne miles tenet unum mesuagium et unam rodam terre que fuit coteria operabilis in tempore Galfridi de Burgo Elyensis episcopi pro duobus solidis equ. Idem Johannes tenet unum mesuagium quod fuit Michaelis de la Greue pro 14 den. equ. Et inueniet unum hominem ad quamlibet trium precariarum ad cibum domini. Et metet dimidiam acram de loue-bene sine cibo. Et inueniet unum hominem ad fenum leuandum et tassandum in curia domini episcopi. Et dabit tallagium cum consuetudinariis pro tanta portione.
Johannes filius Nicholai Collogne tenet dimidiam hydam terre per seruicium sequendi comitatum et hundredum. Idem tenet quartam partem curie sue pro uno niso (sic) uel duobus solidis....
In Stratham the Molmen are reckoned with the freeholders and hundredors (f. 44).
De libere tenentibus et censuariis.
Walterus de Ely miles tenet 50 acras de wara unde debet sectam ad curiam de Ely. Et ad curiam de Stratham. Et in hundredum de Wycheford.... Et faciet omnes consuetudines sicut Johannes filius Henrici subscriptus.
Johannes filius Henrici Folke tenet 10 acras de wara. Et debet sectam hundredi per totum annum, scilicet ad quodlibet hundredum et sectam ad curiam de Ely et de Stratham.... Et dabit gersumam pro filia sua maritanda.
De consuetudinibus operariorum, etc.
The entries quoted are sufficient, it seems, to establish the following facts:—
1. The hundredors of the Ely Minster are people holding tenements burdened with the obligation of representing the manor in the hundred and in the county.
2. The tenure may be quite distinct from the personal condition of the holder. A knight may possess the tenement of a hundredor in one place and a military fee in another (Philip de Insula in Wilburton and in Lyndon.)
3. A free tenant is not eo ipso a hundredor. Some holdings are singled out for the duty. (Henry Torel, William ‘Nuncius,’ and Thomas filius Olive in Wyvelingham. Cf. Lyndon.)
4. In many cases the hundredors are mentioned without being expressly so called, and such cases present the transition between the Ely Surveys and other Cartularies which constantly speak of privileged tenants holding by suit to the hundred and to the county. (See the quotations on p. 189, n. 2, and p. 191, n. 1.)
But there is another side to the picture. In the cases of which we have been speaking till now the obligation to attend the hundred and the county is treated as a service connected with tenure, and has to meet the requirements of the State which enforces the representation of the villages at the Royal Courts. Such a system of representation follows from the conception of the County and of the Hundred as political parts of the kingdom on the one hand, and as composed of Manors and Villages or Vills, on the other. This may be called the territorial system. But another conception is lingering behind it—that namely of the County, as a folk, and of the Hundred, as an assembly of the free and lawful population. The great Hundred is derived from it, but even in the ordinary meetings all the freeholders are entitled, if not obliged, to join. The Manor and the Vill have nothing to do with this right, which is not one of representation, but an individual one and extends to a whole class. This may be called the personal system of the Hundred. It is embodied in the so-called ‘Leges’ of Henry I. And therefore we find constantly in the documents, that the suit to the hundred, to the county, and also that to the sheriff’s tourn and to meet the justices, are mentioned in connection with two different classes of people. On one hand stand the representatives of the township, on the other the free men, free tenants or socmen bound individually to attend the hundred and to perform other duties which are enforced on the same pattern. The Hundred Rolls give any number of examples.
I. 55: liberi homines de Witlisford et quatuor homines et prepositus solebant venire ad turnum vicecomitis set post bellum de Evesham per Baldewynum de Aveny subtracta fuit illa secta, set nesciunt quo warranto.
I. 154: Idem abbas (de Wauthan) subtraxit ad turnum vicecomitum sectam 4 hominum et prepositi de manerio suo de Esthorndone et de liberis hominibus suis in eadem villa et in villa de Stanford.
I. 180: Omnes liberi tenentes et quatuor homines et prepositus de Morton Valence subtraxerunt sectam ad turnum vicecomitis bis in anno ad idem hundredum.
In Shropshire we find the question put to the jurors of the inquest (II. 69): Si homines libere tenentes et 4 homines et prepositus de singulis villis venerint ad summonicionem sicut preceptum est.
II. 130: Dominus Ricardus Comes Gloverniae subtraxit 4 thethingas videlicet Stockgiffard, Estharpete Stuctone et Westone de hundredo de Wintestoke et ipsas sibi appropriavit. Item dicunt quod Thomas de Ban... et ceteri libere tenentes predictarum 4 thethingarum solebant sequi dictum hundredum et se subtraxerunt a termino predicto.
II. 131: Dicunt quod una decena de Borewyk et alia decena Chyletone cum liberis hominibus subtrahuntur de hundredo domini Regis de la Hane.
I. 17: Manerium de Collecote et 8 liberi Sokemanni tenentes in dicto manerio solebant facere sectam ad hundredum de Kenoteburie et subtracti sunt a tempore Alani de Fornham quondam vicecomitis usque nunc.
The last instances quoted do not speak directly of the four men and the reeve, but their meaning is quite clear and very significant. The suit of the tithing and of the manor is contrasted with the personal suit of the free tenants. We find often entries as to the attendance of the manor, the township, or the tithing.
I. 181: Dicunt quod abbas de Theokesberie pro terra sua in Codrinton... Episcopus Wygorniensis pro manerio suo de Clyve per quatuor homines et prepositum solebant facere sectam ad istum hundredum ad turnum vicecomitis bis in anno usque ad provisiones Oxonienses.
I. 105: Villata de Monston per 2 annos et villata de Stratton per 10 annos subtraxerunt sectam hundredi.
I. 78: Dicunt quod idem Walterus (de Bathonia) removit villanos de Sepwasse in forinsecum et feofavit liberos de eadem terra in quo terra quidam tuthinmannus (corr. quedam tethinga?) jungi solebat et sequi ad hundredum forinsecum predictum et est secta ejusdem tethinge subtracta de tempore Regis Henrici patris Regis Edwardi anno ejus quarto.
It appears that the feoffment of free tenants was no equivalent for the destruction of the tithing. The entry is remarkable but not very clear. (Cf. I. 87, II. 133, and Maitland, Introduction to the Selden Soc. vol. II, pp. xxxi, xxxiii.) In any case the main facts are not doubtful. The population of the kingdom was bound to attend the assemblies of the hundred and of the county by representatives from the villages or tithings, which sometimes, though not always, coincided with the manors.
There were many exceptions of different kinds, but the Crown was striving to restrict their number and to enforce general attendance at least for the tourn and the eyre. The representation in these last cases, though much wider and more regular than at the ordinary meetings of the hundred and of the shire, was constructed on the same principles, and the difference lay only in the measure in which the royal right was put into practice against the disruptive tendencies of feudalism.
The inquest in the beginning of Edward I’s reign gives us a very good insight into the inroads from which the organisation had to suffer, especially in troubled times869. This attendance of the township is mentioned in marked contrast with the suit of the free tenants or socmen, which is also falling into disuse on many occasions, and also supposes a general theory, that the free people ought to attend in person.
An important point in the process which modified the representation of the vills in the hundred has to be noticed in the fact, that the suit from a single village was not considered as a unit which did not admit of any partition. When the village itself was divided among several landlords the suit was apportioned according to their parts in the ownership instead of remaining, as it were, outside the partition. We might well fancy that the township of Dudesford, though divided between the Abbots of Buttlesden and of Oseney, would send its deputies as a whole, and would designate them in a meeting of the whole. We find in reality, that the fee of one of the owners has to send three representatives, and the fee of the other two (Rot. Hundr. I. 33; cf. I. 52, 102). This gives rise to a difficulty in the reading of our evidence. The Hundred Rolls speak not only of suit due from the village, the tithing, or the manor, but also of the suit from the tenement. In one sense this may mean that the person holding a free tenement was bound to attend certain meetings of the commons of the realm. In another it was an equivalent to saying that a particular tenement was bound to join in the duty of sending representatives to such meetings. In a third acceptation of the words they might signify, that a particular tenement was charged to represent the village in regard to the suits, and for this reason privileged in other respects. A few extracts from the Hundred Rolls will illustrate the difficulty.
I. 143: Dicunt quod Johannes de Boneya tenuit quoddam tenementum in Stocke quod solet facere sectam ad comitatum et hundredum, que secta postea subtracta fuit per Regem Alemanniae, etc.
Was John de Boneya a socman bound to attend personally, or a hundredor, a hereditary representative of the village of Stocke?
II. 208: Prior de Michulham subtraxit sectas et servicia 25 tenencium in manerio suo de Chyntynge qui solebant facere sectam et servicium hundredo de Faxeberewe et sunt subtracti per 6 annos ad dampnum dicti hundredi 5 sol. per annum.
The twenty-five tenants in question may be villains joining to send representatives in scot and in lot with the village (cf. I. 214, 216), or free socmen personally bound to attend.
II. 225: Prior de Kenilworth subtraxit, etc., de una virgata terre in Lillington 15 annis elapsis et de 4 virgatis in Herturburie 18 annis elapsis... qui solent sequi ad hundredum de tribus septimanis in tres septimanas.
Here it would be difficult to decide whether the suit is apportioned between the tenements of the village on the principle of their contributing jointly to perform the services, or else bound up with these particular virgates as representing the village (cf. I. 34).
I notice this difficulty because it is my object in this Appendix to treat the evidence as it is given in the documents, and to help those who may wish to study them at first hand. But as we are immediately concerned with the position of the ‘hundredor,’ I shall also point out that there are cases where a doubt is hardly possible. The tenant who is privileged on account of the duties that he performs in representing his village in the hundred court, may be easily recognised in the following examples.
II. 66: Dicunt quod Rogerus Hunger de Preston solebat sequi comitatum et hundredum pro villa de Preston in tempore Henrici de Audithelege tunc vicecomitis Salop 20 annis elapsis, mortuo vero predicto Roberto Hunger, Abbas de Lilleshul qui intratus fuit in predictam villam per donum Roberti de Budlers de Mungomery extraxit (corr. subtraxit) predictam sectam 20ti annis elapsis nesciunt quo warranto, unde dominus Rex dampnificatus est per illam subtraxionem, si idem Abbas warrantum inde non habet de 40 solidis.
I. 21: Johannes de Grey subtraxit se de secta curie pro villata de Chilton de uno anno et die (corr. et dimidio), unde dominus Rex dampnificatus est in 18 denariis.
Though the institution of the hundredors has found expression in the Hundred Rolls, the name is all but absent from them. The rare instances when it occurs are especially worthy of consideration. I have three times seen a contraction which probably stands for it, but in one case it applies distinctly to the hundred-reeve or to a riding bailiff of the hundred.
I. 197 (Inquest of the hundred of Hirstingstan, Hunts): dicunt etiam quod homines ejusdem soke rescusserunt aueria que El. hundredarius ceperat pro debito domini Regis levando et impedierunt eum ad summoniciones faciendum de assisis et juratis et equum ipsius El. duxerunt ad manerium de Someresham et eum ibi detinuerunt quousque deliberavit omnia averia per ipsum capta.
The case is different in regard to the description of Aston and Cote, Oxfordshire. It is printed on p. 689 of the second volume of the Hundred Rolls, but printed badly. The decisive headings are not given accurately, and I shall put it before the reader in the shape in which it stands in the MS. at the Record Office. The passage is especially interesting because of the peculiar constitution of the manor of Bampton, to which Aston and Cote belong. (See Gomme, Village Community.)
Hundred Rolls, Oxford.
Chancery Series, No. 1, m. 3.
| § Tenentes Abbatis in eadem. § Hundr’ in Aston’. | § Robertus le Caus tenet in eadem j. mesuagium et ij. virgatas terræ de Abbate de Eygn’, et reddit per annum dicto Abbati Eygn’ iij.s. | ||
| § Stephanus le Niwe tenet in eadem j. mesuagium et ij. virgatas terræ de eodem, et reddit per annum dicto Abbati xv.s. vij.d. ob. q. | |||
| § Robertus de Haddon’ tenet in eadem j. mesuagium [et] j virgatam terræ de Domino W. de Valencia, et reddit per annum dicto W. de Valencia j.d. | |||
| § Servi. | § Henricus Toni tenet in eadem j. mesuagium [et] j. virgatam terræ de Abbate de Eygn’, et reddit eidem pro redditu iiij.s. pro opere iiij.s. iiij.d. ob. q. | ||
| § Willelmus Toni tenet in eadem j. mesuagium [et] j. virgatam terræ de dicto Abbate, et reddit per annum eidem pro redditu iiij.s., pro opere iiij.s. ix.d. ob. q. | |||
| § Nicholaus Toni tenet in eadem consimile tenementum de eodem pro consimili servicio faciendo eidem. | |||
| § Emma Lovel tenet in eadem j. mesuagium et dimidiam virgatam terræ cum v. acras de eodem, et reddit per annum dicto Abbati xj.s. iij.d. | |||
| § Lib[ere] tenentes. | § Johanna Galard tenet in eadem dimidiam virgatam terræ de dono Willelmi fratris sui, et reddit eidem per annum vj.d.; et idem Willelmus tenet de hereditate per defensum antecessorum suorum, qui dictam dimidiam virgatam terrae habuerunt de dono Reg[is], cujus nomen ignoramus. | ||
| § Thomas Wyteman tenet in eadem j. virgatam terræ de Philippo de Lenethale, et est de confirmatione Reg[is], ut dicta dimidia virgata terræ præscripta; et tenetur de Willelmo Gallard prædicto, et reddit per annum dicto Philippo xij.d. |
[The Abbot above mentioned was the Abbot of Eynsham.]
The Hundr. in Aston in the margin can hardly admit of any other extension but hundredarius or hundredarii. It seems then, that the term is applied to three tenants named first. The reason for thinking so is, that all these three are assessed at certain rents without any mention of labour services, whereas the three tenants who are next mentioned pay so much as rent and so much more in commutation of labour service, ‘pro servitio.’ The inference would be, that the names in the beginning apply to people burdened with suit to the hundred and to the shire, and therefore exempted in other respects. Their rents are very unequal, but in any case lower than those of the men immediately following. One very important feature admits of no dispute; the hundredors are described as servi, that is villains, in opposition to the free tenants of the Abbot of Eynsham. We know already from the text that the hundredors, if the name be applied here as in the Ely Surveys, occupied an intermediate position, and in one sense had certainly to rank with the villains, people of base tenure belonging to the townships.
Even a more difficult example is contained in the fragment of the Warwickshire Hundred Roll. The oft-mentioned description of Stoneleigh in that document begins of course with the demesne land of the abbot, then mentions two villains and thirty free cotters holding ’ad terminum vitae.’ Then follows a list of five more free cotters. On the margin between the two sets we read ‘de hundred de Stonle.’ To whom does this phrase apply? There is nothing in the tenure which would enable us to make a positive distinction between the two sets, and it would seem that the expression has in view some duties assigned in the roll to the first thirty tenants in conjunction with the villains. It is written immediately in front of the following passage: ‘Omnes supradicti cotarii ipsius abbatis debent sectam ad curiam suam bis in anno. Et si contingat quod aliquis captus sit in dicto manerio debet imprisonari apud Stanle et tunc omnes villani et cotarii supradicti ipsum servabunt et in custodia eorum erit dum ibi fuerit sumptibus suis et sumptibus tocius manerii.’
The uncertainty of terminology is not without its meaning: the word ‘hundredarius’ did not get into general use, but it was used in several places for different purposes. It may apply to a bailiff of the hundred, perhaps to the alderman, to the standing representative of a village at the hundred court, and possibly to all the free men who had to do personal suit to this court. It is not in order to impose a uniform sense upon it, that I have treated of it at this length. But in one of its meanings, in that which is given by the Ely Surveys, we find a convenient starting point for discussing the position of an important and interesting class in which the elements of freedom and servitude appear curiously mixed.
XII
It did not occur to the men of the thirteenth century that it would be important to distinguish between the different modes by which free tenements had been created. To draw the principal distinction was enough for all practical purposes. Stray notices occur however that give some insight into the matter. Very often we find tenements held per cartam, probably because this kind of title was rather exceptional and seemed to deserve a special mention, while commonly land was held without charter, on the strength of a ceremonial investiture by the lord. This last mode does not find uniform expression in the documents, but the implied opposition to holding by charter is sometimes stated in express terms which bring out one or the other feature of free land holding.
One of the questions addressed to the jurors—from whose verdicts the Hundred Rolls were made, was—Si aliquis liber sokemannus de antiquo dominico alii sokemanno vendiderit vel alio modo alienaverit aliquid tenendum libere per cartam870? The free sokeman’s tenure is meant, although the inquest is taken on ancient demesne soil, and the point is that none of these persons can alienate by charter, but must use the ceremonial surrender in the court of ancient demesne according to the custom of the manor. I have already drawn attention to the remarkable opposition between free customary tenure and holding by charter. It is chiefly important because it discloses a traditional element in the formation of the socman’s tenure.
The same traditional element appears in other cases in which the special position of the socman is not concerned. In Warwickshire a free tenant by sergeanty is said to hold his land without charter by warrant from ancient times, and the peculiar obligations of his sergeanty are described at some length871. The charter appears here in contrast with ancient ownership, to the origin of which no date can be assigned. A similar case is that of Over, Cambs.872 Robert de Aula holds two virgates of the Abbot of Ramsey de antiquo conquestu and seven virgates de antiquo. Further on a certain Robert Mariot is mentioned holding five virgates of Robert de Aula de antiquo feffamento. The weight falls, in all these expressions, on the de antiquo, which may even appear without any further qualification. Of these qualifications one is interesting in itself, I mean ‘de conquestu.’ In the language of those times it may stand either 1, for conquest in the sense in which that term is now commonly used, or 2, for purchase, or 3, for occupation. The first of these meanings is naturally out of the question in our case. The second does not apply if we take heed how the expressions interchange: it could be replaced by feoffamentum in the third instance, and could not have fallen out after de antiquo in the second. Ancient occupation fits well, and such a construction is supported by other passages. In Ayllington (Elton), Hunts, e.g., we find the chief free tenants all, with one exception, holding de conquestu in contrast with the mesne tenants who are said to hold per cartam. The opposition is again clearly between traditional occupation and new feoffment settled by written instrument. In Sawtrey Beaumeys, on the other hand, the mode of holding de conquestu seems exceptional873.
Another terminological opposition which finds expression in the surveys is that between men who hold per homagium and those who hold per fidelitatem. It seems to be commonly assumed that free tenements owe homage, but without disputing the point in a general way I shall call attention to the description of Kenilworth in the Warwickshire Roll, in which libere tenentes are said to hold per fidelitatem et nullum faciunt homagium874. The deviation must probably be accounted for by the fact that the castle of Kenilworth was Royal demesne and had been given to Edmund, the brother of King Edward I; the peculiar condition described was certainly a species of customary freehold or socman’s tenure.
The upshot is, that we find in the Hundred Rolls traces of freeholds possessed by ancient tenure, ‘without charter and warrant,’ according to customs which came down from the time of the Conquest, or the original occupation of the land, or from a time beyond memory. The examples given are stray instances but important nevertheless, because we may well fancy that in many cases such facts escaped registration. And now how are all these traces of the ‘traditional’ element to be expressed in legal language? From what source did the right of such people flow? How did they defend it in case it was contested?
The absence of a charter is not by itself a reason to consider this kind of tenure as separated from the usual freehold. A feoffment might well be made without a charter875. As long as the form of the investiture by the lord had been kept, it was sufficient to create or to transmit the free tenancy. But the warranty of the lord and the feoffment were necessary as a rule. And here we find cases in which there is no warranty, and the lord is not appealed to as a feoffor. They must be considered as held by surrender and admittance in court and as being in this respect like the tenements of the sokemen. I do not see any other alternative. As to the sokemen we find indeed, that their right is contrasted with feoffment and at the same time considered as a kind of free tenancy, that it is defended by manorial writs, and at the same time well established in custom876. But can we say that the warranty of the lord is less prominent in this case than in the liberum tenementum created by the usual feudal investiture? Surrender seems to go even further in the direction of a resumption by the lord of a right which he has conferred on the dependent. If surrender stood alone, one would be unable to see in what way this customary procedure could be taken as an expression of ‘communal guarantee.’ But the surrender is coupled with admittance. The action of the steward called upon to transmit by his rod the possession of a plot of land is indissolubly connected with the action of the court which has to witness and to approve the transaction. The suitors of the court in their collective capacity come very characteristically to the front in the admittance of the socman, and it is on their communal testimony that the whole transaction has to rest. The Rolls of Stoneleigh and of King’s Ripton give many a precious hint on this subject877.
I speak of the socmen in ancient demesne, but there can be no doubt that originally the different classes of this group called socmen were constantly confused and treated as one and the same condition. The free socmen and the base or bond socmen, the population of manors in the hands of the crown, of those which had passed from the crown to subjects, and, last but not least, a vast number of small proprietors who held in chief from the king without belonging to the military class, and without a clearly settled right to a free tenement—all these were treated more or less as variations of one main type. What held them together was the suit owed to some court of a Royal Manor which had ‘soke’ over them878. Ultimately classification became more rigid, and theoretically more clear; free and socman’s tenure were fused into the one ‘socage’ tenure, well known to later law, but we must not forget that Common Law Socage is derived historically from a very special relation, and that the socman appears even in terminology as distinct from the ‘libere tenens.’ I must admit, however, that it is only with the help of the documents of Saxon times and of the Conquest period, that it will be possible to establish conclusively the character of the tenure as that of a ‘customary freehold.’
XIII
See pp. 233, 234.
The passage on which the text of these two pages is based may be found in a Survey of the Dunstaple Priory. The portion immediately concerned is inscribed: ‘Notulae de terris in Segheho’ (ff. 7, 8). The Walter de Wahull in question is probably the baron of that name (Dugdale, Baron. I. 504), who joined the rebellion of 1173 along with the Earl of Leicester, and was made a prisoner (Rad. de Diceto I. 377, 378; Ann. Dunstapl. 21).
Harl. MS. 1885, f. 7.
§ Tempore conquestus terrae, Dominus de Wahull et Dominus de la Leie diviserunt inter se feudum de Walhull’, widelicet, Dominus de Walhull’ habuit duas partes, et Dominus de la Lee, tertiam, scilicet, unus xx. milites, et alius x. Volens autem Dominus de Wahull’ retinere ad opus suum totum parcum de Segheho, et totum dominicum de Broccheburg’, fecit metiri tertiam partem in bosco et in plano. Postea, fecit metiri tantumdem terrae, ad mensuram praedictae tertiae partis, in loco qui nunc vocatur Nortwde, et in bosco vicino, qui tunc vocabatur Cherlewde; et abegit omnes rusticos qui in praedicto loco juxta praedictum boscum manebant. Hiis ita gestis, mensurata est terra de Segheho, et inventae sunt viii. ydae vilenagiae. De hiis viii. ydis conputata est quarta acra ad unam summam, et inventa est quod haec summa valebat tertiam partem parci et dominici. Dedit ergo Dominus de Wahull’ Domino de la Leie, scilicet, Stephano, pro tertia parte quam debuit sortiri in bosco et in dominico, culturas praedictorum rusticorum, et boscum qui nunc vocabatur Cherlewd’, nunc Nortwd’. Dominus autem de la Leie dedit hanc terram Bald’ militi suo, patri Roberti de Nortwd’. Et inter terram praedictorum rusticorum habuimus de dono ecclesiae unam acram. Pro hac acra Robertus pater Gileberti dedit nobis [in] escambium aliam acram quae abutiat ad Fenmed’, et jacet ad vest, juxta terram Nigelli de Chaltun’. De ista praedicta acra in Nortwd’ quae nostra fuit, jacet roda una ad lomputtes, scilicet, roda capitalis. Alia roda jacet ad uest curiae Roberti praedicti; quae curia ipsius Roberti primo fuit ad uest, quam post obitum patris mutavit, transferendo horrea sua de uest usque hest. Tres gorae jacent pro dimidia acra, et abutiant ex una parte versus viam quae dicitur via de Nortwd’, et ex alia parte versus Edmundum filium Uctred’. Procedente tempore, tempore guerrae praedictae viii. ydae et ceterae de Segheho fuerunt occupatae a multis injuste; et ob hoc recognitio fuit facta coram Waltero de Wahull’, et coram Hugone de Leia, et in plena curia, per vi. senes, et per ipsum Robertum, de hac nostra acra et de omnibus aliis terris, scilicet, quae acrae ad quas hidas pertineant: et per hanc recognitionem, restituit nobis Robertus praedictam acram. Uctredus drengus mansit ad uest de via de Nortwde, et grangiae ejus fuerunt ex alia parte viae, scilicet, hest.
Tempore quo omnes tenentes de Segheho, scilicet, Milites, liberi homines, et omnes alii incerti et nescii fuerunt de terris et tenementis ville, et singuli dicebant alios injuste plus aliis possidere, omnes communi consilio, coram Dominis de Wahul’ et de la Leie, tradiderunt terras suas per provisum seniorum et per mensuram pertici quasi novus conquestus dividendas, et unicuique rationabiliter assignandas. Eo tempore recognovit Radulfus Fretetot quod antecessores sui et ipse injuste tenuerant placiam quandam sub castello, que placia per distributores et per perticam mensurata est, et divisa in xvj buttos; et jacent hii butti ad Fulevell’, et abut[tant] sursum ad croftas ville. Hii butti ita partiti sunt. Octo yde sunt in Segheho de vilenagio: singulis ydis assignati sunt ii. butti. Ecclesiae vero dotata fuit de dimidia yda: ad hanc dimidiam ydam assignatus fuit unus buttus: sed postquam illum primum habuimus, bis seminatus fuit, et non amplius, quia ceteri omnes non excol[un]t ibi terram, sed ad pascua reservant: un[de] est, quia locus remotus est, nec pratum habemus nec bladum.
He terre prenominate sunt in campo qui dicitur Hestfeld. Summa, xix acre et tres rode.
XIV
Cotton MS. Galba E. X. f. 19.
Hec est firma unius cuiusque uille que reddit plenam firmam duarum ebdomadarum.
Duodecim quarteria farine ad panem monachorum suorumque hospitum que singula faciunt quinque treias Ramesie, et unaqueque treia appreciatur duodecim denariis precium uniuscuiusque quarterii fuit quinque sol. Summa precii 12 quarteriorum, 60 sol. et 2 millia panum uillarum uel 4 quarteria ad usum seruientium. Precium unius mille dimidiam marcam argenti. Summa precii integra marca. Ad potum 24 missa de grut quarum singulas faciunt una treia Ramesii et una ringa. Appreciatur una missa 12 den. Summa precii de brasio 32 sol. sunt et 2 septaria mellis 32 den. sunt summa precii 5 sol. et 4 den.
Ad compadium 4 libre in denariis et decem pense lardi. Precium unius pense 5 sol. sunt. Summa precii 5 obol. Et decem pense casei. Precium unius pense 3 solidi sunt. Summa precii 30 sol. Et decem frenscengie peroptime. Precium uniuscuiusque sunt 6 den.—Et 14 agni. Agnus pro denario—Et 120 galline, 6 pro den.—Et 2000 ovorum. Precium unius mille 2 sol. sunt.—Et 2 tine butiri. Precium unius tine 40 den.—Et 2 treie fabarum. Prec. 1 treie 8 den. sunt. Et 24 misse prebende. Precium unius misse 8 den.—Summa precii totius supradicte firme 12 libre sunt et 15 sol. et 1 den. exceptis 4 libris supradictis, que solummodo debent dari in denariis de unaquaque plena firma duarum ebdomadarum. Et postquam hec omnia reddita fuerunt, firmarius persoluet 5 solidos in denariis, uno denario minus, et sic implebuntur 17 libre plenae in dica cellerarii et unum mille de allic sine dica et firmarius dabit present cellerario ter in anno sine dica.
Villa que reddit firmam plenam unius ebdomade, dimidium omnium supradictorum reddet. Excepto quod unaqueque villa cuiuslibet firme sit, uel duarum ebdomadarum, uel unius plene firme, uel unius lente firme, dabit equaliter ad mandatum pauperum 16 denarios de acra elemosin.
Villa que reddit lente firmam unius ebdomade, omnino sicut plena firma unius ebdomade reddet. Exceptis quinque pensis lardis et 5 pensis casei quas non dat set pro eis 40 solidos in denariis et alios 40 sol. sicut plena firma.
XV
Ayllington or Elton, Hunts, is remarkable on account of the contrast between its free and servile holdings, as described in the Hundred Rolls. It would be interesting to know whether the former are to be considered as ancient free tenements, or as the outcome of modern exemptions. The Hundred Rolls point in the first direction (ii. 656). Some of the tenements under discussion are said to be held de conquestu, and it would be impossible to put any other interpretation on this term than that of ‘original occupation.’ It means the same as the ‘de antiquo conquestu’ of other surveys (sup. p. 453).
But when we compare the inquisition published in the Ramsey Cartulary (Rolls Ser. i. 487 sqq.) we come upon a difficulty. There the holdings are constantly arranged under the two headings of virgatae operariae and virgatae positae ad censum, the population is divided into operarii and censuarii, and in one case we find even the following passage: ‘item quaelibet domus, habens ostium apertum versus vicum, tam de malmannis, quam de cotmannis et operariis, inveniret unum hominem ad lovebone, sine cibo domini, praeter Ricardum Pemdome, Henricum Franceys, Galfridum Blundy, Henricum le Monnier.’ And so most of the free people are actually called molmen, and this would seem to imply that they were libere tenentes only in consequence of commutation.
It seems to me that there is no occasion for such an inference. The molmen in the passage quoted are evidently the same as the censuarii of other passages, and although, in a general way, the expression mal was probably employed of quit-rents, still it was wide enough to interchange with gafol, and to designate all kinds of rents, without any regard to their origin. And of course, this is even more the case with census. Upon the whole, I do not see sufficient reason to doubt that we have freeholders before us who held their land and paid rent ever since the original occupation of the soil.
Footnotes
1 Miss Lamond’s edition of Walter of Henley did not appear until the greater part of my book was in type. I had studied the work in MS. So also I studied the Cartulary of Battle Abbey in MS. without being aware that it had been edited by Mr. Scargill Bird. Had Mr. Gomme’s Village Communities come to my hands at an earlier date I should have made more references to it.
2 English Historical Review, No. 1.
3 In his Considérations sur l’histoire de France.
4 History of Boroughs.
5 Ancient Rights of the Commons of England.
6 Quoted by Palgrave, English Commonwealth, i. 192, from the second edition of 1786. The first appeared in 1784.
7 The first edition of the Commentaries appeared in 1765. I have been using that of 1800.
8 ‘Es war eine Zeit, in der wir Unerhörtes und Unglaubliches erlebten, eine Zeit, welche die Aufmerksamkeit auf viele vergessene und abgelebte Ordnungen durch deren Zusammensturz hinzog.’ Niebuhr in the preface to the first volume of his Roman history, quoted by Wegele, Geschichte der deutschen Historiographie, 998.
9 Enquiry into the Rise and Progress of the Royal Prerogative, 1831.
10 History of the English Commonwealth, 1832; Normandy and England, 1840.
11 I do not give an analysis of Hallam’s remarkable chapters on England in his work on the Middle Ages (first edition, 1818), because they are mostly concerned with Constitutional history, and the notes on the classes of Saxon and Anglo-Norman Society are chiefly valuable as discussions of technical points of law. Hallam’s general position in historical literature must not be underrated; he is the English representative of the school which had Guizot for its most brilliant exponent on the Continent. In our subject, however, the turning-point in the development of research is marked by Palgrave, and not by Hallam. Heywood (Dissertation on Ranks and Classes of Society, 1818) is sound and useful, but cannot rank among the leaders.
12 Histoire de la conquête de l’Angleterre par les Normands.
13 Histoire du tiers état.
14 Histoire du droit municipal.
15 Prolégomènes au polyptyque de l’abbé Irminon.
16 Histoire des institutions de la France; Recherches sur quelques problèmes d’histoire.
17 Gregor von Tours und seine Zeit.
18 Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte.
19 Geschichte des Beneficialwesens, 1856; Feudalität und Unterthanenverband, 1863.
20 Roth is very strong on this point.
21 Ueber angelsächsische Rechtsverhältnisse, in the Munich Kritische Ueberschau, i. sqq. (1853).
22 K. Maurer is very near Waitz in this respect.
23 See especially his Englische Verfassungsgeschichte.
24 Einleitung in die Geschichte der Hof-, Dorf-, Mark-und Städteverfassung in Deutschland, 1 vol.; Geschichte der Frohnhöfe, 4 vol.; Geschichte der Dorfverfassung, 1 vol.; Geschichte der Markenverfassung, 1 vol.; Geschichte der Städteverfassung, 4 vol.
[25] Collected in 2 volumes of Agrarhistorische Untersuchungen.
26 Zur Geschichte der mittelalterlichen Feldgemeinschaft in England, 1869.
27 I do not mention some well-known books treating of medieval husbandry and social history, because I am immediately concerned only with those works which discuss the formation of the medieval system. Thorold Rogers, History of Agriculture and Prices, and Six Centuries of Work and Wages, begins with the close of the thirteenth century, and the passage from medieval organisation to modern times. Ochenkovsky, Die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung Englands am Ende des Mittelalters, and Kovalevsky, England’s Social Organisation at the close of the Middle Ages (Russian), start on their inquiry from even a later period.
28 Is it necessary to say that I am speaking of general currents of thought and not of the position of a man at the polling booth? An author may be personally a liberal and still his work may connect itself with a stream of opinion which is not in favour of liberalism. Again, one and the same man may fall in with different movements in different parts of his career. Actual life throws a peculiar light on the past: certain questions are placed prominently in view and certain others are thrown into the shade by it, so that the individual worker has to find his path within relatively narrow limits.
29 The last great German work on our questions, Lamprecht, Deutsches Wirthschaftsleben im Mittelalter, is nearer Maurer than Sternegg.
30 Thorold Rogers, History of Agriculture and Prices, i. 70; Six Centuries of Work and Wages, 44. Cf. Chandler, Five Court Rolls of Great Cressingham in the county of Norfolk, 1885, pp. viii, ix.
31 Stubbs, Seventeen Lectures, 304, 305; Maitland, Introduction to the Note-book of Bracton, 4 sqq.
32 Dial. de Scacc. ii. 10 (Select Charters, p. 222). Cf. i. 10; p. 192.
33 Glanville, v. 5; Bracton, 4, 5; Fleta, i. 2; Britton, ed. Nichols, i. 194.
34 Bracton, 5; Britton, i, 197. Pollock, Land-laws, App. C, is quite right as to the fundamental distinction between status and tenure, but he goes too far, I think, in trying to trace the steps by which names originally applying to different things got confused in the terminology of the Common Law. Annotators sometimes indulged in distinctions which contradict each other and give us no help as to the law. The same Cambridge MS. from which Nichols gives an explanation of servus, nativus, and villanus (i. 195) has a different etymology in a marginal note to Bracton. ‘Nativus dicitur a nativitate—quasi in servitute natus, villanus dicitur a villa, quasi faciens villanas consuetudines racione tenementi, vel sicut ille qui se recognoscit ad villanum in curia quae recordum habet, servus vero dicitur a servando quasi per captivitatem, per vim et injustam detentionem villanus captus et detentus contra mores et consuetudines juris naturalis’ (Cambr. Univers. MSS. Dd. vii. 6. I have the reference from my friend F.W. Maitland).
35 Placita Coram Rege, Easter, 14 Edw. I, m. 9: ‘Willelmus Barantyn et Radulfus attachiati fuerunt ad respondendum Agneti de Chalgraue de placito quare in ipsam Agnetem apud Chalgraue insultum fecerunt et ipsam verberaverunt, vulneraverunt et male tractaverunt, et bona et catalla sua in domibus ipsius Agnetis apud Chalgraue scilicet ordeum et avenam, argentum, archas et alia bona ad valenciam quadraginta solidorum ceperunt et asportaverunt; et ipsam Agnetem effugaverunt de uno mesuagio et dimidia virgata terre de quibus fuit in seysina per predictum Willelmum que fuerunt de antiquo dominico per longum tempus; nec permiserunt ipsam Agnetem morari in predicta villa de Chalgraue; et eciam quandam sororem ipsius Agnetis eo quod ipsa soror eam hospitavit per duas noctes de domibus suis eiecit, terra et catalla sua abstulit. Et predicti Willelmus et Radulfus veniunt. Et quo ad insultacionem et verberacionem dicunt quod non sunt inde culpabiles. Et quo ad hoc quod ipsa Agnes dicit quod ipsam eiecerunt de domibus et terris suis, dicunt quod predicta Agnes est natiua ipsius Willelmi et tenuit predicta tenementa in villenagio ad voluntatem ipsius Willelmi propter quod bene licebat eidem Willelmo ipsam de predicto tenemento ammouere.—Juratores dicunt... quod predicta tenementa sunt villenagium predicti Willelmi de Barentyn et quod predicta Agnes tenuit eadem tenementa ad voluntatem ipsius Willelmi.’ Cf. Y.B. 12/13 Edw. III (ed. Pike), p. 233 sqq., ‘or vous savez bien qe par ley de terre tout ceo qe le vileyn ad si est a soun seignour;’ 229 sqq., ‘qar cest sa terre demene, et il les puet ouster a sa volunte demene.’
36 Coram Rege, Mich., 3 4 Edw. I, m. 1: ‘Ricardus de Assheburnham summonitus fuit ad respondendum Petro de Attebuckhole et Johanni de eadem de placito quare, cum ipsi teneant quasdam terras et tenementa de predicto Ricardo in Hasseburnham ac ipsi parati sunt ad faciendum ei consuetudines et servicia que antecessores sui terras et tenementa illa tenentes facere consueverint, predictus Ricardus diversas commoditates quam ipsi tam in boscis ipsius Ricardi quam in aliis locis habere consueverint eisdem subtrahens ipsos ad intollerabiles servitutes et consuetudines faciendas taliter compellit quod ex sua duricia mendicare coguntur. Et unde queruntur quod, cum teneant tenementa sua per certas consuetudines et certa servicia, et cum percipere consueverunt boscum ad focum et materiam de bosco crescente in propriis terris suis, predictus Ricardus ipsos non permittit aliquid in boscis suis capere et eciam capit aueria sua et non permittit eos terram suam colere.—Ricardus dicit, quod non debet eis ad aliquam accionem respondere nisi questi essent de vita vel membris vel de iniuria facta corpori suo. Dicit eciam quod nativi sui sunt, et quod omnes antecessores sui nativi fuerunt antecessorum suorum et in villenagio suo manentes.’
37 Note-book of Bracton, pl. 1237: ‘dominus Rex non vult se de eis intromittere.’
38 It occurs in the oldest extant Plea Roll, 6 Ric. I; Rot. Cur. Regis, ed. Palgrave, p. 84: ‘Thomas venit et dicit quod ipsa fuit uxorata cuidam Turkillo, qui habuit duos filios qui clamabant libertatem tenementi sui in curia domini Regis... et quod ibi dirationavit eos esse villanos suos, et non defendit disseisinam... Et ipsi Elilda et Ricardus defendunt vilenagium et ponunt se super juratam,’ etc.
39 Maitland, Select Pleas of the Crown (Selden Soc. I), pl. 3: ‘Quendam nativum suum quem habuit in vinculis eo quod voluit fugere.’ Bract. Notebook, pl. 1041: ‘Petrus de Herefordia attachiatus fuit ad respondendum R. fil. Th. quare ipse cepit Ricardum et eum imprisonauit et coegit ad redempcionem 1 marce. Et Petrus venit alias et defendit capcionem et imprisonacionem set dicit quod villanus fuit,’ etc.
It must be noted, however, that in such cases it was difficult to draw the line as to the amount of bodily injury allowed by the law, and therefore the King’s courts were much more free to interfere. In the trial quoted on p. 45, note 2, the defendants distinguish carefully between the accusation and the civil suit. They plead ‘not guilty’ as to the former. And so Bishop Stubbs’ conjecture as to the ‘rusticus verberatus’ in Pipe Roll, 31 Henry I, p. 55 (Constit. Hist. i. 487), seems quite appropriate. The case is a very early one, and may testify to the better condition of the peasantry in the first half of the twelfth century.
40 As to the actual treatment experienced by the peasants at the hands of their feudal masters, see a picturesque case in Maitland’s Select Pleas of the Crown (Selden Soc.), 203.
41 Stubbs, Constitutional History, ii. 652, 654; Freeman, Norman Conquest, v. 477; Digby, Introduction to the Law of Real Property, 244.
42 Sir Thomas Smith, The Commonwealth of England, ed. 1609, p. 123, shows that the notion of two classes corresponding to the Roman servus and the Roman adscriptus glebae had taken root firmly about the middle of the sixteenth century. ‘Villeins in gross, as ye would say immediately bond to the person and his heirs.... (The adscripti) were not bond to the person but to the mannor or place, and did follow him who had the mannors, and in our law are called villains regardants (sic), for because they be as members or belonging to the mannor or place. Neither of the one sort nor of the other have we any number in England. And of the first I never knew any in the Realme in my time. Of the second so fewe there bee, that it is not almost worth the speaking, but our law doth acknowledge them in both these sorts.’
43 Section 182 is not quite consistent with such an exposition, but I do not think there can be any doubt as to the general doctrine.
44 I need not say that the work done by Mr. Horwood, and especially by Mr. Pike, for the Rolls’ Series quite fulfil the requirements of students. But in comparison with it the old Year Books in Rastall’s, and even more so in Maynard’s edition, appear only the more wretchedly misprinted.
45 For instance, Liber Assisarum, ann. 44, pl. 4 (f. 283): ‘Quil fuit son villein et il seisi de luy come de son villein come regardant a son maneir de B. en la Counte de Dorset.’
46 Y.B. Hil. 5 Edw. II: ‘Iohan de Rose port son [ne] vexes vers Labbe de Seint Bennet de Holme, et il counta qil luy travaille, etc., e luy demande.’ Migg.: ‘defent tort et force, ou et quant il devera et dit qil fuist le vilein Labbe, per qi il ne deveroit estre resceve.’ Devom.: ‘il covient qe vous disez plus qe vous estes seisi, ut supra,’ etc. Migg.: ‘il est nostre vileyn, et nous seisi de luy come de nostre vileyn.’ Ber.: ‘Coment seisi come,’ etc.? Migg.: ‘de luy et de ces auncestres come de nos vileynes, en fesant de luy nostre provost en prenant de luy rechate de char et de saunk et redemption pur fille et fitz marier de luy et de ces auncestres et a tailler haut et bas a nostre volente, prest,’ etc. (Les reports des cases del Roy Edward le II. London, 1678; f. 157.)
47 I do not think it ever came into any one’s mind to look at the Plea Rolls in this matter. Even Hargrave, when preparing his famous argument in Somersett’s case, carried his search no further than the Year Books then in print. And in consequence he just missed the true solution. He says (Howell’s State Trials, xx. 42, 43),’As to the villeins in gross the cases relative to them are very few; and I am inclined to think that there never was any great number of them in England.... However, after a long search, I do find places in the Year Books where the form of alledging villenage in gross is expressed, not in full terms, but in a general way; and in all the cases I have yet seen, the villenage is alledged in the ancestors of the person against whom it was pleaded.’ And he quotes 1 Edw. II, 4; 5 Edw. II, 157 (corr. for 15); 7 Edw. II, 242, and 11 Edw. II, 344. But all these cases are of Edward II’s time, and instead of being exceptional give the normal form of pleading as it was used up to the second quarter of the fourteenth century. They looked exceptional to Hargrave only because he restricted his search to the later Year Books, and did not take up the Plea Rolls. By admitting the cases quoted to indicate villainage in gross, he in fact admitted that there were only villains in gross before 1350 or thereabouts, or rather that all villains were alike before this time, and no such thing as the difference between in gross and regardant existed. I give in App. I the report of the interesting case quoted from 1 Edw. II.
48 Y.B. 32/33 Edw. I (Horwood), p. 57: ‘Quant un home est seisi de son vilein, issi qil est reseant dans son vilenage.’ Fitzherbert, Abr. Vill. 3 (39 Edw. III): ‘... villeins sunt appendant as maners qe sount auncien demesne.’ On the other hand, ‘regardant’ is used quite independently of villainage. Y.B. 12/13 Edw. III (Pike), p. 133: ‘come services regardaunts al manoir de H.’
49 Y.B. Hil. 14 Edw. II, f. 417: ‘R. est bailli... del manoir de Clifton... deins quel manoir cesti J. est villein.’
51 Y.B. Trin. 9 Edw. II, f. 294: ‘Le manoir de H. fuit en ascun temps en la seisine Hubert nostre ael, a quel manoir cest vileyn est regardant.’
52 Y.B. Trin. 29 Edw. III, f. 41. For the report of this case and the corresponding entry in the Common Pleas Roll, see Appendix II.
53 Cf. Annals of Dunstaple, Ann. Mon. iii. 371: ‘Quia astrarius eius fuit,’ in the sense of a person living on one’s land.
54 Bracton, f. 267, b.
55 Bract. Note-book, pl. 230, 951, 988. Cf. Spelman, Gloss. v. astrarius. Kentish Custumal, Statutes of the Realm, i. 224. Fleta has it once in the sense of the Anglo-Saxon heorð-fæst, i. cap. 47, § 10 (f. 62).
56 Bracton, f. 190.
57 Littleton, sect. 187. Cf. Fortescue, ‘De laudibus legum Angliae,’ c. 42.
58 Littleton, sect. 188.
59 Bracton, ff. 5, 193, b.
60 I need not say that there were very notable variations in the history of the Roman rule itself (cf. for instance, Puchta, Institutionen, § 211), but these do not concern us, as we are taking the Roman doctrine as broadly as it was taken by medieval lawyers.
61 Mater certa est. Gai. Inst. i. 82.
62 See Fitz. Abr. Villenage, pl. 5 (43 Edw. III): ‘Ou il allege bastardise pur ceo qe si son auncestor fuit bastard il ne puit estre villein, sinon par connusance.’ There was a special reason for turning the tables in favour of bastardy, which is hinted at in this case. The bastard’s parents could not be produced against a bastard. He had no father, and his mother would be no proof against him because she was a woman [Fitz. Abr. Vill. 37 (13 Edw. I), Par ce qe la feme ne puit estre admise pur prove par lour fraylte et ausi cest qi est demaunde est pluiz digne person qe un feme]. It followed strictly that he could be a villain by confession, but not by birth. The fact is a good instance of the insoluble contradictions in which feudal law sometimes involved itself.
63 Bracton, f. 5: ‘Servus ratione qui se copulaverit villanae in villenagio constitutae.’ Bract. Note-book, 1839: ‘Juratores dicunt quod predictus Aluredus habuit duos fratres Hugonem [medium] medio tempore natum et Gilibertum postnatum qui nunc petit, set Hugo cepit quamdam terram in uillenagio et duxit uxorem [uillanam] et in uillenagio illo procreauit quemdam filium qui ad huc superest.... Et bene dicunt quod... iste Gilibertus propinquior heres eius est, ea racione quod filius Hugonis genitus fuit in uillenagio.’
64 Y.B. 30/31 Edw. I, p. 167 sqq.: ‘Usage de Cornwall est cecy qe la ou neyfe deyt estre marier hors de maner ou ele est reseant, qe ele trovera seurte... de revenir a son ny ov ses chateux apres la mort de son baroun.’ Bracton, f. 26, ‘Quasi avis in nido.’
65 Bract. Note-book, pl. 702: ‘Nota quod libera femina maritata uillano non recuperat partem alicuius hereditatis quamdiu uillanus uixerit.’
66 Bract. Note-book, pl. 1837: ‘Nota quod mulier que est libera uel in statu libero saltem ad minus non debet disseisiri quin recuperare possit per assisam quamuis nupta fuerit uillano set hereditatem petere non poterit.’ Bract. Note-book, pl. 1010: ‘Et uillani mori poterunt per quod predicte sorores petere possint ius suum.’ Fitzherb. Villen. 27 (P. 7 Edw. II.): ‘Les femmes sont sans recouverie vers le seignior uiuant leur barons pur ce que ils sont villens.’ Cf. Bracton, f. 202.
67 Another instance of the influence of marriage on the condition of contracting parties is afforded by the enfranchisement of the wife in certain cases. The common law was, however, by no means settled as to this point. Y.B. 30/31 Edw. I, p. 167 sqq.: ‘La ou le seygnur espouse sa neyfe, si est enfranchi pur toz jurs; secus est la ou un homme estrange ly espose, qe donk nest ele enfraunchi si non vivant son baroun, et post mortem viri redit ad pristinum statum.’ Fitzherb. Vill. 21 (P. 33 Edw. III): ‘Si home espouse femme qe est son villein el est franke durant les espousailles. Mes quand son baron est mort el est in statu quo prius, et issint el puis estre villein a son fils demesne.’ It is quite likely that gentlemen sometimes got into a state of moral bondage to their own bondwomen, and were even led to marriage in a few instances, but the law had not much to feed upon in this direction, I imagine.
68 Fitzherbert, Vill. 24 (H. 50 Edw. III; P. 40 Edw. III, 17): ‘Si home demurt en terre tenue en villenage de temps dount, etc., il sera villen, et est bon prescripcion et encountre tel prescripcion est bon ple a dire qe son pere ou ayle fuit adventiffe,’ etc. I suppose ayle here to be a simple error for ayl or ael, grandfather.
69 Cambridge Univ., Dd. vij. 6, f. 231: ‘Nota de tempore quo servus dicere poterit quia fecerit consuetudines villanas racione tenementi non racione persone. Et sciendum, quod quamdiu servus poterit verificare stipitem suam liberam non dicitur nativus, set quam citius dominus dicere poterit villicus noster est ex auo et tritauo, tunc primo desinit gaudere replicacione omnimoda et privilegio libertatis racione stipitis, ut si A. primo ingressus villenagium tenuerit de F. per villana servitia, deinde B. filius A., deinde C. filius B., deinde D. filius C., et sic tenuerint in villenagium de gradu in gradum usque ad quartum gradum de F. et heredibus suis, ille uillanus inuentus in quinto gradu descendente natiuus dicitur.’ I am indebted for this passage to the kindness of Prof. Maitland.
70 Britton, i. 196, 206.
71 Hale, Pleas of the Crown (ed. 1736), ii. 298, gives an interesting record from Edward I’s reign, which shows that even the general theory was doubtful.
72 Dial. de Scacc. i. 10. p. 193: ‘Ea propter pene quicumque sic hodie occisus reperitur, ut murdrum punitur, exceptis his quibus certa sunt ut diximus servilis condicionis indicia.’ On the other hand the Dialogus lays stress on the fact, that if a villain’s chattels get confiscated they go to the king and not to the lord (ii. 10. p. 222), but this is regarded as a breach of a general principle.
73 Glanville, xiv. 1: ‘Per ferrum callidum si fuerit homo liber, per aquam si fuerit rusticus.’
74 Lighter offences committed by the lord could not give rise to prosecution, but the persona standi in iudicio was admitted in a general way even in this case. A curious illustration of the different footing of villains in civil and criminal cases is afforded by a trial of Richard I’s time. Richard of Waure brings an appeal against his man and reeve, Robert Thistleful, for conspiring with his enemies against his person. He offers to prove it against him, ‘ut dominus, vel ut homo maimatus, sicut curia consideraverit.’ Reeves were mostly villains, and the duty of serving as a reeve was considered as a characteristic of base condition. The lord probably goes to the King’s court because he wants his man subjected to more severe punishment than he could inflict on him by his own power. (Rot. Cur. Regis Ricardi, 60.)
75 The lord had power over their property, but against everybody else they were protected by the criminal law.
76 Sometimes the system is used so as to enforce servitude. See Court Rolls of Ramsey Abbey. Augmentation Court Rolls, Edw. I, Portf. 34, No. 46, m. 1 d. (Aylington): ‘Adhuc dicunt quod Johannes filius Ricardi Dunning est tannator et manet apud Heyham, set dat per annum pro recognicione duos capones. Et quia potens est et habet multa bona, preceptum fuit Hugoni Achard et eius decennae ad ultimum visum ad habendum ipsum ad istam curiam, et non habuit. Ideo ipse et decenna sua in misericordia.’ (This case is now being printed in Selden Soc. vol. ii. p. 64.)
77 Bracton, 124 b: ‘Quia omnis homo siue liber siue seruus, aut est aut debet esse in franco plegio aut de alicuius manupastu, nisi sit aliquis itinerans de loco in locum, qui non plus se teneat ad unum quam ad alium, vel quid habeat quod sufficiat pro franco plegio, sicut dignitatem vel ordinem vel liberum tenementum, vel in civitatem rem immobilem.’ Nichols, Britton, i. 181, gives a note from Cambr. MS. Dd. vii. 6, to the effect that ‘Villeins and naifs ought not to be in tithings, secundum quosdam.’ This is certainly a misunderstanding, but it can hardly be accounted for either by the enfranchisement of the peasant or the decay of the frank-pledge. I think the annotator may have seen the passages in Leg. Cnuti or Leg. Henrici I, which speak about free men joining the tithings, or speculated about the meaning of ‘plegium liberale.’ There could be no thought of excluding the villains in practice during the feudal period. As to the allusion in the Mirror of Justices, I shall refer to it in Appendix III.
78 See below, Essay I. chap. vi.
79 Bract. Note-book, pl. 1256: ‘Et Ricardus dicit quod assisa non debet inde fieri quia predictus Iohannes dedit terram illam cuidam uillano ipsius Ricardi, et ipse uillanus reddidit terram illam domino suo sicut emptam catallis domini sui, et quod ita ingressum habuit per uillanum illum in terram illam ponit se super iuratam.’ Liber Assisarum, ann. 41. pl. 4. f. 252, shows that the statute de religiosis could be evaded by the lord entering into his villain’s acquest. ‘Levesque d’Exester port un Assise de no. diss. vers le tenaunt et Persey pur Leuesque en euidence dit, que un A. que fuit villeine le Evesque come de droit de sa Eglise purchase les tenements a luy et ses heyres et morust seisie, apres que mort entra B. come fitz et heire, sur que possession pur cause de villeinage entra Leuesque.—Wich. Home de religion ne puit pas recoverer per assise terre si title de droit ne soit troue en luy, et ou le title que est trouue en Leuesque est pur cause de la purchace de son villein, en quel cas Leuesque ne fuit compellable de entre sil nust vola mes puit auer eu ses seruices, et le statute voit Quod terrae et tenementa ad manum mortuam nullo modo deueniant, per que il semble que nous ne possomus pas doner iudgement pur Leuesque en ceo cas. Sanke: de son villein ne puit il pas leuer ses seruices, ne accepter lesse par sa maine, car a ceo que ieo entend par acceptacion de homage ou de fealty per sa maine il serra enfraunchi, per quey necessite luy arcte dentre, et le statut nestoit pas fait mes de restreindre purchaus a faire de nouel, et non pas a defaire ceo qe fuit launcien droit dez eglises. Et sur ceo fuerent aiournes en common bank, et illonque le judgement done pur Leuesque sans difficultie,’ etc. (See also the report of the same case in Y.B. Mich. 41 Edw. III, pl. 8. f. 21.)
80 Bracton, f. 25: ‘Si... stipulatus sit servus sibi ipsi, et non domino, id non statim acquiritur domino, quamuis illud (corr. ille) sit sub voluntate et potestate sua, antequam dominus apprehensus fuerit possessionem. Quod quidem impune facere poterit, si voluerit, propter exceptionem,’ etc. Fitz. Abr. Vill. pl. 22 (Pasch. 35 Edw. III): ‘Si le villen le roy purchase biens ou chatteux le properte de eux est en le roy sauns seisier. Mes auter est de auter home, etc. Mes sil purchas terre le roy doit seisier, etc. car Thorp. dit que terre demurt terre tout temps, mes biens come boefs ou vache puit estre mange.’
81 Bracton, f. 25 b: ‘Sic constat, quod qui sub potestate alterius fuerit, dare poterit. Sed qualiter hoc cum ipse, qui ab aliis possidetur, nihil possidere possit? Ergo videtur quod nihil dare possit, quia non potest quis dare quod non habet, et nisi fuerit in possessione rei dandae. Respondeo, dare potest qui seisinam habet qualemcunque, et servus dare potest,’ etc. In case of an execution for debt due to the king the goods of the villain were to be taken only when the lord’s goods were exhausted. Dialog. de Scacc. ii. 14. p. 229.
82 Bracton, f. 190: ‘Et non competit alicui hujusmodi exceptio de villenagio, praeterquam vero domino, nisi utrumque probet, scilicet quod villanus sit et teneat in villenagio, cum per hoc sequatur, quod ad ipsum non pertineat querela sive assisa, sed ad verum dominum, et ideo cadit assisa quantum ad personam suam et non quantum ad personam domini.’ Cf. Britton, i. 325.
83 Britton, i. 199; Littleton, 189; Bract. Note-book, pl. 1025: ‘Assisa venit recognitura utrum una uirgata terre cum pertinenciis in R. sit libera elemosina pertinens ad ecclesiam Magistri Iohannis de R. de R. an laicum feodum Gaufridi Beieudehe. Qui venit et dicit quod non debet inde assisa fieri quia antecessores sui feoffati fuerunt a conquestu Anglie ita quod tenerent de ecclesia illa et redderent ei per annum x. solidos.... Iuratores dicunt quod terra illa est feodum eiusdem ecclesie ita quod idem G. et antecessores sui semper tenuerunt de ecclesia.... Et dicunt quod idem Gaufridus est natiuus Comitis Warenne et de eo tenet in uilenagio aliud tenementum. Postea uenit Gaufridus et cognouit quod est uillanus Comitis Warenne. Postea concordati sunt,’ etc.
84 Example, Fitz. Abr. Villen. 16. The proper reply to such a plea is shown by Bract. Note-book, pl. 1833: ‘Et Iohannes dicit quod hoc ei nocere non debet, quia quicquid idem dicat de uillenagio, ipsemet ut liber homo sine contradiccione domini sui terram illam dedit Iohanni del Frid patri istius Iohannis pro homagio et seruicio suo... Consideratum est quod predictus Iohannes recuperauit seisinam suam, et Richerus in misericordia.’ Liber Assis. ann. 43. pl. 1. f. 265 gives the contrary decision: ‘Lassise agarde et prise, per quel il fuit troue quil [le defendant] fuit villein al Counte.... mes troue fuit ouster que le Counte ne fut unques seisie de la terre, ne onques claima riens en la terre, et troue fuit que le plaintif fuit seisie et disseisie. Et sur ceo, le quel le plaintif recouerer, ou que le brief abateroit sont ajornes deuant eux mesmes a Westminster. A que jour per opinion de la Court le briefe abatu, per que le plaintif fuit non sue,’ etc.
85 A different view is taken by Stubbs, i. 484.
86 Digby, Real Property, 3rd ed. p. 128. I may say at once that I fail to see any connexion between copyhold tenure and any express agreements between lord and villain.
87 Bracton, 192 b: ‘Si autem dominus ita dederit sine manumissione, servo et heredibus suis tenendum libere, presumi poterit de hoc quod servum voluit esse liberum, cum aliter servus heredes habere non possit nisi cum libertate et ita contra dominum excipientem de villenagio competit ei replicatio.’ Cf. 23 b and Britton, i. 247; Fleta, 238; Littleton, secs. 205, 207.
88 Bracton, 24 b: ‘Si autem in charta hoc tantum contineatur, habendum et tenendum tali (cum sit servus) per liberum servitium huiusmodi verba non faciunt servum liberum nec dant ei liberum tenementum... Quia tenementum nichil confert nec detrahit personae, nisi praecedat, ut dictum est, homagium vel manumissio, vel quod tantundem valet de concessione domini, scilicet quod villanus libere teneat et quiete et per liberum servitium, sibi et haeredibus suis. Si autem hoc solum dicatur, quod teneat per liberum servitium [sibi et heredibus suis], si ejectus fuerit a quocunque non recuperet per assisam noue disseisine, ut liberum tenementum, quia domino competit assisa et non villano. Si tamen dominus ipsum ejecerit, quaeritur, an contra dominum agere possit de conventione, cum prima facie non habet personam standi in judicio ad hoc, quod dominus teneat ei conventionem, videtur quod sic, propter factum domini sui, ut si agat de conventione, et dominus excipiat de servitute, replicare poterit de facto domini sui, sicut supra dicitur de feoffamento. Nec debent jura juvare dominum contra voluntatem suam, quia semel voluit conventionem, et quamvis damnum sentiat, non tamen fit ei injuria et ex quo prudenter et scienter contraxit cum servo suo, tacite renunciavit exceptionem villenagii.’
89 The freehold would be given and still ‘non recuperet per assisam no. diss. quia domino competit assisa et non villano.’
90 See my article, ‘The Text of Bracton,’ in the Law Quarterly Review, i. 189, et sqq.; and Maitland, Introduction to the Note-book of Bracton, 26 sqq.
91 The Cambridge MSS. have been inspected for me by Mr. Maitland.
92 Comp. Bracton, f. 194 b: ‘Quia ex quo mentionem fecit de heredibus praesumitur vehementer, quod dominus voluit servum esse liberum quod quidem non esset, si de heredibus mentionem non fecerit.’
93 Bracton, f. 208 b: ‘Est etiam villenagium non ita purum, sive concedatur libero homini vel villano ex conventione tenendum pro certis servitiis et consuetudinibus nominatis et expressis, quamvis servitia et consuetudines sunt villanae. Et unde si liber ejectus fuerit vel villanus manumissus vel alienatus (corr. alienus best MSS.) recuperare non poterunt ut liberum tenementum, cum sit villenagium et cadit assisa, vertitur tamen in juratam ad inquirendum de conventione propter voluntatem dimittentis et consensum, quia si quaerentes in tali casu recuperarint villenagium, non erit propter hoc domino injuriatum propter ipsius voluntatem et consensum, et contra voluntatem suam jura ei non subveniunt, quia si dominus potest villanum manumittere et feoffare multo fortius poterit ei quandam conventionem facere, et quia si potest id quod plus est, potest multo fortius id quod minus est.’ We have here another difficulty with the text. The wording is so closely allied to the passage on 24 b. just quoted, and the last sentences seem to indicate so clearly that the case of a privileged villain is here opposed to manumission and feoffment, that the ‘villanus manumissus vel alienus’ looks quite out of place. Is it a later gloss? Even if it is retained, however, the passage points to a very material limitation of the lord’s power. The holding in question can certainly not be described as being held ‘at will.’ To me the words in question look like a gloss or an addition, although very probably they were inserted early, perhaps by Bracton himself, who found it difficult to maintain consistently a villain’s contractual rights against the lord. Another solution of the difficulty is suggested to me by Sir Frederick Pollock. He thinks ‘villanus manumissus vel alienus’ correct, and lays stress on the fact, that personal condition does not matter in this case: that even though the tenant be free or quoad that lord as good as free, the assize lies not and there shall only be an action on the covenant. If we accept this explanation which saves the words under suspicion, we shall have to face another difficulty: the text would turn from villanus (suus) to villanus alienus and back to villanus (suus) without any intimation that the subject under discussion had been altered.
94 The later practice is well known. Any agreement with a bondman led to a forfeiture of the lord’s rights. It may be seen at a glance that such could not have been the original doctrine. Otherwise why should the old books lay such stress on the mention of heirs?
95 Besides the case from the Note-book which I discuss in the text, Bracton, f. 199, is in point: ‘Item esto quod villanus teneat per liberum servitium sibi tantum, nulla facta mentione de heredibus, si cum ejectus fuerit proferat assisam, et cum objecta fuerit exceptio villenagii, replicet quod libere teneat et petat assisam, non valebit replicatio, ex quo nulla mentio facta est de heredibus, quia liberum tenementum in hoc casu non mutat statum, si fuerit sub potestate domini constitutus. Ut in eodem itinere (in ultimo itinere Martini de Pateshull) in comitatu Essex, assisa noue disseisine, si Radulphus de Goggenhal.’ The villain fails in his assize and there has been no manumission, still it seems admitted that in this case the villain has acquired liberum tenementum by the lord’s act. How can this be except on the supposition that there is a covenant enforceable by the villain against the lord?
96 Bract. Note-book, pl. 1814: ‘Nota quod filius villani recuperat per assisam noue disseisine terram quam pater suus tenuit in villenagio quia dominus villani illam dedit filio suo per cartam suam eciam sine manumissione.’
97 F.W. Maitland tells me, that Concanen’s Report of Rowe v. Brenton describes bond conventioners in Cornwall.
98 Bracton, f. 6: ‘Et in hoc legem habent contra dominos, quod stare possunt in judicio contra eos de vita et membris propter saevitiam dominorum, vel propter intollerabilem injuriam, ut si eos destruant, quod salvum non possit eis esse waynagium suum. [Hoc autem verum est de illis servis, qui tenent de antiquo dominico coronae, sed de aliis secus est, quia quandocunque placuerit domino, auferre poterit a villano suo waynagium suum et omnia bona sua.] Expedit enim reipublicae ne quis re sua male utatur.’
99 See my article in the L.Q.R., i. 195.
100 Bracton, f. 196-202.
101 Coram Rege, 15 Edw. I, m. 18: ‘... licet habeant alia averia per que distringi possent distringit eos per averia de carucis suis quod est contra statutum domini Regis.’ (Record Office.)
102 Spence, Equitable Jurisdiction, i. 136.
103 The Mirror of Justices, p. 110, follows Britton in this matter. This curious book is altogether very interesting on the subject of villeinage, but as its information is of a very peculiar stamp, I have not attempted to use it currently on the same level with other authorities. I prefer discussing it by itself in App. III.
104 Bracton, f. 26 b, 200. Cf. Bract. Note-book, pl. 141: ‘Dicit quod tunc temporis scilicet in itinere iusticiariorum tenuit ipse quamdam terram in uillenagium quam emerat, et tunc cognouit quod terra illa fuit uillenagium, et precise defendit quod nunquam cognouit se esse uillanum.’
105 Britton, ii. 13; Y.B. 20/21 Edw. I, p. 41: ‘Kar nent plus neit a dire, jeo tenk les tenements en vileynage de le Deen etc. ke neit a dire ke jeo tenk les tenements... a la volunte le Deen etc.’
106 Bracton, f. 168.
107 Ibid., f. 199 b.
108 Palgrave, Rotuli Curiae Regis, ii. 192.
109 Placitorum Abbrev. 25, 29; Note-book, pl. 88. (The father is called Ailfricus in the Plea Roll Divers terms 2 John, 2 d., at the Record Office.)
110 Bract. Note-book, pl. 88.
111 Case 70: ‘Consideratum est quod terra illa est uilenagium ipsius Hugonis (corr. Johannis), et quod si Martinus uoluerit terram tenere faciat consuetudines quas pater suus fecit, sin autem capiat terram suam in manum suam.’
112 Marginal remark in the Note-book to pl. 70: ‘Nota quod liber homo potest facere uillanas consuetudines racione tenementi uillani set propter hoc non erit uillanus, quia potest relinquere tenementum.’ Comp. Mr. Maitland’s note to the case.
113 Bracton, f. 199 b: ‘Unde videtur per hoc, quod licet liber homo teneat villenagium per villanas consuetudines, contra voluntatem suam ejici non debet, dum tamen facere voluerit consuetudines quae pertinent ad villenagium, et quae praestantur ratione villenagii, et non ratione personae.’
114 Cf. Blackstone’s characteristic of copyholds: ‘But it is the very condition of the tenure in question that the lands be holden only so long as the stipulated service is performed, quamdiu velint et possint facere debitum servitium et solvere debitas pensiones.’ (Law Tracts, ii. 153.)
115 Bract, f. 200.
116 Bract. Note-book, pl. 1103: ‘Et ideo consideratum est quod Willelmus conuictus est de uilenagio et si facere uoluerit predictas consuetudines teneat illam bouatam terre per easdem consuetudines, sin autem faciat Bartholomeus de terra et de ipso Willelmo uoluntatem suam ut de uillano suo et ei liberatur. Cf. Mr. Maitland’s note.
117 I should like to draw attention to one more case which completes the picture from another side. Bract. Note-book, pl. 784: ‘Symon de T. petit versus Adam de H. et Thomam P. quod faciant ei consuetudines et recta seruicia que ei facere debent de tenemento quod de eo tenent in uillenagio in T. Et ipsi ueniunt et cognoscunt quod uillani sunt. Et Symon concedit eis quod teneant tenementa sua faciendo inde seruicia quae pertinent ad uillenagium, ita tamen quod non dent plus in auxilium ad festum St. Mich. nec per annum quam duodecim denarios scilicet quilibet ipsorum et hoc nomine tallagii.’—The writ of customs and services was out of place between lord and villain. The usual course was distraint. The case is clearly one of privileged villainage, but it is well to note that although the services are in one respect certain, the persons remain unfree.
118 Bracton, f. 208 b.
119 Ibid., f. 200.
120 Bract. Note-book, pl. 63: ‘Dicunt quod idem W. nullum habuit liberum tenementum quia ipse uillanus fuit et fecit omnimoda uilenagia quia non potuit filiam suam maritare nec bouem suum uendere. 1819: R. de M. posuit se in magnam assisam Dom. Reg. in comitatu de consuetudinibus et seruiciis que Th. B. petit uersus eum, unde idem Th. exigebat ab eodem R. quod redderet ei de uillenagio per annum 19 den. et aruram trium dierum et messuram trium dierum... et gersumam pro filia sua maritanda et unam gallinam ad Natale et tot oua ad Pascha et tallagium et quod sit prepositus suus. Set quia illa sunt servilia et ad uillenagium spectancia et non ad liberum tenementum, consideratum est quod magna assisa non iacet inter eos, set fiat inquisicio per xii,’ etc. Cf. 794, 1005, 1225, 1661.
121 Bract. Note-book, 281: ‘Et Prior dicit quod in parte bene recordantur set in parte parum dicunt quia iuratores dixerunt quod debuit dare xii. den. pro filia sua maritanda, et debuit plures alias consuetudines et petierunt respectum ut assensum habere possent a domino Roberto de Lexintona utrum hoc esset liberum tenementum ex quo sciunt quid debuit facere et quid non et nullum respectum habere potuerunt.’
122 Example—Bract. Note-book, pl. 1887. Fitzherbert, Abr. Villen. 38 (13 Ed. I): ‘Quia predictus J. nullam probacionem producit neque sectam et cognoscit quod ille est in seisina... de patre predicti W. quem potuit produxisse ad probacionem, consideratum est quod predicti W. et R. liberi maneant.’
123 Bracton, f. 199. The jury came in only by consent of the parties.
124 Britton, i. 207; Fitzherbert, Abr. Villen. 37.
125 Court Rolls of Havering atte Bower, Essex, Augment. Off. Rolls, xiv. 38. (Curia—die Jovis proxima ante festum St. Bartholomaei Apostoli anno r. r. Ricardi II, 21mo.) ‘Inquisicio... dicit... quod non est aliquis homo natiuus de sanguine ingressus feodum domini, set dicunt quod est quidam Johannes Shillyng qui Sepius dictus fuerat natiuus. Et dicunt ultra quod quidam Johannes Shillyng pater predicti Johannis fuit alienigena et quod predictus Johannes Shillyng quod ad eorum cognitionem est liber et libere condicionis et non natiuus.’
126 Fitzherbert, Abr. Villen. 32 (H. 19 Edw. II).
127 Ibid. 5 (13 Edw. I).
128 Fitzherbert, l. c.: ‘E ce issu fuit trie par gents de paiis ou le maner est e nemi ou il nasquist par touts les justices.’
129 Rotuli Parliam. ii. 192. Hargrave’s argument in the Negro Somerset’s case is very good on all these points. Howell, State Trials, xx. 38, 39.
130 Bracton, 201; Britton, i. 202 sq.
131 Bracton, f. 6, and on many other occasions.
132 Co. Lit. 137, b. Cf. King Henry I’s writ in favour of the Monastery of Abingdon. Bigelow, Placita Anglo-Normannica, 96: ‘Facias habere F. abbati omnes homines suos qui de terra sua exierunt propter herberiam curie mee.’ Henry II puts it the other way, p. 220: ‘Nisi sunt in dominio meo.’
133 A most curious pleading based on the conceptions of Glanville occurs in a Cor. Rege case of 10 Henry III, which was pointed out to me by F. Maitland. See App. IV. Mr. York Powell suggests that the limitation may have originated in the fact, that in early times a man could no more give away a slave from his family estate without the consent of the family than he could give away the estate itself or part of it. There was no reason for such limitation in the case of a slave that had been bought with one’s private money. Hence the necessity of selling a slave in order to emancipate him. The conjecture seems a very probable one, but the question remains, how such ancient practice could have left a trace in the feudal period. The explanation in the text may possibly account for the tenacity of the notion.
134 Note-book, pl. 31, 343.
135 Bracton, f. 194, 195. Bracton’s text has been rendered almost unintelligible here by the careless punctuation of his editors, and Sir Travers Twiss’ translation is as wrong and misleading as usual. I will just give the passage in accordance with the reading of Digby, 222 (Bodleian Libr.), which is the best of all the MSS. I have seen: ‘Quia esto quod seruus uelit manumitti et cum nichil habeat proprium eligat fidem alicuius qui eum emat quasi pro denariis suis, per talem emptionem non consequitur emptus aliquam libertatem nisi tantum quod mutat dominum. In re empta in primis solui debet pretium, postea sequitur traditio rei: soluitur hic pretium pro natiuo, set nulla subsequitur traditio, sed semper manet in uillenagio quo prius. Si tenementum adquirat tenendum libere et heres manumissoris uel alius successor eum eiciat, si petat per assisam et heres opponat uillenagium, et villanus replicet de manumissione et emptione, heres triplicare poterit, quod imperfecta fuit emptio siue manumissio eo quod nunquam in uita uenditoris subsecuta fuit traditio, et ita talis semper remanebit sub potestate heredis.’
136 Note-book, pl. 1749: ‘Iudicatum est quod liber sit quantum ad heredem manumittentis et non quantum ad alios, quod iudicium non est uerum.’
137 Bracton, 209; cf. 7 and 200. Britton, ii. 13.
138 Bracton, 209: ‘Villenagium privilegiatum... tenetur de Rege a Conquestu Angliae.’ Cf. Blackstone, Law Tracts, ii. 128.
139 Madox, History of the Exchequer, i. 704: ‘Tallagium dominiorum et escaetarum et custodiarum.’
140 Bract. Note-book, 1237 (the prior of St. Swithin denies a manor to be ancient demesne): ‘... per cc annos ante conquestum Anglie [terre] date fuerunt priori et conventui et ab aliis quam regibus.’
141 Y.B. Trin. 49 Edw. III, pl. 8 (Fitzherbert, Abr. Monstraver. 4): ‘... touts les demesnes qui fuerent en la maine Seint E. sont aunciens demesne, mesque ils fuerent aliens a estraunge mains quant le liver de Domesday se fist, come il avient del manor de Totenham qui fut en autre maine a temps de Domesday fait, come en le dit livers fait mencion, que il fuit adonques al Counte de Cestre.’
142 Very curious pleadings occurred in 1323. Y.B. 15 Edw. II, p. 455: ‘Ber(wick) Ils dient en l’Exchequer que serra (corr. terra) R. serra ecrit sur le margin en cas ou cest ancien demene en Domesday, mes ceo fust escript sur le dyme foille apres sur un title terra R., mesine (corr. mes une or mesqe?) R. fuit escript sur le margin de chescun foille apres, e tout ceo la est anciene demene a ceo quil nient (corr. dient), mes ascunes gens entendent que les terres qui furent les demenes le Roy St. Edward sont auncien demene, e autres dient fors les terres que le Conquerour conquist, que furent en la seissin St. Edward le jour quil mourust sont anciene demene.’ Although a difference of opinion is mentioned it is not material, for this reason, that the entry as Terra Regis, at least T.R.E., is absolutely required to prove a manor ancient demesne. I give the entry on the Plea Roll in App. V.
143 I think only distress can be implied by the remark of Bereford J. Y.B. 30/31 Edw. I, p. 19: ‘Quant vous vendrez a loustel, fetes de vostre archevileyn ceo qe vous vodrez.’ The words are strange and possibly corrupt.
144 Blackstone, Law Tracts, ii. 153: ‘They cannot alienate tenements otherwise than by surrender into the lord’s hand.’ Bracton, 209.
145 In a most curious description of the customs of villain sokemen of Stoneleigh, Warwick, in the Register of Stoneleigh Abbey, I find the following entries: ‘Item sokemanni predicti filias suas non possunt maritare sine licencia domini prout patet anno viij Regis E. filii Regis E. per rotulum curie in quo continetur quod Matildis de Canle in plena curia fecit finem cum domino pro ij sol. quia maritauit filiam suam Thome de Horwelle sine licencia domini.... Item anno Regis H. lvj continetur in rotulo curie quod Willelmus Michel fuit in misericordia quia maritauit filiam suam sine licencia domini et similiter decenarii fuerunt in misericordia quia hoc concelauerunt.’ As to the Stoneleigh Register, see App. VI. Another instance of merchet in an ancient demesne manor is afforded by the Ledecumbe (Letcombe) Regis Court Rolls of 1272. Chapter House, County Bags, Berks. No. 3, m. 12: ‘Johannes le Jeune se redemit ad maritandum et fecit finem xij sol.... Johannes Atwel redemit filiam suam anno predicto’ (Record Office).
146 Henry II’s charter to Stoneleigh Abbey: ‘Quieta de schiris et hundredis, et murdro et danegeldo, et placitis et querelis, et geldis et auxiliis, et omni consuetudine et exactione’ (Dugdale, Monasticon, v. 447).
147 Close Roll, 12 Henry III., m. 11, d: ‘Monstrauerunt domino Regi homines de Esindene et de Beyford, quod occasione misericordiae c. librarum, in quam totus Comitatus Hertfordie incidit coram iusticiariis ultimo itinerantibus... hidagium quoddam assedit vicecomes super eos ad auxilium faciendum ceteris de comitatu ad misericordiam illam acquietandam et inde eos distringit. Quia vero predicti homines nec alii de dominicis domini Regis sectam faciunt ad comitatum et ea racione non tenentur ad misericordiam ceterorum de comitatu illo acquietandam auxilium facere aut inde participes esse, mandatum est vicecomiti Hertfordie quod homines predictos in hidagio et demanda pacem habere permittat’ (Record Office). Placita de Quo Warranto, 777, 778: ‘Non quieti de communi amerciamento nisi tantum in Stonle.’
148 Viner, Abr. v. Anc. Dem. C2, 1; cf. E, 20. Madox, Hist. of Exch., i. 418, note l: ‘Quieti de auxilio vicecomitis et baillivorum suorum.’
149 Cor. Rege, Mich. 5 E. II, m. 77: ‘(Juratores dicunt quod homines de Wycle) in itinere respondent per quatuor et prepositum sicut cetere ville de corpore comitatus.’ This against their claim to hold in ancient demesne.
150 Viner, Abr. Anc. Dem. B. 1, 4, 6.
151 Madox, Exch., i. 412, 698.
152 Stubbs, ii. 566, 567 (Libr. ed.); Madox, Exch., i. 751.
153 Cor. R. M. 5 E. II, m. 77: ‘Quando communitas comitatus talliatur... predicti homines taxantur sicut ceteri villani ejusdem comitatus’ (against the ancient demesne claim).
154 Fitzherbert, Abr. Monstauerunt, 6 (H. 32 E. III): ‘... quant le roi taile les burghs a taunt come ils paia a taile pur tant il nous distreint.’ Th.: ‘Entend qe les feoffes le roy auront taile?’ quasi diceret non, ‘car cest un regalte qui proprement attient al roy et a nul auter.’ Clam.: ‘Tout aura il tail il serra leue en due maner sil auront breve hors del chauncerie al viconte, sc. quod habere facias racionable taile.’ The men of King’s Ripton, Hunts., who were constantly wrangling about their rights with the Abbot of Ramsey, the lord of the manor, maintained that they had never been tallaged nisi tantummodo ad opus Regis, and their claim was corroborated by an inspection of the Exchequer Rolls (Madox, Exch., i. 757, n). Before granting a writ of tallage to the Abbot of Stoneleigh in 1253, Henry III had an inquisition made as to the precedents. It was found that ‘Nunquam predictum manerium de Stonle talliatum fuit postquam Johannes Rex predictum manerium dedit predicti Abbati et Conventui’ (Stoneleigh Reg., f. 25).
155 The Law-books say so distinctly. Britton, ii. 13: ‘Et pur ceo qe teus sokemans sount nos gaynours de nos terres, ne voloms mie qe teles gentz seint a nule part somouns de travailer en jurez ne en enquestes, for qe en maners a queus il appendent.’ Cf. Fleta, p. 4.
156 Natura Brevium, f. 3 b (ed. Pynson).
157 Y.B. H. 49 E. III, pl. 12 (Fitzherbert, Abr. Aunc. Dem. 42, quotes pl. 7 instead of 12 by mistake): Belk(nap), ‘Verite est qe le terre est demandable par le briefe de droit patent en le court le seigniour apres la confirmacion (sc. par chartre) par ce qe le brief de droit serra commence en le court le seignior, mes apres la confirmacion il ne serra demande en auncien demesne par brief de droit close secundum consuetudinem,’ etc.
158 Bracton actually calls the plea of ancient demesne an exception of villainage, f. 200: ‘Si autem in sokagio villano, sicut de dominico domini Regis, licet servitia certa sunt, obstabit ei exceptio villenagii, quia talis sokmannus liberum tenementum non habet quia tenet nomine alieno.’ Cf. Fitzherbert, Abr. Aunc. Dem. 32.
159 Bract. Note-book, pl. 652: ‘Non debent extra manerium illud placitare quia non possunt [ponere] se in magnam assisam nec defendunt se per duellum.’ On the cases when an assize could be taken as to tenements in ancient demesne, see the opinion printed in Horwood’s Introduction to Y.B. 21/22 Edw. I, p. xviii.
160 Stoneleigh Reg., f. 76 sqq: ‘Item in placito terre possunt partes si voluerint ponere jus terre sue in duello campionum vel per magnam assisam, prout patet in recordo rotuli de anno xlv Regis Henrici inter Walterum H. et Johannem del Hul etc. et inter Galfridum Crulefeld et Willelmum Elisaundre anno xx Regis Edwardi filii Regis Henrici,’ etc.
161 Bract. Note-book, 1973: ‘Nota quod si manerium quod solet esse de dominico domini Regis datum fuerit alicui et postea semel capta fuerit assisa noue uel mortis de consuetudine, iterum capiantur assise propter consuetudinem.’
162 Britton, ii, 142.
163 If the lord brings an action against the tenant, ancient demesne is no plea, Viner, Abr., Anc. Dem. G. 4. This was not quite clear however, because ancient demesne is a good plea whenever recovery in the action would make the land frank fee.
164 Y.B., M. 41 Edw. III, 22: ‘Chold: Si le seigniour disseisie son tenaunt il est en eleccion del tenant de user accion en le court le seigniour ou en le court le roy’ (Fitzherbert, Abr. Aunc. Dem. 9). Liber assis. 41 Edw. III, pl. 7, f. 253: ‘Wichingham: Si le tenant en auncien demesne fuit disseisi par le seignior en auncien demesne il est a volunte le tenant de porter lassise al comen ley ou en auncien demesne mes e contra si le seignior soit disseisi par le tenant, il ne puit aillours aver son recoverie que en le court le roy.’
165 Stoneleigh Register: ‘Item anno regni Regis Eduardi filii Regis Henrici vij Ricardus Peyto tulit breue de recto versus abbatem de Stonle et alios de tenementis in Fynham in curia de Stonle.’ There are several instances in the Court Rolls of King’s Ripton, Hunts. See App. V.
166 Bract. Note-book, 834: ‘Preceptum est vicecomiti quod preciperet ballivis manerii Dom. Regis de Haueringes quod recordari facerent in Curia Dom. Regis de H. loquelam que fuit in eadem curia per breue Dom. Regis inter,’ etc.: 652 is to the same point. I must say, however, that I do not agree with Mr. Maitland’s explanation, vol. ii. p. 501, n. 4: ‘John Fitz Geoffrey (the defendant pleading ancient demesne) cannot answer without the King. Tenet nomine alieno. Bract. f. 200. The privileges of tenants in ancient demesne are the King’s privileges.’ John Fitz Geoffrey is the King’s firmarius, and the other defendants vouch him to warranty. After having pleaded to the jurisdiction of the Court he puts in a second plea, ‘salvo predicto responso,’ namely, that the tenement claimed is encumbered by other and greater services than paying 15 s. to hold freely. This is clearly the farmer’s point of view, and as such, he cannot answer without the king. I lay stress on the point because a person pleading ancient demesne, although not holding nomine proprio in strict law, is compelled to answer without the King in the manorial court and by the manorial writ.
167 I need not say that the ‘little writ’ did not lie against the King himself. No writs did. Cp. Fleta, p. 4.
168 Y.B., 11/12 Edw. III, 325 (Rolls Ser.).
169 I shall have to speak of the constitution and usages of the court in another chapter.
[170] Actions on statutes could not be pleaded in ancient demesne because, it was explained, the tenantry not being represented in parliament, were no parties in framing the statute; Viner, Abr. Anc. Dem. E. 19. Another explanation is given in Y.B., H. 8 Edw. II, p. 265.
171 As a matter of course, any question as to whether a manor was ancient demesne, and whether a particular tenement was within the jurisdiction of it, could be decided only in the high courts.
172 Viner, Abr., I. 21.
173 Y.B., H. 3 Edw. III, 29: ‘Caunt: Si le jugement soit une foitz revers, la court auncien demesne ad perdu conusance de ce ple a touts jours.’
174 Stoneleigh Reg.: ‘Item si contingat quod error sit in iudiciis eorum et pars ex eorum errore gravetur contra consuetudines, pars gravata habebit breve Regis, ad faciendum venire recordum et processum inter partes factos coram justiciariis domini Regis de Banco; qui justiciarii inspecto recordo et processu quod erratum est in processu iusto iudicio emendabunt et ipsos sokemannos propter errorem et falsum iudicium secundum quantitatem delicti ad multam condempnabunt.’
175 Bract. Note-book, 834: ‘Et illi de curia qui veniunt quesiti, si unquam tale factum fuit judicium in prefata curia, et quod ostendant exemplum, et nichil inde ostendere possunt, nec exemplum nec aliud.’
176 Y.B., 11/12 Edw. III, p. 325 (Rolls Ser.): ‘Stonore: Dit qe toutz les excepcions poent estre salve par usage del manoir forspris un, cest a dire qe la ou il egarde seisine de terre par defalte apres defalte la ou le tenant avait attourne en court qe respoundi pur lui.’ Cf. Y.B., H. 3 Edw. III, 29, and T. 3 Edw. III, 29.
177 Bract. Note-book, pl. 834 and 1122 concern the royal manors of Havering and Kingston.
178 I say against all men, because in the case of a stranger’s interfering with the privileged villain’s rights, it was for him to prove any exemption, e.g. conveyance by charter, which would take the matter out of the range of the manorial court.
179 Britton, ii. 13: ‘Et pur ceo qe nous voloms qe ils eyent tele quiete, est ordeyne le bref de droit clos pledable par baillif del maner de tort fet del un sokeman al autre, qe il tiegne les plaintifs a droit selom les usages del maner par simples enquestes.’
180 Natura brevium, f. 4 b (ed. Pynson).
181 Stoneleigh Reg.: ‘Si dominus a sokemanis tenentibus suis exigat alias consuetudines quam facere consueuerunt quum manerium fuit in manibus progenitorum Regis eos super hoc fatigando et distringendo, prefati tenentes habent recuperare versus dominum et balliuos suos per breve Regis quod vocatur Monstraverunt nobis homines de soka de Stonle,’ etc.
182 Viner, Abr. Anc. Dem. C2, 3.
183 Fitzherbert, Abr. Monstraverunt, 5 (P. 19, Edw. III): ‘Seton: Cest un cas a par luy en cest breue de Monstrauerunt qe un purra sue pur luy e tous les autres del ville tout ne soient pas nosmes en le breve e par la suite de un tous les autres auront auantage et cesty qe vient purra estre resceu e respondra par attourne pur touts les auters coment qe unque ne resceu lour attournement; issint qe cest suit ne breue nest semblable a auter.’
184 As it was the peasants had the greatest difficulty in conducting these cases. In 1294 some Norfolk men tried to get justice against Roger Bigod, the celebrated defender of English liberties. They say that they have been pleading against him for twenty years, and give very definite references. The jury summoned declares in their favour. The earl opposes them by the astonishing answer that they are not his tenants at all. It all ends by the collapse of the plaintiffs for no apparent reason; they do not come into court ultimately, and the jurors plead guilty of having given a false verdict; see App. VII. In the case of the men of Wycle against Mauger le Vavasseur, to which I have referred several times, the trial dragged on for five years; the court adjourned the case over and over again; the defendant did not pay the slightest attention to prohibitions, but went on ill-treating the tenantry. At last he carried off a verdict in his favour; but the management of the trial certainly casts much suspicion on it. Cf. Placitorum Abbreviatio, 303.
185 Madox, History of the Exch., i. 723, c, d; 724, e; 725, f.
186 Bract. Note-book, pl. 1237: ‘Homines prioris Sti Swithini... questi fuerunt Dom. Regi.’
187 Madox, Exch., i. 725, u; the ‘Monstraverunt’ of the men of King’s Ripton quoted above on the question of tallage. This matter of tallage could certainly be treated as an alteration of services, and sent for trial to the Common Bench.
188 Exch. Memoranda, Q.R. 48/49 Henry III, m. 11. The position of the castle of Bamborough was certainly a peculiar one at the time. Cf. Close Roll, 49 Henry III, m. 7, d.
189 Exch. Memoranda, Q.R. Trin. 20 Edw. I, m. 21, d. I give the documents in full in App. VIII. The petitioners are not villains, but they are tenants of base tenure. They evidently belong to the class of villain socmen outside the ancient demesne, of which more hereafter.
190 Placitorum Abbrev. 25: ‘Consideratum est quod constabularius de Windesore de quo homines de Bray questi fuerunt quod ipse vexabat eos de serviciis et consuetudinibus indebitis et tallagia insueta ab eis exigebat accipiat ab eis tallagia consueta et ipsi homines alia servicia et consuetudines quas facere solent faciant.’ (Pasch. et Trin., 1 John.)
191 Madox, Exch. i. 411, u: ‘Homines de Branton reddunt compotum de x libris, ut Robertus de Sachoill eis non distringat ad faciendum ei alias consuetudines quam Regi facere consueverunt dum fuerunt in manu sua.’ (Pipe Roll 13 Jo., 7, 10 b, Devenesc).
192 Dugdale, Monasticon. v. 443; Stonleigh Reg. f. 14 b. Cf. Court Rolls of Ledecumbe Regis (Chapter House, County Bags, Berks, A. 3): ‘Anno domini MCCLXVIII, solverunt homines de Ledecumbe Regis C. sol. ad scaccarium domini Regis, pro redditu domini Regis et predicti homines habent residuum in custodia sua excepta porcione prioris Montis Acuti de tempore suo et porcione prioris de Bermundseye de tempore suo.’ The manor had been let in fee farm to the monks of Cluny, who demised it to the Prior of Montacute, who in his turn let it to the Prior of Bermondsey.
193 Stoneleigh Reg. f. 15 a: ‘Totam sokam de Stonleya et omnes redditus et consuetudines et rectitudines quas Henricus rex pater noster ibi habuit salua regali justicia nostra. Uigore quarum chartarum prefatus Abbas et conventus habent et possident totam sokam de Stonle que quondam pertinuit ad le Bury (sic) in dicta soka existens edificatum, ubi quidam comes quondam de licencia Regis moram traxit. Qui locus nunc edificiis carens vocatur le Burystede iuxta Crulefeld prout fossatis includitur, et est locus nemorosus.’
194 Stoneleigh Reg. f. 13 a: ‘Isti duo tenent (burgagia in Warrwick) per seruicium sustinendi unum plumbum in manerio de Stonle competens monasterio Regis.’
195 Placita de Quo Warranto, 778: ‘Item clamat quod Ballivus dom. Regis in manerio de Stonleye nullam faciet districtionem seu attachiamenta sine presencia Ballivi Abbatis.’
197 Stoneleigh Reg. 13 a: ‘W.W. tenet unum burgagium per seruicium inveniendi domino regi seniori domino de Stonle quartam partem unius tripodis.’
198 King’s Ripton Court Rolls, Augment. Off. Rolls, xxiii. 94, m. 10: ‘Dicta Matildis optulit se versus Margaretam Greylaund de placito dotis, que non venit. Ideo preceptum est capere in manum domini Regis medietatem mesuagii etc.—pro defectu ipsius Margarete. Eadem Matildis optulit se uersus Willelmum vicarium—qui non uenit. Ideo preceptum est capere in manum domini Regis medietatem quinque acrarum terre etc. (Curia de Riptone Regis die Lune in festo sanctorum Protessi et Marciniani anno [r. r. E. xxiv. et J. abb. x]); m. 10, d.—Qui venit et quantum ad aliam acram dicit, quod non est tenens set quod Abbas seysiuit illam in manum suam. (Curia—in festo Assumpcionis—anno supra dicto).’ In the first case the seizure corresponds to the ‘cape in manum’ of a freehold. As there could be no such thing in the case of villainage, and the procedural seizure was resumption by the lord, the point is worth notice and may be explained by the King’s private right still lingering about the manor. The last case is one of escheat or forfeiture.
199 Stoneleigh Reg. 75 v: ‘Item si aliquis deforciatur de tenemento suo et tulerit breve Regis clausum balliuis manerii versus deforciantes, dictum breve non debet frangi nisi in curia.’
200 Natura brevium, 13: ‘Balliuis suis.’
201 Britton, i. 221: ‘Rois aussi ne porrount rien aliener les dreits de lour coroune ne de lour reaute, qe ne soit repellable par lour successours.’
202 Stoneleigh Reg. 30: ‘Nos attendentes, quod huiusmodi alienaciones et consuetudinum mutaciones eciam in nostri et heredum nostrorum preiudicium et exheredacionem cedere possent, si manerium illud in manus nostras aliquo casu deuenerit sustinere nolumus sicut nec debemus manerium illud aut ea que ad illud pertinent aliter immutari quam esse solebant temporibus predictis.’
203 The writs are directed sometimes to the bailiffs of the Archbishop of Canterbury and of the Duke of Albemarle, who had the manor in custody for King Richard II, but in the twenty-third year they are inscribed to the King’s bailiffs. (Augmentation Court Rolls, xiv. 38). As to the trial mentioned in the text see App. IX.
204 Stoneleigh Reg. 11 a: ‘Precipio tibi quod sine dilacione deliberes Abbati de Stonleia omnes terras et tenuras quas ego dedi et carta mea confirmaui. Et de terra quam rustici uersus calumpniantur et quam ego ei dedi et concessi, inquire si rectum in ea habuerunt et si rectum in ea habent, dona eis rusticis alibi in terra mea excambium ad valenciam.’
205 Bracton, f. 209: ‘Ad quemcumque manerium peruenerit.’
206 Madox, Firma Burgi, 54; Pipe Rolls, passim. Cf. Rot. Cur. Regis Ric., p. 15: ‘Homines de Kingestone—c. sol.... pro respectu tenendi villam suam ad eandem firmam quam reddere solebant tempore Henrici Regis.’
207 Madox, Exch. 1437, z: ‘Homines de Lechton x marcas pro habenda inquisicione per proxima halimota et per legales milites et alios homines de visneto, quas consuetudines ipsi fecerunt tempore Henrici Regis Patris.’ (Pipe Roll. 4 John.) Cf. 442, a: ‘Homines de Stanleya reddunt compotum de uno palefrido, ut inquiratur per sacramentum legalium hominum, quas consuetudines et quae servitia homines de manerio de Stanleia facere consueverunt Regi Henrico patri Ricardi Regis dum essent in manu sua.’ (Pipe Roll, 9 John.)
208 Y.B., Trin., 49 E. III, pl. 8 (Fitzherbert, Abr. Monstrav. 4): ‘Han. mist auant record de Domesday qui parla ut supra:—Terra sancti Stephani en le title qui parla de ceo maner que il fuit en sa maine. Et auxi il mist auant chartre le Roy que ore est, par quel le roy reherse quil ave viewe la chartre le roy Henri le primer, et reherce tout le chartre, et ceo chartre voilet que Henri aue viewe par ceo parolle inspeximus la chartre le roy William Conquerour qui aue done graunte e confirme mesme le manor a un Henri Butle, a luy, et a ces heirs a ceo iour, quel chartre issint volent inspeximus cartam domini Edwardi Regis Anglie issint par le recorde et par les chartres est expressement reherce par le roy qui ore est, que William Conquerour fuit en possession de ceo maner, Seinct Edward auxint, en quel cas ceo serra aiudge auncient demesne tantamont come si la terre ust estre en la main Seint Edward par expresse parolx en le Domesday. Belknap: Le comen fesance de chartres est de faire parolle en le chartre dedimus concessimus et confirmauimus et uncore le chartre est bon assets al part, mesque le roy nauer riens a ceo temps, issint que riens passe par ceo paroll dedimus mes il auer par parole de confermement, issint que il nest my proue par ce chartre que ils auoient la possession, pur ceo que les chartres poient estre effectuels a auter entent, scilicet, en nature de confermement, et auxi ces chartres fait par Seint E. et W. Conquerour ne sont my monstres a ore pur record, issint que mesque il furent monstre, et auxi purroit estre proue que le maner fuit en lour possession, nous ne puissomus pas aiudger la terre auncien demesne, pur ceo que auncien demesne sera aiudge par le liuer de domesday qui est de record, et nemy en autre maner. Et puis les plaintifs fuerent nonsues.’
209 Fitzherbert, Abr. Cause de remover ple, 18 (Y.B., M., 21 Edw. III): ‘Wilby: Il conuient que il count en le monstrauerunt que il luy distreint pur auters customes que ses auncestres ne fecerunt en temps W. Conquerour, cas le monstrauerunt ne gist pas forsque en cas ou plusiours services sont demandez que ces auncestres ne solent faire en cel temps.’
210 Coram Rege, Tr. 3 Edw. I, m. 14, d: ‘Et unde predicti homines (de Kyngesripton) queruntur quod temporibus Cnout regis quo manerium illud fuit in manu dicti antecessoris sui tenuerunt tenementa sua per seruicia subscripta, videlicet reddendi pro qualibet virgata terre 5 solidos, etc. Et omnes antecessores sui tenuissent tenementa sua per predicta seruicia usque ad conquestum Anglie, et a conquestu usque ad tempus regis Henrici aui regis Johannis aui domini regis nunc, usque ad tempus cuiusdam Abbatis de Rameseye Roberti Dogge nomine qui tempore Henrici Regis distrinxit antecessores suos ad dandum relevium pro voluntate sua, etc. Et Abbas dicit quod non debet eis ad hoc breue respondere, quia desicut in narracione sua non faciunt mencionem quod ipsi extitissent in tali statu in quo fuerunt tempore regis Knout, quem statum ipsi clamant habere, tempore aliorum regum de quo memoria haberi possit nec de quo breue de recto currit nec aliqua verificacio per patriam fieri possit.... Et Reginaldus et alii bene cognoscunt quod ipse Abbas et predecessores sui exstiterunt in seysina percipiendi ab ipsis et antecessoribus suis predicta seruicia indebita a tempore predicti Henrici regis. Set desicut istud breue quod conceditur in fauorem dominicorum domini Regis non habet prescriptionem temporis, petunt judicium si [racione?] alicujus longiqui termini debeant ab actione excludi sua.’
211 Y.B., M., 15 Edw. II, p. 455: ‘Bereford: Coment puit cest brief vous servir la ou il (the defendant) dist qe luy et ces predecessors ont este de vous et de vos auncestres (seisi) de tout temps come, etc., et vos ont taille, etc. Devoms nous enguerre (enquerre corr.) si vos feistes touz services en temps le Roy St. Edward, ou non de temps que vos avez pris title? Devon: Sir navyl (nanyl corr.), mais nous disons qe touz les tenants qui tindrent en temps St. Edward tinderent, etc. (par certains services)... tanqe a ore xv ans devant le brief purchace etc. e ceo puit home enquere.’
212 Y.B., 21/22 Edw. I, 499 et sqq.
213 Coram Rege, Pasch. 1 Edw. II, m. 26: ‘Postquam idem manerium ad manus antecessorum predicti Maugeri deuenit usque ad tempus memorie, videlicet temporibus regum Ricardi, Johannis et statum illum toto tempore predicto pacifice continuaverunt et habuerunt.’ Coram Rege, M. 5 Edw. II, m. 77: ‘Unde queruntur quod cum ipsi homines et eorum antecessores tempore Regum Anglie progenitorum domini Regis nunc, videlicet tempore Regis Willelmi Conquestoris et Willelmi Regis filii sui et eciam tempore Regis Henrici primi solebant tenere terras suas per quaedam certa seruicia videlicet,’ etc.
214 I will here cite Bract. Note-book, pl. 1237, as an instance, although there is hardly any call for quotation on this point.
215 Law of Copyhold, 8. Cf. the same author’s Tenures in Kent, 182.
216 Blackstone, Law Tracts, ii., especially pp. 128, 129.
217 Bracton: ‘liberi de condicione... tenentes villenagium.’ Britton: ‘hommes de franc saunc.’
218 Stoneleigh Reg., 75: ‘Item si quis de voluntate et assensu domini facto fine cum domino voluerit dare tenementum suum ad opus alicuius, ueniet in curia cum virga et sursum reddet huiusmodi tenementum ad manum domini sine carta ad opus ementis vel cui datur et ballivus domini habitis prius herietis et aliis de iure domino debitis dictum tenementum emptori seu cui dabitur et heredibus suis secundum consuetudinem manerii habendum et tenendum liberabit in (cum corr.?) virga. Et dictus recipiens tunc faciet finem cum domino prout possunt conuenire.... Item extraneus non debet vocari ad warantum in placito terre in curia de Stonle quia sokemanni non possunt feoffare alios per cartas cum ipsi nullas habeant de rege. Set si quos feoffauerint de licencia domini sine carta, ipsos feoffant secundum consuetudinem manerii prout continetur in rotulo curie de anno xx Regis Edwardi filii Regis Edwardi in placito terre inter,’ etc.
219 Placitorum Abbrev. 233, Berks. Cf. Britton, i. 287, note c.
220 Bracton, f. 7.
221 Jurate et Assise, 45 Henry III, Placitorum Abbr., p. 150: ‘Et Galfridus de Praule bene cognoscit quod predictum manerium est antiquum dominicum Dom. Regis set dicit quod predictum tenementum est liberum tenementum ita quod assisa debet inde fieri.... Dicit enim quod ipse feofatus est de predicto tenemento de quodam Willelmo Harold per cartam suam quam profert.... Et juratores quesiti si antecessores ejusdem Willelmi feofati fuerunt per cartam vel si aliquis de tenura illa unquam placitaverunt per diversa brevia vel non, dicunt quod non recolunt.’
222 Stoneleigh Reg., 12: ‘Fuerunt eciam tunc quatuor natiui siue serui in le lone quorum quilibet nouum mesuagium et unum quartronum terre cum pertinenciis per seruicia subscripta videlicet leuando furcas, etc.... et debebant... redimere sanguinem suum et dare auxilium domino ad festum Sti. Michaelis scilicet ayde et facere braseum Domini et alia seruicia seruilia.’ As to some details, see Dugdale, Antiquities of Warwickshire, i. 176.
223 Coram Rege, Pasch. 1 Edw. II, m. 26: ‘(Maugerus) defendit vim et injuriam quando, etc. Et dicit quod qualitercunque iidem homines asserant se et antecessores suos tenentes, etc. certa seruicia dominis de Wycle antecessoribus ipsius Maugeri et sibi fecisse et facere debere, quod omnes antecessores sui domini de eodem manerio extiterunt seisiti de predictis hominibus et eorum antecessoribus tenentibus tenementa quae ipsi modo tenent ibidem ut de uillanis suis taillabilibus alto et basso ad voluntatem ipsorum dominorum et redempcionem sanguinis et alia villana seruicia et incerta et villanas consuetudines faciendo a tempore quo non extat memoria.... Et predicti homines dicunt quod ipsi sunt tenentes de antiquo dominico, etc., prout curie satis liquet et quod omnes tenentes in dominico Regis per certa seruicia et certas consuetudines tenent et tenere debent, quidam per maiora et quidam per minora secundum consuetudinem, set semper per certa,’ etc. Coram Rege, Mich. 5 Edw. II, m. 77, v: ‘Nec dedici potest quia tenentes de antiquo dominico certa seruicia et certas consuetudines tenentur facere et non ad voluntatem dominorum.’
224 Y.B., M., 15 Edw. II, p. 455: ‘Bouser: Auxint bien sont tenans en auncien demesne ascuns vileins et ascuns autres come ailleurs et les sokemans plederent par le petit brief de droit et les vileyns nient. Herle: Il semble que assets est il traverse de votre brief, car vous dites que vous tenez par certeyn service... et il dit que vous estes son vilein et que il et ses predecessors ont este seisiz de tailler vous et vos auncestres haut et bas, etc. Et stetit verificare.’ Cf. Bract. Note-book, pl. 1230.
225 Bracton, 209: ‘Item est manerium domini regis et dominicum in manerio, et sic plura genera hominum in manerio, vel quia ab initio vel quia mutato villenagio.’ The meaning of this badly worded passage is made clearer by a comparison with f. 7: ‘In dominico domini regis plura sunt genera hominum; sunt enim ibi servi sive nativi ante conquestum, in conquestu, et post, et tenent villenagia et per villana servitia et incerta qui usque in hodiernum diem villanas faciunt consuetudines et incertas et quicquid eis preceptum fuerit (dum tamen licitum et honestum).... Est etiam aliud genus hominum in maneriis domini regis, et tenent de dominico et per easdem consuetudines et servitia villana, per quae supradicti (villani socmanni) et non in villenagio, nec sunt servi nec fuerunt in conquestu, ut primi, sed per quandam conventionem quam cum dominis fecerunt.’ Cf. Elton, Tenures of Kent, 180.
226 Fitzherbert, Abr. Monstrav. 3 (Pasch. 41 Edw. III). ‘Kirt: Les tenements queux ils teignent fuerent en auncien temps entre les maines les villeins queux deuirrent sans heire perque les tenements fuerent seisies en maine le seigneur et puis le senescal le seigneur lessa mesme ceux terres par rolle a mesme ceux ore tenants a tener a volunte del seigneur fesaunt certain services; issint ne sont ils forsque tenants a volunte le seigneur.’
227 Natura Brevium, f. 105. Cf. 16.
228 Y.B., 21/22 Edw. I, p. 499: ‘Treis maners de gents.’
229 Bracton, f. 209: Fitzherbert, Monstrav. 3 (Pasch. 41 Edw. III): ‘Belknap: Mesmes les tenementz en auncien temps fuerent en mains le petit sokmans, et eux fierent teux services comme gents de petits sokemans fierent en auncien temps et eux les teignent comme gents de petit sokmans.’
230 Stoneleigh Reg., 32: ‘Et quod in eodem manerio sunt diuerse tenure secundum consuetudinem manerii illius totis temporibus retroactis usitatam, videlicet quidam tenentes eiusdem manerii tenent terras et tenementa sua in sokemanria de feodo et hereditate de qua quidem tenura talis habetur et omni tempore habebatur consuetudo, videlicet quod quando aliquis tenens eiusdem tenure terram suam alicui alienare uoluerit, veniet in curiam coram ipso Abbate vel eius senescallo et per uirgam sursum reddat in manum domini terram sic alienandam.... Et si aliquis terram aliquam huiusmodi tenure infra manerium predictum per cartam uel sine carta absque licentia dicti Abbatis alienauerit aliter quam per sursum reddicionem in curia in forma predicta, quod terra sic extra curiam alienata domino dicti manerii erit forisfacta in perpetuum. Dicunt eciam quod quidam sunt tenentes eiusdem manerii ad voluntatem eiusdem Abbatis. Et si quis eorundem tenencium terram sic ad voluntatem tentam alienauerit in feodo, quod liceat dicto Abbati terram illam intrare et illam tanquam sibi forisfactam sibi in perpetuum retinere.’
231 A comparison of the data in the Stoneleigh Register and in the Roll is given in App. VI. Cf. Bract. Note-book, pl. 834: ‘Legales homines de manerio de Havering.’
232 Coram Rege, Mich. 5 Edw. I, m. 77: ‘(Juratores) quesiti si predicti Margeria et alii et omnes antecessores a tempore quo non extat memoria terras suas successiue de heredibus in heredes tenuerint uel ipsi aut aliquis antecessorum suorum sunt vel fuerint aduenticii, dicunt quod ignorant.’
233 Court Rolls of King’s Ripton, Augment. Off. xxiii. 94, m. 7: ‘Memorandum quod concessum est Rogero de Kenlowe habendum introitum ad Caterinam filiam Thome prepositi cum uno quarterio terre in villa de Ryptone Regis pro duabus solidis in gersuma, ita tamen quod mortua dicta Katerina ille qui propinquior est heres de sanguine predicte Katerine gersumabit dictum quarterium terre secundum consuetudinem manerii et ville.’ A. r. r. Edw. xxiii, m. 8, v: ‘Nicholaus de Aula reddit sursum unam dimidiam acram terre ad opus Willelmi ad portam de Broucton.... Et preceptum preposito respondere de exitibus eiusdem terre quia est extraneus.... Johannes Arnold reddit sursum duas rodas terre ad opus Hugonis Palmeri.... Et preceptum est quod ponatur in seysinam, quia est de sanguine de Riptone Regis.’
234 Court Rolls of King’s Ripton, Augment. Off. xxiii. 94, m. 15: ‘Curia de Kingsripton tenta die Jovis proxima post translacionem Sti. Benedicti anno r. r. E. xxixn et dom. Joh. [abb. xv. Venit] Willelmus fil. Thome Unfroy de Kingesripton et reddidit sursum in manibus senescalli totum jus quod [habuit] in illis tribus acris terre in campis de Kingesriptone quondam Willelmi capellani de eadem [villa ad opus filiorum] Rogeri de Kellawe extranei legitime procreatorum de Katerina filia Thome prepositi que est de con[dicione sokemannorum?] bondorum de Kingesripton.... Rogerus de Kellawe extraneus qui se maritauit cuidam Katerine filie Thome prepositi de Kingesripton que est de nacione et condicione eiusdem ville venit et petiit in curia nomine filiorum suorum ex legitimo matrimonio exeuntium de corpore prefate Katerine illas vi acras terre.... (Juratores dicunt) quod nichil inde sciunt nec aliquid super isto articulo presentare volunt ad presens. Et sic infecto negocio maximo contemptu domini et balliuorum suorum extra curiam recesserunt. Et ideo preceptum est balliuis quod die in... faciant de eisdem juratis xl solidos ad opus domini.’
235 Stoneleigh Reg., 30 (Edward II injunction): ‘Et quidam forinseci qui sokemanni non sunt auctoritate sua propria et per negligenciam dicti Abbatis et conuentus, ut dicitur, a quibusdam sokemannorum illorum quasdam terras et tenementa alienaverunt. Nos igitur super premissis plenius certiorari uolentes assignavimus vos una cum his, quos vobis associaveritis, ad inquirendum qui sokemanni huiusmodi terras et tenementa ibidem alienauerunt huiusmodi forinsecis aut extrinsecis et quibus,’ etc. Cf. the Statute of 1 Richard II, Stat. 1. cap. 6. It was altogether a dangerous transaction for the socmen, because they were risking their privileges thereby. It must have been lucrative.
236 Placitorum Abbrev., p. 270 (Coram Rege, Mich. 7/8 Edw. I): ‘Et eciam comperto in libro de Domesday quod non fit aliqua mencio de sokemannis set tantummodo de villanis et servis et eciam comperto per inquisicionem quod multi eorum sunt adventicii quibus tenementa sua tradita fuerunt ad voluntatem dominorum suorum... consideraverunt quod predictus Galfridus eat inde sine die et quod predicti homines teneant tenementa predicta in predicto manerio per servilia servicia si voluerint, salvo statu corporum suorum, et quod de cetero non possunt clamare aliquod certum statum et sint in misericordia pro falso clameo.’
237 Bract. Note-book, pl. 1237.
238 Bracton, f. 7.
239 Dialogus de Scaccario, i. 10: ‘Post regni conquisitionem, post justam rebellium subversionem, cum rex ipse regisque proceres loca nova perlustrarent, facta est inquisitio diligens, qui fuerint qui contra regem in bello dimicantes per fugam se salvaverint. His omnibus et item haeredibus eorum qui in bello occubuerunt, spes omnis terrarum et fundorum atque redituum, quos ante possederant, praeclusa est; magnum namque reputabant frui vitae beneficio sub inimicis. Verum qui vocati ad bellum nec dum convenerant, vel familiaribus vel quibuslibet necessariis occupati negotiis non interfuerant, cum tractu temporis devotis obsequiis gratiam dominorum possedissent, sine spe successionis, sibi tantum pro voluptate (voluntate?) tamen dominorum possidere coeperunt. Succedente vero tempore cum dominis suis odiosi passim a possessionibus pellerentur, nec esset qui ablata restitueret, communis indigenarum ad regem pervenit querimonia, quasi sic omnibus exosi et rebus spoliati ad alienigenas transire cogerentur. Communicato tandem super his consilio, decretum est, ut quod a dominis suis exigentibus meritis interveniente pactione legitima poterant obtinere, illis inviolabili jure concederentur; ceterum autem nomine successionis a temporibus subactae gentis nihil sibi vendicarent.’
240 Stoneleigh Reg., 4 a: ‘Que quidem maneria existencia in possessione et manu domini regis Edwardi per universum regnum vocantur antiquum dominicum corone regis Anglie prout in libro de Domesday continetur.’
241 ‘Loquebantur de tempore Sti Edwardi Regis coram W. de Wilton.’
242 The men of King’s Ripton.
243 I do not think there is any ground for the suggestion thrown out by M. Kovalevsky in the Law Quarterly, iv. p. 271, namely, that the law of ancient demesne was imported from Normandy. Whatever the position of the villains was in the Duchy, Norman influence in England made for subjection, because it was the influence of conquest. It must be remembered that in a sense the feudal law of England was the hardest of all in Western Europe, and this on account of the invasion.
244 Stubbs, Const. Hist. i. 454: ‘In those estates, which, when they had been held by the crown since the reign of Edward the Confessor, bore the title of manors in ancient demesne, very much of the ancient popular process had been preserved without any change, and to the present day some customs are maintained in them which recall the most primitive institutions.’ I shall have to speak about the mode of holding the courts in another chapter.
[245] Brunner, Entstehung der Schwurgerichte, has made an epoch in the discussion of this phenomenon.
246 I shall treat at length of the Norman Conquest in my third essay.
247 Leg. Will. Conq. i. 29 (Schmid, p. 340).
248 Thorold Rogers has made great use of this last class of manorial documents in his well-known books.
249 Bracton, 271 b.
250 Bracton, 124.
251 Cartulary of Malmesbury (Rolls Series), ii. 186: ‘Videlicet quod prefatus Ricardus concessit praedictis abbati et conventui et eorum tenentibus, tam rusticis, quam liberis—quod ipsi terras suas libere pro voluntate sua excolant.’
252 As to the Warwickshire Hundred Roll in the Record Office, see my letter in the Athenæum, 1883, December 22.
253 Rot. Hundred. ii. 471, a: ‘Libere tenentes prioris de Swaveseia.... Henricus Palmer—1 mesuagium et 3 rodas terre reddens 12 d. et 2 precarias. Servi Adam scot tenet 10 acras reddens 4 s. et 6 precarias.... Cotarii....’
254 Rot. Hundred. ii. 715, a: ‘In servitute tenentes. Assunt et ibidem 10 tenentes qui tenent 10 virgatas terre in villenagio et operantur ad voluntatem domini et reddunt per annum 25 s.’
255 Rot. Hundred. ii. 690, 691: ‘Villani—servi—custumarii. Et tenent ut villani, ut servi, ut libere tenentes.’ Rot. Hundred. ii. 544, b: ‘De custumariis Johannes Samar tenet 1 mesuagium et 1 croft... per servicium 3 sol. 2 d. et secabit 2 acras et dim., falcabit per 1 diem. De servis. Nicholaus Dilkes tenet 15 acras—et faciet per annum 144 opera et metet 2 acras. De aliis servis... De cotariis... De aliis cotariis.’
256 Rot. Hundred. ii. 528, a: ‘Henr. de Walpol habet latinos (corr. nativos), qui tenent 180 acras terre et redd. 10 libr. et 8 sol. et 4 d. et ob. Nomina eorum qui tenent de Henrico de Walpol in villenagio.’ Chapter House, County Boxes, Salop. 14, c: ‘Libere tenentes... Coterelli... Nativi.’
257 Hale, in his Introduction to the Domesday of St. Paul’s, xxiv, speaks of the ‘nativi a principio’ of Navestock, and distinguishes them from the villains. ‘The ordinary praedial services due from the tenentes or villani were not required to be performed in person, and whether in the manor or out of it the villanus was not in legal language “sub potestate domini.” Not so the nativus.’ Hale’s explanation is not correct, but the twofold division is noticed by him.
258 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 157 (Articuli visitationis): ‘An villani sive custumarii vendant terras. Item, an nativi custumarii maritaverunt filias—vel vendiderint vitulum—vel arbores—succidant.’ A Suffolk case is even more clear. Registrum cellararii of Bury St. Edmunds, Cambridge University Gg. iv. 4, f. 30, b: ‘Gersumarius vel custumarius qui nativus est.... Antecessor recognovit se nativum domini abbatis in curia domini regis.’
259 Cartulary of Eynsham in Oxfordshire, MS. of the Chapter of Christ Church in Oxford, N. 27, p. 25, a: ‘In primis Willelmus le Brewester nativus domini tenet de dictis prato et terris...’
260 Eynsham Cartulary, 49. b: ‘Johannes Kolyns nativus domini tenet 1 virgatam terre cum pertinenciis in bondagio.’
261 Cartulary of St. Mary of Worcester (Camden Series), 15. a: ‘Nativi, cum ad aetatem pervenerint nisi immediate serviant patri—faciant 4 benripas et forinsici similiter.’ Survey of Okeburn, Q.R. Anc. Miscell. Alien Priories, 2/2: ‘Aliquis nativus non potest recedere sine licencia neque catalla amovere nec extraneus libertatem dominorum ad commorandum ingrediat sine licentia.’
262 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 80: ‘Nativi a principio. Isti tenent terras operarias.’
263 Queen’s Remembrancer’s Miscellanies, 902-62: ‘Rotuli de libertate de Tynemouth, de liberis hominibus, non de nativis.’
264 Queen’s Remembrancer’s Miscellanies, 902-77: ‘Nativi de Sebrighteworth (Proavus extraneus).’ See App. X.
265 Warwickshire Hundr. Roll, Queen’s Remembrancer’s Miscellaneous Books, 29, 19, b: ‘Johannes le Clerc tenet 1 virg. terre pro eodem sed est libere condicionis.’ Augment. Off., Duchy of Lancaster, Court Rolls, Bundle 32, 283: ‘Unum mesuagium et 19 acre terre in Holand que sunt in manu domini per mortem W. qui eas tenuit in bondagio. Ipse fuit liber, quia natus fuit extra libertatem domini.’
266 Glastonbury Inquisitions of 1189 (Roxburghe Series), 48: ‘Radulfus niet tenet dimidiam virgatam.’
267 Glastonbury Inquis. (Roxburghe Series), 26: ‘Rogerus P. tenet virg. terre: pro una medietate dat. xxx d. et pro alia medietate operatur sicut neth et seminat dimidiam acram pro churset et dat hueortselver.’ Ibid. 22: ‘Osbertus tenet 1 virgatam terre medietatem pro ii sol. et dono et pro alia medietate operatur quecumque jussus fuerit sicut neth.’ Cartulary of Abingdon (Rolls Series), ii. 304: ‘Illi sunt neti de villa. Aldredus de Brueria 5 sol. pro dimidia hida et arat et varectat et seminat acram suo semine et trahit foenum et bladum.’ Ibid. ii. 302: ‘Bernerius et filius suus tenent unam cotsetland unde reddunt cellario monachorum 6 sestaria mellis et camerae 31 d.’—‘De netis. Robertus tenet dimidiam hidam unde reddit 5 sol. et 3 den. et arabit acram et seminabit semine suo et trahet foenum et bladum. Hoc de netis.’
268 Black Book of Rochester Cathedral (ed. Thorpe), 10, a: ‘Consuetudines de Hedenham et de Cudintone. Dominus potest ponere ad opera quemcumque voluerit de netis suis in die St. Martini. Et sciendum quod neti idem sunt quod Neiatmen qui aliquantulum liberiores sunt quam cotmen, qui omnes habent virgatas ad minus.’
269 Cartulary of Shaftesbury, Harl. MSS. 61, f. 60: ‘Et habebit unum animal quietum in pastura, si est net, et de aliis herbagium. Et si idem fuerit cotsetle debet operari 2 diebus.’ Ibid. 59: ‘Tempore Henrici Regis fuerunt in T. 18 Neti sed modo non sunt nisi 11 et ex 7 qui [non] sunt Nicholaus tenet terram [trium] et 4 sunt in dominico; et 7 cotmanni fuerunt tempore Henrici Regis qui non sunt modo, quorum trium tenet terram Nicholaus et 4 sunt in dominico.’ Ibid. 65: ‘Cotsetle... debet metere quantum unus nieth... et debet collocare messem vel... aliud facere... dum Neth messem attrahat... pannagium sicut Neth.’ Ibid. 89: ‘Si moriatur cotsetle pro diviso dabit 12 d. et vidua tenebit pro illo id divisum tota vita sua. Si moriatur neatus dabit melius catellum et pro hoc tenebit quietus.’
270 Glastonbury Inquis. 51: ‘Et nieti tenent 9 acras unde reddunt 3 s.’ Ibid. 47: ‘Nieti habent unum pratum pro 5 s.’
271 Glastonbury Inquis. 105: ‘Ernaldus buriman dimidiam virgatam, Iohannes burimannus dimidiam virgatam.’ Cf. Custumal of Bleadon, p. 189; Cartulary of Shaftesbury, Harl. MSS. 61, f. 45.
272 It is to be found sometimes out of the Danish shires, e.g. in Oxfordshire. Rot. Hundred. ii. 842, b: ‘Bondagium: Johannes Bonefaunt tenet unam virgatam terre de eodem Roberto... reddit... 11 sol. pro omni servicio et scutagium quando currit 20 d.’ Of course there were isolated Danish settlements outside the Denelaw.
273 Rot. Hundred. ii. 486, a: ‘Tenentes Alicie la Blunde. Bondi, A. habet in eadem villa 2 villanos, quorum quilibet tenet mesuagium cum 30 a. Id. Al. hab. 1 bondum qui ten. 20 a. Custumarii, Id. Al. habet 1 villanum, qui tenet 1 mes. cum 44 a.’ Rot. Hundred. ii. 486, a: ‘De W. le Blunde. Villani, R. de Badburnham. Bondi cotarii.’ Cf. Ibid. 422, b; 423, a: ‘Libere tenentes... Custumarii... Bondi.’
274 Ramsey Inquisitions, Galba, E. x. 34: ‘W.L. tenet in landsetagio 12 a. pro 9 den. et ob. R. 24 a. de landsetagio et 12 a. de novo.’ Cartulary of Ramsey (Rolls Series), i. 426: ‘G.C. dat dim. marcam ut K. filius suus fiat heusebonde de 6 a. terrae de lancetagio.’ Registr. Cellararii of Bury St. Edmund’s, Cambridge University, Gg. iv. 4, f. 400, b: ’9 acre unde 4 a. fuerunt libere et 5 lancettagii.’ Cartulary of Ramsey (Rolls Series), i. 425: ‘S. Cl. recognovit, quod 24 a., quas tenet, sunt in lanceagio dom. Abbatis salvo corpore suo et quod faciet omnes consuetudines serviles... lancectus nacione.’
275 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 17: ‘Item omnes operarii dimidiae virgatae debent invenire vasa et utensilia ter in anno ad braciandum.’ Cf. 28.
276 Rot. Hundred. ii. 422, 423. Cf. 507, a: ‘Libere tenentes... Nicholaus Trumpe 3 a. terre cum mesuagio et red. per ann. 20 d. Custumarii... Nicholaus Trumpe ten. 1 a. terre et redd. 2 sol.’
277 Exch. Q.R. Misc. Alien Priories, 2/2. (Chilteham): ‘... Redditus villanorum de 126 villanis 41 libre, 14 s. 11 d. Item sunt 70 custumarii qui debent arare bis per annum cum 17 carucis.... Item sunt 25 villani qui debent herciare quilibet eorum per 2 dies,’ etc.
278 Cartulary of St. Peter of Gloucester (Rolls Series), iii. 203: ‘Omnes consuetudinarii majores habebunt tempore falcationis prati unum multonem, farinam, et salem ad potagium. Et minores consuetudinarii habebunt quilibet eorum 1 panem et omnes 1 caseum in communi, unam acr. frumenti pejoris campi de dominico et unum carcasium multonis, et unum panem ad Natale.’
279 Cartulary of Malmesbury (Rolls Series), i. 154, 155. Cf. i. 186, 187. Cartulary of St. Mary of Worcester (Camden Society), 43, b; Rot. Hundred. ii. 775, b.
280 Rot. Hundred ii. 602, a. Cf. Exch. Q.R. Alien Priories, 2/2: ‘Item sunt in eadem villata de Wardeboys 6 dimidias virgatas—que vocantur Akermannelondes, quorum W.L. tenet ½ virgatam pro qua ibit ad carucam Abbatis si placeat abbati vel dabit sicut illi qui tenent 6 Maltlondes preter 15 d.’ Rot. Hundred, i. 208: ‘Utrum akermanni debent servicium suum vel servicii redempcionem.’
281 Registr. Cellararii of Bury St. Edmund’s, Cambridge University, Gg. iv. 4, f. 26: ‘Gersumarii (Custumarii).... Gersuma pro filia sua maritanda.’ Ibid. 108, b: ‘Tenentes 15 acrarum custumarii—omnes sunt gersumarii ad voluntatem domini.’ Cartulary of Bury St. Edmund’s, Harl. MSS. 3977, f. 87, d: ‘Nichol. G gersumarius tenet 30 a. pro 8 sol. que solent esse custumarie.’ I may add on the authority of Mr. F. York Powell that landsettus (land-seti), as well as akermannus (aker-maðr) and gersuma (görsemi), are certainly Danish loan-words, which accounts for their occurrence in Danish districts.
282 Hale, Introduction to the Domesday of St. Paul’s, xxv: ‘If we compare the services due from the Hidarii with those of the libere tenentes on other manors, it will be evident, that the Hidarii of Adulvesnasa belonged to the ordinary class of villani, their distinction being probably only this, that they were jointly, as well as severally, bound to perform the services due from the hide of which they held part.’
283 Eynsham Inquest, 49, a: ‘Summa (prati) xvi a. et iv perticas que dimidebantur xi virgatariis et rectori ut uni eorum et quia jam supersunt tantummodo 4 virgatarii et rector, dominus habet in manu sua 7 porciones dicti prati.’
284 Cartulary of Battle, Augmentation Office, Miscell. Books, 57, f. 35, s: ‘Yherdlinges... custumarii.’ Ibid. 42, b: ‘Majores Erdlinges scil. virgarii. Halferdlinges (majores cottarii) Minores cottarii.’
285 Black Book of Peterborough, 164: ‘In Scotere et in Scaletorp—24 plenarii villani et 2 dimidii villani—Plenarii villani operantur 2 diebus in ebdomada.’
286 Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Series), 23: ‘Operatur ut alii ferlingseti.’
287 Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Series), 137: ‘Cotsetle debent faldiare ab Hoccade usque ad festum S. Michaelis.’ Cartulary of St. Peter of Gloucester (Rolls Series), iii. 71: ‘Burgenses Gloucestriae reddunt una cum aliis tenentibus ad manerium Berthonae praedictae per annum de coteriis cum curtillagiis in suburbio Gloucestriae quorum nomina non recolunt 29 solidos 7 d. de redditu assiso.’ Ibid. iii. 116: ‘Cotlandarii: Johannes le Waleys tenet unum mesuagium cum curtillagio et faciet 8 bederipas et 3 dies ad fenum levandum, et valent 13½ d.’
288 Norfolk Feodary, Additional MSS. 2, a: ‘Et idem Thomas tenet de predicto Roberto de supradicto feodo per predictum servicium sexaginta mesuagia; 21 villani de eodem Thoma tenent. Item idem Thomas tenet de predicto Roberto 9 cotarios, qui de eo tenent in villenagio,’ Cf. Rot. Hundred, ii. 440, a.
289 Cartulary of Battle, Augment. Office, Misc. Books, 57, f. 37, b: ‘Virgarii... Cotarii, qui tenent dimid. virgatam.’ Ibid. 36, b: ‘Cottarii majores et minores.’
290 Glastonbury Inquis. (Roxburghe Series), 114: ‘Rad. Forest. ½ cotsetland pro 18 d. et operatur sicut dimidius cotarius sed non falcat.’
291 Glastonbury Inquis. (Roxburghe Series), 14: ‘Predictus W. habet tres bordarios in auxilium officii sui. Illi tres bord. habent corredium suum in aula abbatis, in qua laborant.’ Terrae Templariorum, Queen’s Rem. Misc. Books, 16, f. 27: ‘Unusquisque bordarius debet operari una die in ebdomada.’ Cf. 27, b.
292 The history of the terms in Saxon times and the terminology of the Domesday Survey will be discussed in the second volume. My present object is to establish the connexion between feudal facts and such precedents as are generally accepted by the students of Saxon and early Norman evidence.
293 Thorold Rogers, History of Agriculture and Prices, i. p. 71.
294 Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS., i. f. 225, b (Bodleian Libr.): ‘Noverit universitas vestra me vendidisse domino Ricardo vicario de Domerham Philippum Hardyng nativum meum pro 20 solidis sterling unde ego personam ipsius Philippi ab omni nativitate et servitute liberavi.’ Cf. Gloucester Cartulary (Rolls Series), ii. 4. Madox, Formulare Anglicanum, 416, gives several deeds of sale and enfranchisement by sale. Dr. Stubbs had some doubts about the time of these transactions, but deeds of sale of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries occur, and are preserved in the Record Office. See Deputy Keeper’s Reports, xxxvi. p. 178.
295 Glastonbury Inquis., tempore abb. Michaelis, Addit. MSS. 17,450, f. 7: ‘Petrus filius Margarete tenet virgatam terre.. nec potest filiam suam maritare sine licentia domini vel ballivorum.’ Cf. Cartulary of Newent, Add. MSS. 15,668, f. 46: ‘emit filiam suam.’ Cartulary of St. Peter of Gloucester (Rolls Series), iv. 219: ‘Item, quod quilibet praepositus habeat potestatem concedendi cuicunque nativae, ut possit se maritare tam extra terram domini quam infra, acceptis tamen salvis plegiis pro ea de fine faciendo ad proximam curiam; cum si forte praesentiam ballivi expectasset in partibus remotioribus agentis casu interveniente forte nunquam gauderet promotione maritali.’
296 Cartulary of Christ Church, Canterbury, Harl. MSS. 1006, f. 55: ‘Tenens de monday land, si filiam infra villam maritaverit 16 d. et si extra homagium 2 sol.’ Black Book of Coventry, Ashmol. MSS. 864, f. 5: ‘Radulfus Bedellus de 10 hidis tenet 1 virgatam terre et prati. Et dabit merchettam pro filia sua maritanda, si eam maritaverit extra villenagium Episcopi.’
297 Cartulary of Glastonbury, Wood MSS. i. (Bodleian), f. 111. s: ‘Si nul de neffes folement se porte de son corps parque le seignour perd la vente de eux.’
298 Warwickshire Hundred Roll, Queen’s Rem. Misc. Books, No. 26, f. 26, a: ‘Redempcio carnis et sanguinis et alia servicia ad voluntatem domini.’ Rot. Hundred. ii. 335, b: ‘In villenagio 8 virgate terre quarum quelibet debet ei per annum 6 s. vel opera ad valorem, tenentes etiam illarum sunt servi de sanguine suo emendo ad voluntatem dicti Abbatis et ad alia facienda, que ad servilem condicionem pertinent. In cottariis cotagia 6 de eadem servitute et condicione.’
299 How very difficult it was sometimes to decide the question, whether merchet had been paid or not, may be seen from the following instances:—Coram Rege, 27 Henry III, m. 3: ‘Et non possunt inquirere nec scire quod tempore Johannis Regis dederunt merchettum vel heryettum sed bene credunt quod hoc fuit ex permissione ipsius Regis et non per aliquam convencionem, quam fecerat eis pro predictis 50 libris.’ Cartulary of Ramsey (Rolls Series), i. 441: ‘De merchetto nesciunt sine majori consilio.’
300 Y.B. 21/22 Edw. I, p. 107.
301 Note-book of Bracton, pl. 1230.
302 Gloucester Cartulary (Rolls Series), iii. 218: ‘Item quod non permittitur, quod aliquis vendat equum masculum vel bovem sibi vitulatum sine licentia, nisi consuetudo se habeat in contrarium.’ Rot. Hundred. ii. 628, a: ‘Si habeat equum pullanum, bovem vel vaccam ad vendendum, dominus propinquior erit omnibus aliis et vendere non debent sine licentia domini.’ Rochester Cartulary (ed. Thorpe), 2, a: ‘Si quis habuerit pullum de proprio jumento aut vitulum de propria vacca et pervenerit ad perfectam etatem, non poterit illos vendere, nisi prius ostendat domino suo et sciat utrum illos velit emere sicut alios.’ Rot. Hundred. ii. 463, a: ‘Item si ipse habeat pullum vel boviculum et laboraverit cum illo non potest vendere sine licentia domini, sed si non laboraverit licitum.’
303 Cartulary of St. Mary of Beaulieu, Nero, A. xii. f. 93. b: ‘Pro filio coronando et pro licencia recedendi faciet sicut illi.’ Cartulary of St. Peter of Gloucester (Rolls Series), iii. 218: ‘Item quod nullo masculo tribuatur licentia recedendi a terra domini sine licentia superioris hoc proviso, quod consuetudines a servis dominus debitas ad plenum recipiat, contradicentes attachiando ut inde respondeant ad curiam.’
304 Duchy of Lancaster Court Rolls, Bundle 85, No. 1157 (Record Office): ‘Et quia non sunt residentes dant chevagium.’ Lancaster Court Rolls, Bundle 62, No. 750, m. 1: ‘Johannes le Grust dat comiti ii solidos et ii capones ut possit manere ubi sibi placuerit.’
305 Lancaster Court Rolls, Bundle 62, No. 750, m. 3: ‘Capones de reditu ut custumarii possint manere super terram Radulfi de Wernore sed dictus Will. erit in visu franciplegii dom. comitis.’
306 Suffolk Court Rolls (Bodleian), 3: ‘Preceptum inquirere nomina eorum qui terram servilem vendiderunt per cartam et quibus, et qui sunt qui terram liberam adquisierunt et ibi resident et prolem suscitant et ob hoc libertatem sibi vindicant.’ Cartulary of St. Alban’s, 454: ‘Ubi villani emunt terras liberorum de catallis nostris.’
307 Cart. Glouc. (Rolls Ser.), iii. 217: ‘Item, inhibeatur nativis domini manerii ne aliquid alicui dent per annum in recognitione, ut aliquo gaudeant patrocinio.’
308 Lancaster Court Rolls, Bundle 62, No. 756, m. 1: ‘Nativus receptatus apud Latfeld sine licentia domini.’
309 Cartulary of Shaftesbury, Harl. MSS. 61, f. 59: ‘Fugitivi domine, R. fil. Al. manet in Br. sub Willelmo.’ Ramsey Inqu., Galba E. x. f. 27, b: ‘Isti sunt nativi abbatis: E. et O. manent apud Gomcestre.’ Ibid. 51: ‘A. est nativus domini abbatis, sed dicit se esse hominem episcopi.’ Cartulary of Shaftesbury, Harl. MSS. 61, f. 59: ‘Nicholaus habet 4 nativos domine, partim terram tenentes in calumpnia domine partim super terram Nicholai.’
310 Coram Rege, Pasch. 7 Edw. I, m. 7: ‘Villanus fugitivus an in villenagio tenens et adventicius.’
311 Eynsham Inqu. (Chapter of Christ Church, Oxford), 25, a: ‘Quas Adam pater ipsius adquisivit et quia quicquid servis adquiritur domino adquiritur faciat inde dominus quod sibi videatur expediens.’
312 Register of St. Mary of Barnwell, Harl. MSS. 3601, f. 60: ‘Quidam villanus de Bertone tenuit unum mesuagium de duobus dominis... quicquid servus acquirit acquiritur domino suo.’
313 Black Book of Coventry, Ashmol. MSS. 864, f. 6: ‘Et cum obierit, dominus habebit suum melius animal et nihilominus habebit omnes equos masculos, carrectam ferratam, ollum eneum, pannum laneum integrum, bacones integros, omnes porcos excepta una sue, et omnes ruscos apium, si qua hujusmodi habuerit.’
314 Formulary of St. Alban’s, Camb. Univ., Ee. iv. 20.
315 Lancaster Court Rolls, Bundle 32, No. 283: ‘Petrus filius Gerardi nativus domini defunctus est et habuit in bonis domino pertinentibus unam vaccam que appreciatur ad 5 sol. et venditur W. instauratori.’ Cartulary of Christ Church, Canterbury, Addit. MSS. 6157, f. 25, b: ‘Et sciendum, quod si quis custumarius domini in ipso manerio obierit, dominus habebit de herietto meliorem bestiam. Et si bestiam non habuerit, dabit domino pro herietto 2 sol. 6 d.’
316 Cartulary of Battle, Augment. Off. Misc. Books, No. 57, f. 21, a: ‘Et post mortem cujuslibet predictorum nativorum dominus habebit pro herieto melius animal, si quod habuerit, si vero nullam vivam bestiam habeant, dominus nullum herietum habebit ut dicunt. Filii vel filiae predictorum nativorum dabunt pro ingressu tenementi post mortem antecessorum suorum tantum sicut dant de redditu per annum.
317 Gloucester Cartulary, iii. 193: ‘Et post decessum suum dominus habebit melius auerium ejus nomine herieti, et de relicta similiter. Et post mortem ejus haeres faciet voluntatem domini, antequam terram ingrediatur.’
318 Gloucester Cartulary (Rolls Series), iii. 208: ‘Dicunt etiam quod relicta sua non potest in dicta terra maritari sine licentia domini.’ Cartulary of Christ Church, Canterbury, Add. MSS. 6159, f. 25, b: ‘Si autem per licenciam domini se maritaverit, heredes predicti defuncti predictum tenementum per licenciam domini intrabunt et uxorem relictam dicti defuncti de medietate dicti tenementi dotabunt.’ Rot. Hundred. ii. 768, b: ‘Item si obierit, dominus habebit melius auerium nomine herietti et per illum heriettum sedebit uxor ejus vidua per annum et unum diem et si ulterius vidua esse voluerit faciet voluntatem domini.’—The custom in some of the manors of St. Peter of Gloucester was peculiar. Gloucester Cartulary (Rolls Series), iii. 88: ‘Matilda relicta Praepositi tenet dim. virg. contin. 24 a. (8 sol.)—Et tenet ad terminum vitae abbatis... Et debet redimere filium et filiam ad voluntatem domini.... Et si obierit, dominus habebit melius auerium nomine domini, et aliud melius auerium nomine rectoris, et de marito cum obierit similiter.’ When the lord was an ecclesiastical corporation he not unfrequently got two beasts, one as a heriot and the other as a mortuary due to him as rector of the parish.
319 Worcester Cartulary (Camden Series), 102: ‘De antiquis consuetudinibus villanorum, quaelibet etiam virgata dabit iii heriet, sc. equum cum hernesio et duos boves, et dimidia virgata duos heriet, sc. equum cum hernesio et bovem. Alii autem dabunt equum vel bovem.’
320 Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Series), 89, a: ‘Item non vendet bovem vel equum de sua nutritura sine licencia domini, nec coronare faciet filium nec maritabit filiam sine licencia domini, dabit heriettum melius animal, faciet finem cum domino pro ingressu habendo ad voluntatem domini communiter per 40 solidos et omnia alia faciet que nativo incumbunt.’ The relief ought to be discussed in connexion with the obligations of the holding. I speak of it here because the documents mention it almost always with the heriot.
321 Cartulary of St. Mary of Beaulieu, Nero, A. xx. f. 84, b: ‘Pro filio coronando, filia maritanda, fine terre... secundum qualitatem personarum et quantitatem substancie et terre.’
322 Rot. Hundred. ii. 747, a: ‘Debet talliari ad voluntatem domini quolibet anno.’
323 Ibid. ii. 528, b: ‘Et debet talliari ad voluntatem domini semel in anno et debet gersummare filiam et fieri prepositus ad voluntatem domini.’
324 Cartulary of Battle, Augment. Off. Misc. Books, No. 57, f. 93, a: ‘Amerciamenta tenentium, qui redditum tempore statuto non persoluerunt.’ Reg. Cellararii of Bury St. Edmund’s, Cambridge Univ., Gg. iv. 4. 52, b; cf. Eynsham Inqu. ii. a: (Inquisitio de statu villani): ‘Subtraxerunt sectam curie a longo tempore dicendo se esse liberos.’
325 Formulary of St. Alban’s, Cambridge Univ., Ee. iv. 20, f. 165, a: ‘Servilia—videlicet secta curie de tribus septimanis in tres et secta molendini.’ We find it denied in the king’s court that a free man can be bound to do suit to the lord’s mill; Bracton’s Note-book, p. 161: ‘Nota quod liber homo non tenetur sequi molendinum domini sui nisi gratis velit.’
326 Bury St. Edmund’s, Registrum album, Cambridge Univ., Ee. iii. 60, f. 155, b: ‘Liberi excepti a falda domini.’
327 As to Scotale, see Stubbs, Const. Hist. § 165.
328 Reg. Cellararii of Bury St. Edmund’s, Cambridge Univ., Gg. iv. 4. 30, b: ‘Per fidelitatem custumarii... et per alias consuetudines serviles.’
329 Y.B. 20/21 Edward I, p. 41: ‘Kar nent plus neit a dire, Jeo tenk les tenements en vileynage, ke neit a dire ke, Jeo tenk les tenements demendez ver moy a la volunte le Deen,’ etc. See above, Chapter II.
330 Chron. Mon. de Abingdon, ii. 25 (Rolls Series).
331 Exch. Q.R., Misc. Books, No. 29, f. 8, a: ‘Habet 22 servos tenentes 35 acras terre ad voluntatem domini in servagio.’ f. 10, b: ‘Habet ibidem 25 servos tenentes 12 virgatas terre et dimidiam in servagio... et possunt omnes removeri pro voluntate domini.’
332 Harl. MSS. 1885, f. 7: ‘Volens autem dominus de Wahell retinere ad opus suum totum parcum de Segheho... abegit omnes rusticos qui in predicto loco iuxta predictum boscum manebant.’ Cf. Cor. Rege, Pasch. 14 Edw. I, Oxon. 9.
333 Battle Abbey, Augment. Off. Misc. Books, 57, f. 21, a: ‘Et memorandum quod omnes supradicti nativi non possunt... prostrare maremium crescens in tenementis que tenent sine licencia et visu ballivi vel servientis domini et hoc ad edificandum et non aliter.’ Add. Charters, 5290 ‘(transgressiones Stephani Chenore)... fecit vastum... in boscis quos idem Stephanus tenuit de domino in bondagio cum de quercis fraxinis pomariis et aliis arboribus vastos (ramos?) asportavit.’
334 Suffolk Court Rolls (Bodleian), 2, a: ‘Rob. Gl. assertavit pomaria sua et fecit wastum super vilenagium Comitis.’
335 Suffolk Court Rolls (Bodleian): ‘Quia Henricus bercarius plegios non potuit invenire ad heredificandum mesuagium quod fuit W.C. et ibi attractum suum facere.’
336 Duchy of Lancaster Court Rolls (Record Off.), Bundle 32, No. 285: ‘Emma... venit et sursum reddit 1 cotagium et 5 acras et dimidiam terre quas tenuit de domino in bondagio. Et venit Thomas filius ejus et capit dictam terram et dat ad ingressum 10 solidos.’ B. 62, No. 750: ‘Galfridus percarius venit et tradidit terram suam... domino comiti pro paupertate. Robertus filius eius postea venit et finem fecit pro habenda seisina dicte terre.’
337 Duchy of Lancaster Court Rolls, B. 43, No. 484: ‘Dicit etiam quod dicta terra capta est in manu domini Edmundi pro redditibus et serviciis inde a retro existentibus.’ Essex Court Rolls, 3 (Bodleian): ‘Preceptum est capere in manu prioris totam residuam terram custumariam quam Matildis le Someters predicta tenet de feodo prioris quia vendidit de terra sua custumaria... libere per cartam contra consuetudinem manerii.’
338 Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Series), 65; Gloucester Cartulary (Rolls Series), iii. 196.
339 Capitula halimoti, Bodleian MSS., Wood, i. f. 111, b: ‘Si nul soit en un graunt tenement e ne puisse les droitures de son tenement sustener e un aultre homme en un petit tenement que meutz tendroit le graunt tenement al prow le seigneur e le tenement.’
340 Rot. Hundred, ii. 321, a: In villenagio tres virgatae et dimidia.... Et sunt tenentes illarum servi de sanguine suo emendo.... In libere tenentibus pro certis serviciis per annum,’ etc.
341 Glastonbury Inquis. (Roxburghe Series), 21: ‘Quantum quisque teneat, omne ejus servitium; quis tenet libere et quantum et quo servitio et quo guaranto et quo tempore; si aliqua terra fuerit facta libera in tempore Henrici episcopi, vel postea, que debuit operari; quo guaranto hoc fuit, et in quantum sit libera; si dominicum sit occupatum vel foras positum in libertate vel vilenagio, et si ita fuerit domino utilius sicut est vel revocatum.’
342 Ibid. 130: ‘J. clericus tenuit in tempore Henrici episcopi apud Domerham unam virgatam quam adhuc tenet et aliam virgatam apud Stapelham pro 10 solidis. Recepta villa de Domerham ad firmam, ipse propria auctoritate dimisit virgatam de Stapelham et dimidiam virgatam in Domerham in excambium cepit quia propinquior fuit. Hec dimidia virgata operari solet, nunc autem est libera. Virgata vero de Stapelham post illud excambium operari solet que ante hoc libera fuit.’
343 Ibid. 121: ‘De dono xxix solidi et vi denarii. Et de Anderdo deficiunt vj den. quia tenet liberius quam predecessores sui solebant tenere.’
344 Ramsey Cartulary (Rolls Series), i. 364: ‘De his septem hydis est una hyda libera. De sex hydis, quae restant, tenet Marsilia filia A. de R. duas virgatas ad censum. Quinque hydae et tres virgatae, quae restant, tenentur in puro villenagio.’
345 Galba, E. x. f. 38.
346 Extensio de terris Roberti de Sto. Georgio (Lincoln) Inquis. p. mort. 30 Henry III, No. 36: ‘Idem habuit in villenagio 13 bovatas terre et 3 partes unius bovate que 9 rustici tenent et quelibet bovata valet per annum 5 sol. pro omni servicio... habuit in liberis serviciis unam bovatam quam Radulfus filius G. de eo tenuit per cartam pro 2 solidis per annum pro omni servicio.’
347 Bury St. Edmund’s, Reg. Cellararii, Cambr. Univ., Gg. iv. 4, f. 32, a: ‘W. de Bruare tenet i rodam custumarie et per alias consuetudines serviles... alteram libere et per servicium 2 denariorum.’ Cf. Gloucester Cartulary (Rolls Series), iii. 65.
348 Battle Abbey, Reg. Augment. Off. Misc. Books, No. 57, f. 72, b: ‘Isti prenominati (liberi tenentes) sunt quieti per redditum suum de communibus servitiis, debent tamen herietum et relevium.’ Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS., i. p. iii.: ‘Si nul soit enfraunchi de ces ouveraignes dont la uile le est le plus charge.’
349 Ramsey Inqu., Galba, E. x. 39, d: ‘Walterus abbas fecit R. francum de terra patris sui que fuerat ad furcam et flagellum.... Multos de servicio rusticorum francos fecit.’ Ramsey Cartulary (Rolls Series), i. 487: ‘... quaelibet virgata de fleyland.’ The same land appears as ‘quaelibet virgata operaria quae non fuerit posita ad censum.’
350 Spalding Priory, Reg., Cole MSS., vol. 43, f. 272: ‘De tenentibus terram operariam de priore in Spalding: W. de A. tenet 40 acras terre pro quibus debet operari qualibet die per annum ad voluntatem Domini ad quocumque opus Dominus voluerit, cum Carecta, Cortina, Vanga, Flagello, Tribulo, Furca, Falce.’ Coram Rege, Mich., 51/52 Henry III, m. b: ‘Et similiter predictus Petrus distringit eos pro consuetudinibus et servitiis que nec antecessores eorum nec ipsi facere consueverunt ut cum furcis et flagellis.’
351 Eynsham Cartulary, Christ Church MSS., No. 97, f. 6, a: ‘Willelmus F. tenet unum cotagium et quartam partem unius virgate terre qui facere consuevit pro rata porcione sicut virgatarius. Modo ponitur ad firmam dum domina placet ad 6 solidos, 8 d.,’ etc. Cf. Domesday of St. Paul’s (Camden Series), 81. This is in substance the difference between ‘bondagium et husbandland,’ Inquis. p. mort. 46 Henry III, No. 25; Hexham Priory Cartulary (Surtees Series), p. xx.
352 Domesday of St. Paul’s (Camden Series), 49.
353 St. Alban’s Formulary, Cambridge Univ., Ee. iv. 20: ‘Ne uno homini plures terre tradantur, et si modo unus plures tenet, dividantur, si commode et honeste fieri poterit.’
354 Domesday of St. Paul’s (Camden Series), 52; Duchy of Lancaster Court Rolls, B. 62, No. 750: ‘Et quia huiusmodi tenementum nullus potest vendicare hereditarie ut de aliis villenagiis successive.’
355 Hereford Rolls, 8 (Bodleian): ‘Et concessum est ei tenere dictum mesuagium et unam acram terre sibi et heredibus suis secundum consuetudinem manerii per servicia inde debita et consueta.’ Essex Rolls, 8 (Bodleian): ‘Amicia de R. que tenet ex consuetudine manerii.’
356 Extractus Rotulorum de Halimotis, Cambridge Univ, Dd. vii. 22, f. 1, a.
357 Essex Rolls, 8 (Bodleian), m. 6: ‘Johannes filius W.B. venit et clamavit unum mesuagium et quatuor acras terre cum pertinenciis ut jus et hereditatem suam post mortem dicti W. patris sui faciendo inde dominis predictis servicia debita et consueta nomine villenagii et dat domino ad inquirendum de jure suo et si sit plene etatis et heres dicti W. nec ne,’ etc.
358 Eynsham Cartulary, Christ Church MSS., No. 27, f. 11, b: ‘Matildis B. tenet de domino unum cotagium cum curtilagio in voluntate domini.’ Cf. Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Series), 66; Gloucester Cartulary (Rolls Series), iii. 134; Domesday of St. Paul’s (Camden Series), 23.
359 Reg. Cellararii Mon. Bury St Edmund’s, Cambridge Univ., Gg. iv. 4, f. 52, b: ‘(Curia 7 Edw. II)... dicunt quod quidam Robertus Heth pater dictorum R.W. et J. tenuit de conventu per virgam in villa de Berton magna... Et quia dedixerunt cepisse dictam terram per virgam ideo potest seisiri dicta terra in manum domini.’ Registr. album vestiarii abbatiae S. Edmundi, Cambridge Univ., Ee. iii. 60, f. 188, b: ‘Tenentes de mollond... tenent per virgam in curia.’ Eynsham Cartulary, Christ Church MSS., No. 97: ‘Ricardus W. tenet unum cotagium et duas acras terrae campestres per rotulum curie pro 3 sol.’ Cf. 12, a.
360 Note-book of Bracton, pl. 1237.
361 Ely Register, Cotton, Claudius, C. xi. f. iii. b: ‘Habebit duas pugillatas avene ex gratia, ut juratores dicunt, per longum tempus usitata.’
362 Warwickshire Roll, Exch. Q.R. No. 29, f. 94, b: ‘Servus... cum fecerit exennium... comedet cum domino.’
363 Christ Church, Canterbury, Cartulary, Add. MSS. 6159, f. 22, b. Cf. Gloucester Cartulary (Rolls Series), iii. 203.
364 Custumal of Battle Abbey (Camden Ser.), 30: ‘Et debet herciare per duos dies... pretium operis iiij. d. Et recipiet de domino utroque die repastus pretii iij d. Et sic erit dominus perdens j. d. Et sic nichil valet illa herciatio ad opus domini.’
365 Coram Rege, Pasch., 14 Edw. I, Lege, 18: ‘Villani circulare (sic) non consueverunt nisi ex voluntate.’
366 Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Series), 82: ‘Sed non debet carriare nisi dominus prestaverit suum plaustrum.’
367 Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi, f. 30, b: ‘Sed juratores dicunt quod nunquam hoc fecerunt nec de iure facere debent.’
368 Rot. Hundred. ii. 758, a: ‘Servi... nec potest filiam maritare nec uxorem ducere sine licencia domini; debet et salvo contenemento suo talliari et ad omnia auxilia communia scottare et lottare secundum facultatem suam,’ etc.
369 Rot. Hundred. ii. 528, b: ‘Et modo omnia illa arrentata sunt et dant per annum 14 sol. 8 d.’
370 Exch. Q.R. Min. Acc., Bundle 510, No. 13: ‘Et solebant facere servicia consueta, sed per voluntatem et ad placitum domini extenta sunt in denariis.’ Cf. Abingdon Cartulary, ii. 303. Rot. Hundred. ii. 453, a: ‘Omnes isti prenominati nomine villenagii sunt ad voluntatem domini de operibus eorundem,’ Cf. Ibid. 407, b.
371 Worcester Cartulary (Camden Series), 54, b: ‘Haec villa tradita est ab antiquo villanis ad firmam, ad placitum cum omnibus ad nos pertinentibus.’ Cf. Gloucester Cartulary, iii. 37.
372 Worcester Cartulary (Camden Series), l. c.: ‘Praeterea percipimus medietatem proventuum et herietum, praeterea debent metere, ligare et compostare bladum de antiquo dominico de Hordewell... et gersummabunt filias.’
373 Glastonbury Cartulary, Bodleian MSS., Wood, i., f. 241, a: ‘Jocelynus dei gratia Bathoniensis episcopus.... Noveritis nos quietos clamasse omnes homines abbatie Glastonie de Winterburne in perpetuam de arruris et aliis operacionibus quas facere debebant castro Marleberghe de terra de Winterburne, quos homines nostros Henricus illustris rex Anglie nobis concessit.’
374 Wartrey Priory Cartulary, Fairfax MSS. f. 19, a: ‘Et Adam dicit quod predictus Prior villenagium in persona ipsius Ade allegare non potest quia dicit quod dudum convenit inter quemdam Johannem dudum priorem de Wartre... et quendam Henricum de W... patrem ipsius Ade videlicet quod isdem Prior... per quoddam scriptum indenturam concesserunt Henrico... quoddam toftum simul cum duabus bovatis terre.’
375 Malmesbury Cartulary (Rolls Series), ii. 199: ‘Nos tradidisse... Roberto le H. de K. et Helenae uxori suae, et Agneti filiae eorum primogenitae nativis nostris, omnibus diebus vitae eorum, unam domum. Ita quod non licet praedicto Roberto alicui vendere nec occasione istius traditionis aliquam libertatem ipsis vendicare.’
376 As to molmen, I shall follow in substance my article in the English Historical Review, 1886, IV. p. 734. We already find the class in Cartularies of the twelfth century, in the Burton Cartulary, and in the Boldon Book. See Round in the English Historical Review, 1886, V. 103, and Stevenson, ibidem, VI. 332.
377 Any number of examples might be given. I referred in my article to a Record Office document, Exch. Treas, of Rec. Min. Acc. 32/8: ‘Rogerus prepositus tenet 28 acras pro 13 solidis solvendis ad 4 terminos principales. Et dat 2 gallinas at Natale domini de precio 3 den., et 18 ova ad Pascham, et debet 2 homines ad 2 precarias ad cibum domini et non extenduntur eo quod nihil dabunt in argento si servicium illud dominus habere noluerit. Item idem adiuvabit leuare fenum ad precariam domini quod nihil valet ut supra. Item idem faciet 2 averagia Londinium que valent 2 d.... Custumarii. Johannes Cowe tenet 13 acras et dimidiam pro 27 d.... Et debet 3 opera qualibet septimana, scilicet per 44 septimanas videlicet a festo Natali beate Marie usque ad gulam Augusti que continet in operibus per predictum tempus vixxxii (i.e. 132) et valet in denariis 5 sol.’ etc.
378 Black Book of St. Augustine, Canterbury, Cotton MSS. Faustina, A. i. 31: ‘De quolibet sullung (ploughland) 20 solidos de mala ad quatuor terminos quos antecessores nostri dederunt pro omnibus iniustis et incausacionibus (sic) quas uobis ore plenius exponemus.’
379 Rochester Costumal (ed. Thorpe), 2, b: ‘F. habet 21 jugum terre te Gavelland unius servicii et unius redditus. Unumquodque jugum reddit 10 solidos ad 4 terminos—hoc est Mal. In media quadragesima 40 d. Hoc est Gable.’ The Cartulary of Christ Church, Canterbury, in the British Museum (Add. MSS. 6159) always gives the rents under the two different headings of Gafol and Mal.
380 The etymology of the word is traced by Stevenson, l. c.
381 Ashley, Economic History, i. pp. 56, 57.
382 Registrum Album Abbatiae Sancti Edmundi de Burgo, Cambridge University, Ee. iii. 60 f.; 188, b: ‘Memorandum quod anno regni Regis Edwardi filii Regis Henrici 18—dominus Johannes de Norwold abbas Sti. Edmundi ad ulteriores portas manerii sui de Herlawe, ad instanciam Cecilie le Grete de Herlawe hereditatem suam de mollond infra campum dicte ville jacentem post mortem viri sui a pluribus tenentibus Abbatis petentis coram eodem Abbate, eo pretextu quod vir suus adventicius dictam hereditatem suam ipsa invita vendidit et alienauit, per subscriptos inquisivit, utrum ipse seu alii quicumque infra villam predictam mollond tenentes libere tenuerunt seu tenent, et per cartas aut alio modo.... Qui omnes et singuli jurati dixerunt per sacramentum suum quod omnes tenentes de molland solebant esse custumarii et fuerunt, sed Abbas Hugo primus et Abbas Sampson posterum et alii Abbates relaxarunt eis seruicia maiora et consuetudines pro certa pecunia; modo arentati in aliquibus operibus ceteris, sed nihil habent inde nec tenent per cartas, sed per virgam in curia. Et sunt geldabiles in omnibus inter custumarios et quod omnes sunt custumarie et servilis condicionis sicut et alii.’
383 Exch. Treas. of Rec. 59/66. The classes follow each other in this way: ‘Liberi tenentes, Molmen, Custumarii.’ Cf. Rot. Hundred, ii. 425, a.
384 Harl. MSS. 639, f. 69, b: ‘Inquisicio facta per totam socam de Badefeud dicit quod si aliquis servus domini moritur et plures habuerit filios, si tota terra fuerit mollond primogenitus de iure et consuetudine debet eam retinere; si tota fuerit villana iunior; si maior pars fuerit mollond primogenitus, is maior pars fuerit villana iunior eam optinebit.’
385 I cannot surrender this point (cf. Stevenson, l. c.). That Borough English existed in many free boroughs and among free sokemen is true, of course, and there it had nothing to do with servile status. It would have been wrong to treat the custom of inheritance as a sure test from a general point of view. But as a matter of fact it was treated as such a test from a local point of view by many, if not most, manorial arrangements. I refer again to the case from the Note-book of Bracton, pl. 1062. The lord is adducing as proof of a plea of villainage: ‘Hoc bene patet, quia postnatus filius semper habuit terram patris sui sicut alii villani de patria.’ I have said already that the succession of the youngest son appears with merchet, reeveship, etc., as a servile custom.
386 Q.R. Min. Acc. Box 587.
387 Ramsey Cartulary (Rolls Series), i. 267: ‘Decem hidae, ex quibus persona, liberi et censuarii tenent tres hidas et dimidiam, et villani tenent sex hidas.’
388 Domesday Book, i. 204; Ramsey Cartulary, i. 270, 330-40.
389 Rochester Cartulary (Thorpe), 2, a: ‘Gavelmanni de Suthflete.’
390 Cotton MSS. Tiberius B. ii, and Claudius C. xi.
391 Cotton MSS. Claudius C. xi, f. 49, a: ‘De hundredariis et libere tenentibus. Philippus de insula tenet 16 acras de wara et debet sectas ad curiam Elyensem et ad curiam de Wilburtone et in quolibet hundredo per totum annum,’ etc. For a more detailed discussion of the position of hundredors, see Appendix.
392 In the description of Aston and Cote, a submanor of Bampton, Oxfordshire, hundredarii are mentioned in Rot. Hundr. ii. 689.
393 Leg. Henrici I, c. 7. The point has been lately elucidated by Maitland, Suitors of the County Court, Eng. Hist. Rev., July 1888, and Round, Archaeological Review, iv.
394 Gloucester Cart. iii. 193: ‘Et dicunt quod predictus Thomas et socii sui subscripti debent aquietare villam de quolibet hundredo Cyrencestriae et de Respethate praeterquam ad visum franciplegii bis in anno.’ Ramsey Inqu., Cotton MSS. Galba E. x, 35: ‘Sequebatur comitatum et hundredum pro dominico abbatis.’ Madox, Hist. of the Exchequer, i. 74: ‘Serviet eis nominatim in omnibus placitis ad quae convenienter summonitus erit et ad defensionem totius villae Estone aderit in hundredis et scyris in quibus erit quantum poterit.’ Warwickshire Hundr. Roll, Q.R. Misc. Books, No. 29, f. 73, a: ‘Seriancia ad comitatum et hundredum.’
395 Ramsey Cart. i. 438: ‘J.R. tenet dimidiam hydam de veteri feoffamento et non reddit per annum aliquem censum abbati, quia est una de quattuor virgatis quae defendunt totam villatam de secta comitatus et hundredi per annum.’
396 Gloucester Cart. iii. 77: ‘Henricus de Marwent tenet unam virgatam continentem 48 acras... et facit forinseca [servitia], scil. sectas comitatus et hundredi, et alia forinseca.’ Cf. Cart. of Shaftesbury, 65. ‘... defendebat terram suam de omnibus forinsecis avencionibus.’
397 Seebohm, Village Community, 37, 38; Scrutton, Common Fields, 39.
398 See the instances collected by Maitland, Introduction to Rolls of Manorial Courts, Selden Soc., Ser. II, p. xxix, note 2.
399 Maitland, op. c.
400 A few instances among many: Gloucester Cart. iii. 49: ‘Radulfus de E. tenet unam virgatam terrae continentem 48 acras et reddit inde per annum non reditum aliquem, sed sequetur comitatum Warwici et hundredum de Kingtone pro domino, et curiam de Clifforde pro omni servitio.’ There are four other ‘virgatarii liberi’ besides this one. Domesday of St. Paul’s (Camden Soc.), 30: ‘Thomas arkarius (tenet) iv virgatas pro 28 solidis et debet facere sectam sire et hundredi.’ He is a freeholder. Worcester Cart. (Camden Soc.), 64, C: ‘De liberis Ricardus de Salford tenet dimidiam hidam de priore, quam Thomas de Ruppe tenuit de eo, et facit regale servitium tantum, et debet esse coram justiciariis itinerantibus pro defensione villae ad custum suum.’ The Ely ‘hundredarii’ are distinguished from the villains, and form by themselves a group which ranks next to the ‘libere tenentes’ or with them.
401 Ramsey, Inqu. Cotton MSS. Galba, E. x, f. 52: ‘Ecclesia ipsius ville possidet dimidiam hidam liberam et presbiter debet esse quartus eorum qui sequuntur comitatum et hundredum cum custamento suo.’ Cf. 40, 54. Instead of attending separately the priest comes to be included among the four hundredors.
402 Britton, i. 177 sqq. See Maitland’s Introd. to Manorial Rolls, p. xxvii.
403 Maitland, op. c. pp. xxix, xxx.
404 Leg. Henrici I. c. 8.; Cf. Ely Register, Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi, 52, a: ‘et libere tenentes sui qui tenent per socagium debent unam sectam ad frendlese hundred, scil. ad diem Sabbati proximum post festum St. Michaelis.’ The expression ‘friendless’ is peculiar. It appears in other instances in the Ely Surveys. May it not mean, that all the free tenants, even the small ones, had to attend and could not be represented by their fellows or ‘friends’?
405 Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS., i. f. 233, a: ‘et N. et G. veniunt et defendunt vim et iniuriam et talem sectam qualem ab eis exigit et bene cognoscunt quod per attornatos suos debent ipsi facere duas sectas per annum ad duos lagedaios... sed si aliquis latro fuerit ibi iudicandus tunc debent liberi homines sui et prepositi uel seruientes sui debent interesse ad predictum hundredum ad faciendum iudicium et non ipsi in propria persona sua.’ Cf. Malmesbury Cart. (Rolls Ser.), ii. 178: ‘Item recognouit sectam ad hundredum de Malmesburia per se vel per sufficientem attornatum suum. Item recognouit et concessit quod omnes liberi homines sui de Estleye sequantur de hundredo in hundredum apud Malmesburiam sicut aliquo tempore predecessorum suorum facere consueverunt.’
406 This may possibly account for the curious fact, that in every manor there are some tenants called ‘Freeman,’ ‘Frankleyn,’ and the like. They seem to be there to keep up the necessary tradition of the free element. For instance: Eynsham Cart. MSS. of the Chapter of Christ Church, Oxford, xxix. f. 4, a: ‘Iohannes Freman de Shyfford tenet unam virgatam per cartam... facit sectam ad comitatum et hundredum et hac de causa tenet tenementum suum.’ Cf. Coram Rege 27 Henry III, m. 3: ‘Dicunt quod non est aliquis liber homo in eodem manerio nisi Willelmus filius Radulfi qui respondet infra corpus comitatus.’ The fact is well known to all those who have had anything to do with manorial records.
407 Cf. Maitland, Suitors of the County Court, Eng. Hist. Review, July, 1888.
408 Is it not possible to explain by the ‘hundredor’ the following difficult passage in Domesday, ii. 100? ‘Hugo de Montfort invasit tres liberos homines... unus ex his jacet ad feudum Sancti Petri de Westmonasterio testimonio hundredi, sed fuit liberatus Hugoni in numero suorum hundredorum (corr. hundredariorum?) ut dicunt sui homines.’ It is true that the term does not occur elsewhere in Domesday, but the reading as it stands appears very clumsy, and the emendation proposed would seem the easiest way to get out of the difficulty.
409 Y.B. 21/22 Edw. I. (ed. Horwood), pp. xix, 499.
410 I may be excused for again referring to the Stoneleigh Reg. f. 32, d: ‘Quidam tenentes eiusdem manerii tenent terras et tenementa sua in Sokemannia in feodo et hereditate de qua quidem tenura talis habetur et omne tempore habebatur consuetudo videlicet quod quando aliquis tenens eiusdem tenure terram suam alicui alienare voluerit veniat in curiam coram ipso Abbate vel eius senescallo et per vergam sursum reddat in manum domini terram sic alienandam ad opus illius qui terram illam optinebit... Et si aliquis terram aliquam huiusmodi tenure infra manerium predictum per cartam vel sine carta absque licentia dicti Abbatis alienaverit aliter quam per sursum reddicionem in curia in forma predicta, quod terra sic extra curia alienata domino dicti manerii erit forisfacta in perpetuum.’
411 Madox, Exch. i. 724, e: ‘Monstraverunt Regi homines et tenentes de soca de Oswald Kirke in Com. Nottinghamiae, quod cum soka illa dudum fuisset antiquum dominicum coronae Angliae et dominus Henricus quondam Rex Angliae progenitor Regis socam illam cum pertinenciis dedisset et concessisset Henrico de Hastyngges habendam et tenendam ad communem legem... Ac licet homines et tenentes predicti et antecessores sui homines et tenentes de soca illa inter homines communitatis comitatus Nottinghamiae et non cum tenentibus de antiquis dominicis Coronae Regis a tempore escambii predicti talliari consueverunt, assessores tamen tallagii Regis in dominicis in Comitatu Nottinghamiae praedicto... (eos) una cum illis de dominicis Regis praedictis talliari fecerunt.’ Cf. 428, b, c.
412 Rot. Hundr. ii. 608, a: ‘Liberi tenentes... liberi sokemanni.’ Cf. 752, a.
413 Inquisit. post mortem 53 Henry III, n. 4 (Record Office): ‘Libere tenentes ad voluntatem... libere tenentes in socagio... libere tenentes per cartam.’ Rot. Hundr. ii. 471, a. See Appendix xii.
414 Warwicksh. Hund. Roll. Q.R. Misc. books, xxix. p. 44, b: ‘(tenens) per antiquam tenuram sine carta.’ Gloucester Cart. iii. 67: ‘de liberis tenentibus dicunt quod haeredes O.G. tenent tres virgatas terrae de antiqua tenura.’ Cf. iii. 47, 69. Christ Church Cart., Canterbury, Add. MSS. 6159, p. 70: ‘isti tenent antiquo dominico... isti tenent antiquum tenementum... inferius notati sunt operarii.’ Domesday of St. Paul’s, 46, 47: ‘de antiqua hereditate.’ Cf. Pollock, Land-laws (2nd ed), p. 209.
415 Rot. Hundr. ii. 501, b.
416 Rot Hundr. ii. 774.
417 Coram Rege, Hill. 30 Edw. I, m. 17 ‘(servicia sokemannorum)... merchet ad voluntatem.’
418 Rot. Hundr. ii. 846, a.
419 Rot. Hundr. ii. 781, b.
420 Peterborough Cart., Cotton MSS., Faustina, B. iii. f. 97, 98.
421 Spalding Priory Cart., Cole MSS., xliii. p. 296.
422 Rot. Hundr. ii. 780 b.
423 Spalding Cart. p. 295.
424 Ibid. p. 283: ‘bondus dat auxilium... scil. omnes sokemanni unam marcam.’ Cf. 292.
425 Ely Inqu., Cotton MS., Claudius, C. xi. 50, b: ‘Tota villata tam liberi, quam alii debent facere 40 perticatas super Calcetum de Alderhe [Aldreth’s Causeway] sine cibo et opere.’ Cf. Domesday of St. Paul’s, 75.
426 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 76, 77; Rot. Hundr. ii. 764, b.
427 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 32: ‘Omnes isti libere tenentes metunt et arant ad precarias domini et ad cibum eius sine forisfacto.’ The general rule is, that freeholders join only in the boon-works (precariae) and not in the regular week-work. But socmen are found engaged in this latter also.
428 Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi. f. 266: ‘De feodis militum et libere tenentibus... heriet... relevium... sed non dabit tallagium et gersumam.’ 167 b: ‘herietum... relevium... pannagium... tallagium.’ Ramsey Cart. i. 297.
429 Gloucester Cart. iii. 49 and 46; Battle Cart., Augm. Off. Misc. Books, N. 57, f. 10, b.
430 Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi. f. 186, b: ‘Omnes custumarii preter liberos qui non dant gersumam pro filiis et filiabus...’
431 E. g. ibid. 44, a.
432 Bury St. Edmund’s Registrum Album, Cambr. Univ., Ee. iii. 60, f. 154, b: ‘Et nota quod si prepositus hundredi capiat gersumam de aliquo libero, dominus habebit medietatem.’ Suffolk Court Rolls, 3 (Bodleian): ‘gersuma si evenerit filii vel filie, finem faciet in hundredo, sed celerarius habebit medietatem finis.’
433 Rot. Hundr. ii 484, b; 485, a.
434 Ibid. ii 749, b.
435 Ibid. i. 6.
436 Coram Rege, Trin., 3 Edw. I, m. 14, d.
437 Rot. Hundr. i. 19.
438 Cf. a very definite case of oppression, Placit. Abbrev., 150.
439 Statutes of the Realm, i. 224.
440 Notebook of Bracton, pl. 1334 and 1644.
441 Rochester Cart. (Thorpe), 19 a: ‘Dominus non debet aliquem operarium injuste et sine judicio a terra sua ejicere.’ Ibid. 10, a: ‘in crastino Sancti Martini non ponet eos (dominus) ad opera sine consensu eorundem.’ Black Book of St. Augustine, Cotton MSS., Faustina, A. i. f. 185, d: ‘(Consuetudines villanorum de Plumsted) Villani de P. tenent quatuor juga et debent inde arare quatuor acras et seminare... et debent metere in autumpno 8 acras de ivernagio vel 4 acras de alio blado.... Et debent falcare 2 acras prati.... Item debent duo averagia per annum a Plumsted ad Newenton et nihil debent averare ad tunc nisi res que sunt ad opus conventus et que poni debent super ripam.’
442 Notebook of Bracton, pl. 1334: ‘... et consuetudo est quod uxores maritorum defunctorum habeant francum bancum suum de terris sokemannorum.’ Rot. Hundr. i. 201, 202: ‘habent et vendunt maritagia sokemannorum aliter quam deberent, quia in Kancia non est warda.’
443 Cf. Elton, Tenures of Kent.
444 Notebook of Bracton, pl. 1419: ‘et ipsi veniunt et dicunt quid nunquam cartam illam fecit nec facere potuit quia uillanus fuit et terram suam defendidit per furcam et flagellum.’
445 Seebohm, Village Community, 103; followed by Scrutton, Commons and Common Fields, 38; and Ashley, Economic History, i. 18.
446 Maitland, Introduction to Manorial Rolls, lxix.
447 Chandler, Court Rolls of Great Cressingham, p. 14: ’20 solidi de toto Homagio quia recusaverunt preparare fenum domini. Debitum ponatur in respectum usque proximam curiam et interea scrutatur le Domesday.’ A manorial extent is evidently meant. Comp. Domesday of St. Paul’s.
448 Ely Inq., Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi. 60, a: ‘Anelipemen, Anelipewyman et coterellus manens super terram episcopi vel terram alicuius custumariorum suorum metet unam sellionem in autumpno ex consuetudine que vocatur luuebene.’ Cp. 42, a, ‘quilibet anlepiman et anlepiwyman et quilibet undersetle metet dimidiam acram bladi,’ etc., and Ramsey, Cart. i. 50.—I have not been able to find a satisfactory etymological explanation of ‘anelipeman’; but he seems a small tenant, and sometimes settled on the land of a villain.
449 Of course in later times the test applied in drawing the line between freehold and baser tenure was much rather the mode of conveyance than anything else. The commutation into money rent of labour services due from a tenement ‘held by copy of court roll’ (a commutation which in some cases was not effected before the fifteenth century), did not convert the tenement into freehold; had it done so, there would have been no copyhold tenure at the present day. But I am here speaking of the thirteenth century when this ‘conveyancing test’ could not be readily applied, when the self-same ceremony might be regarded either as the feoffment by subinfeudation of a freehold tenant or the admittance of a customary tenant, there being neither charter on the one hand nor entry on a court roll on the other hand. Thus the nature of the services due from the tenement had to be considered, and, at least in general, a tenement which merely paid a money rent was deemed freehold.
450 It should be observed that the word demesne (dominicum) is constantly used in two different senses, (a) the narrower sense in which it stands for the land directly occupied and cultivated by the lord or for his use, and excludes the land held by his villain tenants, and (b) the wider sense in which it includes these villain tenements. The first meaning is that which the word usually bears in manorial documents, in which the dominicum is contrasted with the villenagium or bondagium. But in legal pleadings and documents which state the doctrine of the common law and the king’s courts the villain tenements are part of the lord’s demesne, he is seised of them in his demesne (in dominico suo). This discrepancy between what I may call the manorial and the legal uses of the term deserves notice as an indication of the imperfect adjustment of law to fact. I shall use the term in its narrower sense.
451 Eynsham Cartulary, MSS. of Christ Church, Oxford, N. 27, f. 1, a: ‘Est una cultura nuncupata Shyppelond, et continet in toto septem acras dimidiam acram et dimidiam rodam, et valet acra 4 d., et bis successive seminatur.’ Inqu. p. mortem 20 Henry III, N. 14 (Record Office): ‘Extensio manerii de Remdun (Lincoln). Sunt ibidem 360 acre terre et faciunt duas carucatas. Et seminata sunt per annum 240 acre... De waracto per annum 12 d.’
452 Glastonbury Survey of 1189 (Roxburghe Ser.), 99: ‘Idem tenet de dominico tres acras a tempore Henrici episcopi quas colit in uno anno et altero non.’
453 Eynsham Cart., 1, a: ‘Est ibidem prope alia cultura nuncupata Clay-furlong et continet cum capitali inferiore octo acras unam rodam tres perticas cum dimidia, et potest ter seminari successive, videlicet post warectum ordium, anno sequente cum grosso pulstro et anno tercio cum frumento, et valet acra 8 d.... (Alia cultura) et potest ter seminari ut supra mutato grosso pulstro in pisas.’
454 Two husbandry treatises were chiefly in use in mediaeval England. The fourteenth-century MS., Merton College 91, contains both, and both mention the two systems. (Modus qualiter balliui et prepositi debent onerari super compotum reddendum et qualiter manerium custodiri), f. 152: ‘E la vu les chaumps sunt semez e parti en deus, le iuernage e le trameys sunt tous semez en un champ.’—(Maior husbonderia, otherwise Walter of Henley’s treatise), f. 155: ‘Si les terres seent partiz en iii, la une partie en le yuernage, lautre partie en le quaremel, e la tierce partie a warect, donqes est la charrue de terre de xxx acres’ (sic, corr. ixxx). ’E si vos terres seent partez en ii, com sont en plusurs pays, la une partie a yuernage e a quaremel, e lautre partie a waret, donqes serra la charue de terre de viiixx acres.’ Cf. Thorold Rogers, Six Centuries, 75.
455 Fleta, ii. 72.
456 Malmesbury Cart. (Rolls Ser.), ii. 186: ‘De terris inbladandis et inhoc faciendis in campis de Brokeneberewe et de Burestone, a ponte de Jule-brocke usque ad Halbrigge de Bremelham, ubi dictus Ricardus dicebat se habere communam, ita quod nec abbas et conventus, nec eorum tenentes possint inhoc facere sine consensu dicti Ricardi, nec pro voluntate sua terras suas ibidem inbladare... Abbas et conventus concesserunt praedicto Ricardo... ut cum terrae prenominatae inbladatae fuerint et blada a terris amota, liberam et plenam communam in praefatis terris una cum abbate et suis hominibus (habeat) sicut ipse vel praedecessores sui unquam melius et plenius habere consueverunt.... Ita quod si de campo predicto in quo factum est inhoc pars quaedam remaneat inculta sine blado, in eadem parte habebunt predictus Ricardus et heredes sui communam cum abbate et conventu et suis. Similiter si villani praedicti Ricardi nolint inhokare terras suas infra praedictum inhoc sitas, habebunt liberum ingressum et egressum ad warectandum eas.’
457 Coram Rege, Hill. 3 Edw. I, m. 17, d: ‘Item quicumque facit inheche scilicet excolit warectum frumento, ordeo vel auena, dabit pro qualibet acra unum denarium, excepta una acra quam habere debet quietam.’ See App. xii.
458 Gloucester Cart. iii. 35, 36: ‘Omnes dictae particulae jacent pro uno campo, summa 174 acre arabiles, etc.... Et de predicto campo possunt inhokari quolibet secundo anno 40 acre et valet inde commodum eo anno 10 solidos.... De dictis 63 acris possunt quolibet secundo anno inhokari 20 acre, et valet inde commodum eo anno 11 sol. 8 d.... Et est summa totalis omnium acrarum arabilium 412. Et est summa dictarum acrarum in valore denariorum 9 librae 12 solidi. De quibus subtracta tertia parte pro campo jacente ad warectum, 64 sol. scilicet, remanent ad extentam annuam de puro 6 librae 8 sol. et de commodo terrae quae singulis annis potest inhokari 15 sol. 10 d.’—Cf. Minor husbanderia, Merton Coll. MS. 91, f. 152: ’E si li ad Inhom, i deit veer quele cuture i prent del Inhom, e de quel ble est seme checune cuture, e tel semail deit il cuiler tut per ly e respondre tut per ly, hors des autres blees.’
459 Cart. of Boxgrave, Cotton MSS., Claudius, A. vi. p. 2: ‘Debet compostare unam helvam ad frumentum et aliam ad ordeum.’ Essex Court Rolls (Bodleian), 4: ‘Milencia Tegulatrix posuit fimos in communa ad nocumentum custumariorum.’ Glastonbury Inquest of 1189 (Roxburghe Ser.), 141: ‘A. de N. occupavit quendam mariscum per concessum Roberti abbatis et illum marliavit et coluit.’ Cf. Domesday of St. Paul’s (Camden Ser.), 8: ‘Dicunt eciam quod emendatum est manerium in 50 acris marlatis per Willelmum Thesaurarium ad summam 10 solidorum.’ Ib. 21.
460 Malmesbury Cart. (Rolls Ser.), ii. 27: ‘Concessimus... Roberto filio Roberti... illam virgatam terre quam A. de C. tenuit in campis, scilicet in uno campo 21 acras et in alio campo 21 acras.’
461 Gloucester Cart., iii. 194: ‘Robertus Abovetun tenet unam virgatam terre continentem 44 acras in utroque campo.’
462 Ramsey Register, Cotton MSS., Galba, E. x. 27, d: ‘Radulfus tenet 11 seliones in uno campo et 5 in alio de vilenagio.’ Worcester Cart. (Camden Ser.), 62, a: ‘Henricus clericus tenet unam virgatam, 16 acras in uno campo et 14 in alio. Item tenet aliam virgatam similiter. T.T. tenet unam virgatam, 15 acras excepto dimidio furtendello in uno campo et 11 in alio. O. le E. tenet unam virgatam 13 a. et ½ in uno campo et 12 et dimidiam in alio. T. le F. tenet unam virgatam, 16 acras in uno campo et 12 in alio.’
463 As in Gloucester Cart., i. 246: ‘Ecclesiam Omnium Sanctorum... cum omnibus pertinenciis suis, videlicet unam virgatam terrae, undecim acras terrae in campo lucrabili.’ Cf. 247.
464 Dunstable Cart., Harleian MSS. 1885, f. 7, d: ‘Postquam buttum habuimus bis seminatio fuerit et non amplius, quia omnes ceteri non excolunt ibi terram, sed at pascua reservant.’
465 Eynsham Cart., Christ Church, Oxford, MSS., N. 27, f. 74, b: ‘Placitum de Haneberge in recordo de banco de termino Sti Trinitatis anni xliij (Edw. III)... Est quidam hamelettus vocatus Tilgerdesle infra bundos ville de Eynesham, infra quem hamelettum tam in vastis quam in terris, pratis et pasturis eiusdem hameletti iidem Johannes Smyth et omnes alii habent communam cum omnibus averiis suis tanquam pertinens ad tenementa sua que ipsi separati tenent in Hanberge, scilicet in vasto et pastura quolibet anno per totum annum et in terris arabilibus post blada messa et asportata quousque... resemenentur et quolibet tercio anno tempore warecti per totum annum eo quod omnes terrae arabiles infra dictum hamelettum per duos annos continuos debent seminari et tercio anno warectari, et in pratis post fenum levatum et asportatum usque ad festum purificacionis beate Marie.... Et dicunt quod diversis vicibus quibus predictus Abbas nunc queritur etc. diuerse parcelle terrarum arabilium in hameletto predicto que tunc temporis warectare debuissent per predictum abbatem et alios seminate fuerunt per quod ipsi tam in parcellis illis sic seminatis que tunc temporis warectare debuerunt quam in aliis vastis, pratis et pascuis hameletti predicti in communa sua cum aueriis suis prout eis bene licuerit usi fuerunt... Et predictus abbas non cognoscit quod terre arabiles infra hamelettum predictum quolibet tercio anno debent warectari, immo protestando quod eedem terre per tres annos continuos debent seminari et quarto anno warectari.’ The case is a rather complicated one, because the persons claiming common are not tenants of the Abbot but of the King. Still, their pretensions are grounded on the customary order of farming in a hamlet belonging to the manor of Eynsham, and this is the point which concerns us. Cf. Coram Rege, Pascha, 25 Henry III: ‘Abbas... partitus fuit terras suas in tres partes quae antea partitae fuerunt in duas partes.’ See also Placit. Abbrev. 153. The case is quoted by Scrutton, Common Fields, 57.
466 Some of these expressions are interesting. Balk is the O.N. bȧlkr; gora is the spear-head or its long triangular shape, O.E. gȧr, O.N. geírr. These linguistic affinities have been pointed out to me by Mr. F. York Powell.
467 Alvingham Priory Cart., Laud MSS. 642 (Bodleian), f. 12. Cf. Malmesbury Cart. ii. 294; Madox, History of the Exchequer, 258.
468 Eynsham Cart., 5, a: ‘I.I. virgatarius... Idem tenet unam selionem terre apud Blakelond non mensuratam.’
469 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 11: ‘Laurencius de hospitale dimidiam virgatam pro 40 denariis; tres acre quas tenuit Laurencius sine servicio inveniri non possunt.’
470 Dunstable Priory Cart., Harleian MSS. 1885, f. 7, d. See Appendix xiii.
471 Elton, English Historical Review, i. 435.
472 The expressions are not identical, but they ought both to correspond to the ploughteam.
473 As to all this, see Seebohm, Village Community.
474 Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Ser.), 144. v. Hide, virgate.
475 Eynsham Cart., 4, a.
476 Domesday of St. Paul’s: ‘Manerium istud secundum dictum juratorum continet octo hidas, et hida continet sexcies viginti acras, set antiqua inquisicio dixit, quod non consuevit continere nisi quater viginti, quia postmodum exquisite sunt terre et mensuratae.’
477 Inqu. post mort. 30 Henry III, N. 36: ‘Extensio de terris Roberti de Sancto Georgio (in com. Lincoln.)... tenuit in capite de domino Rege 20 bovatas terre et dimidiam pro servicio sexte partis unius feodi militis.... Et Robertus de Drayton tenet 2 bovatas et quartam partem unius bovate terre de dicto Roberto per forinsecum servicium tantum, unde 16 carucate terre faciunt feodum militis.’
478 Rot. Hundred. ii. 631, b: ‘... et ad dictam villam pertinent sex hide quarum quelibet continet 6 virgatas terre et quelibet virgata continet 30 acras.’ Ramsey Survey, Galba, E. x. 41: ‘In una hydarum istarum... septem virgatae 4 acris minus.’ Eynsham Cart., 21, a: ‘Et abbas habet in eodem manerio 4 carucatas terre et continent 16 virgatas terre in dominico et in villenagio 16 virgatas terre.’
479 Ramsey Cart. (Rolls Ser.), i. 55, 284, 295, 309, 333, 373, 380; Ely Inqu., Claudius, xi. 82, 95, 97, 121, 129, 186; Gloucester Cart., iii. 128, 142, 145, 196; Coram Rege, Hill. 3 Edw. I, 17, b; Eynsham Cart., 11, a; 88, a; Rot. Hundr., ii. 605, b.
480 Chapter-house Boxes, A. 4/22, m. 31-33.
481 Ramsey Cart. (Rolls Ser.), i. 354: ‘Aliquando 48 acre faciunt virgatam et aliquando pauciores.’
482 Rot. Hundr., ii. 628, b.
483 Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Ser.), 134: ‘... R. de W. unam virgatam pro 4 solidis pro omni servicio quia terra parva est.’
484 Ibid., 113: ‘Super hanc virgatam terre fuerunt olim 2 domus et pro duabus virgatis computata fuit terra illa, sed quia non potuerant 2 homines ibi vivere, redacte ille 2 virgate ad unam, et sicut audierant dicere 7 solidi reddebantur, sed nunquam hoc viderunt et facit idem servitium quod alii faciunt virgarii.’
485 O.C. Pell in the Transactions of the Cambridge Archaeological Society, vi. 17 sqq., 63 sqq.
486 Ely Inqu., Claudius, C xi. 30, a.
487 Duchy of Lancaster Court Rolls, Ble 62, N. 750; 3, b. Burton Cartulary, Transactions of the Staffordshire William Salt Society, pp. 22, 28.
488 Ely Inqu., 31, b.
489 Burton Cart. (William Salt Ser.), 22, 28. Compare Peoples, Ranks and Laws, cap. 3 (Schmid, p. 388).
490 Peterborough Cart., Cotton MSS., Faustina, B. iii. 97: ‘Libera wara est unus redditus et est talis condicionis quod si non solvatur... dupplicabitur in crastino et sic in dies.’
491 Beaulieu Cart., 103: ‘Et inveniet hominem ad gurgitem faciendum et waram.’
492 Rot. Hundr., ii. 323: ‘Tenementum quod non est hidatum nec feodatum.’
493 Ramsey Cart. (Rolls Ser.), i. 401: ‘Terrae de Hulmo non sunt distinctae per hydas vel per virgatas.’ 413: ‘Nescitur quot virgatae faciunt hidam, nec quot acrae faciunt virgatam.’ Cf. 405. Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Ser.), 5: ‘... Nescit quantum amuntat in hida.’
494 Ramsey Cart. i. 441: ‘Terrae quae sunt extra hydam et quae non dant hydagium.’ 355: ‘Virgatam extra hydam firmarius appropriavit.’ 324: ‘Ponere extra hydam.’
495 Ibid. 473: ‘Villata defendit, etc. versus Regem pro 10 hydis et versus abbatem pro 11 hydis et dimidia.’
496 Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi. 38, b: ‘Plena terra que facit 12 acras de ware.’
497 St. Alban’s Formulary, Cambridge Univ., E. e. iv. 20; f. 165, a: ‘Item dicunt quod quando predictus Robertus fuerit mortuus quod dominus habebit melius animal suum pro herieto et carettam suam ferro ligatam, omnes pullos suos, omnes porculos suos, omnes pannos suos laneos, omnia vasa sua argentea, aenea et ferrea. Et quod filius suus postnatus habebit terram quam pater suus tenuit et dabit pro ingressu habendo tantum quantum unus alius extraneus et faciet eadem seruilia (sic) que et pater suus fecit.’ Ramsey Cart., i. 372: ‘Erit dicta terra post mortem patris vel matris gersummata filio juniori vel propinquiori de sanguine secundum consuetudinem ville.’
498 Duchy of Lancaster, Ble 62, N. 750, m. 2: ‘Siwardus cepit unam hidam cum dimidia virgata terre et illam tenuit usque ad obitum uxoris sue; postea venit idem Siwardus et rogauit Hugonem fratrem suum ut auderet remanere in terra patris sui prenominati, quia fuit sine terra. Et idem Hugo sibi concessit, saluo iure suo. Item Siwardus cepit uxorem... de qua habuit Robertum, Radulfum et Gunnildam. Post obitum dicti Siwardi venit Rogerus qui fuit filius Hugonis et exigebat terram prenominatam et per consideracionem curie fuit seisitus in predicta terra, set quia uxor dicti Siwardi pauper fuit, consideratum sibi fuit ut haberet iv acras de predicta terra, quantum sibi custodiret. Postea maritata fuit et revertebant predicte acre terre dicto Rogero ut de jure suo pertinentes ad dictam virgatam terre.’ Cf Q.R. Misc. 902/77.
499 Black Book of St. Augustine’s, Cotton MSS., Faustina, A. i. 15, a: ‘In Taneto sunt 45 sullung 150 acre reddentes gablum denariorum. In festo Sti Martini videlicet de unoquoque sullung reddunt de Gabulo 2 solidos 2 denarios, summa quorum facit 25 libras 105 solidos 10 denarios obolum. Ipsi qui tenent predictos sullung reddunt in equinoctio autumpnae de unoquoque sullung pro horsarer 16 den. et de 150 acris 12 den. Ipsi idem arant pro anererthe in purificacione de unoquoque sullung unam acram et 150 acris 3 virgatas. Ipsi idem reddunt in festo Sti Johannis de unoquoque sullung 2 agnos separabiles et de 150 acris 1 agnum et valenciam dimidii agni. Ipsi idem reddunt in natali de unoquoque sullung unum ferendel ordei,’ etc.
500 Ibid. 60; Suolinga de Ores: ‘Heredes Salomonis de Ores tenent 8 acras... Heredes Willelmi de Ores tenent 12 acras... Jacobus tenet 3 acras et dimidiam perchatam... Thomas filius G. de Hores tenet 2 acras... Ricardus et Salomon filius Augustini... et Willelmus filius Ricardi tenent 2 acras et dimidiam,’ etc.
501 Augment. Off. Misc. Books, N. 57, f. 96, a: ‘Johannes Bairot heredes Hamoni Daniel, heredes Johannis hugheleyn, heredes Roberti atte mede, heredes Walteri et Willelmi Ram et Gilbertus le Rome tenent unum jugum et dimidium de Cukulycumbe.’
502 Domesday of St Paul’s, 38 sqq. Comp. Ramsey Cart., i. 413.
503 Gloucester Cart., iii. 213: ‘Robertus Altegreue, Willelmus Godere, Johannes Abraham, Isabella relicta Lucae tenent unam virgatam, scilicet quilibet eorum unum quarterium et faciunt conjunctim in omnibus sicut unus virgatarius.’ Comp. 59 201. Hereford Court Rolls (Bodleian), 3, b: ‘T. Hake, Ricardus de Poluchulle et Muriel filius Galfridi pyoner tenent unam dimidiam virgatam terre consuetudinarie.’
504 Bury St. Edmund’s Cart., Cambridge University, G. g. iv. 4. f. 35, a: ‘Johannes Knop tenet cotagium et contribuit heredi qui tenet maiorem partem tenementorum.’
505 Inqu. post mort. 55 Henry III, N. 33: ‘Redditarii qui vocantur selfoders.’
506 Exch. Q.R. Anc. Misc. Court Rolls, xxi. 513. 82: ‘Dicunt quod aliquis habens virgatam terre et vendiderit omnes partes excepto capitati domo et loco focarii, tenentes locum focarii erunt sectatores curie et alteri non. Similiter de tenentibus dimidiam virgatam et codsetlestoftes: semper tenentes locum focarii colligent firmam et erunt liberi de pannagio et de aliis tallagiis et alteri tenentes partes erunt geldabiles.’ (Curia de Brigstock tenta die veneris proxima ante festum Sancti Andree Apostoli anno [r. r. Edw. xxvij]).
507 See Hanauer, Les paysans de l’Alsace au Moyen Age.
508 Domesday of St. Paul’s, xv. 7; Gloucester Cartulary, iii. 55, 61; Cartulary of Christ Church, Canterbury, Add. MSS. 6759, f. 21, b.
509 Battle Cart. Augm. Off. Books, N. 18, f. 7, a: ‘Aratra uertuntur in terram domini.’ Ely Inqu., Claudius, C. xi. 38 b, 86 b, etc.
510 Ely Inqu., 72 b; comp. 24, b; Gloucester Cart., iii. 183.
511 Eynsham Reg., 6, b: ‘Robertus Tony tenet de domino unam virgatam terre in bondagium... Idem semel arabit cum vicino adiuncto.’ Ramsey Cart., i. 56. Comp. Q.R. Min. Acc., Ble 513, N. 97: ‘Estimatur quod communiter tres custumarii possunt facere unam carucam (tenent 20 acras).’
512 Rot. Hundr., ii. 461, b: ‘Robertus de Tony habet in villenagio scil. Reginaldum Toni qui tenet 5 acras... Item si ipse habeat cum uno vel cum duobus sociis unam carucam, arabit unam selionem terre domini.’ Comp. 462, a. Add. MSS. 6159, f. 22, b: ‘W.J. tenet de domino in villenagio unum mesuagium et 10 acras terre.... Et arabit cum caruca sua sive jungat sive non 4 acras.’
513 Black Book of St. Augustine’s, 53.
514 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 58.
515 Augm. Off. Misc. Books, N. 57, f. 65, b. See Cartulary of Battle Abbey (Camd. Soc.), p. 133.
516 Ely Inqu., 185, a: ‘... tenent dimidium tenmanland, scilicet 60 acras terre... Al. et M. et eorum participes tenent unum tenmanland, scilicet 120 acras terre.’ The expression may be corrupted from tunmanland, or else it may be a mark of a beginning of cultivation in Danish times.
517 Chapter-house Books, A. 4/22, p. 21: ‘Custumarii tenent 22 virgatas quas vocant wistas.’
518 Battle Abbey Cart., Augment. Off. Misc. Books, N. 57, f. 27, a; comp. 15, b.
519 Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Ser.), 66, 90.
520 Worcester Cart., 41, b.
521 Glastonbury Inqu., 67, 70; Rot. Hundr., ii. 404, b.
522 Gloucester Cart., iii. 207.
523 Abingdon Cart., ii. 304: ‘In dominio camerae sunt 4 hidae uno cotsettel minus.’
524 Glastonbury Inqu., 41: ‘Robertus blundus tenet dimidiam virgatam eodem servicio. Hec terra solet esse divisa in duo cotsetlanda, set in tempore werre deciderunt, eo ex his duabus terris facta fuit dimidia virgata. Si esset divisa utilius esset domino.’
525 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 19; Ramsey Cart. (Rolls Ser.), i. 309.
526 Gloucester Cart., iii. 61.
527 Black Book of St. Augustine’s, 57.
528 Ibid.
529 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 49.
530 Gloucester Cart., ii. 109.
531 Exch. Q.R. Anc. Misc., xxi. 513/82 (Curia de Brigstock, Friday after Annunciation, 27 Edw. I): ‘Ille due dimidie rode prati... pertinent ad Hakermannislond, et nemo potest habere seysinam predictarum sine breui Domini Regis.’
532 Glastonbury Inqu., 2: ‘In marisco 110 acras terrae et quoddam molendinum, et octo deneratas terrae secus molendinum.’
533 Madox, Exch., i. 155, n. 257: ‘Duodecim tamen nummatas quas Ordurcus tenuit... usque ad 10 annos debemus tenere, singulis annis reddentes ei 12 denarios ad festum Sti Michaelis.’
534 Eynsham Cart. 2, c: ‘Est quoddam pratum nuncupatum Clayhurste et continet de prato et pastura 35 acras dimidiam rodam 13 perticas. Est ibidem ex parte australi una pecia prati et pasture et continet 10 acras et 7 perticas et nuncupatur twelueacres que annuatim diuiditur in 12 parcellas per virgam equales, unde dominus habet uno anno i, iii, v, vii, ix et xi, heredes le Freman et Walterus le Reue eodem anno habent parcellas ii, iv, vi, viii, x et xii. Alio anno habet dominus parcellas quas tenentes habuerunt et tenentes parcellas domini. Et sic annuatim habet dominus quinque acras, tres perticas et dimidiam perticam.’ Cf. 23, c: ‘Memorandum quod in prato de Landemede sunt sex parcelle bundate quarum prima parcella nuncupata Stubbefurlong continet 4 acras et dimidiam rodam et est domini anno incarnacionis Domini impari et tenencium anno incarnacionis Domini pari. Quandovero est tenencium, diuiditur per sortem.’
535 A very good instance is supplied by Williams, Rights of Common, 89, 90. Cf. Birkbeck, Sketch of the Distribution of Land in England, 19.
536 Gloucester Cart. iii. 67 (Extenta de Berthona Regis): ‘De pastura separabili dicunt quod Rex habet quandam moram quae continet 4½ acras et valet 4 solidos et potest sustinere 12 boves per nouem menses. Item de pastura inseparabili dicunt quod Abbas Gloucestriae debet invenire pasturam ad 18 boves domini Regis, et ad 2 vaccas, et 2 afros, a vigilia Pentecostes quousque prata sint falcata, levata et cariata.’ Exch. Q.R. Treas. of Rec. 59/69: ‘item dicunt quod sunt ibi de pastura separabili 50 acrae et valet acra 3 d.’
537 Eynsham Cart. 3, b: ‘Dicunt eciam quod omnia prata pasture domini et omnes culture non seminate et [que] deberent seminari sunt separalia per tempus predictum.’ 10, b: ‘Et sunt dicte pasture separales quousque blada circumcrescentia asportentur.’ A curious case is the following; ibid., 3, b: ‘Dicunt eciam quod dominus tenetur pratum suum de Langenhurst custodire nec potest attachiare malefactores in eodem a solis ortu usque ad occasum, aliis temporibus... licet, et est separale a festo annunciacionis beate Marie usque gulam Augusti.’
538 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 69: ‘Non est ibi certa pastura nisi quando terre dominice quiescunt alternatim inculte.’ Cf. 59: ‘Non est ibi pastura nisi cum quiescit dominicum per wainnagium... possunt ibi esse 4 sues cum uno verre et suis fetibus et 4 vacce cum suis fetibus si quiescunt pasture dominice alternatim.’ Rot. Hundr. ii. 768, b: ‘Item porci eius et aliorum vicinorum suorum pascent in campis dominicis extra tassum dum bladum domini stat in campis, et post bladum domini cariatum ibunt in campis per totum et omnes alie bestie ejus et aliorum vicinorum suorum pascent per totum in stipulo domini sine imparcamento.’
539 Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS. 1 (Bodleian), f. 182, b. Cf. f. 239, 240: ‘Memorandum anni 1243 de amensuratione pasture... dicunt precise quod ad quamlibet hidatam terre in eadem villa pertinent 16 boues ad terram excolendam, 4 vacce, 4 averia, 50 bidentes et 6 porci... ad unam virgatam terre pertinent 4 boues, et 2 vacce, et 1 auerium, et 3 porci et 12 bidentes ad tantam terram colendam et sustinendam.’ Leigerbook of Kirkham Priory, Yorkshire, Fairfax MSS. 7, f. 8 a: ‘Amensuratio pasture de Sexendale facta anno regni regis Henrici filii regis Iohannis 36to... qui dicunt per sacramentum suum quod quelibet bouata terre in Sexendale potest sustinere duo grossa animalia, 30 oues cum sequela unius anni, duos porcos sine sequela et 3 aucas cum sequela dimidii anni, et non amplius.’
540 In a case of 1233 (Note-book of Bracton, 749) it is complained,—‘Cum idem Robertus non possit aliena aueria in pasturam illam recolligere, scil. hominum alterius religionis,’ etc.
541 Note-book of Bracton, pl. 174: ‘Dicunt eciam quod in manerio de Billingiheie, sicut inquirere possunt, sunt 12 carucate terre tam in certa terra quam in marisco predicto, scilicet sex carucate de certa terra et sex carucate in marisco, et in Northkime sunt sex carucate terre et quatuor bouate tam in certa terra quam in marisco predicto, set nesciunt aliquam distinctionem quantum sit in certa terra et quantum in marisco nec aliquid inquirere potuerunt de metis infra mariscos illos.’
542 Note-book of Bracton, pl. 749: ‘Robertus de Spraxtona summonitus fuit ad warantizandum Abbati de Riuallibus 42 acras terre et pasturam ad 30 uaccas cum uno tauro et 48 boues et 40 oues cum pertinenciis in Sproxtona que tenet et de eo tenere clamat, et unde cartam Simonis de S. auunculi sui cuius heres ipse est habet,’ etc.
543 Note-book of Bracton, pl. 818: ‘Et Saherus et Matillis per attornatos suos ueniunt et dicunt quod semper, a conquestu Anglie usque nunc communicauerunt cum eodem Roberto et antecessoribus suis in Locke, et idem Robertus et antecessores semper communicauerunt in terris ipsorum S. et M. in Gaham... et unde dicunt quod si idem Robertus uelit se retrahere de communa quam habet in terris ipsorum, ipsi nolunt se retrahere et dicunt quod semper communicauerunt horn underhorn... Et Robertus uenit et dicit quod nec ipse nec antecessores unquam communam habuerunt in Locke nisi post gwerram et per vim etc. scil. post gwerram motam inter regem S. et homines suos.’ Spelman renders the horn unherhorn by ‘horn with horn,’ but the editor of Bracton’s Note-book thinks, and I believe rightly, that the phrase means a common for all manner of horned beasts. Brunner has translated it by ‘gemeinschaftlich—durcheinander.’
544 Rot. Hundr. ii. 605, e: ‘In dicto manerio 1 magnus boscus qui continet 300 acras in quo quidem bosco homines propinquarum villarum ut Wardeboys, Wodehirst, Woldhirst, Sti Ivonis, Niddingworth et Halliwell communicant omnes bestias suos pascendo cum sokna de Sumersham.’ Note-book of Bracton, 1194: ‘Iuratores dicunt quod mora illa ampla est et magna et nesciunt aliquas divisas quantum pertinet ad unam uillam, quantum ad aliam.’ In the case of forest land many villages enjoyed and still enjoy rights of intercommoning over a wide space. The case of Epping is the familiar example.
545 Eynsham Cart. 3, b: ‘Dicunt eciam quod dominus et villata de Shyfford intercommunicant cum villatis de Stanlake, Brytlamptone et Herdewyk a gula Augusti usque festum Sti Martini, cum villatis vero de Astone Cote et Elcforde a festo Sti Michaelis usque dictum festum Sti Martini.’
546 Note-book of Bracton, pl. 914: ‘Et Thomas venit et dicit quod nullam communam clamat in Oure, set uerum uult dicere. Certe diuise et mete continentur inter terram Prioris de Oure et terram ipsius Thome de Merkwrthe et quamdiu placuit eidem Priori habere aesiam in terra ipsius Thome in Markwrthe habuit ipse Thomas aesiam in terra ipsius Prioris de Oure, et si Prior uult subtrahere se, ipse libenter subtrahet se.’
547 The relation between this writ and the action ‘quod reddat ei tantam pasturam’ is well illustrated by a case of 1230 (Note-book of Bracton, pl. 392): ‘Ricardus de Willeye et Iohanna de Willeye summoniti fuerunt ad respondendum Willelmo de Kamuilla quo iure communam pasture exigunt in terra ipsius W. in Arewe, desicut idem Willelmus nullam communam habet in terris ipsorum Ricardi et Iohanne, nec ipsi Ricardus et Johanna seruicium faciunt quare communam habere debeant,’ etc.... ‘Et quia Willelmus cognoscit quod habet communam quantamcumque licet paruam, consideratum est quod nichil capiat per breue istud et sit in misericordia pro falso clamore et perquirat sibi per aliud breue sicut per breue quod reddat ei tantam pasturam,’ etc. One may say that the Quo Jure was an ‘actio negatoria.’
548 Note-book of Bracton, pl. 561: ‘Et quia Simon non potest dedicere quin terra illa ubi communa est sit de 1 feodo et una uilla, consideratum est quod ipsa communicet cum eodem Simone in terra ipsius Simonis,’ etc.
549 Scrutton, Commons and Common Fields, 42.
550 Page 37.
551 Bracton, f. 223, a: ‘Non debet dici communia quod quis habuerit in alieno... cum tenementum non habeat ad quod possit communia pertinere, sed potius herbagium dici debet quam communia, cum hoc posset esse personale quid.’
552 Bracton, f. 226, b: ‘Item dicere potest quod nulla communia pertinet ad tale tenementum, quia illud fuit aliquando foresta, boscus, et locus vastae solitudinis et communia, et iam inde efficitur assartum, vel redactum est in culturam, et non debet communia pertinere ad communiam, et ubi omnes de patria solebant communicare.’
553 Bracton, f. 229, a: ‘Hoc non erit intelligendum quod omni tempore, nisi tantum temporibus competentibus, scilicet post blada asportata et fena levata, vel quando tenementum iacet incultum et ad waractum.’
554 Bracton, f. 228, b: ‘Item eodem modo si ita feoffatus fuerit quis, sine expressione numeri vel generis, sed ita, cum pastura quantum pertinet ad tantum tenementum in eadem villa, talem ligat constitutio sicut prius cum expressione: quia cum constet de quantitate tenementi, de facili perpendi poterit de numero aueriorum, et etiam de genere, secundum consuetudinem locorum.’
555 Scrutton, 55.
556 Cartulary of Christ Church, Harl. MSS. 1006, p. 3: ‘Prior et conventus est capitalis dominus commune pasture de B.’
557 Ely Cart., Cotton MSS. Claudius, xi, f. iii, a: ‘In L. debet villata communicare cum suis averiis propriis cum domino Episcopo. Et si dominus voluerit, ibidem possunt habere extranei bestias pro denariis. Set inde habebunt liberi homines de W. quemlibet septimum denarium preter decimum.’
558 Registrum cellararii of Bury St. Edmunds, Cambr. Univ., Gg. iv. 4, f. 31, b: ‘Et notandum quod inquisitio super calumpnia Egidii de Neketona clamantis quod abbas non haberet communam infra precinctum villate de Bertone scribitur in forma (tali),’ etc.
559 Cart. of Christ Church, Canterbury, Add. MSS. 6159, f. 21, b: ‘Sciendum quod dominus potest habere in communia pasture de bosco cum aisiamento friscorum et dominicorum domini tempore apto e bidentes per maius centum.’
560 Bracton, f. 228, b: ‘Inprimis videndum est qualiter constitutio illa sit intelligenda, ne male intellecta trahat utentes ad abusum... non omnes nec in omnibus per constitutionem restringuntur, et ideo videndum erit utrum feoffati fuerint large, scilicet per totum, et ubique, et in omnibus locis, et ad omnia averia et sine numero... tales non ligat constitutio memorata, quia feoffamentum non tollit licet tollat abusum.’
561 Note-book of Bracton, 1975.
562 Note-book of Bracton, 1881. The marginal note runs: ‘Nota quod nichil includi poterit de forestis et moris licet minimum quid et quamuis quaerens extra clausum habere possit ad sufficientiam.’ And a little higher the decision is marked as ‘contra constitutionem de Merton.’
563 See Scrutton, 63, 64.
564 Bracton, f. 227, b: ‘Quia multi sunt magnates qui feoffauerunt milites et libere tenentes suos in maneriis suis de paruis tenementis, et qui impediti sunt per eosdem quod commodum suum facere non possunt de residuo maneriorum suorum.’ Reference may also be made to a note on a Plea Roll of 1221 (printed in L.Q.R. iv. 230), which shows that some years before the statute the magnates complained that they were prevented from assarting their pasture land by the claims of virgaters.
565 This is directly stated by Bracton, f. 228, b; vide supra.
566 Cartulary of Christ Church, Canterbury, Addit. MSS. 6159, f. 52, b: ‘Pastura... de herbagiis cuiusdam vie inter curiam et ecclesiam de Pritelwelle.’ Domesday of St. Paul’s, 1: ‘Nulla est ibi pastura nisi in boscis et viis.’
567 Rot. Hundr. 613, b: ‘Et omnes libere tenentes... communicant in bosco de A. cum omnibus bestiis suis libere per totum annum.’
568 Eynsham Cart. 10, b: ‘Est ibidem unus boscus... cuius valor non appreciatur pro eo quod minister regis non permittit includi si fiat copicium, sufficiens tamen est pro housebote et heybote.’ Gloucester Cart. iii. 67: ‘De boscis dicunt quod rex habet quandam costeram bosci de fago juvene quae continet ad aestimationem 30 acras, unde rex poterit approbare per annum dimidiam marcam, scilicet in subbosco et virgis ad clausturam, et meremium ad carucas et alia facienda sine destructione, et ille boscus est communis omnibus vicinis in herbagio.’
569 Cart. of Christ Church, Canterbury, Add. MSS. 6159, f. 28, b: ‘Boscus ibi est cuius medietas est ecclesie et medietatem clamant tenentes illius denne, ut si dominus arborem unam accipiat, ipsi aliam accipient.’
570 Worcester Cart. (Camden Ser.), 62, b: ‘Quaelibet virgata tenet 3 feorthendels de Bruera, et dimidia virgata 1 feorthendel et dimidium.’
571 For instance, Madox, Exch. 1, 27, n. 47: ‘Habebunt turbas sufficientes in predicta mora ad focalium fratrum... secundum quantitatem terrarum suarum in eadem villa.’
572 A very remarkable instance of the way in which rights of common were divided and arranged between lords and villains is afforded by the Court Rolls of Brightwaltham. Maitland, Manorial Rolls, Selden Soc. ii. 172. I shall have to discuss the case in the Fifth Chapter of this Essay.
573 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 93: ‘Potest wainnagium fieri cum 12 bobus et quatuor stottis cum consuetudinibus ville.’ 75: ‘Item (juratores) dicunt quod potest fieri wainnagium totius dominici cum 2 carucis bonis habentibus 20 capita in jugo et 2 herciatoribus cum consuetudinibus operariorum.’
574 Add. MSS. 6159, f. 44, a: ‘(Leyesdon)... debet quelibet caruca coniuncta arrare unam acram et habebunt 3 denarios pro acra et quadrantem.’
575 Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189 (Roxburghe Ser.), 64: ‘(Virgatarius) a festo Sti Michaelis qualibet ebdomada arat unam acram donec tota terra domini sit culta.’
576 Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS. Claudius, c. xi. f. 185: ‘Unusquisque arabit per tres dies, si habeat sex boves; per duos, si habeat quatuor boves; per unum, si habeat duos boves; per dimidium, si habeat unum bovem.’
577 Add. MSS. 6159, f. 53, a: ‘Item debent predicte 22 virgate terre arrare ad frumentum, ad auenam et ad warectum 113 acras et valent 56 solidos 6 denarios.’
578 Gloucester Cart. iii. 92: ‘Et quicquid araverit debet herciare tempore seminis. Et faciet unam hersuram que vocatur landegginge et valet 1 den.’ iii. 194: ‘Et debet herciare quotidie si necesse fuerit quousque semen domini seminetur, et allocabitur ei pro operacione manuali, et valet ultra obolum. Et quia non est numerus certus de diebus herciandis, aestimant juratores 40 dies.’
579 Ramsey Cart. i. 345: ‘Qualibet autem septimana, a festo Sti Michaelis usque ad tempus sarclationis tribus diebus operatur, quodcunque opus sibi fuerit injunctum; et quarto die arabit unum sellionem, sive jungatur cum alio, sive non.’
580 Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 64: ‘A die circumcisionis similiter, excepta ebdomada Pasche, si possit per gelu, et si gelu durat per 12 dies, quietus debet esse. Si amplius durat, restituet araturam.’
581 Add. MSS. 6159, f. 49, b: ‘Idem tenentes de predictis 22 et dimidia (terris) debent arrare ad seysonam frumenti 45 acras de gable et de qualibet terra 2 acras.’ 35, b: ‘Gauilherth: Willelmus de Bergate debet arrare dimidiam acram; Nicholaus de Jonebrigge et socii ejus unam virgam; heredes Johannis 8 pedes; Ricardus Cutte 8 pedes... Summa acrarum 25 acre 1 pes. Hec debent arrare et seminare.’
582 Rot Hundred, ii. 768, b: ‘Item si habeat carucam integram vel cum sociis conjunctam, illa caruca arabit domino 2 acras terre ad yvernagium et herciabit quantum illa caruca araverit in die, et istud servicium appellatur Greserthe, pro quo servicio ipse W. et omnes alii consuetudinarii habebunt pasturas dominicas ad diem (sic. corr. a die) ad Vincula Sti Petri usque ad festum beate Marie in Marcio et prata dominica postquam fenum fuerit cariatum.’
583 Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS. 1, f. 44, b: ‘Tenens dimidiam hidam habet 4 animalia in pascius quieta, et si plus habuerit—arabit et herciabit pro unoquoque dimidiam acram.’
584 Add. MSS. 6159, f. 26, b: ‘De qualibet caruca arant unam acram de averherde; et si per negligenciam alicujus remanserit acra non arata, tunc mittet dominus semen quod sufficiat ad unam acram ad domum illius et oportebit illum reddere bladum ad mensuram propinque acre et habebit tum herbagium de acra assignata.’ Cart. of Beaulieu, Cotton MSS. Nero, A. xii, f. 102, b: ‘Et si habeat bovem vel vaccam iunctam, arabit pro quolibet virgo dimidiam acram ad festum Sti Martini sine cibo.’ Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, f. 116: ‘De qualibet carruca debent arare ad seminandum 7 acras, et ad warectum 7 acras, ut boves possint ire cum bobus domini in pastura.’
585 Exch. Q.R. Min. Acc. Bk. 514; T.G. 41, 173: ‘(Extenta manerii de Burgo) medwelond... debent arare tantam terram quantum habent de prato.’
586 Exch. Q.R. Min. Acc. Bk. 513, 97: ‘Beinerth: 12 custumarii arabunt 6 acras terre ad semen yemale. Grasherthe: 12 arabunt cum quanto iungunt per unum diem ad semen yemale.’ Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS. Claudius, C. xi. f. 30, a: ‘Arabit de beneerthe si habeat carucam integram 3 rodas, et si iungat cum aliis ipse et ille cum quo iungit assidue arabunt 3 rodas.’ Domesday of St. Paul’s, 26: ‘Et ad precariam carucarum arabit unam rodam scil. quartam partem acre sine cibo.’ Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 98: ‘R. de Wttone tenet dimidiam hidam pro una marca et debet habere ad preces per annum 12 homines et bis arare ad preces.’
587 Gloucester Cart. iii. 115: ‘Johannes Barefoth tenet dimidiam virgatam terre continentem 24 acras... et debet arare qualibet secunda septimana a festo Sti Michaelis usque ad festum Beati Petri ad Vincula uno die... Et praeterea debet quater arare in terra domini, et vocantur ille arurae unlawenherþe.’ Black Book of St Augustine’s, Cotton MSS. Faustina, A. i. f. 44: ‘... arare 18 acras ad frumentum de godlesebene.’
588 Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS. Claudius, C. xi, f. 45, a: ‘Preterea idem arabit de Lentenerþe dimidiam acram.’
589 Ibid., 30, b: ‘Item iste cum quanto iungit arabit de filstnerthe eodem tempore (ante Natale) per unum diem... Item arabit in quadragesima tres acras et 3 rodas et araturam de filsingerhe (sic). Item arabit in estate 3 acras et de beneerthe 3 rodas ut in hyeme, set nihil arabit de filsingerþe.’
590 Ibid., 35, a: ‘Item per idem tempus arabit (ante Natale) dimidiam acram pro fastningsede sine cibo et opere si habeat carucam integram. Et si iungat cum aliis, tunc iste et socenarii sui cum quibus iunget arabunt tantum et non amplius.’
591 Custumal of Bleadon, 189.
592 Gloucester Cart. ii. 134: ‘Et facit unam aruram que vocatur peniherþe et valet tres denarii, quia recipiet de bursa domini quartum denarium.’ Cf. ii. 162: ‘Et praeterea faciet unam aruram que vocatur yove (yoke?), scil. arabit dimidiam acram, et recipiet de bursa domini unum denarium obolum, et valet ultra unum denarium obolum.’
593 Gloucester Cart. iii. 80: ‘(Dimidius virgatarius) debet unam aruram que vocatur radaker, scil. arare unam acram ad semen yemale, et triturare semen ad eamdem acram, scil. duos bussellos frumenti.’ On iii. 79 we have another reading for the same thing: ‘Et arabit unam acram quae vocatur Eadacre et [debet] triturare semen ad eamdem acram, et valet arura cum trituracione seminis 4 denarios.’ What is the right term?—Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS. Claudius, C. xi. f. 133, a: ‘Et arabit qualibet die a festo Sti Michaelis usque ad gulam Augusti dimidiam rodam, que faciunt per totum quinque acras.... Et praeterea arabit unam rodam de Rytnesse.’
594 Add. MSS. 6159, f. 53, b: ‘Item tota villata de Bocayng debet falcare 12 acras prati et dimidiam, et valet 4 solidos.’
595 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 47: ‘Et preter hec unaquaque domus hide debet metere 3 dimidias acras avene et colligere unum sellionem fabarum.’
596 Gloucester Cart. iii. 84, 85: ‘Ricardus Bissop tenet unum messuagium et 10 acras terre... (operabitur) in messe domini cum 24 hominibus.’
597 Eynsham Cart. 88, b: ‘Idem metet dimidiam acram bladi domini sine cibo domini et valet opus 4 denarios et vocatur la bene. Idem faciet cum uno homine beripam sine cibo domini et vocatur mederipe, et valet opus 4 den.... Idem veniet ad magnam bederipam domini ad cibum domini cum omnibus famulis suis et ipse supervidebit operari in propria persona sua. Quod si famulos non habuerit, tunc operabitur in propria (persona).’
598 Ramsey Cart. i. 488: ‘Quaelibet domus habens ostium apertum versus vicum tam de malmannis quam de cotmannis et operariis inveniet unum hominem ad louebone.’
599 Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS. Claudius, C. xi. f. 38, b: ‘Ad precariam ceruisie inveniet omnem familiam preter uxorem domus et filiam maritabilem.... Quod si voluerint metere propria blada metent in suis croftis et non alibi.’
600 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 75, 76: ‘Et falcare dimidiam acram sumptibus suis et postmodum falcare cum tota villata pratum domini ita quod totum sit falcatum, et qualibet falx habebit unum panem... et ad siccas precarias in autumpno inveniet unum hominem, et ad precarios ceruisie veniet cum quot hominibus habuerit ad cibum domini.’ Cf. 61.
601 Cart. of Battle, Augment. Off. Misc. Books, N. 57, f. 36, a: ‘Quilibet virgarius... debet invenire ad quemlibet precarium autumpnalem ad metendum 2 homines et habebunt singuli singulos panes ponderis 18 librarum cere et duo unum ferchulum carnis precii unius denarii, si sit dies carnis et potagium ad primum precarium. Ad secundum uero erit panis medietas de frumento et medietas ordei et cetera alia ut supra. Ad terciam precariam erit panis totus de frumento et cetera ut prenotatur. Ad quartam precariam quod vocatur hungerbedrip quilibet de tenentibus domini preter Henricum de Chaus inveniet unum hominem ad metendum et habebunt semel in die cibum, scil. panem et potum et unum ferculum secundum quod serviens illius loci providere placuerit, et caseum.’
602 Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS. Claudius, C. xi. 166, b: ‘Metet dimidiam acram que vocatur þanc alfaker.’ The name may possibly mean, that the peasant earned the gratitude of the lord by ploughing the half-acre. This construction would be supported by other instances of ‘sentimental’ terminology. Cf. Warwickshire Hundr. Roll, Q.R. Misc. Books, N. 18, f. 94, b: ‘Love-bene.’ Cartul. of Okeburn, Al. Prior. 2/2, 17: ‘Post precarias consuetudinarias debet de gratia, ut dicitur, quocienscumque precatus fuerit, (operare) per unum hominem.’ Roch. Custum., ed. Thorp, 10, b: ‘Et pro prato de Dodecote falcando, pro amore, non pro debito, habebunt unum multonem et unum caseum de 4 d.’
603 Gloucester Cart. i. 110: ‘Idem Thomas cum virga sua debet interesse operationibus quo ad metebederipas.’
604 Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 91: ‘Editha tenet unam mesuagium et unam croftam pro 6 d. et fert aquam falcatoribus.’
605 Add. MSS. 6159, f. 53, a: ‘Item sunt in dicto manerio 22 virgate et debent invenire in proxima septimana post festum Sti Michaeli, per unum diem a mane usque ad horam meridianam 44 carecta, ad fima domini cariandum.’ Domesday of St. Paul’s, 62: ‘Quod si boves non habuerit vel alia animalia ad arandum faciet aliud opus quod jussum fuerit et educet 10 plaustra de fimo post Pascha et habebit dignerium de domino et infra hundredum portabit unum plaustrum vel duas carectatas.’
606 Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS. Claudius C. xi. 38, b: ‘Averagium secundum turnum vicinorum suorum curtum et longum.’
607 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 55: ‘Rogerus dives... cum villata ad firmam portandam Londinium facit quantum requiritur de 20 acris.’ Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, f. 97: ‘Quater faciet summagium apud Bristolliam.’ Domesday of St. Paul’s, 47: ‘Preterea debet hida portare 4 summagia et dimidiam per totum ab horreo domini usque ad navem ter in anno divisim.’
608 Add. MSS. 6159, f. 28, a: ‘Item de predictis cotariis unusquisque habet unum horsacram et de ista acra debet unusquisque invenire unum equum ad ducendum cum aliis frumentum de firma ad Cantuariam, et pisas, et sal, et presencia portare.’
609 Black Book of St. Augustine’s, Cotton MSS. Faustina, A. 1, f. 186: ‘Nihil debent averare ad tunc, nisi res que sunt ad opus conventus et que poni debent super ignem.’
610 Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, f. 65: ‘W. Sp. tenet unum fordil pro 15 den. et operatur quolibet die lune per totum annum et (debet) ladiare cum alio ferdilario sicut dimidii virgatarii.’ Domesday of St. Paul’s, 19: ‘Omnes isti (cotarii) debent operari semel... Debent eciam portare et chariare.’
611 Rot. Hundr. ii. 605, b: ‘Et faciet averagium super dorsum suum ad voluntatem domini.’
612 Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, f. 71: ‘Portat et fugat aucas, et gallinas, et porcos Glastonie.’ Domesday of St. Paul’s, 27: ‘(Cotarii) isti debent singulis diebus Lune unam operacionem et portare et fugare porcos Londoniam.’
613 Gloucester Cart. iii. 218: ‘Item, quod nullus prepositus aliquid ab aliquo recipiat, ut ipsum ad firmam esse permittat vel ad levem ponat operationem mutando cariagia summagia debita in operibus manualibus.’
614 See, for instance, Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, pp. 22, 29; Gloucester Cart. iii. 17; Domesday of St. Paul’s, 54.
615 Cart. of Bury St. Edmunds, Harl. MSS. 3977, f. 82: ‘(Debet) metere pro porcis quilibet dimidiam acram siliginis.’
616 Black Book of St. Augustine’s, Cotton MSS. Faustina, A. 1, f. 44: ‘Aratum hominum de N.’ Cartul. of Battle, Augm. Off. Miscell. Books, N. 18, f. 2, a: ‘Forinseca servicia... arant... seminant.’
617 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 38: ‘... et furem captum in curia custodiet et iudicatum suspendet et sparget fimum ad cibum domini.’ Ibid. 62: ‘G.G. tenet 5 acras... (debet) qualibet septimana 2 opera et sequitur precarias in autumpno... R.H. 5 acras per idem servicium et preterea defendit eas versus regem.’
618 Gloucester Cart. iii. 54: ‘Debet a festo Sti Michaelis usque ad festum Sti Petri ad Vincula qualibet septimana per 4 dies operari opus manuale cum uno homine, et valet quolibet dieta obolum.’ Glastonbury Inqu. 28: ‘Si est ad opus a festo Sti Petri ad Vincula usque ad festum Sti Michaelis nisi festum intercurrat qualibet die faciet unam dainam.’
619 Add. MSS. 6159, f. 25, a; 53, b.
620 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 33: ‘Singule virgate debent per annum... de gavelsed 3 mensuras quarum 7 faciunt mensuram de Colcester.’ Black Book of St. Augustine’s, Cotton MSS., Faustina, A. i, 31, d: ‘Sunt praeterea 5 sullungi et 50 acre in eadem hamiletto qui debent bladum de gabulo.’
621 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 6: ‘Et unum quarterium de auena ad foddercorn.’
622 Add. MSS. 6159, 26, b: ‘Et de gadercorn reddunt de quolibet swlinge 4 coppas de puro ordeo et de presenti gallum et gallinam de qualibet domo... quas serviens curie debet circumeundo querere.’
623 Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi. 185, b; Bury St. Edmunds Cart., Harl. MSS. 3977, f. 84, b.
624 Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 67 (cf. 145): ‘Henricus Wlde tenet 25 acras de prato pro stacha mellis. Utilius quod esset in manu domini.’ Gloucester Cart. ii. 128: ‘Honilond T.T. tenet 6 acras terre pro 8 lagenis mellis vel pretio.’
625 Ramsey Cart. i. 300: ‘Faciet etiam unam mutam (leg. mittam) et dimidiam braesii, quam recipiet in curia pro voluntate sua bene mundatam, et per se ipsum, et illam carriabit apud Rameseiam. Quae si refutetur, defectum ejus propriis sumptibus in omnibus supplebit, nisi mensura sibi tradita sit minor.’
626 Add. MSS. 6159, f. 26, b: ‘De quolibet Swlinge duos agnos reddunt in estate. Ita quidem quod serviens curie, si invenerit agnum in sulungis illis qui ei placuerit, accipiat eum cuiuscumque sit, et ille ad quem pertinebit adquietacionem. Quod si agnus inventus non fuerit 8 den. dabit quando mala persolvat.’
627 Gloucester Cart. iii. 77: ‘Walterus Fremon tenet 6 acras terrae cum mesuagio et reddit inde per annum die Apostolorum Petri et Pauli unum multonem pretii 12 den. vel ultra, cum 12 den. circa collum suum ligatis.’
628 Exch. Q.R. Treas. of Rec. 59 69: ‘Capones... pro warentia.’
629 Gloucester Cart. iii. 71: ‘Propter illam gallinam conquererunt habere de bosco domini regis unam summam bosci, quae vocatur dayesen.’ Exch. Q.R. Min. Acc. Bk. 513, N. 97: ‘Wodehennus... ad Natale.’ Suffolk Rolls (Bodleian), 3: ‘Dicet curia quod R. debet facere domino sicut alii custumarii, scil. oues et gallinas, quia fodit etsi non pascat.’ Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi, f. 52, a: ‘Redditus caponum per annum pro aueriis tenmino pasche.’
630 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 51: ‘Et ad pascha ova ad libitum tenencium et ad honorem domini.’
631 Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 35: ‘Hoc est accrementum redditus tempore Roberti; Ordricus pro 4 retiis terre altero anno 1 soccum.’ Gloucester Cart. iii. 79: ‘Walterus de Hale tenet unam acram terre et reddit inde per annum unum vomerem ad festum Sti Michaelis pretii 8 den. pro omni servitio.’
632 Warwickshire Hundr. Roll, Exch. Q.R. Misc. Books, N. 18, f. 2, a: ‘Per servicium unius radicis gyngibrii... unius rose.’
633 Gloucester Cart. iii. 55: ‘Omnes praedicti consuetudinarii... debent cariare molas, scil. petras molares ad molendinum domini, vel dabunt in communi 13 den. quadrantem.’ Rot. Hundr. ii. 750, b: ‘Et modo eorum servicia convertuntur in denariis.’
634 Add. MSS. 6159, f. 53, a: ‘Barlicksilver. Item debet Willelmus de B. per annum 6 quarteria ordei et 6 quarteria auene,’ etc.
635 Roch. Custum. 4, a: ‘Dabunt eciam denarium pro falce quod anglice dicunt sithpeni.’ Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 59: ‘Et dabit 4 stacas et dimidiam frumenti ad consuetudinem et eadem die 1 denarium illi qui colligit fualia.’ Ely Reg., Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi. f. 82, b: ‘De bosingsiluer 1 denarium ad festum Sti Martini si habeat equum et carectam.’
636 Add. Charters, 5, 629: ‘(Stephanus) retraxit et abduxit porcos suos tempore pannagii.’
637 Rot. Hundr. ii. 453, a: ‘Memorandum quod omnes isti prenominati tam liberi quam villani qui habent bestias precii 30 den. dant domino predicto per annum 1 den. pro quadam consuetudine que vocatur Wartpenny.’
638 What may be, for instance, the explanation of the huntenegild, which not unfrequently appears in the records. E.g. Gloucester Cart. iii. 22: ‘Johannes Carpentarius et relicta Kammock tenent dimidiam virgatam terrae et faciunt idem quod praescripti, exceptis huntenesilver et gallina.’ Add. MSS. 6159, f. 23, a: ‘Ricardus atte mere tenet de domino in villenagio 20 acras terre; reddit inde per annum de unthield ad festum purificacionis 4 sol. 5 den. ob. et ad pascham 6 d. Et ad festum Sti Michaelis 17 denarios.’ The payment is a very important one and hardly connected with hunting.
639 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 140 (Inqu. of 1181): ‘Keneswetha... summa denariorum 10 libre et 7 sol. et obolus.’ Cf. xx.
640 Battle Cart., Augment. Off. Misc. Books, N. 18, f. 5, a: ‘Juga que sunt in sex libris in Wy.’
641 Christ Church Reg., Harl. MSS. 1006, f. 56: ‘Newerentes.’
642 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 83: ‘Inferius notati tenentes terras dant landgablum. Et si habent uxores 2 denarios de havedsot quia capiunt super dominium boscum et aquam et habent exitum, et si non habent uxorem vel uxor virum, dabit unum denarium. Galfridus filius Ailwardi pro terra quondam Theodori cui non attinet 5 denarios landgabuli.’ Ramsey Inqu., Cotton MSS., Galba E. x. f. 46, b: ‘S. de W. dat pro terra sua 16 denarios et 12 denarios pro se et uxore sua.’ Exch. Q.R. Min. Acc. Bk. 587, T.P.R. 8109: ‘Denarii... ad existendum in warentia.’
643 Archaeologia, xlvii. 127: ‘(Soke of Rothley) Gildi hoc est quietum de consuetudinibus servilibus quae quondam dare consueverint sicuti Hornchild et hiis similibus.’
644 Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 4: ‘... unam virgatam et dimidiam et 5 acras pro 5 solidis de gabulo et 7 denariis de dono.’
645 Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 39: ‘Omnes simul dant de dono 40 solidos secundum terras quas tenent.’ Ibid. 5: ‘Debet dare de dono quantum pertinet de quinque libris.’ Ramsey Cart. i. 46: ‘De denariis qui vocantur 20 solidi dat dimidius virgatarius 6 denarios.’
646 Ramsey Cart. i. 440: ‘Villa dat 20 solidos, qui dantur quod cum aliquis in misericordia domini, det ante judicium sex denarios, et post, si expectet judicium, duodecim denarios, nisi sit pro furto, vel aliqua maxima transgressione.’
647 Gloucester Cart. iii. 78: ‘Dicta terra consuevit dare de auxilio 14 denarios et obolum qui modo allocantur consuetudinario in solutione octo marcarum.’
648 Exch. Q.R. Treas. Rec. 20/68: ‘Item debent domino ad festum Sti Michaelis auxilium ad placitum suum et ad forinsecum servitium.’
649 Gloucester Cart. iii. 180: ‘Et dabit pro terra 6 denarios ad auxilium. Dabit etiam auxilium pro averiis suis secundum numerum eorundem.’ iii. 50: ‘Et dabit auxilium secundum numerum animalium.’ iii. 208: ‘Et si impositum fuerit eidem quod in taxatione auxilii aliquod animal concelaverit, potest cogi ad sacramentum praestandum et se super hoc purgandum. Et si per vicinos suos convictus fuerit super hoc, puniendus est pro voluntate domini.’
650 Gloucester Cart. iii. 203: ‘... omnes isti consuetudinarii de Colne dant in communi ad auxilium 46 solidos 8 denarios.’ Rochester Custumal, 4, a: ‘De omnibus decem jugis debent scotare ad donum domini ville et ad servicium domini Regis.’
651 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 64: ‘Dicunt quod manerium de Berlinge defendit se versus regem pro duabus hidis et dimidia... Reddunt... pro hidagio baillivo hundredi de Reilee 31 denarios et 13 denarios de Wardpeni, de quibus dominicum reddit de 20 acris 2 den. et obolem pro hidagio et 2 denarios pro Wardpeni.’
652 Exch. Esch. Ultra Trentam, 1/49: ‘Pro cornagio de feodis militum 17 sol. 8 den.’
653 Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 65: ‘In die Sti Martini debet dimidiam dainam frumenti de cheriset.’
654 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 66: ‘Beatrix relicta Osberti Casse tenet 15 acras et a festo Sti Michaelis usque ad Vincula qualibet septimana debet 3 operaciones nisi festum impedierit; quod si festum feriabile evenerit in septimana die lune et aliud die mercurii, unum festum erit ei utile, aliud domino. Quod si festum evenerit eadem septimana die veneris, addito alio festo in alia septimana veniente, dividentur illi duo dies inter dominum et operarium ut supradictum est.’
655 Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 64: ‘A festo Sti Petri ad Vincula debent qualibet ebdomada metere uel aliud opus facere usque ad festum Sti Michaelis nisi festum intercurrat, die lune, die martis et die mercurii.’ Ibid. 62: ‘Ab Hoccadei usque ad festum Sti Johannis qualibet ebdomada arabit dimidiam acram, si possit propter duritiem.’
656 Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 59: ‘Willelmus filius Osanore (tenet) unam virgatam eodem servitio, sed non potest perficere servitium.’
657 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 51: ‘Et omnes alii similiter operabuntur sive plus teneant sive minus, pro racione 5 acrarum.’ Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 104: ‘W. de H. tenet unam virgatam pro dimidia virgata... pro alia virgata facit sicut pro quarta parte dimidie hide.’
658 Gloucester Cart. iii. 199: ‘Et sciendum quod dominus potest eligere utrum voluerit habere servitium predictum de Johanne Spere, uel quod duplicet servitium R. de A. inferius inter akermannos scripti.’
659 Rot. Hundr. ii. 757, a: ‘Set isti tenentes memorati ut asserunt ad alias consuetudines et servitia antiquitus esse consueverunt.’
660 E.g. a comparison of the inquests contained in the Ramsey Cartulary published in the Rolls Series with the earlier extents contained in Cotton MS., Galba, E. x, and with the Hundred Rolls of Huntingdonshire and Cambridgeshire, will support the opinion expressed in the text.
661 Seebohm, Village Community.
662 The meaning of the expression may be gathered from the following extracts from the Ramsey Cartulary, i. 358: ‘Die autem Jovis proxima ante Pascha et die Jovis contra festum Sti Benedicti quodcunque opus sibi fuerit injunctum operabitur.’ Cf. 357: ‘Et si opus fuerit, faciet hayam in campis, habentem longitudinem duarum perticarum, et allocabitur ei pro opere unius diei. Et die quo carriare fenum debet, ducet unam carrectatam domi de alio feno Abbatis, uel aliud carriagium cum carrecta faciet, si sibi fuerit injunctum.’ 361: ‘A gula autem Augusti usque ad festum Sancti Michaelis qualibet septimana operabitur per unum diem integrum, qualecunque opus sibi praecipiatur.’ 365: ‘Et operatur quaelibet virgata a festo Sancti Michaelis usque ad festum Translationis Sancti Benedicti qualibet septimana tribus diebus... quodcumque opus praeceptum fuerit; videlicet, si flagellare oportet, flagellabit infra villam viginti quatuor garbas de frumento et siligini, de hordeo triginta garbas, de avena triginta garbas. Extra villam flagellabit de frumento viginti garbas, de avena viginti quatuor garbas. Nec exibit extra hundredum ad flagellandum nisi ex gratia. Quodcunque aliud genus operis facere debeat, operabitur tota die si ballivus voluerit; praeterquam in bosco, ubi si secare debeat, operabitur usque ad nonam; et si pascere eum dominus voluerit, operabitur usque ad vesperam. Si debeat spinas vel virgas colligere, colliget unum fesciculum, et portabit usque ad curiam pro opere unius diei. In quadragesima autem nullum genus operis faciet ad cibum proprium usque nonam nisi quod herciabit tota die.’ It seems quite clear that the lord has in some cases the choice between different kinds of work, but the amount to be required is settled once for all. When we find in the Glastonbury Inquisition of 1189 the sentence, ‘operabitur quodcumque ei praeceptum fuerit sicut neth,’ it means evident, that the peasant’s work, whatever it is, is settled according to the standard of the neat’s holding.
663 Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 41: ‘Et herciat semel sine mensura aliqua ei assignata cum hoc quod habet in carruca.’
664 Placitorum Abbreviatio, p. 212: ‘Alia carta eiusdem eidem Elie facta et heredibus suis de dicta bovata terre una cum dicto Rogero villano suo et secta et sequela sua.’ Ramsey Cart. i. 355: ‘Prior de Sancto Ivone habet ingressum in una virgata terrae per Henricum de Kylevile, in qua tres sunt mansiones, et unus pro caeteris facit servitium debitum manerio.’
665 Ramsey Inqu., Cotton MSS., Galba, E. x. f. 49: ‘Quicumque acceperit pro mercede sua 18 denarios debet operari cum domino suo tribus diebus vel dare unum denarium.’ Cf. Rot. Hundr. ii. 781, b: ‘Servi: Dabit ad exennium contra Natale 6 panes... et venit ad prandium domini pro predicto exennio sexta manu si voluerit.’
666 Cotton MSS., Galba, E. x. f. 19. See Appendix xiv.
667 Domesday of St. Paul’s, Hale’s Introduction, pp. xxxviii, xxxix.
668 Gesta Abbatum (Rolls Ser.), 74. Cf. Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 145.
669 See, for instance, the beginning of the description of Dorsetshire.
670 Exch. Q.R. Min. Acc. Bk. 587, T.P.R. 8109: ‘Sciendum quod tenentes Abbatis de Osoluestone in Donington et Byker cum pertinentiis fuerunt semel in anno pro voluntate Abbatis ad curiam suam tenendum ibidem et invenient eidem Abbati et toti familie sue quam secum duxerit omnia necessaria sufficientia in adventu suo per unum diem integrum et noctem sequentem, vel noctem precedentem et diem sequentem in esculentis et poculentis tam vino quam cervisia, feno et prebenda pro equis eorum et equis carucariorum salem querencium, una cum candela et ceteris costis omnimodis inter necessaria computandis. Et si abbas non venerit facient finem cum celerario si voluerit vel cum alii quem Abbas nomine suo miserit ad minus 20 solidis. Et si is qui nomine Abbatis missus ibidem fuit et finem recusauit, procurabitur ut premittitur. Et si aliquid de necessariis in administrando defuerit, omnes tenentes qui comestum contribuere debent die crastino in plena curia super necessariorum defectu per senescallum calumpniabuntur et graviter amerciabuntur. Et talis fuit consuetudo ab antiquo et habetur quolibet anno pro certo redditu, et de quo Petrus de Thedingworth quondam Abbas de Osoluestone et predecessores sui a tempore quo non extat memoria sub forma predicta fuerunt seisiti.’
671 See about this point, Hale’s Introduction. It is generally very good on the subject of the farm.
672 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 21: ‘Potest wainagium fieri cum tribus caruciis octo capitum cum consuetudinibus villate.’
673 The Templar’s Book of 1185 at the Record Office (Q.R. Misc. Books, N. 16) is already a rental in substance.
674 Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 117: ‘Nigellus capellanus tenet unam virgatam, sed illa virgata non solet ad operacionem redigi. Cum dominus voluerit operabitur sicut alie.’ Rot. Hundr. ii. 815, a: ‘... dabit 8 solidos per annum pro operibus suis qui solidi poterunt mutari in aliud servicium ad valorem pro voluntate domini.’
675 Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 29: ‘G. de P. (tenet) unum mesuagium et tres acras et dimidiam pro 2 solidis et facit sicut homines de Mera quando sunt ad gabulum. Hoc tenementum non solet esse ad opus.’ 116: ‘Leviva vidua tenet dimidiam hidam; unam virgatam tenet eodem servitio; aliam tenet pro gabulo et non potest ad operationem poni sicut alia.’
676 Bury St. Edmund’s Reg., Harl. MSS. 3977, f. 82, d: ‘Omnes liberi et non liberi dabunt festivales exceptis illis liberis qui habent residentes sub illos.’ Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS. i. f. 176, b: ‘Abbas et conventus remiserunt R. de W.... omnia carriagia... nec non et illas custodias quae predictus R. et antecessores sui personaliter facere consueverunt cum virga sua super bederipas ipsorum... et super arruras precarias que ei fieri debent in manerio de Pultone.’
677 Custumals of Battle Abbey (Camd. Soc), p. 122.
678 Black Book of Peterborough (Camden Ser.), 164: ‘In Scotere et Scaletoys sunt undecim carrucatae ad geldum Regis et 24 plenarii villani... Plenarii villani operantur duobus diebus in ebdomada... Et ibi sunt 29 sochemanni et operantur uno die in ebdomada per totum annum et in Augusto duobus diebus. Et isti villani et omnes sochemanni habent 21 carrucas et omnes arant una vice ad hyvernage et una ad tremeis.’
679 Bracton, iv. 9. 5, f. 263: ‘Est autem dominicum quod quis habet ad mensam suam et proprie, sicut sunt Bordlands Anglice.’
680 Madox, History of the Exchequer, i. 407: ‘Concessisse unam virgatam terrae in Husfelds, scilicet 20 acras uno anno et 20 acras alio.’
681 In Beauchamp, a manor of St. Paul’s, London, the home farm is one of the largest. Domesday of St. Paul’s, 28: ‘In dominico tam de wainagio veteri quam de novo essarto 676 acre terre arabilis et de prato 18 acre et de pastura 8 acras [sic] et in magno bosco bene vestito quinquies 20 acre et in duabus granis Dorile et Langele 16 acras.’
682 As to the economic aspects of the subject, see Thorold Rogers, History of Agriculture and Prices; Ashley, Introduction to the Study of Economic History; and Cunningham, Growth of Industry and Commerce (2nd ed.).
683 Harl. MSS. 1006, f. 2.
684 Ramsey Cart. (Rolls Series), i. 282: ‘Quae culturae coli possunt sufficienter cum tribus carucis propriis et consuetudine carrucarum ville et duabus precariis carucis (corr. carucarum?), quae consuetudo ad valentiam trium carucarum aestimatur.’ Domesday of St. Paul’s, 13, 14: ‘Potest ibidem fieri wainagium cum 5 carucis quarum tres habent 4 boves et 4 equos et due singule 6 equos cum consuetudinibus villate propter (corr. praeter?) dominicum de Luffehale et alia quae remota sunt, que tamen sunt in dispositione firmarii.’ Cf. Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, pp. 28, 107.
685 As an instance, Bury St. Edmund’s Register, Harl. MSS. 743, f. 194: ‘(Bucham) abbas Sti Edmundi capitalis dominus... tenet in eadem villa preter homagium liberorum nihil.’
686 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 58.
687 Eynsham Inqu., Chapter of Christ Church, Oxford, N. 27, f. 5, a: ‘Robertus Clement... tenet de dominicis superius mensuratis dum domino placet unam selionem apud Weylond atte Wyche, unam selionem apud Blechemanfurlong, tres seliones in Wellefurlong, et unam selionem apud Groueacres pro 11 solidis per annum.’
688 It is well known that the second book of Fleta contains a sketch of the functions of manorial officers. In thirteenth-century MSS. we find also a special tract on the matter entitled de Senescalcia. See Cunningham, Growth of Industry and Commerce (2nd ed.), p. 222. Let it be understood that I do not attempt an exhaustive survey of the subject, but only a general indication of its bearings.
689 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 122; forms of agreement by which the manors were let to farm in the twelfth century: ‘Haec est conventio inter capitulum Lundoniensis ecclesiae beati Pauli et Robertum filium Alwini sacerdotis. Capitulum concedit ei Wicham manerium suum ad firmam quamdiu vixerit et inde bene servierit. Primo quidem anno pro 58 solidis et 4d. et pro una parva firma panis et cervisiae cum denariis elemosine. Deinceps vero singulis annis pro duabus firmis brevibus panis et cervisiae.’
690 Exch. Q.R. Miscell.: ‘Consuetudines de Aysle: memorandum quod homagium debet eligere prepositum et dominus manerii potest eum retinere.... Et memorandum quod homines debent habere pastorem ovilis per electionem curie.’
691 The duty of serving as reeve is therefore often treated as one of the characteristic marks of serfdom; e.g. Cambr. Univ., Gg. iv. 4, f. 26.
692 Harl. MSS. 1006, f. 18: ‘Debet esse messor ad frumentum et amerciamenta domini colligendum.’
693 Shaftesbury Inqu., Harl. MSS. 61, f. 60: ‘Arator... debet invenire omnia instrumenta aratri ante rotas.’
694 Ibid., f. 54: ‘Bubulci et gadince.’ Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189: ‘Petras bovarius... custodit boves domini et vadit ad aratrum.’
695 ‘Hereward,’ Glastonbury Inqu., 24, 105, etc.; Domesday of St. Paul’s, 53.
696 Cartul. of Battle (Camden Ser.), f. 39, b: ‘wodeward.’
697 Bury St. Edmund’s Reg., Cambr. Univ., Gg. iv. 4, f. 322, a: ‘Ad istud pertinet tenementum falcacio claustri sed cum falce lurardi.’
698 Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 36: ‘Reginaldus thernebedellus tenet dimidiam virgatam terre et summonet homines ad comitatum et hundredum.’
699 Ibid., 7; cf. 156.
700 Ely Cart., Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi, f. 15, d: ‘Debet namiare cum bedello et ceteris avermannis’ (men provided with horses). Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 31: ‘Robertus de Eadwic sequitur hundredum et comitatum ad suum costum.... Custodit preces arature et messis et debet adjuvare ad namia capienda infra hundredum et est quietus de pannagio.’
701 Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS., i. f. 92, 93; Compoti of Nicholas de Wedergrave, who had charge of the monastery from the 21st of November, 16 Edward II, till the 12th of March, 16 Edw. II, as to the liberaciones et conredia servientium: ‘Et quod retinuit et necessarie oportuit retinere in eadem abbathia 60 ministros et servientes pro hospitalitate et aliis obsequiis faciendis in eadem abbathia.’
702 Bury St. Edmund’s Register, Harl. MSS., 743, f. 260: ‘Scriptum Johannis Northwold abbatis de quinque servanciis’ (A.D. 1294); f. 260, d: ‘... de minutis officiis.’
703 Gloucester Cart. (Rolls Ser.), iii. 213, 214: ‘Hoc intellecto quod quandocumque placuerit loci ballivo amoveantur ab uno loco usque ad alium ad commodum domini infra terminum, salvis eisdem liberationibus et stipendiis prius provisis. Nec aliquis admittatur ad servitium domini sine saluis plegiis de fideliter serviendo et de omittenda satisfaciendo. Et moraturi tunc praemuniantur quod sibi provideant ad morandum... Item quod nullus famulus sit in curia cui plenum non deputetur officium. Ita quod si unum officium suo statui sit insufficiens in alio suppleatur defectus.’
704 Merton College MSS., 91, f. 153: ‘Coment hom deyt alower oueraygnes en feyneson e en aust. Vous purrez bien auer sarcler 3 acres pur un dener e auer fauche lacre de pre pur 4 deners.... E vous devez sauer qe 5 hommes poent bien lyer et syer 2 acres le iour checune manere de ble qe luns plus e lautre mens.... E la ou les 4 prenent 7 d. ob. le iour e le quint pur ceo qil est lyour le iour 2 d., donqe devez donner pur lacre 4 den. E pur ceo qen mouz de pays i ne sevent nient sier par lacre si poet hom sauer par siours e par les jurnees ceo qil fount. Mesqe vous reteignez les siours par les eez ceo est a sauer qe 5 hommes ou 5 femmes le quel qe vous voudrez que home apele 5 home font un eez, e 25 hommes font 5 eez, e poent 25 hommes shyer e lier 10 acres le iour entiers ouerables.... E si il accunte plus de jurnees qe ne fiert solon ceste acounte, si ne lor deuez pas alower.’
705 Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, 16, 17.
706 Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, 14, 15 Cf. 13: ‘Ernaldus C. tempore episcopi Henrici habuit de quolibet preposito et quolibet firmario unum denarium ad natale pro taliis quas inveniet eis et morsuras candelarum.’
707 Bury St Edmund’s Registrum Album, Cambr. Univ., Ee. iii. 60, f. 169, a: ‘Isti habent biscum panem... grangiator, bedellus, lurard.’ Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS., 1, f. 126: ‘Et quod habeat... quolibet anno de tota vita sua unam robam de secta armigerorum nostrorum et unam robam competentem vel duas marcas pro uxore sua.’ f. 142: ‘Concessisse Thome de Panis redditum unius robe annuatim recipiendi apud Glastoniam de secta armigerorum nostrorum videlicet quartam partem panni cum furrura agnina precii 2 solidorum uel duos solidos et si aliquo anno armigeris nostris robas non dederimus, volumus et concedimus... capiat illo anno... 20 solidos.’ f. 146, d: ‘... tres panes, videlicet unum panem uocatum priestlof et alterum panem uocatum bastardlof et tercium panem uocatum seriauntlof de panetria predicti abbatis.... Et redditum unius robe... videlicet quartam partem unius panni de lecta officiariorum cum furrura agnina. Et pro predicta Aluecia uxore sua unam robam videlicet et octo virgas panni de secta secundorum clericorum cum furrura de scurellis.’
708 Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 3. Cf. 16: ‘Vinitor habet talem liberacionem sicut prepositus grangie.’
709 Cellarer’s Register of Bury St. Edmund’s, Cambr. Univ., Gg. iv. 4, f. 49, b: ‘Inquisitio generalis dicit quod omnes gersumarii debent esse prepositi vel heywardi ad voluntatem domini nec se excusare possint racione alicuius tenementi ut patet in curia ibidem tenta anno regis Henrici 54to. Et notandum quod quicumque est prepositus aule de Bertone magna habebit infra manerium unum equum sumptibus domini cum una stotte et dimidiam acram ordei de meliore post terram compostatam et habebit stipulam pisei vel fabarum sine diminucione. Et si tenet duas terras custumarias plenas erit quietus pro operibus suis pro una terra et habebit ad natale domini 1 den. ad oblacionem, die purificacionis unam candelam precii quarterii et ad carnipriuium debet participari una perna baconis inter omnes famulos curie et ad pascham habebit 1 d. pro oblacione sua.’ Eynsham Inqu. 6: ‘Et quis eorum fuerit prepositus manerii, liber erit et quietus de omnibus servitiis et consuetudinibus quas facit Johannes Mareys predictus, auxiliis, pannagiis et denario Sti Petri exceptis.’
710 Suffolk Court Rolls (Bodleian), 3: ‘Terra debuit custodiam clauium conuentus.’ Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi. f. 26, a: ‘Ad idem tenementum pertinet esse coronarium et replegiare homines episcopi... et facere capciones et disseisinas infra insulam et extra.’ Shaftesbury Cart., Harl. MSS., 61, f. 60: ‘Iacobus tenet 5 acras et servabit boves excepta pestilencia et violencia.’
711 Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS., 1, f. 126: ‘Carta abbatis Galfridi facta Willelmo Pasturel (pistori) de terris et tenementis in Glastonia:... reddendo inde per annum nobis et successoribus nostris unam rosam ad festum nativitatis beati Johannis baptiste pro omni seruicio saluo seruicio regali quantum pertinet ad tantam terram et salvo nobis et successoribus nostris sectis curiarum nostrarum Glastonie sicut alii liberi eiusdem uille nobis faciunt.’ Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 10: ‘Galterus portarius tenet tenementum suum scilicet portam hereditarie cum his pertinentiis.’ Shaftesbury Cart., Harl. MSS., 61, f. 90: ‘Maria Dei gratia Abbatissa ecclesie Sti Eadwardi.... Cum dilectus noster Thurstanus portarius portam nostram cum omnibus ad eam pertinentibus toto tempore vite sue libere et quiete et iure hereditario possedisset et Robertus filius et heres eius, dum post eum contigit Thomam heredem eiusdem Roberti post decessum patris eius eo quod minoris esset etatis in custodiam nostram deuenire... cumque ipsum diucius tenuissemus in custodia pensatis predecessorum suorum obsequiis qui nobis fideliter et laudabiliter ministrauerunt... iura ad ipsum et ad heredes eius racione custodie dicte porte pertinencia... presenti pagina duximus exprimenda.’
712 Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 13.
713 Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS., 1, f. 125: ‘Carta Murielle Pasturel facta Galfrido Abbati Glastoniensi de tenementis et redditibus pertinentibus (ad) servanciam de la lauandrie.’
714 Bury St. Edmund’s Reg., Harl. MSS., 743, f. 270 sqq.: ‘... ita tamen quod nullus obedienciariorum predictorum potestatem habeat seu auctoritatem conferendi aliquod officium seu servanciam alicui ad terminum vite nec statum liberi tenementi alicui in premissis de cetero concedendi, set huiusmodi seruientes officia predicta necessaria ex collacione predictorum obedienciariorum habentes ad voluntatem obedienciariorum predictorum removeantur quociens necesse fuerit (A.D. 1294).’
715 A fourth class would be composed of tenements belonging to people personally strange to the manor. Such ‘forinsec’ tenants were often high and mighty persons who had nothing to do with the agrarian arrangements of the place. I do not speak of this class, because its position is evidently an artificial one and of no importance for the internal organisation of the manor, though interesting from the legal point of view.
716 Shaftesbury Inqu., Harl. MSS., 61, f. 45, d: ‘Bubulci et Gadinci habent sabbatum per ordinem carucarum donec eorum aretur terra.’ Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 14: ‘Habebit etiam unam acram in autumpno uno anno apud Strete et alio anno aliam acram apud Waltonam.’
717 Glastonbury Inqu. of 1180, p. 46: ‘Stephanus fil. B.... de dominico 2 acras ad implementum terre sue.’ Cf. 39: ’3 acras ad perficiendum suas 5 acras.’ Ibid. 81: ‘Norman de Pola dimidiam virgatam. Totum tenementum suum est de dominico.’
718 Ibid. 39: ‘unam acram pro 4 d. ad emendacionem terre sue.’
719 Ibid. 27: ‘Robertus prepositus unam acram pro quodam soc quam magister Alured tenuit, et dicunt juratores sic esse utilius quam esset in cultura, quia longe est a dominico.’
720 Domesday of St. Paul’s, p. 118: ‘Anno domini 1240 Hugone de Sto Eadmundo existente custode manerii de bello campo homines infrascripti tenentes terras de dominico quas vocant inlandes sine auctoritate capituli augmentaverunt redditum assizum, ut auctoritas capituli interveniret.’
721 Ibid., p. 121: ‘Ricardus A. non feffatus nisi per firmarium consuevit dare annuatim 4 solidos; de cetero dabit 4 sol. 7 den. et ob.’ Cf. 52: ‘Subscripti sunt feffati de pasturis et frutectis usque ad titulum in proximum.’ Add. MSS. 6159, f. 70: ‘Robertus Cob tenet 5 acras pro 25 d. per capitulum ut sit perpetuum.’ Domesday of St. Paul’s, 60: ‘Ricardus Wor 13 acras de terra arabili et unum mariscum 10 acrarum pro 4 sol. et 10 d. et per cartam capituli.’
722 Ramsay Inqu., Cotton MSS., Galba E. x. fol. 49: ‘De nova purprestura 50 acras... quas 4 homines de dominico tenent.’ Cf. Domesday of St. Paul’s, 7. 20.
723 Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, 111: ‘Homines tenent septem virgatas terre de dominico de terra superius nominata, in parte erat liberata in tempore Henrici episcopi et in parte postea cum 7 acris quas Johannes clericus tenet.’ Domesday of St. Paul’s, 51: ‘Tenentes de dominico antiquitus assiso.’ 53: ‘Dicunt eciam quod terre de dominico de novo tradite satis utiliter tradite sunt.’
724 Bracton, f. 220. See F.W. Maitland in the Harvard Law Review, iii. 173.
725 Rot. Hundr. ii. 336, a: ‘In firmariis Johannes clericus tenet unam dimidiam virgatam terre ad terminum vitae suae pro 6 solidis per annum pro omni servicio.’ Cf. 344, 346. Add. MSS. 6159, p. 70: ‘Hanc terram tenuit postmodum Thomas de Retendon et cum esset conventus a capitulo super ingressu in illa eo quod aliquando dixisset quod tenuit eam in feodo et non posset illud monstrare et recognovit se non habere ius in illa et reddidit eam quietam decano et capitulo qui postmodum concesserunt eandem terram cum manso ipsi Thomae tenendum de ipsis ad vitam suam tantum pro 2 sol. et 6 d. per annum.’ Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS., 1, 240, a: ‘Magister Nicholaus de Malmesburi rector ecclesie de Cristemalforde... quod cum ego recepissem terram Ricardi de Leyweye in manerio de Cristemalforde... ad terminum 15 annorum et uiri religiosi Glastonie se opposuissent dicentes (dicenti?) me esse infeodatum de terra predicta, presenti scriptura confiteor me post predictos 18 annos in dicta terra non posse vendicare feodum nec liberum tenementum.’
726 Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 79: ‘Johannes clericus... idem tenet unum cotsetle pro 16 d. pro omni servitio ex presto firmariorum Reginaldi scilicet de Waltona.’ Domesday of St. Paul’s, 94: ‘Gilbertus filius N. tenet tres virgatas in quas Gilbertus avus suus habuit ingressum per Theodoricum firmarium et modo reddit pro illis 36 solidos,’ etc. Ibid. 40: ‘Thomas filius Godrici 22 acras pro 22 d. cuius medietas quondam Stephani, set habet eam per Ricardum firmarium,’ Ibid. 25: ‘Walterus de mora 14 acras pro 4 solidis et 8 d. quondam Elvine, cui non attinet, cuius ingressus ignoratur.’
727 Warwickshire Hundred Roll, Q.R. Misc. Books, 429, f. 13, b: ‘Unde Willelmus de Wexton tenet unum cotagium libere ad terminum vite sue pro 4 solidis metens in autumpno per 1 diem.’ A peculiar case is found in Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 69: ‘Godwin palmer... dimidiam virgatam... ex tempore Roberti Abbatis per Thomam Cameriarum in cujus custodia fuit tunc manerium.’ (Later hand): ‘Iste Godwin dedit Henrico abbati dimidiam marcam et acrevit gabulum de 12 d. Hec convencio durabit dum dominus Abbas erit.’
728 Domesday of St. Paul’s, 25: ‘Robertus filius Roger filii mercatoris unam acram et dimidiam pro 6 d. Item paruum augmentum pro 1 d.’
729 Rot. Hundr. i. 451: ‘Item Andreas prepositus tenet tantum terre sicut dictus Goscelinus villanus in omnibus. Et preter hoc tenet 3 acras pro libra cimini. Item Rogerus Doning facit sicut dictus Goscelinus in omnibus et debet domino suo pro uno seillione terre 6 d. per annum. Willelmus Mathew tenet eodem modo et preter hoc dat domino suo pro una acra 4 capones precii 6 den.’
730 Worcester Cart., 27, a: ‘de forlandis. De Thoma de G. pro 5 acris.... De acra quam Symon Carpenter tenuit. De Alicia vidua pro dimidia acra. De Johanne Roberti pro 4 buttis in crofta,’ etc.
731 Domesday of St. Paul’s, p. 7 sqq.: ‘(Kenesworthe) isti tenent de dominico et de essarto.’ 21 sqq.: ‘(Erdelege) isti tenent de essarto veteri.’ 75: ‘(Nastox) nova essarta.’
732 Worc. Cart., 13: ‘Idem tenet assartum pro medietate fructus et Prior invenit medietatem seminis.’
733 The essarts of St. Paul, London, are divided into small portions among the peasantry, and the same men own them who are possessed of the regular holdings—all indications that the clearing was made according to a general plan and by the whole village.
734 Worcester Cart., 47, 48: ‘de soccagiis et forlandis villanorum.’ Cf. 49.
735 A curious species of land tenure is the so-called rofliesland (rough lease?). Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, 29: ‘W. de W. tenet unum Rofliesland eodem servicio; tota terra est in voluntate domini.’ 65: ‘W. tenet 5 acras et filius suus 5 acras; unus eorum tenet carucam domini, alter fugat boves. Terra quam filius eius tenet est Rofles.’ 66: ‘R. fil. A. tenet unum ferdel de Rofliesland pro 2 solidis pro omni servicio per camerarium.’ 90: ‘Idem tenet dimidiam virgatam de rofliesland pro duobus solidis, quod utilius esset edificari.’ Cf. 164, sub voce Roflesland. The name is found often in old leases in Wilts and Somerset as a ‘Rough lease’ or a ‘Rowlease.’ I think the term must indicate one of those informal agreements of which I speak in the text. See also Reg. Malmesbur. ii. 9, 10.
736 Rot. Hundr. ii. 437: ‘Symon et Petrus... tenent de eodem Alano unam virgatam terre et solvunt per annum 8 s. et debent arare tres dimidias acras terre... Adam Swetcoc tantum tenet de predicto Alano et solvit 9 sol. 3 d. et facit per omnia sicut predicti Simon et Petrus et tantum plus quod debet metere... Thomas Alwyne tantum tenet de predicto Alano et solvit 8 s. et debet arare 3 acras avene et metere duas acras,’ etc. Cf. 446, 473.
737 Rot. Hundr. ii. 656.
738 In Sawtrey le Moyne and Sawtrey Beaumeys (659, 660) the free tenants are partly virgaters and half-virgaters, partly holders of small plots. I need not say that all my quotations are of cases which might be multiplied to any extent.
739 The undated Survey of the Ramsey Cartulary (ii. 487) has a different reckoning: ‘Item omnes positi ad censum qui tenent virgatam, vel dimidiam virgatam, dabunt per annum pro virgata octo solidos, vel pro dimidia virgata quatuor solidos.’ There are several other small discrepancies with the Hundred Roll description. The document endorsed in the Cartulary seems the earlier one, and the differences have to be explained in all probability by some attempt on the part of the Monastery to set up a higher rent at the time of its compilation. One does not see the slightest ground for any reduction of the rent in process of time. Generally speaking, the conditions described in the Hundred Roll are more irregular than those mentioned in the Cartulary.
740 The Ramsey Cartulary has simply: ‘Et virgatarius arabit et herciabit qualibet septimana per unum diem sicut operarius.’
741 Rot. Hundr. ii. 348.
742 Ib. 443, 444. Isabel, the daughter of William le Frend, is taken as a typical half-virgater.
743 Rot. Hundr. ii. 326.
744 Ib. ii. 327.
745 Ib. ii. 436.
746 Ib ii. 438.
747 Ib. ii. 473.
748 Rot. Hundr. 470: ‘(villani) quilibet istorum tenet dimidiam virgatam terre de predicta Elena de quibus xxx et 1 operantur in uno anno et alii xxxij operantur in alio anno et in eodem anno quo operantur dant domine per annum 8 d. et alii qui non operantur dant per annum quilibet dimidius virgatarius 2 s. 10 d. et auxilium Vicecomitis 1 d. obolum et quilibet dat obolum, quadrantem ad festum St. Michaelis.’
749 Maitland, Select Pleas in Manorial Courts, vol. i. 95: A reeve complains that Richer Jocelin’s son and Richard Reeve and his wife have insulted him, by saying among other things ‘... quod cepisse debuit munera de divitibus ne essent censuarii et pauperes ad censum posuisse debuit.’
750 It might perhaps be objected that the difference in favour of the free people ought to be explained by a depreciation of money which in process of time lowered the value of quit rents. But the explanation would hardly suit the age in which the Hundred Rolls were compiled. The phenomenon mentioned in the text may be observed in all the Cartularies, and there is no reason to think that the free rents which occur in them are already antiquated survivals of agreements which had lost their economic sense.
751 Rot. Hundr. ii. 542.
752 Ib. 348.
753 Ib. 508.
754 Exch. Q.R. Misc. Books, N 29, f. 11 a.
755 Exch. Q.R. Misc. Books, N 29, f. 12: ‘Idem Thomas habet ibidem 12 villanos tenentes 4 virgatas terre et dimidiam in villenagio, unde Johannes Aylind tenet dimidiam virgatam terre pro 5 s. 8 d. faciens fenum domini per unum diem cum uno homine, metens blada eiusdem domini per 1 diem cum uno homine, etc. Idem Thomas habet ibidem 11 liberos tenentes 11 virgatas terre et dimidiam. Unde Willelmus en la Nurne tenet dimidiam virgatam et 4 acras terre pro 4 solidis faciens sectam ad curiam de Bathekynton bis per annum pro omni demanda.’
756 Bodekesham, Cambs. (R.H. ii. 487), is probably a case of molland. The often-quoted instance of Ayllington is doubtful, although the Ramsey Cartulary speaks of the liber tenentes as malmanni. The expression was probably in use for all rent-paying people, although properly a designation of those who had commuted their services. See Appendix XV.
757 R.H. ii. 349, 350: ‘In Weston, Bucks, the service of the villain virgater is estimated at 5 s. 2 d.... Elyas Clericus tenet dim. virgatam et reddit Johanni de Patishull 1 d. Willelmus fil. Willelmi de Ravenestone tenet dim. virgatam de eodem feodo et reddit per annum 1 d. Thomas Acpelard tenet dimidiam virgatam terre et reddit dicto Willelmo de Nodaris 3 d. Stephanus Elys tenet dimidiam virgatam et solvit eodem Willelmo 2 d. Thomas Thebaud tenet dimidiam virgatam et reddit eidem Willelmo 1 d.... Item Robertus le Cobeler tenet dimidiam virgatam terre et solvit eodem 1 libram cimini. Omnes isti prescripti dant per annum forinsecum et scutagium domino Willelmo de Nodaris quando currit.’ Cf. Torrington, Bucks, R.H. ii. 352.
758 R.H. ii. 713 (Stanton, Oxon.): ’ad alternacionem cujuslibet domini de Stanton debet recognoscere eundem dominum de uno spervario et dabit dimidiam marcam eidem domino.’
759 See e.g. Ramsey Cartul. i. 138, 142.
760 R.H. ii. 402, 403.
761 R.H. ii. 466. Cf. 609.
762 R.H. ii. 502.
763 R.H. ii. 484, 485.
764 R.H. 469, 470, 475.
765 A good specimen of the accusations which might be made against a manorial agent is afforded by the Court-rolls of the Abbey of Ramsey. Seld. Soc. ii. p. 95.
766 Seld. Soc. ii. 22: ‘Et dicit curia quod tenementum et una acra servilis condicionis sunt et una acra libere.’
767 Coram Rege, Pascha 9 Edw. I, 34, 6: ‘Messarius abbatis et messarius villate.’
768 Okeburn Inqu. 56 (Add. MSS. 24316): ‘Eligere debent unum messarium de se ipsis et domini de ipso electo poterunt facere prepositum.’
769 Gloucester Cart. iii. 221: ‘Prepositus eligetur per communitatem halimoti qui talem eligant qui ad suam terram propriam excolendum et cetera bona sua discrete et circumspecte tractanda idoneus merite notatur et habeatur, pro cuius defectibus et abmittendis totum halimotum respondeat, nisi ubi urgens necessitas aut causa probabilis illud halimotum coram loci ballivo rationabilem praetendere poterit excusationem.’ Cf. Walter of Henley, ed. Lamond, pp. 10, 64, 66.
770 Seld. Soc. ii. 12: ‘Nicholaus filius sacerdotis... et Robertus de Magedone... in misericordia quia contradixerunt tallagium quod positum fuit super eos per vicinos suos.’ Glastonb. Inqu. of 1189, p. 33: ‘Totum manerium reddit de dono 73 solidos et 4 den. sicut homines ville illud statuunt.’
771 Ramsey Cart. i. 401: ‘Sunt in scot et in lot et in omnibus cum villata.’ Spalding Priory Reg., Cole MSS. xliii. p. 283: ‘Libere tenens facit fossatum maris et omnes communas ville secundum quantitatem bouatae.’
772 Ramsey Cart. i. 398: ‘Henricus le Freman solebat esse in communa villatae, ut in tallagio et similibus. Nulla inde facit.’ p. 394 (a villager does not pay his part of the tallage), ‘quod quidem tallagium tota villata et ad magnum ipsorum gravamen hucusque persolvit.’
773 Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS. i. f. 111: ‘Si nul soit enfraunchi de ses ouvrages dont la ville est le plus charge.’
774 Add. MSS. 6159, f. 25, b: ‘Dominus debet invenire duos homines sumptibus suis coram eisdem justiciariis et villata de Rode sumptibus suis tres homines invenient. Et hoc per consuetudinem a tempore quo non extat memoria ut dicitur.’ Cf. Domesday of St. Paul’s, 15: ‘Alanus filius Alexandri de Cassingburne tres virgatas pro 20 solidis et preter haec 10 acras de villata et 10 de dominico propter sectam sire et hundredi quam modo non facit.’
775 Custumal of Bleadon, 257: ‘Invenit fabrum pro ferdello domino et toti villae.’
776 Shaftesbury Cart., Harl. MSS. 61, f. 63: ‘Ibit ad scotaliam domine sicut ad scotaliam vicinorum.’
777 Ramsey Cart. i. 425: ‘Ponitur in respectu quousque videatur quomodo se gerat versus dominum abbatem et suos vicinos.’
778 Seld. Soc. ii. 172: ‘Ad istam curiam venit tota communitas villanorum de Bristwalton et de sua mera et spontanea voluntate sursum reddidit domino totum jus et clamium quod idem villani habere clamabant racione commune in bosco domini qui vocatur Hemele et landis circumadjacentibus, ita quod nec aliquid juris vel clamii racione commune in bosco predicto et landis circumadjacentibus exigere, vendicare vel habere poterint in perpetuum. Et pro hac sursum reddicione remisit eis dominus de sua gracia speciali communam quam habuit in campo qui vocatur Estfeld,’ etc.
779 Annals of Dunstable (Annales Monast.) iii. 379, 380: ‘Et prior dicit, quod praedicta tenementa aliquo tempore fuerunt in seisina hominum villate de Thodingdone, qui quidem homines, unanimi voluntate et assensu, feofaverunt praedictum Simonem, praedecessorem praedicti prioris, de praedictis tenementis, tenendum eidem Simoni et successoribus suis in perpetuum. Jurati dicunt... quod praedicta tenementa aliquo tempore fuerunt in seisina praedictorum hominum villatae de Thodingdone et quod omnes illi, qui aliquid habuerunt in praedictis duabus placiis terrae, congregati in uno loco ad quandam curiam apud Thodingdone tentam, unanimi assensu concesserunt praedicto Symoni, quondam priori de Dunstaple, praedecessori prioris nunc, praedictas placeas terrae, cum pertinentiis, tenendum eidem et successoribus suis in perpetuum, reddendo inde eisdem hominibus et eorum haeredibus per annum sex denarios temporibus falcacionis prati.’
780 Madox, Firma Burgi, 54, f: ‘... statim visis litteris capiat in manum Regis maneria de Cochame et Bray, quae sunt in manibus hominum praedictorum maneriorum, et salvo custodiat, ita quod deinceps Regi possit respondere de firma praedictorum maneriorum ad scaccarium.’ 54, g: ‘Miramur quamplurimum quod 30s. quos monachi de Lyra de elemosyna nostra constituta singulis annis per manus ballivorum villae vestrae, antequam predictam villam caperitis ad firmam recipere.’ Cf. Exch. i. 407, a, 412, b; Rot. Hundr. ii. 134: ‘Benmore juxta Langport fuit de dominico domini Regis pertinens ad Sumerton ubi omnes homines domini Regis de Sumerton, Sutton, Puttem et Merne solebant communicare cum omnimodis averiis suis, set per negligenciam villanorum de Sumertone qui manerium tunc temporis ad firmam tenuerunt et Henricus de Urtiaco vetus eandem moram sibi appropriavit.’
781 Gloucester Cart. iii. 181: ‘Omnes isti villani tenent de dominio quoddam pratum quod vocatur Hay continens 23 acras et reddunt inde per annum 23 solidos 3 denarios.’
782 Cf. Prof. Maitland’s Introduction to the rolls of the Abbey of Ramsey. Seld. Soc. ii. 87.
783 See the record of proceedings in the Court of the manor of Hitchin, printed by Mr. Seebohm at the end of his volume on the ‘Village Community.’
784 Introduction to Seld. Soc. ii. p. xvi.
785 Add. MSS. 6159, f. 54, a: ‘Visus de borchtruning.’
786 Gloucester Cart. iii. 221; Malmesbury Cart. ii. 17. Cf. Kovalevsky, ‘History of police administration in England’ (Russian), 137.
787 Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 101: ‘De tidinga Estone 5 solidos vel placita que orientur.’ Cf. Maitland, Introduction to Seld. Soc. ii. pp. xxx, xxxiii.
788 Rot. Hundr. ii. 461, b: ‘Et predicti Radulfus et Robertus habent suas duodenas.’
789 Y.B. 21-22 Edw. I, 399: ‘Presence a vewe de franc pledge demande par la reson de la persone, non de la tenure.’
790 Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS. i. f. 100, b: ‘Predictus Abbas consensit quod omnes homines eorum de predictis villis qui fuerint duodecim annorum et amplius faciant sectam ad predictum hundredum bis in annis perpetuum... exceptis omnibus bercariis, carrucariis predictarum villarum et carrectariis cuiuscumque hominis fuerint et omnibus aliis hominibus tam de predictis villis quam aliunde qui sunt de manupastis ipsius abbatis qui nullam sectam facient ad predictum hundredum nisi ibidem fuerint implacitati vel alios implacitent.’
791 Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS. i. f. 112: ‘... ne soit a la peis le roi come tere tenaunt en diseine ou en fraunche pleivine.’ f. 111: ‘Serment de ceux qui entrent en diseine... ne celeras chose qe apent a la pei le roi de engleterre.’
792 Introduction to Seld. Soc. ii. p. xviii.
793 Seld. Soc. ii. p. lxx.
794 Rot. Hundr. ii. 143: ‘Ermoldus de Boys dominus de Asynton solebat facere sectam ad Boxford ad Sockomanemot pro terra Ricardi Serle in Cornerche, nunc illa secta subtracta per 4 annos.’ The expression ‘frank-halimote’ occurs often, but it is evidently an equivalent to ‘libera curia,’ and interchanges with ‘liberum manerium.’ See Rot. Hundr. ii. 69, 74, 127.
795 Eynsham Inqu., Christ Church MSS. 15, a: ‘Curia debet ibi teneri si dominus voluerit.’
796 Seld. Soc. ii. 49, etc.
797 Beaulieu Cart., Harl. MSS. 748, f. 113: ‘De sectatoribus intrinsecis... et qui habent terram in campis... et ad forciamentum curie omnes predicti tam liberi quam alii cum 12 burgensibus vel pluribus venient ad curiam per racionabilem summonicionem.’ Glastonb. Cart., Wood MSS. i. 101, d: ‘Ipse et heredes et homines sui de Acforde facient bis in anno sectam ad hundredum abbatis de Nywentone et ad afforciamentum curie.’
798 Rot. Hundr. ii. 710, a; Ramsey Cart. i. 491.
799 Warwick Hundred Roll, Exch. Q.R. Misc. Books, 29, p. 10: ‘Quidam de tenentibus dicunt quod nunquam fecerunt sectam.’
800 Gloucester Cart. iii. 208.
801 Chapter-house Box 152, No. 14: ‘Hereditas de qua una secta debetur.’
802 Ramsey Cart. i. 412: ‘Prohibitum est in plena curia, ne quis ducat placitatores in curiam abbatis ad impediendum vel prorogandum judicium domini Abbatis.’ Gesta Abbatum (St. Alban’s), 455: ‘Non permittatur quod in halimotis adventicii placitatores partes cum sollemnitate sustineant sed communiter per bundos (i.e. bondos) de curia veritas inquiratur, sine callumnia verborum.’
803 Stoneleigh Reg. f. 75: ‘Curia de Stonle ad quam sokemanni faciebant sectam solebat ab antiquo teneri super montem iuxta villam de Stonle vocatam Motstowehull, ideo sic dictum quia ibi placitabant sed postquam abbates de Stonle habuerunt dictam curiam et libertatem pro aysiamento tenencium et sectatorum fecerunt domum curie in medio ville de Stonle.’
804 Selden Soc. ii. p. 67.
805 Introduction to Seld. Soc. vol. ii. p. 76.
806 The Durham halimot books (Surtees Society) supply some instances.
807 Glastonbury Inqu. of 1189, p. 33: ‘De dono 73 solidos sicut homines ville illud statuunt.’
808 Selden Soc. ii. 36, 168.
809 Selden Society, vol. ii. 6, 7, 8.
810 Ibid. 31: ‘Johannes Smert... Henricus Coterel maritavit se sine licencia domini, ideo distringantur ad faciendum voluntatem domini.’
811 Ibid. p. 44: ‘Postea taxata fuit dicta misericordia per Rogerum de Suhtcote, Willelmum de Scaccario, Hugonem de Cumbe liberos sectatores curie usque ad duas marcas.’
812 Introduction to Seld. Soc. ii. p. lxv.
813 Ibid. pp. 163, 166.
814 Comp. Heussler, Institutionen des deutschen Privatrechts, i. 215; ii. 622; but I cannot agree with him as the ceremony being employed only where there was to be a ‘donatio mortis causa.’ In connexion with this the part played by the Salman is misunderstood, as it seems to me.
815 The court rolls of Common Law manors do not think it necessary to give the particulars about the transmission of the rod. But the description of the practice at Stoneleigh, which, though ancient demesne, presents manorial customs of the same character as those followed on ordinary estates, leaves no doubt as to the course of the proceedings. See above the passage quoted on pp. 113-6. Comp. a parallel ceremony as to freehold, Madox, Formulare, p. 54. The instance has been pointed out to me by Prof. Maitland.
816 See Pollock, Land-laws, 199, 208 (2nd ed.).
817 Seld. Soc. ii. 33; insertion of a lease in the roll; p. 35: ‘Lis conquievit inter ipsos ita quod concordati fuerunt in hac forma de voluntate domini et in plena curia ita videlicet quod predictus Willelmus de Baggemere concessit, remisit et quietum clamavit pro se et heredibus suis... et hoc paratus est verificare per recordum rotulorum seu 12 juratores ejusdem curie per voluntatem domini et senescalli.’ p. 166: ‘Et sciatis quod si haberem ad manus rotulos curie tempore Willelmi de Lewes ego vobis certificarem et vobis monstrarem multa mirabilia non opportune facta.’
818 These points have been conclusively settled by the masterly investigations of Brunner, Zeugen-und Inquisitions-beweis (Abhandlungen der Wiener Akademie) and Entstehung der Schwurgerichte.
819 Seld. Soc. ii. 41: ‘Quod talis sit consuetudo manerii et quod dicta Augnes sic venit in plena curia cum marito suo et totum jus et clamium quod haberet vel aliquo modo habere poterit in toto vel in parte hujus burgagii in manus domini ad opus ejusdem R. reddidit ponit super curiam... Et 12 juratores curie,’ etc.
820 I do not mean to say that the analytical distinctions which we make between fact and law, between presenters to a tribunal and assessors of a tribunal, were clearly perceived or consequently carried out in the twelfth or thirteenth centuries. On the contrary there was a good deal of confusion in details, and the instinctive logic of facts had more to do in dividing and settling institutions than conscious reasoning. Juries and assizes of the Royal Courts might be called upon incidentally to decide legal questions, but, in the aggregate, there can be hardly a doubt that the sworn inquests before the Royal judges were working to provide the Courts with a knowledge of local facts and perhaps conditions, while the manorial court gave legal decisions.
821 Seld. Soc. ii. 41: ‘Et 12 juratores curie... dicunt super sacramentum suum quod predicta Agnes venit in plena curia et totum jus et clamium quod aliquo modo habere potuit in dicto burgagio in manus domini reddidit.’ 42: ‘Et juratores... dicunt super sacramentum suum quod Juliana per quam dicta Matildis petit hujusmodi messuagium nunquam fuit seisita de ipso mesuagio, set Willelmus Ponfrayt maritus ipsius Juliane, unde secundum consuetudinem manerii Juliana post mortem W. mariti sui nichil poterit clamare nisi dotem in huiusmodi mesuagium nisi fuerit in plena curia una cum marito suo de huiusmodi perquisito conjunctim seisita.’ Cf. p. 40: ‘Unde Willelmus pro premissis in plena curia recordatis et inrotulatis dat domino 10 solidos.’
822 4 Inst. 270, cap. 58.
823 Y.B. 11/12 Edw. III (Rolls Ser.), p. 325, sqq.: ‘... les suters de Cokam firent venir plein record... les suiters agarderent seisine de terre... ila firent faux judgement... Stonore: Cest usage est molt encontre la ley, qe cesti qe doit tenir les plees ne poet pas recorder un attourne en ple qe serra plede devant lui mesme. Trew: Nous voloms averer qe les usages sont tiels, qe le seneschal de la court poet resceivir un attourne, issint qil dei entre les suiters coment il ad resceu un tiel attourne en tiel ple a la proschein court apres la resceite, et vous dions qe cesti Adam qe respondi par attourne fut resceu attourne en la manere.’ Cf. Lysons, Magna Brit. i. 266. Y.B. 3 Edw. III. 29: ‘Rob. le W. porta son brief de faux judgement devers un home et sa feme, et apres le record avowe par les suters de la court de Bloxham... les suters agarderent qe Robert et ses plegis fuerent in le mercie, et quod narratio sua fuit iniqua, et recordarent un nonsuit la ou la partie fust en court, per qe nous prioms qe cel record soit revers.’ Viner, Abr. ii. A. 5, O. 6.
824 Y.B. 11/12 Edw. III (Rolls Ser.), p. 517: ‘Trew. Le brief suppose qe le defendant tint le ple et qil fut baillif, ou seuters tenent le ple qe ont record; jugement de bref. Et non allocetur, quia ipse tenet curiam et ei dirigitur breve.’
825 Note Book of Bracton, pl. 1122: ‘Preceptum fuit ballivis de Kingestona quod in plena curia sua de Kingestona recordari facerent loquelam... et recordum venire facerent per quatuor qui recordo illi interfuerunt, etc.... Ideo balliui inde sine die et Radulfus in misericordia.’ 834: ‘Preceptum fuit vicecomiti quod preciperet balliuis manerii Domini Regis de Haueringes quod recordari facerent in curia domini Regis de Haueringes loquelam que fuit in eadem curia per breve domini Regis... unde predicte Agnes et Dyonisia queste fuerunt falsum sibi factum fuisse iudicium in eadem curia et quod diligenter inquirerent qui fuerunt illi de maneriis Domini Regis de Writele, Neuport et Hatfeuld qui interfuerunt predicto iudicio faciendo simul cum hominibus Domini Regis de Haueringes et illos venire facerent aput Aueringe ad diem quem predicti homines et balliui Haueringe predicti loquelam recordari facerent, ita quod tam predicti ballivi et homines de Haueringe quam predicti homines de predictis maneriis recordum illud haberent coram justiciariis aput Westmonasterium per 4 legales homines de manerio de Aueringes et 6 de maneriis de Writele, de Neuport et de Hatfeuldia ex illis qui recordo illi interfuerunt.... Consideratum est quod illi de predictis maneriis falsum fecerunt iudicium et ideo omnes de manerio in misericordia preter Willelmum Dun... qui noluerunt consentire judicio.’
826 Stoneleigh Reg., f. 75: ‘Item si aliquis deforciatur de tenemento suo et tulerit breve Regis clausum ballivis manerii versus deforciantes, dictum breve non debet frangi nisi in curia... Item quando ballivus aliquem summoneat ex precepto curie, tunc assumet secum duos sokemannos quos voluerit pro testanda summonicione predicta... Item qualitercumque placitum terminetur in curia sive in deficiendo in lege vadiata sive per non defensionem dampna sunt semper taxanda per curiam... Item debent sokemanni respondere per 12 coram justiciariis et coronatore domini Regis. Et ipsi dabunt iudicia curie de Stonle... Item nullus adiudicabitur tenens terre nisi qui a curia tenens acceptatur per fidelitatem et alias consuetudines licet tenens extra curiam aliquem feoffaverit per cartam vel sine carta.’
827 Selden Soc. ii. 122: ‘Capiatur in manum domini quarta pars unius rode prati jacens in Smalemade quam Rogerus Greylong vendidit Nicholao le Neuman sine licencia curie.’ Cf. 112: ‘Praesentatum est quod Hugo Graeleng solvit sursum extra curiam ad opus Thome Aspelon de Broucton liberi unam portionem cuiusdam mesuagii... Ideo preceptum quod capiatur in manum domini.’
828 We hear constantly such phrases as the following: ‘Quod iuncta est secum vocat rotulos ad warrantum; ponit se super rotulos.’ But we have also: ‘Et partes pecierunt quod inquiratur per villatam que dixit quod sufficientem duxit sectam. Postea testificatum fuit per totam villatam quod dictus Nicolaus tenebatur dicto Bartholomeo in predictis 5d.’ (Seld. Soc. ii. 118). In one case the party relies on the evidence of the Register of Ramsey (p. 111), which was compiled, of course, on the basis of sworn inquests held in the different manors.
829 Seld. Soc. ii. 112.
830 Augment. Court Rolls, Portf. xxiii. No. 94, m. 3: ‘Quod quidem per senescallum concessum est eisdem’ (the entry is omitted in Mr. Maitland’s publication).
831 Seld. Soc. ii. 111.
832 Augment. Court Rolls, Portf. xxiii. No. 94, m. 25 v. (the entry is not in the Selden volume): ‘Margeria que fuit uxor Nicholai de Aula de Kingesripton venit et petit unum parvum mesuagium existens in manu domini quod quondam fuit de mesuagio suo proprio et quod ipsa Margeria singulis annis defendit versus dominum Abbatem, unde petit quod ius suum super hoc inquiratur per bonam inquisicionem. Que venit et dicit... Et ideo preceptum eidem quod inde habeat colloquium cum domino. Et postea colloquio habito cum domino concessum est ei quod pacifice habeat faciendo seruicia inde debita et consueta.’
833 Selden Soc. ii. 127.
834 Selden Soc. ii. 173.
835 Ibid. 94: ‘Reginaldus fil. Benedicti injuste dedicit esse unus de 12 juratoribus allegando libertatem... Dicunt eciam quod Willelmus de Bernewell injuste allegat libertatem propter quam contradicit esse unus de juratis.’ Cf. Cor. Rege incerti anni Johann. 5: ‘Predecessores sui et ipse tenuerunt liberum tenementum et quod quidam ex juratis sunt consuetudinarii monialium.’ Cor. Rege Pascha, 9 Edw. I, 34, b: ‘(Amerciamentum sochemanni) per pares vel per liberos de curia et vicinos ad curiam venientes.’
836 Hereford Rolls (Bodleian), 12: ‘Compertum per libere tenentes quod custumarii falso presentant... ideo custumarii in misericordia.’ Rot. Hundr. ii. 469: ‘Quatuor homines et prepositus presentabant defaltas predictis liberis hominibus et ipsi liberi presentabant ballivis.’
837 Seld. Soc. ii. 44.
838 Introduction to Seld. Soc. ii. p. lxx.
839 Seld. Soc. ii. 67.
840 Ibid. 164.
841 See as to all this Mr. Maitland’s Introduction to the Selden volume (ii), pp. lxix, lxx.
842 Introd. to Selden Soc. ii. p. lxi, and following. Comp. Coram Rege, 27 Henry III, 2: ‘Dicunt quod non est aliquis liber homo in eodem manerio nisi Willelmus filius Radulfi qui respondet infra corpus comitatus.’
843 Y.B. 21-22 Edw. I, 526 (Rolls Series).
844 Comp. Mr. Maitland in his often-quoted Introduction, p. lxxi.
845 Introduction to Seld. Soc. ii. p. lxvi.
846 Archaeologia, vol. 47, p. 27, and following.
847 Rot. Hundr., Cartulary of Ramsey, i.
848 Gomme, Village Community, 162, etc.
849 Cart. of Malmesbury (Rolls Ser.), ii. 221.
850 A very good case in point is presented by Hitchin, because the boundaries and the jurisdiction of the manor comprise a great number of villages and hamlets which managed their open fields quite independently of the central township of Hitchin, and could not but do so, as they lay quite apart and a good way from it, as may be seen on the Ordnance Map. And still the manor comprises ‘the township of Hitchin and the hamlet of Walsworth, the lesser manors of the Rectory of Hitchin, of Moremead, otherwise Charlton, and of the Priory of the Biggin, being comprehended within the boundaries of the said manor of Hitchin, which also extends into the hamlets of Langley and Preston in the said parish of Hitchin, and into the parishes of Ickleford, Ipolitts, Kimpton, Kingswalden, and Offley.’ (Seebohm, Village Community, 443, 444.) As Mr. Seebohm tells me, the contrast between the central portion, that of the township, managed in one open field system, and the outlying parts, is probably reflected in the curious denominations of the manor as Portman and Foreign. It is well known how frequently our surveys mention hamlets; in many cases these annexes of townships are so widely scattered, that it would be impossible to suppose one open field system for them.
851 Seld. Soc. ii. 68, 90.
852 Ibid. 162, 166.
853 Introd. to Seld. Soc. ii. p. xxxix.
854 ‘Cest action est mixte en favour de franchise car rarement se sustreit nul del fief de son seiniur, s’il ne soy claime frank’ (p. 165).
855 P. 168.
856 P. 212: ‘Si le defendant puisse monstrer frank cep de ses Anncestres en la conception ou en la nativity ou puis, y’ ert le defendant tenable pur frank a touts jours tout y soyent present pere et mere frere et cosins et tout son parenter que soy coynossent estre serfs al actor, et tesmoignent le defendant estre serf. Le autre notability est, que nient pluis ne fait long tenure de villeinage franchome serf que long tenure de frank fieu ne fait home serf frank, car franchise ne soy defait jammes par prescription de temps.’ P. 166: ‘Servage est un subjection issuant de cy grand antiquite, que nul frank ceppe ne purra estre trouve par human remembrance.’ Cf. Britton, i. 196.
857 P. 167: ‘ou si son seignior luy eject de son fief, et luy done sustenance (corr. ne luy done sustenance).’ 294: ‘Abusion est que home puisse challenger celuy pur son naife a que il ne trova unque sustenance, de sicome serf nest my serf forsque tant come il est en gard, et de sicome nul ne poet challenger son serf pur serf tout soit il en sa garde s’il retrouve (corr. ne trouve) sustenance a son serf que luy vault mees et terre en son fief, ou il purra gaigner sa sustenance, ou autrement luy retient en son service.’ Cf. 169.
858 Cf. p. 155.
859 P. 166.
860 P. 294.
861 Ib. p. 294. ‘Abusion est que serfs sont frank pledges ou pledges de frank home.’ Cf. 110.
862 P. 169. ‘Nota que villeins ne sont my serfs car serfs sont dits de garder sicom est dit.’ 295: ‘Abusion est a tenir villeins serfs, et ceste abusion merust grand destruction de poor people, grand poverty, et grand peche.’
863 P. 291: ‘Abusion est que lon dit que villenage neste my frank tenement... car villein et serf ne sont my en (corr. un) voice, ne en (corr. un) signification, eins poet chascun frank home tenir villenage a luy et a ses heires fesant le servage et le charge del fiew.’
864 P. 170: ‘Ascuns receverent fiefs assoubs de chescun obligation sicome per service faire ou en pure almoigne, ascuns a tenir par homage, et en service al defense del Realme, et ascuns par villeins customes d’arrer, over charrier, sarclir, franchir, seier, tasser, batre ou tilt autres manners de services, et ascun foits sans reprise de manger; et dont plusors fines sont troves levees en le tresore que font mencion de ceux services et viles customes faire, aussi bien come autres de pluis curtoise services, et dount tout soit que tiels gents ne eient point de chartres, ne monuments sils soient nequident engettes ou disturbes de lour possessions a tort, droit les succort per l’assize de novel disseisine attenir en le state come devant per cy que ils puissent averrer que ils scavoient lour certaintie de services et doveraignes per an come ceux que auncestres avant eux furent astrers de pluis longe temps per case que les disseisors nen furent seigniors.’
865 169: ‘Villeins sont cultivers de fief demorants en villages uplande, car de Vile est dit Villeins, de Burgh Bourghois, et de Cite Cittizens, et de Villeins est mencion fait en le Chartre de Franchise, ou est dit, que villein ne soit mie cy grivement amercie que sa gaigneur ne soit a luy salve, car de serf ne fait il my mention pur ceo que ils ount rien propre que perdrent. Et de Villeins sont lour gaignures appelle Villenages.’
866 167. On the other hand it is mentioned, that serfs cannot be devised because they are astriers and annexed to the free tenement of the lord.
867 171: ‘Et de ceo soy entremist Seint Edward en son temps d’enquirer de toutes les... que luy fesoit a tiel gaignors oustre lour droit et en fist grande vengeance. Et puis pargents que meins doulent pecheir que faire ne duissent sont plusiours ceux villeins par tortious distresses chasses a faire a lour seignours le service de Rechat de sank, et plusors autre customes voluntaries pur mener les en servage a lour poiar, dont lour remedie per le ne injuste vexes per les negligence des Royes’ (the end of the sentence is evidently omitted or ’is falling into disuse’ must have been meant).—p. 305: ‘abusion est que le briefe de ne injuste vexes va issint en decline.’
868 It ought to be mentioned that the hundreds to which suit is due belonged to the Church of Ely.
869 Rot Hundr. ii. 82: ‘Walterus de Pedecorthin est dominus (de Ingwethin), in qua est una virgata terre et facit sectam ad hundredum bis in anno, set non ad parva hundreda nec ad comitatum, nesciunt quo warranto.’ ii. 201: ‘Decena de Larncynge solebat facere sectam ad dictum hundredum de Bretford set de consensu W. de Breuse dicta decena divisa fuit in duas partes. Ita quod una pars secta ad curiam domini de Brawatere et alia medietas ad dictum hundredum de Bretford ad dampnum domini dicti hundredi 5 solidorum per annum:’ ii. 195: ’8 homines de homagio Johannis le Butiler in Stones et Boxham qui debent facere sectam ad predictum hundredum subtraxerunt sectam suam ad duo hundreda generalia per annum et unus predictorum hominum retraxit sectam suam per totum annum debitam.’
870 R.H. ii. 597. Cf. 469, 470.
871 Exch. Q.R. Misc. Books A. 29, f. 64, b: ‘Nota—predictus Ricardus (de Loges) dicit se non habere Warentum aliquem nisi per antiquam tenuram sine carta.... Idem Ricardus habet visum franci plegii unde vocat ad warantum le Domesday (!)... Idem Ricardus tenet quicquid tenet in Soume de comite Cestrie, ut idem Ricardus dicit, per seruicium ducendi comitem Cestrie usque curiam Regis per medietatem foreste predicte de Kanoke, obviando ei ad pontem de Rocford ad mandatum comitis et idem comes dabit unam sagittam barbatam dicto Ricardo et capiat in foresta unam feram si voluerit eundo et aliam redeundo si voluerit, et in redeundo obviabit ei ad pontem de Repelwas ad mandatum comitis et dabit ei aliam sagittam.’ Cf. Rot. Hundr. ii. 689: ‘[Libere tenentes] Johanna Galard tenet in eadem dimidiam virgatam terrae de dono Willelmi fratris sui et reddit eidem per annum 6 d. et idem Willelmus tenet de hereditate per defensum antecessorum suorum qui dictam dimidiam virgatam terrae habuerunt de dono Regis cujus nomen ignoramus.’ Thomas Wyteman tenet in eadem I virgatam terrae de Philippo de Lenettale, et est de confirmacione Regis, ut dicta dimidia virgata terrae prescripta. I have already quoted this passage in the note on the hundredors. I give it as corrected according to the MS. in the Record Office. In the printed version of the Hundred Rolls it has lost its meaning.
872 R.H. ii. 477, 478. ‘Libere tenentes. Robertus de Aula tenet in predicta villa duas virgatas terre de Abbate de Ramesaye de antiquo conquestu et supradictas septem virgatas similiter de antiquo et facit sectam curie bis per annum et si brevis domini Regis ibi sit faciet sectam de tribus septimanis.... Robertus Mariot tenet 5 virgatas terre de Roberto de Aula de feodo Episcopi Elyensis de antiquo feffamento.’
873 Rot. Hundr. ii. 656, 660. Cf. as to the meaning of antiqua tenura, etc. Rot. Hundr. i. 79, 354.
874 Exch. Q.R. Misc. Books, No. 29, f. 7: ‘Idem Edmundus habet libere tenentes subscriptos. Ricardus de Hulle tenet unum mesuagium et 8 acras terre pro 14 solidis et secta ad curiam suam ibidem de tribus septimanis in tres septimanas (about ten similar holdings) et sciendum quod omnes predicti debent sectam predictam et tenent per fidelitatem et nullum faciunt homagium.’
875 Bracton, f. 33 b. Madox, Formulare Anglicanum.
876 Coram Rege, Pascha 6 Edw. I, f. 6, 6: ‘Et requisitus si aliquid scit dicere quare predictum mesuagium quod est infra predictum manerium esse non debeat de condicione antiqui dominici Regis, utpote per feoffamentum domini Regis vel antecessorum suorum,’ etc. Cf. Placit. Abbrev. 150 (quoted p. 113, n. 4).
877 Besides the extracts from the Stoneleigh Register quoted on p. 113, n. 1, and p. 198, n. 1, I may be allowed to call attention to f. 76: ‘Item nullus adiudicabitur tenens terre nisi quia curia tenens acceptatur per fidelitatem et alias consuetudines licet tenens extra curiam aliquem feoffaverit per cartam vel sine carta.’ Maitland, Manorial Rolls of King’s Ripton (Selden Soc. ii). p. 122: ‘Capiatur in manum domini quarta pars unius rode prati jacens in Smalemade quam Rogerus Greyling vendidit Nicholao le Neuman sine licencia curie.’ Cf. as to the references to the Court-roll in case of doubt and contention. Augmentation Off. Court Rolls, Ripton Regis, xxiii, N. 94, f. 10: ‘Et quod iuncta est secum vocat rotulos ad Warantum. Et predicta Mathildis dicit quod uxor eius non est iuncta et ponit se super rotulos.’ Now the importance of the Roll is derived from the authority of the Court of which it records the proceedings.
878 Rot. Hundr. i. p. 104: ‘Sokemanni domini Regis de Soka de Piclinton tenere solebant 3 carucatas terre et unam bovatam in Brunneby de antecessoribus Radulfi de Lacely et ipso Radulfo. De quibus hospitalarii habent unam bovatam de dono antecessorum dicti Radulfi.... Item prior de Elreton 4 bovatas... que sunt de tenura sokemannorum.’ These are free men under Soke, but there is not much to distinguish them from people on ancient demesne soil. Cf. Maddox, Exch. 428, c: ‘Liberi sokemanni de Askebi et Tinton reddunt compotum de 20 marcis et I palefridi ut Henricus de Nevill eos juste deducat de tenementis quae tenent in eisdem villis, nec ab eis exigat consuetudines vel servitia quae facere non solebant tempore Henrici Regis patris Regis,’ etc.