III General Summary
From what has been said, it will be seen that the origin of the dragon in the Bọðvarsþáttr of the Hrólfssaga has hitherto been unperceived and the story of Bjarki’s fight with the dragon has not been understood. Neither of the two has any connection with Beowulf. The Bjarkarímur throw no light on the Beowulf problem, for the story of Bjarki’s slaying the wolf and that of Hjalti’s slaying the bear are later than the story of Bjarki’s slaying the dragon and were written by one who had the story of Bjarki’s fight with the dragon in mind. Moreover, the story told in the rímur in connection with Hjalti’s slaying the bear is merely an adaptation of the story told in the Hrólfssaga about Bjarki’s father.
The Fróðaþáttr of the Hrólfssaga embodies an earlier form of the Hroar-Helgi story than is found in the Skjọldungasaga and the Bjarkarímur; and this confirms the idea that the story in the Hrólfssaga of Bjarki’s fight with the winged monster is earlier than the corresponding stories in the Bjarkarímur. Aside from the influence exerted by the Hamlet story, the Fróðaþáttr version and Saxo’s version of the Hroar-Helgi story are the result of influences emanating from the “exile-return” type of story in England, and, nore particularly, the Meriadoc story and the Macbeth story, which were well known to Scandinavians in Great Britain.
The version of the Hroar-Helgi story which we find in the Skjọldungasaga and the Bjarkarímur is the result of an attempt to harmonize conflicting traditions emanating from events about which we now find the first account in Beowulf and Widsith, as is also Saxo’s treatment of the same matter in his sixth and seventh books.
The change of names in Saxo’s version of the Hroar-Helgi story is the result of arbitrary action on his part in order to conceal the fact that he introduces into his history the Hroar-Helgi group of kings a second time, namely in his seventh book, and gives an account of them that conflicts with the account already given of them in his second book.
Footnotes
1 For these portions of the Bjarkarímur, see pp. 47-48.
2 For the story of Bjarki’s fight with the winged monster, see pp. 20-22.
5 Ang., 1886, IX, pp. 198-201.
6 P.B.B., 1887, XII, pp. 55-57.
7 Beow. Stud., 1888, pp. 62-63.
8 Beow. Unt. Ang., 1889, p. 55.
9 Beow. Unt., 1888, pp. 185-88.
10 Eng. Stud., 1892, XVI, p. 80.
11 The list is “Osbern Thruwin Aeskitil Riculf Aeskyl Rikui
Boduwar Berki Esel Petre Osbern.”
12 P. B. B., 1895, XX, pp. 157-58.
13 Eng. Stud., 1897, XXIII, pp. 243-46.
15 Grundr., 1898, III, p. 649.
16 Ark., 1903 (the article is dated 1901), XIX, pp. 19 ff.
17 Oldn. Lit. Hist., II, 1901, p. 832.
18 Helt., I, 1903, pp. 135-36.
23 Hrs. Bjark., 1904, Introd., p. 22.
24 Eng. Stud., 1905, XXXV, pp. 19 ff. The similarity between “Gullinhjalti,” in the Hrólfssaga, and “gylden hilt,” in Beowulf, was first pointed out by Friedrich Kluge in Englische Studien, 1896, XXII, p. 145. Sarrazin would write “gylden hilt,” the form in which the words appear in Beowulf, in one word and capitalize it (i.e., Gyldenhilt). This manner of writing the words brings them nearer in form to “Gullinhjalti,” as this word is written in the Hrólfssaga. Holthausen in his latest edition (1909) of Beowulf also uses the form “Gyldenhilt.” Lawrence, likewise, identifies “gylden hilt” with Gullinhjalti (see p. 12), as does also Panzer (see p. 12).
25 St. Sag. Eng., 1906, pp. 249 ff.
26 Camb. Hist. Lit., I, 1907, pp. 29-30.
27 Gesch. Alteng. Lit., 1908, p. 993.
28 P. M. L. A., 1909, XXIV, p. 237.
35 St. germ. Sag., 1910, pp. 366 ff.
36 St. germ. Sag., pp. 372-73.
39 See the legendary life of Siward in the following.
43 Ark., XIX, pp. 205-07. See also Helt., I, pp. 215-17. In his St. germ. Sag., p. 378, n., Panzer calls in question the connection that Olrik makes between Bjarki’s bear-ancestry and that of Siward. But Olrik’s theory furnishes the only satisfactory explanation of all the phenomena involved, and is so extremely probable that it must be regarded as correct.
51 Hrs. Bjark., pp. 68-71. Lawrence’s translation of the above is as follows:—
“And as the Yule-feast approached, the men grew depressed. Bothvar asked Hott the reason; he told him that a beast had already come two successive winters, a great and terrible one,—’and it has wings on its back and flies about continually; two autumns it has already sought us here, and it does great damage; no weapon wounds it, but the king’s champions, the best warriors of all, don’t come home at this time.’ Bothvar said, ‘The hall isn’t so well defended as I thought, if a beast can destroy the domain and property of the king.’ Hott answered, ‘That is no beast, it is rather the greatest of monsters.’ (þat er ekki dýr, heldr er þat hit mesta trọll). Now came the Yule-even; and the king said, ‘Now I desire that the men be still and quiet in the night, and I forbid them all to run any risk on account of the beast; let the cattle fare as fate wills (sem auðnar); my men I do not wish to lose.’ All promised to act as the king commanded. But Bothvar crept secretly out in the night; he made Hott go with him, but Hott only went because he was forced to, crying out that it would surely be the death of him. Bothvar told him it would turn out better. They went out of the hall, and Bothvar had to carry him, so full of fear was he. Now they saw the beast, and Hott shrieked as loud as he could, and cried that the beast was going to swallow him. Bothvar commanded the dog (bikkjuna hans, i.e. Hott) to keep still, and threw him down in the moss, and there he lay in unspeakable terror, and didn’t even dare to run home. Then Bothvar attacked the beast, but it chanced that the sword stuck in the sheath when he wanted to draw it; then he pulled so hard at the sword that it flew out of the sheath, and he plunged (leggr) it immediately with such force under the shoulder of the beast that it penetrated the heart, and hard and heavily fell the beast down on the ground dead. Then Bothvar went over to where Hott was lying. He took him up and carried him over to the place where the beast lay dead. Hott trembled frightfully. Bothvar said, ‘Now you must drink the blood of the beast.’ For a long time he was loth to do this, but he finally didn’t dare to do otherwise. Bothvar made him drink two big gulps, and eat some of the beast’s heart; then Bothvar grappled with him, and they struggled long with each other. Bothvar said, ‘Now you have become very strong, and I don’t believe that you will be afraid of the troop of King Hrolf any longer.’ Hott answered, ‘I shall not fear them any more, nor shall I be afraid of you henceforth.’ ‘That is well, comrade Hott,’ [said Bothvar] ‘and now will we set up the beast, and arrange it so that the others will think it alive.’ They did so. Then they went in and were quiet; no one knew what they had done.
“The king asked in the morning whether they knew anything of the beast; whether it had showed itself anywhere in the night; they told him the cattle were all safe and sound in the folds. The king bade his men see if they couldn’t find any indication that it had come thither. The warders obeyed, came quickly back again and told the king that the beast was advancing rapidly to attack the town (borginn). The king bade his men be courageous, [and said] each one should help, according as he had courage for it, and proceed against this monster. It was done as the king commanded; they made themselves ready for it. The king looked at the beast and said, ‘I don’t see that the beast moves; but who will undertake the task and attack it?’ Bothvar answered, ‘A brave man might be able to satisfy his curiosity about this! (þat væri næsta hrausts manns forvitnisbót.) Comrade Hott, destroy this evil talk about you,—men say that there is neither strength nor courage in you; go up and kill the beast!—you see nobody else wants to.’ ‘Yes,’ said Hott,’I will undertake it.’ The king said. ‘I don’t know whence this courage has come to you, Hott, you have changed marvellously in a short time.’ Hott said, ‘Give me your sword Gullinhjalti, which you are bearing, and I will kill the beast or die in the attempt.’ King Hrolf said, ‘This sword can only be borne by a man who is both brave and daring.’ Hott answered, ‘You shall be convinced that I am such a man.’ The king said, ‘Who knows whether your character hasn’t changed more than appearances show? Take the sword and may you have good fortune!’ Then Hott attacked the beast and struck at it as soon as he was near enough so that he could hit it, and the beast fell down dead. Bothvar said, ‘Look, lord, what he has done!’ The king replied, ‘Truly he has changed much, but Hott alone didn’t kill the beast, you were the man who did it.’ Bothvar said, ‘It may be so.’ The king said, ‘I knew as soon as you came here that only few men could compare with you, but this seems to me your most illustrious deed, that you have made a warrior out of Hott, who appeared little born to great good fortune. And now I wish him called Hott no longer, he shall from this day be named Hjalti,—thou shalt be called after the sword Gullinhjalti.’”—P. M. L. A., XXIV, pp. 226-27.
61 “Ebbe svarede, at trolde kæmpede ved nar.”—Helt.., I, p. 126. The sunlight is represented as being invariably fatal to trolls.
62 George Webbe Dasent says (Pop. Tales, Introd., pp. 57-58): “The trolls, or, the other hand [i.e., in comparison with the Giants], with whom mankind had more to do, were supposed to be less easy tempered, and more systematically malignant, than the Giants, and with the term were bound up notions of sorcery and unholy power…. But when Christianity came in, and heathendom fell; when the godlike race of Æsir became evil demons instead of good genial powers, then all the objects of the old popular belief, whether Æsir, Giants, or Trolls, were mingled together in one superstition, as ‘no canny.’ They were all trolls; all malignant; and thus it is that, in these tales, the traditions about Odin and his underlings, about the Frost Giants, and about sorcerers and wizards, are confused and garbled; and all supernatural agency that plots man’s ill is the work of Trolls, whether the agent be the arch enemy himself, or giant, or witch, or wizard.”
It is quite impossible to characterize trolls in detail with unqualified words or phrases. They are usually malignant, though there are instances of their doing men a good turn. They are always very powerful, and are usually very large. It is told of one troll that, had she not made a misstep, she would have succeeded in wading from Norway to Iceland; and of another, that the thumb of his glove held four bushels, good measure. In some instances, however, it is possible for many trolls to enter one room of an ordinary dwelling house. There are trolls with three heads, with six heads, with nine heads, and with twelve heads. Sometimes they are one-eyed, and sometimes they have other characteristics that differentiate them from human beings. In fact, anything with supernatural qualities is apt to be called a troll. As a rule, it is impossible for human beings to cope with trolls except by outwitting them, which often is done. They are inimical to Christianity; and, though their depredations may occur on any day of the year, between sunset and sunrise, adventures with trolls, as stated above, are frequently represented as occurring Christmas Eve; and that is the time when particular precaution must be taken to avoid them. Usually it is taken for granted that trolls will not attack the inmates of a house, and people feel perfectly safe so long as they do not venture out. In another type of troll story, however, people expect trolls to invade the house Christmas Eve and attack them; and to avoid injury, the inmates vacate the house for the night, before sunset. Illustrations of these statements are found in such well known collections of fairy tales as Sc. Folkl., Nor. Tales, Folk. Huld. Even., Event. Sagn.
63 This story is in print and was related to the present writer by one who had read it; and, though diligent search has failed to locate it again, the writer ventures to reproduce it, for he is certain that it is in existence.
64 Folk. Huld. Even., Pt. I, pp. 66ff.
65 St. germ. Sag., pp. 367-68.
66 “Dette hallen hjemsögende uhyre.”—Hrs. Bjark., Introd., p. 22.
68 That it was the cattle of King Hrolf that the dragon attacked has been recognized by others, Müllenhoff (Beow. Unt. Ang., p. 55) and Chadwick (Camb. Hist. Lit., I, p. 29), for instance; but they make no more of the matter than to state it correctly.
70 Folk. Huld. Even., Pt. II, pp. 53 ff.
80 Nor. Tales, p. 366. The sword here in question is just like the sword in Grendel’s cave in Beowulf, except that it is not said to have a golden hilt.
81 Other tales which contain the motive that a strength-giving drink enables one to wield a sword that has supernatural qualities are: The Big Bird Dan and The Seven Foals (Nor. Tales, pp. 266 and 449); The Three Brothers (Polish, Yel. Fair. Bk., p. 144); and Lonkenlus (Event. Sagn, p. 268). It may be urged that in all these instances the drinking imparts strength, not bravery. But the two qualities are closely related; and the saga-man makes it plain that, by means of the drink, Hott has acquired both. Bothvar says, “Now you have become very strong, and I don’t believe that you will be afraid of the troop of King Hrolf any longer.” Hott answers, “I shall not fear them any more.” Later Bothvar says, referring to the proposed attack on the propped-up dragon, “A brave man might be able to satisfy his curiosity about this! Comrade Hott, destroy this evil talk about you,—men say that there is neither strength nor courage in you; go up and kill the beast!” “Yes,” says Hott, “I will undertake it.” The king says, “I don’t know whence this courage has come to you, Hott, you have changed marvellously in a short time.” From the foregoing and what is said about Hott’s wrestling with Bothvar, it is plain that the author has taken particular pains to emphasize the fact that, by partaking of the heart and blood of the dragon, Hott has acquired great strength, the lack of which seems to have been the cause of his cowardice. It seems equally plain that when Hott knocks over the dead propped-up dragon by means of the sword Gullinhjalti, which the king explicitly says “can only be borne by a man who is both brave and daring,” the purpose is to call particular attention to the fact that it is by wielding the sword that Hott gives proof of the change that has come over him. Regardless of the deceit that has been practiced in connection with the dead dragon, the king is compelled, if he believes what he has said about Gullinhjalti, to recognize that Hott has demonstrated by his ability to wield the sword that he is now “a man who is both brave and daring.” And the king does recognize it, for he says to Bothvar, “You have made a warrior out of Hott.”
83 Ll. 1557, 1567, 1607, 1666.
84 Ll. 1558, 1569, 1605, 1615, 1663, 1696.
91 “The chief of the Weder-Geats took no more of the treasure-holdings in the dwelling, though he saw many there, but only the head, and with it, the sword’s hilt, brave with gold; the sword had already melted” (ll. 1612-15).—Beow., Child.
92 “I bore the hilt thence away from my enemies” (ll. 1668-69).
93 “Then the golden hilt, the work of giants long ago, was given into the hand of the old prince, the white-haired battle-leader” (ll. 1677-79).—Beow., Child.
94 “Hrothgar spake, looked on the hilt, the old heirloom, on which was written the beginning of that far-off strife, when the flood, the streaming ocean slew the giant kind—they had borne themselves lawlessly. The people were estranged from the Eternal Lord; the Wielder, therefore, gave them their requital through the whelming of the waters. So was it duly lined in rimed staves on the guard of gleaming gold, set down and told for them for whom that sword was wrought, choicest of blades, with twisted hilt and decked with dragon-shapes.” (LI. 1687-93).—Beow., Child.
97 “He gave the guardian of the boat a sword ornamented with gold” (ll. 1900-1901).
98 “Then the shield of earls, the king stout in battle, bade fetch Hrethel’s sword, mounted in gold; there was not then among the Geats a better treasure in the like of a sword. He laid it on Beowulf’s lap.” (ll. 2190-94).—Beow., Child.
100 “En l’orie pont assez i at reliques.”—Ext. Ch. Rol., p. 103.
101 “Preditum auro capulum.”—Gest. Dan., p. 118.
106 Hrs. Bjark., pp. 139-40 and 141-42. Lawrence’s translation of the above selections from the rímur is as follows:—
“Most of the men insulted Hjalti; he was not clever in speech. One day they (Bjarki and Hjalti) went out of the hall, so that the king’s men did not know of it. Hjalti was afraid, and cried, ‘Let us not go near this wood; there is a she-wolf here, which eats men; she will soon kill us both.’ The she-wolf burst out of a thicket, frightful, with gaping jaws. Hjalti thought this terrible; his legs and all his limbs trembled. Undaunted Bjarki advanced upon her, struck deep with his axe; fearful blood streamed from the she-wolf. ‘Between two things,’ said Bothvar, ‘shall you choose, Hjalti,—drink this blood, or I will kill you, no courage seems to be in you.’ Angrily answered Hjalti, ‘I don t dare to drink blood; (but) it is best to do it if I must; now I have no better choice.’ He lay down to drink the blood; then he drank three swallows,—enough for fighting with one man! His courage increased, his strength waxed, he became very strong, mighty as a troll, all his clothes burst open. So he became courageous at heart, he feared not the flight of steel, the name of coward he feared no more, he was equal to Bothvar in courage.” (IV, 58-66.)
“He (Hjalti) has gained a brave heart and a courageous disposition; he has got strength and valor from the blood of the she-wolf. The folds at Hleidargard were attacked by a gray bear; many such beasts were there far and wide thereabout. Bjarki was told that it had killed the herdmen’s dogs; it was not much used to contending with men. Hrolf and all his men prepared to hunt the bear—‘he shall be greatest in my hall, who faces the beast!’ Roaring the bear ran from its lair and shook its baleful paws, so that the men fled. Hjalti looked on when the combat began; he had nothing in his hands. Hrolf tossed to Hjalti his sword; the warrior stretched forth his hand and grasped it. Then he plunged it into the bear’s right shoulder, and the bear fell down dead. That was his first heroic deed, many others followed; his heart was ever brave in the battle. From this exploit he got the name of Hjalti the brave, and was the equal of Bjarki.” (V, 4-13.)—P. M. L. A., XXIV, pp. 229-30.
108 When, here and elsewhere in this discussion, the Hrólfssaga is referred to as an earlier composition than the Bjarkarímur, the implication is not intended that the version of the saga which we now have was earlier committed to writing.
115 Gest. Dan., p. 56. Elton’s translation of the passage is as follows: “When he was triumphing in these deeds of prowess, a beast of the forest furnished him fresh laurels. For he met a huge bear in a thicket, and slew it with a javelin; and then bade his companion Hjalti put his lips to the beast and drink the blood that came out, that he might be the stronger afterwards. For it was believed that a draught of this sort caused an increase of bodily strength.”—Elton’s Saxo, p. 69.
117 See, for instance, Sc. Folkl., p. 253, where dragons are said to have been pierced “under their shoulders to the heart.”
118 Finnur Jónsson has also been struck by the similarity between the story connected with Bjarki’s birth and the second story in the rímur, in which Hjalti slays a bear. He says, “I rimerne (V, 5-14) er der endnu tale om en ‘gråbjörn.’”—Hrs. Bjark., Introd., p. 22.
119 Hrs. Bjark., Introd., p. 18.
121 The dogs are here said to be the herdsmen’s dogs, in conformity with the spirit of the story in its new setting and to differentiate the story from what it is in the place whence the author of the rímur took it.
122 Hrs. Bjark., Introd., p. 22.
124 For further proof of this, see pp. 81 ff.
126 In the foregoing no implication is intended as to the identity of the story of Beowulf’s fight with Grendel and Saxo’s story of Bjarki’s slaying the bear. The result, however, of the discussion is to establish the priority of Saxo’s story to that in the Hrólfssaga; hence, an attempt to identify Bjarki’s exploit with Beowulf’s exploit must consist principally in an attempt to identify the Grendel story with Saxo’s version of the corresponding story told about Bjarki.
128 “Det ældste vidnesbyrd om sagnet bar vi i den såkaldte Vọluspá in skamma; det hedder her: ‘eru vọlur allar frá Viðolfi.’ Denne troldkvindernes stamfader er identisk med troldmanden Vit[h]olphus i Sakses norske saga; og når vi ser, hvorledes digtets troldmandsremser nævner kendte sagnfigurer—Heiðr i Voluspå; Hrossþjófr i Sakses norske Baldersagn—, tör vi også i Viðolfr se hentydning til en bestemt digtning, i.e., til dette norske Skjoldungsagn. Desværre kendes digtets alder ikke videre nöje; det er efterhedensk og er digtet som et tillæg til Voluspå, sikkert efter at dette digt var blevet udvidet med dværgremserne. (F. Jónsson, Oldn. lit. hist., I, 204, gör det til islandsk og sætter det til 2. halvdel af 12te årh.).”—Olrik’s note.
130 St. Sag. Eng., pp. 120-21.
131 See R. Imelmann’s edition, pp. 45 ff.
132 “Hroarr-Helgi. Frodas, der Florencius gegenübersteht und Waldeus zu beseitigen sucht, hat zwar als Usurpator in einem ganzen Typus seine Verwandten, aber eine in formeller Hinsicht auffallende in der nordischen Sage von Hroarr und Helgi. Hier stellt Froði zwei Neffen nach, die aber durch ihren Erzieher in Sicherheit gebracht werden. Sie rächen sich später an dem Usurpator in seiner Halle. Bei seinen Nachstellungen lässt Froði sich täuschen. Für diese Züge bietet der Waldeus eine genaue parallele (S. 45-60). Seine Vorlage konnte die Sage kennen, da sie in England entstanden und beliebt war; und ihre Benutzung müsste angenommen werden, sobald man die Namensgleichheit Froði—Froda (Frode) für nicht zufällig hält. Der Name Froði scheint in England sonst zu fehlen; er steht nicht bei Björkman.”—Hist. Reg. Wald., Introd., p. 52.
133 St. Sag. Eng., pp. 103 ff.
135 Hist. Mer., Introd., p. 30.
137 See, for instance, Dan. Nor. Rig.
138 Hist. Mer., Introd., pp. 65-67.
139 The version of the Havelok story here referred to is that contained in Geffrei Gaimar’s Estorie des Engles and summarized in St. Sag. Eng., pp. 98-100.
140 Hist. Mer., Introd., p. 30, n.
148 Hist. Mer., Introd., p. 31.
150 A variant of “Sævil” in the manuscripts is “Sævar.” See Hrs. Bjark., pp. 3, n. and 5, n.
153 There is something similar to this in Meriadoc. Orwen, the princess, marries the King of Scotland. This feature of Meriadoc, besides being in line with Hroar’s marrying Northri’s daughter, points toward Scotland also.
154 Siward married Ælflæd, daughter of Ealdred, Earl of
Bernicia in Northumbria (see p. 13).
155 Nor. Hist., I, pp. 180-81.
168 Quoted by Langebek in Sc. Rer. Dan., III. p. 291, n.
160 Skjs. (Aarb., pp. 110 ff.).
161 Oldn. Lit. Hist., II, p. 665.
162 See pp. 64 ff., where Olrik’s explanation of the development in the relations between Frothi and Halfdan, from the earliest to the latest account, is given in full.
164 “Vi finder Skjoldungasagas kongerække bekræftet i de andre skrifter. Langfeðgatal stemmer helt igennem i kongersekken og—på et enkelt punkt nær—også i slægstskabs-forholdene. Rolv krakes saga stemmer ligeledes; kun gör den sin konge Frode til Halvdans broder, ikke til hans brodersön som de to andre kilder. Hervararsaga bar forvansket nogle af de mindre vigtige konge-og dronningnavne, men har i det hele samme bygning af Skjoldungslægten. De på Island bevarede oldkvad (Grottesangen, Bjarkemål, Bråvallakvadet og Hyndluljóð) stemmer belt med prosaskrifterne.”—Olrik, Aarb., p. 157.
165 Son and successor of Scioldus.
166 Said to have been king when Christ was born.
168 Married to Olafa, daughter of Vermundus.
169 Chosen king upon the death of Frotho III, when Fridleus
II was absent from the kingdom.
170 Son and successor of Frotho III. He defeated Hiarnus and later slew him.
171 Olaf appears here in a disturbing manner; but that Saxo had no clear conception of him is plain from the way he introduces his seventh book. He says: “Ingello quatuor filios fuisse, ex iisdemque, tribus bello consumptis, Olauum solum post patrem regnasse, perita rerum prodit antiquitas: quem quidam Ingelli sorore editum incerto opinionis arbitrio perhibent. Huius actus uetustatis squalore conspersos parum iusta noticia posteritatis apprehendit; extremum duntaxat prudencie eius monitum memoria uendicauit. Quippe cum supremis fati uiribus arctaretur, Frothoni et Haraldo filiis consulturus, alterum terris, alterum aquis regia dicione preesse, eamque potestatis differenciam non diutina usurpacione, sed annua uicissitudine sortini iubet.”—Gest. Dan., p. 216.
172 Son of Ingjald, but not his successor on the throne.
178 “Dette forhold, at det egenlige vikingeliv ligger forud for digtet, förer os hen til 10de årh. som dets tilblivelsestid.”—Helt., II, p. 36.
179 Helt., II, pp. 37-41. Olrik’s notes, of which there are a number, have been omitted.
180 Later, the statement is made that Hroar had a son called Waldar; but the statement causes no difficulty in this connection. First, we observe that when Hroar, who is older than Helgi, is slain, Helgi’s son, Hrolf Kraki, becomes sole King of Denmark with no competitor for the throne. Secondly, Arngrim says: “Roas. Hujus posteros etsi non repperi in compendio unde Regum Daniæ Fragmenta descripsi; tamen genealogiam hanc alibi sic oblatam integre ut sequitur visum est contexere. Valderus cogn. munificus, Roæ prædicti filius.”—Aarb., p. 139, n.
181 Halfdan’s brother, who, after Halfdan’s death, married his widow, Sigrith.
182 This is not expressly stated; but her appearance and action in the last scene admit of no other conclusion. This is Finnur Jónsson’s opinion also; see p. 95, n.
184 Finnur Jónsson, in his comment on the Fróðaþáttr, regards the version of the Hroar-Helgi story contained in the Skjọldungasaga and the Bjarkarímur as earlier than the version contained in the Hrólfssaga. His most significant statements bearing on the matter are as follows: “I Skjọldungasaga, der blandt de islandske kilder har störst betydning, har vi herfor [i.e., instead of Halfdan and Frothi] Hálfdan og Ingjaldr, der er halvbrödre, bægge sönner af kong Fróði froekni; Halvdans moder er en datter af kong Jörund i Sverrig, Ingjalds moder er en datter af Sverting og Frodes virkelige hustru; herom ved vor saga altså intet. Halvdan er ifg. Skj. gift med en Sigríðr (således også i Hrs., hvor hun pludselig dukker op). Deres börn er de samme som i sagaen; også her er Signý gift med Sævil. Ingjald dræber sin broder Halvdan og gifter sig med hans enke (heri finder vi motivet til at hun lader sig indebrænde med Frode i Hrs., hvilket dér står ganske umotiveret).”—Hrs. Bjark., Introd., p. 9.
The Skjọldungasaga does not, however, say that Ingjald’s mother was a daughter of Swerting. It says, “Postea ducta alia, Ingialldum filium legitimum hæredem suscepit” (Aarb., p. 111). And later it says that Ingjald married Swerting’s daughter. The words of the saga are, “Ingialldus Frodonis filius Svertingi baronis paulo ante commemorati filiam in uxorem accepit firmioris gratiæ, ut omnibus visum, conciliandæ ergo” (Aarb., p. 112). This would indicate that Ingjald was not the son of a daughter of Swerting.
185 “Arngrim tilföjer, at natten efter var de hos en bonde, i.e., Hrane, hvis gaver de afslog. (Footnote. Her træffer vi sikkert det oprindelige forhold, kun ét mode med Odin.) Hvorledes Rolv rejste videre, siges ikke i nogen af kilderne. Det er klart heraf, at Arngrims fremstilling står sagaen nærmere end Skj., hvilket næppe kommer af, at Snorre skulde have udeladt det som Arngrim har; det har været den yngre bearbejdelse af Skj., som A. Olrik vistnok med rette har ment at kunne påvise, som Arngrims fremstilling beror på.”—Finnur Jónsson, Hrs. Bjark., Introd., p. 25.
186 See, for instance, Sarrazin’s König Hrodhgeirr und seine familie; Eng. Stud., XXIII, pp. 221 ff.