The History of the Knights Templars

Chapter XIV The Temple

The Temple Garden—The erection of new buildings in the Temple—The dissolution of the order of the Hospital of Saint John—The law societies become lessees of the crown—The erection of the magnificent Middle Temple Hall—The conversion of the old hall into chambers—The grant of the inheritance of the Temple to the two law societies—Their magnificent present to his Majesty—Their antient orders and customs, and antient hospitality—Their grand entertainments—Reader’s feasts—Grand Christmasses and Revels—The fox-hunt in the hall—The dispute with the Lord Mayor—The quarrel with the custos of the Temple Church.

“Plantagenet.	Great lords and gentlemen, what means this silence? Dare no man answer in a case of truth?
Suffolk.	Within the Temple Hall we were too loud: The GARDEN here is more convenient.”

Shakspeare makes the Temple Garden, which is to this day celebrated for the beauty and profusion of its flowers, the scene of the choice of the white and red roses, as the badges of the rival houses of York and Lancaster. Richard Plantagenet and the earl of Somerset retire with their followers from the hall into the garden, where Plantagenet thus addresses the silent and hesitating bystanders:

“Since you are tongue-ty’d, and so loath to speak,
In dumb significants proclaim your thoughts:
Let him, that is a true-born gentleman,
And stands upon the honour of his birth,
If he suppose that I have pleaded truth,
From off this brier pluck a white rose with me.
Somerset. Let him that is no coward, nor no flatterer,
But dare maintain the party of the truth,
Pluck a red rose from off this thorn with me.
Warwick. I love no colours; and, without all colour
Of base insinuating flattery,
I pluck this white rope with Plantagenet.
Suffolk. I pluck this red rose with young Somerset,
And say withal I think he held the right.
········
Vernon. Then for the truth and plainness of the case,
I pluck this pale and maiden blossom here,
Giving my verdict on the white rose side.
Somerset.... Come on, who else?
Lawyer. Unless my study and my books be false,
The argument you held was wrong in you;
In sign whereof I pluck a white rose too. [To Somerset.
········
Warwick.... This brawl to-day,
Grown to this faction in the Temple Garden,
Shall send, between the red rose and the white,
A thousand souls to death and deadly night.”

In the Cotton Library is a manuscript written at the commencement of the reign of Henry the Eighth, entitled “A description of the Form and Manner, how, and by what Orders and Customs the State of the Fellowshyppe of the Myddil Temple is maintained, and what ways they have to attaine unto Learning.”591 It contains a great deal of curious information concerning the government of the house, the readings, mot-yngs, boltings, and other exercises formerly performed for the advancement of learning, and of the different degrees of benchers, readers, cupboard-men, inner-barristers, utter-barristers, and students, together with “the chardges for their mete and drynke by the yeare, and the manner of the dyet, and the stipende of their officers.” The writer tells us that it was the duty of the “Tresorer to gather of certen of the fellowship a tribute yerely of iiis. iiid. a piece, and to pay out of it the rent due to my lord of Saint John’s for the house that they dwell in.”

“Item; they have no place to walk in, and talk and confer their learnings, but in the church; which place all the terme times hath in it no more of quietnesse than the perwyse of Pawles, by occasion of the confluence and concourse of such as be suters in the lawe.” The conferences between lawyers and clients in the Temple Church are thus alluded to by Butler:

“Retain all sorts of witnesses
That ply in the Temple under trees,
Or walk the Round with knights of the posts,
About the cross-legged knights their hosts.”

“Item; they have every day three masses said one after the other, and the first masse doth begin at seaven of the clock, or thereabouts. On festivall days they have mattens and masse solemnly sung; and during the matyns singing they have three masses said.”592

At the commencement of the reign of Henry VIII. a wall was built between the Temple Garden and the river; the Inner Temple Hall was “seeled,” various new chambers were erected, and the societies expended sums of money, and acted as if they were absolute proprietors of the Temple, rather than as lessees of the Hospitallers of Saint John.

In 32 Hen. VIII. was passed the act of parliament dissolving the order of the Hospital, and vesting all the property of the brethren in the crown, saving the rights and interests of lessees, and others who held under them.

The two law societies consequently now held of the crown.

In 5 Eliz. the present spacious and magnificent Middle Temple Hall, one of the most elegant and beautiful structures in the kingdom, was commenced, (the old hall being converted into chambers;) and in the reigns both of Mary and Elizabeth, various buildings and sets of chambers were erected in the Inner and Middle Temple, at the expense of the Benchers and members of the two societies. All this was done in full reliance upon the justice and honour of the crown. In the reign of James I., however, some Scotchman attempted to obtain from his majesty a grant of the fee-simple or inheritance of the Temple, which being brought to the knowledge of the two societies, they forthwith made “humble suit” to the king, and obtained a grant of the property to themselves. By letters patent, bearing date at Westminster the 13th of August, in the sixth year of his reign, A. D. 1609, king James granted the Temple to the Benchers of the two societies, their heirs and assigns for ever, for the lodging, reception, and education of the professors and students of the laws of England, the said Benchers yielding and paying to the said king, his heirs, and successors, ten pounds yearly for the mansion called the Inner Temple, and ten pounds yearly for the Middle Temple.593

In grateful acknowledgment of this donation, the two societies caused to be made, at their mutual cost, “a stately cup of pure gold, weighinge two hundred ounces and an halfe, of the value of one thousand markes, or thereabouts, the which in all humbleness was presented to his excellent majestie att the court att Whitehall, in the said sixth year of his majestie’s raigne over the realme of England, for a new yeare’s gifte, by the hands of the said sir Henry Mountague, afterwards baron Mountague, viscount Mandevil, the earl of Manchester, Richard Daston, esq., and other eminent persons of both those honourable societies, the which it pleased his majesty most gratiously to accept and receive.... Upon one side of this cup is curiously engraven the proporcion of a church or temple beautified, with turrets and pinnacles, and on the other side is figured an altar, whereon is a representation of a holy fire, the flames propper, and over the flames these words engraven, Nil nisi vobis. The cover of this rich cup of gold is in the upper parte thereof adorned with a fabrick fashioned like a pyramid, whereon standeth the statue of a military person leaning, with the left hand upon a Roman-fashioned shield or target, the which cup his excellent majestie, whilst he lived, esteemed for one of his roialest and richest jewells.”594

Some of the antient orders and regulations for the government of the two societies are not unworthy of attention.

From the record of a parliament holden in the Inner Temple on the 15th of November, 3 and 4 Ph. and Mary, A. D. 1558, it appears that eight gentlemen of the house, in the previous reading vocation, “were committed to the Fleete for wilfull demenoure and disobedience to the Bench, and were worthyly expulsed the fellowshyppe of the house, since which tyme, upon their humble suite and submission unto the said Benchers of the said house, it is agreed that they shall be readmitted into the fellowshyppe, and into commons again, without payeing any ffine.”595

Amongst the ancient customs and usages derived from the Knights Templars, which were for a lengthened period religiously preserved and kept up in the Temple, was the oriental fashion of long beards. In the reign of Philip and Mary, at the personal request of the queen, attempts were made to do away with this time-honoured custom, and to limit

THE LENGTH OF A LAWYER’S BEARD.

On the 22nd of June, 3 and 4 Philip and Mary, A. D. 1557, it was ordered that none of the companies of the Inner and Middle Temple, under the degree of a knight being in commons, should wear their beards above three weeks growing, upon pain of XLs., and so double for every week after monition. They were, moreover, required to lay aside their arms, and it was ordered “that none of the companies, when they be in commons, shall wear Spanish cloak, sword and buckler, or rapier, or gownes and hats, or gownes girded with a dagger;” also, that “none of the COMPANIONS, except Knights or Benchers, should thenceforth wear in their doublets or hoses any light colours, except scarlet and crimson; or wear any upper velvet cap, or any scarf, or wings on their gownes, white jerkyns, buskins or velvet shoes, double cuffs on their shirts, feathers or ribbens on their caps”! That no attorney should be admitted into either of the houses, and that, in all admissions from thenceforth, it should be an implied condition, that if the party admitted “should practyse any attorneyship,” he was ipso facto dismissed.596

In 1 Jac. I., it was ordered, in obedience to the commands of the king, that no one should be admitted a member of either society who was not a gentleman by descent;—that none of the gentlemen should come into the hall “in cloaks, boots, spurs, swords, or daggers;” and it was publicly declared that their “yellow bands, and ear toyes, and short cloaks, and weapons,” were “much disliked and forbidden.”

In A. D. 1623, king James recommended the antient way of wearing caps to be carefully observed; and the king was pleased to take notice of the good order of the house of the Inner Temple in that particular. His majesty was further pleased to recommend that boots should be laid aside as ill befitting gownsmen; “for boots and spurs,” says his majesty, “are the badges rather of roarers than of civil men, who should use them only when they ride. Therefore we have made example in our own court, that no boots shall come into our presence.”

The modern Templars for a long period fully maintained the antient character and reputation of the Temple for sumptuous and magnificent hospitality, although the venison from the royal forests, and the wine from the king’s cellars,597 no longer made its periodical appearance within the walls of the old convent. Sir John Fortescue alludes to the revels and pastimes of the Temple in the reign of Henry VI., and several antient writers speak of the grand Christmasses, the readers’ feasts, the masques, and the sumptuous entertainments afforded to foreign ambassadors, and even to royalty itself. Various dramatic shows were got up upon these occasions, and the leading characters who figured at them were the “Marshall of the Knights Templars!” the constable marshall, the master of the games, the lieutenant of the Tower, the ranger of the forest, the lord of misrule, the king of Cockneys, and Jack Straw!

The Constable Marshall came into the hall on banqueting days “fairly mounted on his mule,” clothed in complete armour, with a nest of feathers of all colours upon his helm, and a gilt pole-axe in his hand. He was attended by halberdiers, and preceded by drums and fifes, and by sixteen trumpeters, and devised some sport “for passing away the afternoon.”

The Master of the Game, and the Ranger of the Forest, were apparelled in green velvet and green satin, and had hunting horns about their necks, with which they marched round about the fire, “blowing three blasts of venery.”

The most remarkable of all the entertainments was the hunt in the hall, when the huntsman came in with his winding horn, dragging in with him a cat, a fox, a purse-net, and nine or ten couple of hounds! The cat and the fox were both tied to the end of a staff, and were turned loose into the hall; they were hunted with the dogs amid the blowing of hunting horns, and were killed under the grate!!

The quantity of venison consumed on these festive occasions, particularly at the readers’ feasts, was enormous. In the reign of Queen Mary, it was ordered by the benchers of the Middle Temple, that no reader should spend less than fifteen bucks in the hall, and this number was generally greatly exceeded: “there be few summer readers,” we are informed in an old MS. account of the readers’ feasts, “who, in half the time that heretofore a reading was wont to continue, spent so little as threescore bucks, besides red deer; some have spent fourscore, some a hundred....”598 The lawyers in that golden age breakfasted on “brawn and malmsey,” and supped on “venison pasties and roasted hens!” Among the viands at dinner were “faire and large bores’ heads served upon silver platters, with minstralsye, roasted swans, bustards, herns, bitterns, turkey chicks, curlews, godwits, &c. &c.”

The following observations concerning the Temple, and a grand entertainment there, in the reign of Queen Mary, will be read with interest. “Arriuing in the faire river of Thames, I landed within halfe a leage from the city of London, which was, as I coniecture, in December last. And drawing neere the citie, sodenly hard the shot of double cannons, in so great a number, and so terrible, that it darkened the whole aire, wherewith, although I was in my native countrie, yet stoode I amazed, not knowing what it ment. Thus, as I abode in despaire either to returne or to continue my former purpose, I chaunced to see comming towardes me an honest citizen, clothed in long garment, keping the highway, seming to walke for his recreation, which prognosticated rather peace than perill. Of whom I demaunded the cause of this great shot, who frendly answered, ‘It is the warning shot to th’ officers of the Constable Marshall of the Inner Temple to prepare to dinner!’ Why, said I, is he of that estate, that seeketh not other meanes to warn his officers, then with such terrible shot in so peaceable a countrey? Marry, saith he, he vttereth himselfe the better to be that officer whose name he beareth. I then demanded what prouince did he gouerne that needeth such an officer. Hee answered me, the prouince was not great in quantitie, but antient in true nobilitie; a place, said he, priuileged by the most excellent princess, the high gouernour of the whole land, wherein are store of gentilmen of the whole realme, that repaire thither to learne to rule, and obey by LAWE, to yeelde their fleece to their prince and common weale, as also to vse all other exercises of bodie and minde whereunto nature most aptly serueth to adorne by speaking, countenance, gesture, and vse of apparel, the person of a gentleman; whereby amitie is obtained and continued, that gentilmen of al countries in theire young yeares, norished together in one place, with such comely order and daily conference, are knit by continual acquaintance in such vnitie of mindes and manners, as lightly neuer after is seuered, then which is nothing more profitable to the commonweale.

“And after he had told me thus much of honor of the place, I commended in mine own conceit the pollicie of the gouernour, which seemed to vtter in itselfe the foundation of a good commonweale. For that the best of their people from tender yeares trayned vp in precepts of justice, it could not chose but yeelde forth a profitable people to a wise commonweale. Wherefore I determined with myselfe to make proofe of that I heard by reporte.

“The next day I thought for my pastime to walke to this Temple, and entering in at the gates, I found the building nothing costly; but many comly gentlemen of face and person, and thereto very courteous, saw I passe too and fro. Passing forward, I entered into a church of auncient building, wherein were many monumentes of noble personnages armed in knighteley habite, with their cotes depainted in auncient shieldes, whereat I took pleasure to behold....

“Anon we heard the noise of drum and fyfe. What meaneth this drumme? said I. Quod he, this is to warn gentlemen of the household to repaire to the dresser; wherefore come on with me, and yee shall stand where ye may best see the hall serued; and so from thence brought me into a long gallerie that stretcheth itselfe alongest the hall, neere the prince’s table, where I saw the prince set, a man of tall personage, of mannelye countenance, somewhat browne of visage, strongelie featured, and thereto comelie proportioned. At the neather end of the same table were placed the ambassadors of diuers princes. Before him stood the caruer, seruer, and cup-bearer, with great number of gentlemen wayters attending his person. The lordes steward, treasorer, with diuers honorable personages, were placed at a side-table neere adjoyning the prince on the right hand, and at another table on the left side were placed the treasorer of the household, secretarie, the prince’s serjeant of law, the four masters of the reaulles, the king of armes, the deane of the chapell, and diuers gentlemen pentioners to furnish the same. At another table, on the other side, were set the maister of the game, and his chiefe ranger, maisters of household, clerkes of the greene cloth and checke, with diuers other strangers to furnish the same. On the other side, againste them, began the table of the lieutenant of the Tower, accompanied with diuers captaines of footbandes and shot. At the neather ende of the hall, began the table of the high butler and panter, clerkes of the kitchen, maister cooke of the priue kitchen, furnished throughout with the souldiours and guard of the prince....

“The prince was serued with tender meates, sweet fruites, and daintie delicates, confectioned with curious cookerie, as it seemed woonder a word to serue the prouision. And at euerie course, the trompettes blew the courageous blaste of deadlye warre, with noise of drum and fyfe, with the sweet harmony of viollens, shakbuts, recorders, and cornettes, with other instruments of musicke, as it seemed Apolloe’s harpe had tewned their stroke.”

After dinner, prizes were prepared for “tilt and turney, and such knighteley pastime, and for their solace they masked with bewtie’s dames with such heauenly armonie as if Apollo and Orpheus had shewed their cunning.”599

Masques, revels, plays, and eating and drinking, seem to have been as much attended to in the Temple in those days as the grave study of the law. Sir Christopher Hatton, a member of the Inner Temple, gained the favour of Queen Elizabeth, for his grace and activity in a masque which was acted before her majesty. He was made vice-chamberlain, and afterwards lord chancellor!600 In A. D. 1568, the tragedy of Tancred and Gismund, the joint production of five students of the Inner Temple, was acted at the Temple before queen Elizabeth and her court.601

On the marriage of the lady Elizabeth, daughter of king James I., to prince Frederick, the elector palatine, (Feb. 14th, A. D. 1613,) a masque was performed at court by the gentlemen of the Temple, and shortly after, twenty Templars were appointed barristers there in honour of prince Charles, who had lately become prince of Wales, “the chardges thereof being defrayed by a contribution of xxxs, from each bencher, xvs. from euery barister of seauen years’ standing, and xs. a peice from all other gentlemen in commons.”602

Of all the pageants prepared for the entertainment of the sovereigns of England, the most famous one was that splendid masque, which cost upwards of £20,000, presented by the Templars, in conjunction with the members of Lincoln’s Inn and Gray’s Inn, to king Charles I., and his young queen, Henrietta of France. Whitelock, in his Memorials, gives a minute and most animated account of this masque, which will be read with interest, as affording a characteristic and admirable exhibition of the manners of the age.

The procession from the Temple to the palace of Whitehall was the most magnificent that had ever been seen in London. “One hundred gentlemen in very rich clothes, with scarce anything to be seen on them but gold and silver lace, were mounted on the best horses and the best furniture that the king’s stable and the stables of all the noblemen in town could afford.” Each gentleman had a page and two lacqueys in livery waiting by his horse’s side. The lacqueys carried torches, and the page his master’s cloak. “The richness of their apparel and furniture glittering by the light of innumerable torches, the motion and stirring of their mettled horses, and the many and gay liveries of their servants, but especially the personal beauty and gallantry of the handsome young gentlemen, made the most glorious and splendid show that ever was beheld in England.”

These gallant Templars were accompanied by the finest band of picked musicians that London could afford, and were followed by the antimasque of beggars and cripples, who were mounted on “the poorest, leanest jades that could be gotten out of the dirt-carts.” The habits and dresses of these cripples were most ingeniously arranged, and as the “gallant Inns of Court men” had their music, so also had the beggars and cripples. It consisted of keys, tongs, and gridirons, “snapping and yet playing in concert before them.” After the beggars’ antimasque came a band of pipes, whistles, and instruments, sounding notes like those of birds, of all sorts, in excellent harmony; and these ushered in “the antimasque of birds,” which consisted of an owl in an ivy bush, with innumerable other birds in a cluster about the owl, gazing upon her. “These were little boys put into covers of the shape of those birds, rarely fitted, and sitting on small horses with footmen going by them with torches in their hands, and there were some besides to look unto the children, and these were very pleasant to the beholders.” Then came a wild, harsh band of northern music, bagpipes, horns, &c., followed by the “antimasque of projectors,” who were in turn succeeded by a string of chariots drawn by four horses abreast, filled with “gods and goddesses,” and preceded by heathen priests. Then followed the chariots of the grand masquers drawn by four horses abreast.

The chariots of the Inner and Middle Temple were silver and blue. The horses were covered to their heels with cloth of tissue, and their heads were adorned with huge plumes of blue and white feathers. “The torches and flaming flamboys borne by the side of each chariot made it seem lightsom as at noonday.... It was, indeed, a glorious spectacle.”

Whitelock gives a most animated description of the scene in the banqueting-room. “It was so crowded,” says he, “with fair ladies glittering with their rich cloaths and richer jewels, and with lords and gentlemen of great quality, that there was scarce room for the king and queen to enter in.” The young queen danced with the masquers herself, and judged them “as good dancers as ever she saw!” The great ladies of the court, too, were “very free and easy and civil in dancing with all the masquers as they were taken out by them.”

Queen Henrietta was so delighted with the masque, “the dances, speeches, musick, and singing,” that she desired to see the whole thing acted over again! whereupon the lord mayor invited their majesties and all the Inns of Court men into the city, and entertained them with great state and magnificence at Merchant Taylor’s Hall.603

Many of the Templars who were the foremost in these festive scenes afterwards took up arms against their sovereign. Whitelock himself commanded a body of horse, and fought several sanguinary engagements with the royalist forces.

The year after the restoration, Sir Heneage Finch, afterwards earl of Nottingham, kept his readers’ feast in the great hall of the Inner Temple with extraordinary splendour. The entertainments lasted from the 4th to the 17th of August.

At the first day’s dinner were several of the nobility of the kingdom and privy councillors, with divers others of his friends; at the second were the lord mayor, aldermen, and principal citizens of London; to the third, which was two days after the former, came the whole college of physicians, who all appeared in their caps and gowns; at the fourth were all the judges, advocates, and doctors of the civil law, and all the society of Doctors’ Commons; at the fifth were entertained the archbishops, bishops, and chief of the clergy; and on the 15th of August his majesty king Charles the Second came from Whitehall in his state barge, and dined with the reader and the whole society in the hall. His majesty was accompanied by the duke of York, and attended by the lord chancellor, lord treasurer, lord privy seal, the dukes of Buckingham, Richmond, and Ormond; the lord chamberlain, the earls of Ossory, Bristol, Berks, Portland, Strafford, Anglesy, Essex, Bath, and Carlisle; the lords Wentworth, Cornbury, De la Warre, Gerard of Brandon, Berkley of Stratton and Cornwallis, the comptroller and vice-chamberlain of his majesties’s household; Sir William Morice, one of his principal secretaries of state; the earl of Middleton, lord commissioner of Scotland, the earl of Glencairne, lord chancellor of Scotland, the earls of Lauderdale and Newburgh, and others the commissioners of that kingdom, and the earl of Kildare and others, commissioners of Ireland.

An entrance was made from the river through the wall into the Temple Garden, and his majesty was received on his landing from the barge by the reader and the lord chief justice of the Common Pleas, whilst the path from the garden to the hall was lined with the readers’ servants in scarlet cloaks and white tabba doublets, and above them were ranged the benchers, barristers, and students of the society, “the loud musick playing from the time that his majesty landed till he entered the hall, where he was received with xx. violins.” Dinner was brought up by fifty of the young gentlemen of the society in their gowns, “who gave their attendance all dinner-while, none other appearing in the hall but themselves.”

On the 3rd of November following, his royal highness the duke of York, the duke of Buckingham, the earl of Dorset, and Sir William Morrice, secretary of state, were admitted members of the society of the Inner Temple, the duke of York being called to the bar and bench.604

In 8 Car. II., A. D. 1668, Sir William Turner, lord mayor of London, came to the readers’ feast in the Inner Temple with his sword and mace and external emblems of civic authority, which was considered to be an affront to the society, and the lord mayor was consequently very roughly handled by some of the junior members of the Temple. His worship complained to the king, and the matter was inquired into by the council, as appears from the following proceedings:—

“At the Courte att Whitehall, the 7th April, 1669,

“Present the king’s most excellent majestie.”

H. R. H. the duke of York.		Lord bishop of London.
Lord Keeper.		Lord Arlington.
Duke of Ormonde.		Lord Newport.
Lord Chamberlaine.		Mr. Treasurer.
Earle of Bridgewater.		Mr. Vice-chamberlaine.
Earle of Bath.		Mr. Secretary Trevor.
Earle of Craven.		Mr. Chancellor of the Dutchy.
Earle of Middleton.		Mr. John Duncombe.

“Whereas, it was ordered the 31st of March last, that the complaints of the lord maior of the city of London concerneing personall indignities offered to his lordshippe and his officers when he was lately invited to dine with the reader of the Inner Temple, should this day have a further hearing, and that Mr. Hodges, Mr. Wyn, and Mr. Mundy, gentlemen of the Inner Temple, against whome particular complaint was made, sshould appeare att the board, when accordingly, they attendinge, and both parties being called in and heard by their counsell learned, and affidavits haveing been read against the said three persons, accuseing them to have beene the principall actors in that disorder, to which they haveing made their defence, and haveing presented severall affidavits to justifie their carriage that day, though they could not extenuate the faults of others who in the tumult affronted the lord maior and his officers; and, the officers of the lord maior, who was alleaged to have beene abused in the tumult, did not charge it upon anie of their particular persons; upon consideration whereof it appeareing to his majestie that the matter dependinge very much upon the right and priviledge of beareing up the lord maior’s sword within the Temple, which by order of this board of the 24th of March last is left to be decided by due proceedings of lawe in the courts of Westminster Hall; his majestie therefore thought fitt to suspend the declaration of his pleasure thereupon until the said right and priviledge shall accordinglie be determined att lawe.”

On the 4th of November, 14 Car. II., his highness Rupert prince palatine, Thomas earl of Cleveland, Jocelyn lord Percy, John lord Berkeley of Stratton, with Henry and Bernard Howard of Norfolk, were admitted members of the fellowship of the Inner Temple.605

We must now close our remarks on the Temple, with a short account of the quarrel with Dr. Micklethwaite, the custos or guardian of the Temple Church.

After the Hospitallers had been put into possession of the Temple by king Edward the Third, the prior and chapter of that order, appointed to the antient and honourable post of custos, and the priest who occupied that office, had his diet in one or other of the halls of the two law societies, in the same way as the guardian priest of the order of the Temple formerly had his diet in the hall of the antient Knights Templars. He took his place, as did also the chaplains, by virtue of the appointment of the prior and chapter of the Hospital, without admission, institution or induction, for the Hospitallers were clothed with the privileges, as well as with the property, of the Knights Templars, and were exempt from episcopal jurisdiction. The custos had, as before mentioned, by grant from the prior and chapter of the order of St. John, one thousand faggots a year to keep up the fire in the church, and the rents of Ficketzfeld and Cotterell Garden to be employed in improving the lights and providing for the due celebration of divine service. From two to three chaplains were also provided by the Hospitallers, and nearly the same ecclesiastical establishment appears to have been maintained by them, as was formerly kept up in the Temple by the Knights Templars. In 21 Hen. VII. these priests had divers lodgings in the Temple, on the east side of the churchyard, part of which were let out to the students of the two societies.

By sections 9 and 10 of the act 32 Hen. VIII., dissolving the order of the Hospital of St. John, it is provided that William Ermsted, clerk, the custos or guardian of the Temple Church, who is there styled “Master of the Temple,” and Walter Limseie and John Winter, chaplains, should receive and enjoy, during their lives, all such mansion-houses, stipends, and wages, and all other profits of money, in as large or ample a manner as they then lawfully had the same, the said Master and chaplains of the Temple doing their duties and services there, as they had previously been accustomed to do, and letters patent confirming them in their offices and pensions were to be made out and passed under the great seal. This appellation of “Master of the Temple,” which antiently denoted the superior of the proud and powerful order of Knights Templars in England, the counsellor of kings and princes, and the leader of armies, was incorrectly applied to the mere custos or guardian of the Temple Church. The act makes no provision for the successors of the custos and chaplains, and Edward the Sixth consequently, after the decease of William Ermsted, conveyed the lodgings, previously appropriated to the officiating ministers, to a Mr. Keilway and his heirs, after which the custos and clergymen had no longer of right any lodgings at all in the Temple.606

From the period of the dissolution of the order of Saint John, down to the present time, the custos, or, as he is now incorrectly styled, “the Master of the Temple,” has been appointed by letters patent from the crown, and takes his place as in the olden time, without the ceremony of admission, institution, or induction. These letters patent are couched in very general and extensive terms, and give the custos or Master many things to which he is justly entitled, as against the crown, but no longer obtains, and profess to give him many other things which the crown had no power whatever to grant. He is appointed, for instance, “to rule, govern, and superintend the house of the New Temple;” but the crown had no power whatever to make him governor thereof, the government having always been in the hands of the Masters of the bench of the two societies, who succeeded to the authority of the Master and chapter of the Knights Templars. In these letters patent the Temple is described as a rectory, which it never had been, nor anything like it. They profess to give to the custos “all and all manner of tythes,” but there were no tythes to give, the Temple having been specially exempted from tythe as a religious house by numerous papal bulls. The letters patent give the custos all the revenues and profits of money which the custodes had at any time previously enjoyed by virtue of their office, but these revenues were dissipated by the crown, and the property formerly granted by the prior and chapter of Saint John, and by pious persons in the time of the Templars, for the maintenance of the priests and the celebration of divine service in the Temple Church was handed over to strangers, and the custos was thrown by the crown for support upon the voluntary contributions of the two societies. He received, indeed, a miserable pittance of 37l. 6s. 8d. per annum from the exchequer, but for this he was to find at his own expense a minister to serve the church, and also a clerk or sexton!

As the crown retained in its own hands the appointment of the custos and all the antient revenues of the Temple Church, it ought to have provided for the support of the officiating ministers, as did the Hospitallers of Saint John.

“The chardges of the fellowshyppe,” says the MS. account of the Temple written in the reign of Hen. VIII., “towards the salary or mete and drink of the priests, is none; for they are found by my lord of Saint John’s, and they that are of the fellowshyppe of the house are chardged with nothing to the priests, saving that they have eighteen offring days in the yeare, so that the chardge of each of them is xviiid.”607

In the reign of James the First, the custos, Dr. Micklethwaite, put forward certain unheard-of claims and pretensions, which led to a rupture between him and the two societies. The Masters of the bench of the society of the Inner Temple, taking umbrage at his proceedings, deprived the doctor of his place at the dinner-table, and “willed him to forbear the hall till he was sent for.” In 8 Car. I., A. D. 1633, the doctor presented a petition to the king, in which he claims precedence within the Temple “according to auncient custome, he being master of the house,” and complains that “his place in the hall is denyed him and his dyett, which place the Master of the Temple hath ever had both before the profession of the lawe kept in the Temple and ever since, whensoever he came into the hall. That tythes are not payde him, whereas by pattent he is to have omnes et omnimodas decimas.... That they denye all ecclesiastical jurisdiction to the Master of the Temple, who is appointed by the king’s majesty master and warden of the house ad regendum, gubernandum, et officiendum domum et ecclesiam,” &c. The doctor goes into a long list of grievances showing the little authority that he possessed in the Temple, that he was not summoned to the deliberations of the houses, and he complains that “they will give him no consideracion in the Inner House for his supernumerarie sermons in the forenoon, nor for his sermons in the afternoon,” and that the officers of the Inner Temple are commanded to disrespect the Master of the Temple when he comes to the hall.

The short answer to the doctor’s complaint is, that the custos of the church never had any of the things which the doctor claimed to be entitled to, and it was not in the power of the crown to give them to him.

The antient custos being, as before mentioned, a priest of the order of the Temple, and afterwards of the order of the Hospital, was a perfect slave to his temporal superiors, and could be deprived of his post, be condemned to a diet of bread and water, and be perpetually imprisoned, without appeal to any power, civil or ecclesiastical, unless he could cause his complaints to be brought to the ear of the pope. Dr. Micklethwaite quite misunderstood his position in the Temple, and it was well for him that the masters of the benches no longer exercised the despotic power of the antient master and chapter, or he would certainly have been condemned to the penitential cell in the church, and would not have been the first custos placed in that unenviable retreat.608

The petition was referred to the lords of the council, and afterwards to Noy, the attorney-general, and in the mean time the doctor locked up the church and took away the keys. The societies ordered fresh keys to be made, and the church to be set open. Noy, to settle all differences, appointed to meet the contending parties in the church, and then alluding to the pretensions of the doctor, he declared that if he were visitor he would proceed against him tanquam elatus et superbus.

In the end the doctor got nothing by his petition.

In the time of the Commonwealth, after Dr. Micklethwaite’s death, Oliver Cromwell sent to inquire into the duties and emoluments of the post of “Master of the Temple,” as appears from the following letter:—

“From his highness I was commanded to speake with you for resolution and satisfaction in theise following particulers—

“1. Whether the Master of the Temple be to be putt in him by way of presentation, or how?

“2. Whether he be bound to attend and preach among them in terme times and out of terme?

“3. Or if out of terme an assistant must be provided? then, whether at the charge of the Master, or how otherwise?

“4. Whether publique prayer in the chapell be allwayes performable by the Master himselfe in terme times? And whether in time of vacation it be constantly expected from himselfe or his assistant.

“5. What the certain revenue of the Master is, and how it arises?

“2. Sir, the gentleman his highness intends to make Master is Mr. Resburne of Oundle, a most worthy and learned man, pastor of the church there, whereof I myselfe am an unworthy member.

“3. The church would be willing (for publique good) to spare him in terme times, but will not part with him altogether. And in some of the particulers aforementioned Mr. R. is very desirous to be satisfyd; his highness chiefly in the first.

“4. I begg of you to leave a briefe answer to the said particulars, and I shall call on your servant for it.

“For the honourable Henry Scobell, esq., theise.”609

During the late repair of the Temple Church, A. D. 1830, the workmen discovered an antient seal of the order of the Hospital, which was carried away, and appears to have got into the hands of strangers. On one side of it is represented the holy sepulchre of Jerusalem, with the Saviour in his tomb. At his head is an elevated cross, and above is a tabernacle or chapel, from the roof of which depend two incense pots. Around the seal is the inscription, “Fr—— Berengarii Custos Pauperum Hospitalis Jherusalem.” On the reverse a holy man is represented on his knees in the attitude of prayer before a patriarchal cross, on either side of which are the letters Alpha and Omega. Under the first letter is a star.

These particulars have been furnished me by Mr. Savage, the architect.

The End

Notes

1 Elmacin, Hist. Saracen. Eutychius.

2 Ingulphus, the secretary of William the Conqueror, one of the number, states that he sallied forth from Normandy with thirty companions, all stout and well-appointed horsemen, and that they returned twenty miserable palmers, with the staff in their hand and the wallet at their back.—Baronius ad ann. 1064, No. 43, 56.

3 Will. Tyr., lib. i. cap. 10, ed. 1564.

4 Omnibus mundi partibus divites et pauperes, juvenes et virgines, senes cum junioribus, loca sancta visitaturi Hierosolymam pergerent.—Jac. de Vitriaco. Hist. Hierosol. cap. lxv.

5 “To kiss the holy monuments,” says William of Tyre, “came sacred and chaste widows, forgetful of feminine fear, and the multiplicity of dangers that beset their path.”—Lib. xviii. cap. 5.

6 Quidam autem Deo amabiles et devoti milites, charitate ferventes, mundo renuntiantes, et Christi se servitio mancipantes in manu Patriarchæ Hierosolymitani professione et voto solemni sese astrinxerunt, ut a prædictis latronibus, et viris sanguinum, defenderent peregrinos, et stratas publicas custodirent, more canonicorum regularium in obedientia et castitate et sine proprio militaturi summo regi. Jac. de Vitr. Hist. Hierosol. apud Gesta Dei per Francos, cap. lxv. p. 1083.—Will. Tyr. lib. xii. cap. 7. There were three kinds of poverty. The first and strictest (altissima) admitted not of the possession of any description of property whatever. The second (media) forbade the possession of individual property, but sanctioned any amount of wealth when shared by a fraternity in common. The lowest was where a separate property in some few things was allowed, such as food and clothing, whilst everything else was shared in common. The second kind of poverty (media) was adopted by the Templars.

7 Pantaleon, lib. iii. p. 82.

8 D’Herbelot Bib. Orient. p. 270, 687, ed. 1697. William of Tyre, who lived at Jerusalem shortly after the conquest of the city by the Crusaders, tells us that the Caliph Omar required the Patriarch Sophronius to point out to him the site of the temple destroyed by Titus, which being done, the caliph immediately commenced the erection of a fresh temple thereon, “Quo postea infra modicum tempus juxta conceptum mentis suæ feliciter consummato, quale hodie Hierosolymis esse dinoscitur, multis et infinites ditavit possessionibus.”—Will. Tyr. lib. i. cap. 2.

9 Erant porro in eodem Templi ædificio, intus et extra ex opere musaico, Arabici idiomatis literarum vetustissima monimenta, quibus et auctor et impensarum quantitas et quo tempore opus inceptum quodque consummatum fuerit evidenter declaratur.... In hujus superioris areæ medio Templum ædificatum est, forma quidem octogonum et laterum totidem, tectum habens sphericum plumbo artificiose copertum.... Intus vero in medio Templi, infra interiorem columnarum ordinem rupes est, &c.—Will. Tyr. lib. i. cap 2, lib. viii. cap. 3. In hoc loco, supra rupem quæ adhuc in eodem Templo consistit, dicitur stetisse et apparuisse David exterminator Angelus.... Templum Dominicum in tanta veneratione habent Saraceni, ut nullus eorum ipsum audeat aliquibus sordibus maculare; sed a remotis et longinquis regionibus, a temporibus Salomonis usque ad tempora præsentia, veniunt adorare.—Jac. de Vitr. Hist. Hierosol. cap. lxii. p. 1080.

10 Procopius de ædificiis Justiniani, lib. 5.

11 Phocas believes the whole space around these buildings to be the area of the ancient temple. ‘Εν τω ἀρχαίω δαπεδω του περιώνυμου ναου έκείνοὺ του Σὸλομωντος θεωρουμενος... ῎Εξωθεν δὲ του ναου ἐστι περιαύλιον μεγα λιθόστωτον τὸ παλαιὸν, ὼς οιμαι, του μεγαλου ναου δάπεδον.—Phocæ descript. Terr. Sanc. cap. xiv. Colon. 1653.

12 Quibus quoniam neque ecclesia erat, neque certum habebant domicilium, Rex in Palatio suo, quod secus Templum Domini ad australem habet partem, eis concessit habitaculum.—Will. Tyr. lib. xii. cap. 7. And in another place, speaking of the Temple of the Lord, he says, Ab Austro vero domum habet Regiam, quæ vulgari appellatione Templum Salomonis dicitur.—Ib. lib. viii. cap. 3.

13 Qui quoniam juxta Templum Domini, ut prædiximus, in Palatio regio mansionem habent, fratres militiæ Templi dicuntur.—Will. Tyr. lib. xii. cap. 7.

14 Est præterea Hierosolymis Templum aliud immensæ quantitatis et amplitudinis, a quo fratres militiæ Templi, Templarii nominantur, quod Templum Salomonis nuncupatur, forsitan ad distinctionem alterius quod specialiter Templum Domini appellatur.—Jac. de Vitr. cap. 62.

15 In Templo Domini abbas est et canonici regulares, et sciendum est quod aliud est Templum Domini, aliud Templum militiæ. Isti clerici, illi milites.—Hist. Orient. Jac. de Vitr. apud Thesaur. Nov. Anecd. Martene, tom. iii. col. 277.

16 Will. Tyr. lib. xii. cap. 7.

17 Prima autem eorum professio quodque eis a domino Patriarcha et reliquis episcopis in remissionem peccatorum injunctum est, ut vias et itinera, ad salutem peregrinorum contra latronum et incursantium insidias, pro viribus conservarent.—Will. Tyr. lib. xii. cap. 7.

18 Gibbon.

19 Reg. Constit. et Privileg. Ordinis Cisterc. p. 447.

20 Chron. Cisterc. Albertus Miræus. Brux. 1641. Manricus ad ann. 1128, cap. ii. Act. Syn. Trec. tom. x. edit. Labb.

21 Ego Joannes Michaelensis, præsentis paginæ, jussu consilii ac venerabilis abbatis Clarævallensis, cui creditum ac debitum hoc fuit, humilis scriba esse, divinâ gratiâ merui.—Chron. Cisterc. ut sup.

22 See also Hoveden apud X script. page 479. Hen. Hunting. ib. page 384.

23 Annales Benedictini, tom. vi. page 166.

24 Histoire de Languedoc, lib. xvii. p. 407.

25 Hist. de l’eglise de Gandersheim. Mariana de rebus Hispaniæ, lib. x. cap. 15, 17, 18. Zurita anales de la corona de Aragon, tom. i. lib. i. cap. 52. Quarita, tom. i. lib. ii. cap. 4.

26 Semel et secunda, et tertio, ni fallor, petiisti a me. Hugo carrissime, ut tibi tuisque commilitonibus scriberem exhortationis sermonem, et adversus hostilem tyrannidem, quia lanceam non liceret, stilum vibrarem. Exhortatio S. Bernardi ad Milites Templi, ed. Mabillon. Parisiis, 1839, tom. i. col. 1253 to 1278.

27 i. e. Without any separate property.

28 Will. Tyr. lib. xiii. cap. 26; Anselmus, lib. iii. epistolarum. epist. 43, 63, 66, 67; Duchesne in Hist. Burg. lib. iv. cap. 37.

29 Miles eximius et in armis strenuus, nobilis carne et moribus, dominus Robertus cognomine Burgundio Magister militiæ Templi.—Will. Tyr. lib. xv. cap. 6.

30 Vir eximius frater militiæ Templi Otto de Monte Falconis, omnes de morte suâ mœrore et gemitu conficiens, occisus est.—Will. Tyr. lib. xv. cap. 6.

31 Abulfeda, ad ann. Hegir. 534, 539. Will. Tyr. lib. xvi. cap. 4, 5, 7, 15, 16, who terms Zinghis, Sanguin. Abulfaradge Chron. Syr. p. 326, 328. Will. Tyr. lib. xvi. cap. 14.

32 Odo de Diogilo, p. 33. Will. Tyr. lib. xii. cap. 7; Jac. de Vitr. cap. lxv.; Paul. Æmil. p. 254; Monast. Angl. vol. vii. p. 814.

33 In nomine sanctæ et individuæ Trinitatis omnibus dominis et amicis suis, et Sanctæ Dei ecclesiæ filiis, Bernardus de Baliolo Salutem. Volo notum fieri omnibus tam futuris quam præsentibus, quod pro dilectione Dei et pro salute animæ meæ, antecessorumque meorum fratribus militibus de Templo Salomonis dedi et concessi Wedelee, &c.... Hoc donum in capitulo, quod in Octavis Paschæ Parisiis fuit feci, domino apostolico Eugenio præsente, et ipso rege Franciæ et archiepiscopo Seuver, et Bardell et Rothomagi, et Frascumme, et fratribus militibus Templi alba chlamide indutis cxxx præsentibus.—Reg. Cart. S. Joh. Jerus. in Bib. Cotton. Nero E. b. No. xx. fo. 118.

34 Gallia Christiana nova, tom. i. col. 486.

35 Odo de Diogilo de Ludov. vii. profectione in Orientem, p. 67.

36 Rex per aliquot dies in Palatio Templariorum, ubi olim Regia Domus, quæ et Templum Salomonis constructa fuit manens, et sancta ubique loca peragrans, per Samariam ad Galilæam Ptolemaidam rediit.... Convenerat enim cum rege militibusque Templi, circa proximum Julium, in Syriam ad expugnationem Damasci exercitum ducere.—Otto Frising, cap. 58.

37 Ludovici regis ad abbatem Sugerium epist. 58.—Duchesne hist. franc. scrip. tom. iv. p. 512; see also epist. 59, ibid.

38 Simeonis Dunelmensis hist. ad ann. 1148, apud X script.

39 Dugdale Baronage, tom. i. p. 122, Dugd. Monast. vol. 7, p. 838.

40 Ex regist. Hosp. S. Joh. Jerusalem in Angli in Bib. Cotton. fol. 289, a-b. Dugd. Monast. Angl. ed. 1830, vol. vii. p. 820.

41 Ex. cod. vet. M. S. penes Anton. Wood, Oxon, fol. 14 a. Ib. p. 843.

42 Liber Johannis Stillingflete, M. S. in officio armorum (L. 17) fol. 141 a, Harleian M. S. No. 4937.

43 Geoffrey of Clairvaux observes, however, that the second crusade could hardly be called unfortunate, since, though it did not at all help the Holy Land, it served to people heaven with martyrs.

44 His head and right hand were cut off by Noureddin, and sent to the caliph at Bagdad.—Abulfarag. Chron. Syr. p. 336.

45 Spicilegii Dacheriani, tom. ii. p. 511; see also Will. Tyr. lib. xvii. cap. 9.

46 Will. Tyr. lib. xvii. cap. 21. L’art de verifier les dates, p. 340. Nobiliaire de Franche-Compté, par Dunod, p. 140.

47 Will. Tyr. lib. xvii. cap. 20, ad ann. 1152.

48 S. Bernardi epistolæ, 288, 289, 392, ed. Mabillon.

49 Anselmi Gemblacensis Chron. ad ann. 1153. Will. Tyr. lib. xvii. cap. 27.

50 Captus est inter cæteros ibi Bertrandus de Blanquefort, Magister Militiæ Templi, vir religiosus ac timens Deum. Will. Tyr. lib. xviii. cap. 14. Registr. epist. apud Martene vet. script. tom. ii. col. 647.

51 Milites Templi circa triginta, ducentos Paganorum euntes ad nuphas verterent in fugam, et divino præsidio comitante, omnes partim ceperunt, partim gladio trucidarunt. Registr. epist. ut sup. col. 647.

52 Will. Tyr. lib. xix. cap. 8.

53 Epist. xvi. S. Remensi archiepiscopo et ejus suffraganeis pro ecclesia Jerosolymitana et militibus Templi, apud Martene vet. script. tom. ii. col. 647.

54 Islam, the name of the Mahometan religion. The word signifies literally, delivering oneself up to God.

55 Keightley’s Crusaders.

56 The virtues of Noureddin are celebrated by the Arabic Historian Ben-Schunah, in his Raoudhat Almenadhir, by Azzeddin Ebn-al-ather, by Khondemir, and in the work entitled, “The flowers of the two gardens,” by Omaddeddin Kateb. See also Will. Tyr. lib. xx. cap. 33.

57 Regula, cap. xlviii.

58 Vexillum bipartitum ex Albo et Nigro quod nominant Beau-seant id est Gallicâ linguâ Bien-seant; eo quod Christi amicis candidi sunt et benigni, inimicis vero terribiles atque nigri, Jac. de Vitr. Hist. Hierosol. apud Gesta Dei, cap. lxv. The idea is quite an oriental one, black and white being always used among the Arabs metaphorically, in the sense above described. Their customary salutation is, May your day be white, i. e. may you be happy.

59 Alwakidi Arab. Hist. translated by Ockley. Hist. Saracen. It refers to a period antecedent to the crusades, but the same religio-military enthusiasm prevailed during the holy war for the recovery of Jerusalem.

60 Cinnamus, lib. iv. num. 22.

61 Gesta Dei, inter regum et principum epistolas, tom. i. p. 1173, 6, 7. Hist. Franc. Script. tom. iv. p. 692, 693.

62 Hist. de Saladin, par M. Marin, tom. i. p. 120, 1. Gibbon, cap. 59.

63 Gesta Dei, epist. xiv. p. 1178, 9.

64 De fratribus nostris ceciderunt LX. milites fortissimi, præter fratres clientes et Turcopulos, nec nisi septem tantum evasêre periculum. Epist. Gauf. Fulcherii procuratoris Templi Ludovico regi Francorum. Gesta Dei, tom. i. p. 1182, 3, 4.

65 Registr. epist. apud Martene, vel script. tom. ii. col. 846, 847, 883.

66 “... præcipue pro fratribus Templi, vestram exoramus Majestatem... qui quotidie moriuntur pro Domino et servitio, et per quos possumus, si quid possumus. In illis enim tota summa post Deum consistit omnium eorum, qui sano fiunt consilio in partibus orientis....” Gesta Dei, tom. i. epist. xxi. p. 1181.

67 Dominus fuit Arabiæ secundæ, quæ est Petracensis, qui locus hodie Crach dicitur, et Syriæ Sobal... factus est Magister Militiæ Templi.—Will. Tyr. lib. xxii. cap. 5.

68 Will. Tyr. lib. xviii. cap. 4, 5.

69 Fratres ejusdem domus non formidantes pro fratribus suis animas ponere; cum servientibus et equitaturis ad hoc officium specialiter deputatis et propriis sumptibus retentis, tam in eundo, quam redeundo ab incursibus Paganorum defensant.—De Vertot. hist. des chev. de Malte, liv. i. preuve 9.

70 Will. Tyr. lib. xx. cap. 5.

71 Prædicti enim Hospitalis fratres ad imitationem fratrum militiæ Templi, armis materialibus utentes, milites cum servientibus in suo collegio receperunt.—Jac. de Vit. cap. lxv.

72 Will. Tyr. lib. xx. cap. 5.

73 This assumption of arms by the Hospitallers was entirely at variance with the original end and object of their institution. Pope Anastasius, in a bull dated A. D. 1154, observes, “omnia vestra sustentationibus peregrinorum et pauperum debent cedere, ac per hoc nullatenus aliis usibus ea convenit applicari.”—De Vertot, liv. i. preuve 13.

74 Gest. Dei per Francos, p. 1177.

75 Will. Tyr. lib. xx. cap. 5. Hoveden in Hen. 2, p. 622. De Vertot, Hist. des Chevaliers de Malte, liv. ii. p. 150 to 161, ed. 1726.

76 Will. Tyr. lib. xxi. cap. 29.

77 Will. Tyr. lib. xx. xxi. xxii.

78 Omne datum optimum et omne donum perfectum desursum est, descendens a Patre luminum, apud quem non est transmutatio, nec vicissitudinis obumbratio.

79 Acta Rymeri, tom. i. ad ann. 1172, p. 30, 31, 32.

80 Wilcke, Geschichte des Tempelherrenordens, vol. ii. p. 230.

81 3 Concil. Lat. cap. 9.

82 Regula, cap. 20.

83 Cap. 21, 22.

84 Cap. 20, 27, of the rule.

85 Jac. de Vitr. Hist. Orient. apud Martene thesaur. nov. anecdot. tom. iii. col. 276, 277.

86 Narratio Patriarchæ Hierosolymitani coram summo Pontifice de statu Terræ Sanctæ. ex M. S. Cod. Bigotiano, apud Martene thesaur. nov. anecdot. tom. iii. col. 276, 277.

87 Dissertation sur les Assassins, Académie des Inscriptions, tom. xvii. p. 127, 170. De Guignes, Hist. des Huns.—Will. Tyr. lib. xx. cap. 31.

88 Jac. de Vitr. Hist. Orient. lib. iii. p. 1142. Will. Tyr. lib. xx. cap. 32.

89 Adjecit etiam et alia a spiritu superbiæ, quo ipse plurimum abundabat, dictata, quæ præsenti narrationi no multum necessarium est interserere.—Will. Tyr. lib. xx. cap. 32.

90 Will. Tyr. lib. xxi. cap. 20, 22, 23. Abulfeda Abulpharadge, Chron. Syr. p. 379.

91 Capti sunt ibi de nostris, Otto de Sancto Amando militiæ Templi Magister, homo nequaquam superbus et arrogans, spiritum furoris habens in naribus, nec Deum timens, nec ad homines habens reverentiam.—Will. Tyr. lib. xxi. cap. 29, Abulpharadge, Chron. Syr. p. 380, 381.

92 Abulpharadge, Chron. Syr. ut sup. Menologium Cisterciente, p. 194. Bernardus Thesaurarius de acq. Terr. Sanc. cap. 139.

93 Dicens non esse consuetudinis militum Templi ut aliqua redemptio daretur pro eis præter cingulum et cultellum. Chron. Trivet apud Hall, vol. i. p. 77.

94 Eodem anno quo captus est in vinculis et squalore carceris, nulli lugendus, dicitur obiisse.—Will. Tyr. lib. xxi. cap. 29. Ib. lib. xxii. cap. 7. Gallia christiana nova, tom. i. col. 258; ibid p. 172, instrumentorum.

95 Abulfeda, ad ann. 1182, 3. Will. Tyr. lib. xxii. cap. 16-20.

96 Unde propter causas prædictas generali providentia statutum est, ut Jerosolymitanus Patriarcha, petendi contra immanissimum hostem Saladinum auxilii gratia, ad christianos principos in Europam mitteretur; sed maxime ad illustrem Anglorum regem, cujus efficacior et promptia opera sperabatur.—Hemingford, cap. 33; Radulph de Diceto, inter; Hist. Angl. X. script. p. 622.

97 Concil. Magn. Brit. tom. iv. p. 788, 789.

98 Arnauld of Troy. Radulph de Diceto, ut sup. p. 625.

99 Eodem anno (1185,) Baldewinus rex Jerusalem, et Templares et Hospitalares, miserunt ad regem Angliæ Heraclium, sanctæ civitatis Jerusalem Patriarcha, et summos Hospitalis et Templi Magistros una cum vexillo regio, et clavibus sepulchri Domini, et turris David, et civitatis Jerusalem; postulantes ab eo celerem succursum... qui statim ad pedes regis provoluti cum fletu magno et singultu, verba salutationis ex parte regis et principum et universæ plebis terræ Jerosolymitanæ proferebant... tradiderunt ei vexillum regium, etc. etc.—Hoveden, ad ann. 1185; Radulph de Diceto, p. 626.

100 Matt. Westm. ad ann. 1185; Guill. Neubr. tom. i. lib. iii. cap. 12, 13. Chron. Dunst.

101 Speed. Hist. Britain, p. 506. A. D. 1185.

102 Stowe’s Survey; Tanner, Notit. Monast.; Dugd. Orig. Jurid.

103 Herbert, Antiq. Inns of Court.

104 “Yea, and a part of that too,” says Sir William Dugdale, in his origines juridiciales, as appears from the first grant thereof to Sir William Paget, Knight, Pat. ii. Edward VI. p. 2.

105 We read on many old charters and deeds, “Datum apud vetus Templum Londoniæ.” See an example, Nichols’ Leicestershire, vol. iii. p. 959; see also the account, in Matt. Par. and Hoveden, of the king’s visit to Hugh bishop of Lincoln, who lay sick of a fever at the Old Temple, and died there, the 16th November, A. D. 1200.

106 Anno ab incarnatione Domini MCLXXXV. facta est ista inquisitio de terrarum donatoribus, et earum possessoribus, ecclesiarum scil. et molendinorum, et terrarum assisarum, et in dominico habitarum, et de redditibus assisis per Angliam, per fratrem Galfridum filium Stephani, quando ipse suscepit balliam de Anglia, qui summo studio prædicta inquirendo curam sollicitam exhibuit, ut majoris notitiæ posteris expressionem generaret, et pervicacibus omnimodam nocendi rescinderet facultatem. Ex. cod. MS. in Scacc. penes Remor. Regis. fol. i. a.; Dugd. Monast. Angl. vol. vi. part ii. p. 820.

107 Quorum res adeo crevit in immensum, ut hodie, trecentos in conventu habeant equites, albis chlamydibus indutos: exceptis fratribus, quorum pene infinitus est numerus. Possessiones autem, tam ultra quam citra mare, adeo dicuntur immensas habere, ut jam non sit in orbe christiano provincia quæ prædictis fratribus suorum portionem non contulerit, et regiis opulentiis pares hodie dicuntur habere copias.—Will. Tyr. lib. xii. cap. 7.

108 Dominus Baldwinus illustris memoriæ, Hierosolymorum rex quartus, Gazam munitissimam fratribus militiæ Templi donavit, Will. Tyr. lib. xx. cap. 21. Milites Templi Gazam antiquam Palæstinæ civitatem reædificant, et turribus eam muniunt, Rob. de Monte, appen. ad chron. Sig. p. 631.

109 Marin. Sanut, p. 221. Bernard Thesaur. p. 768. Radulph Coggleshale, p. 249. Hoveden, p. 636. Radulph de Diceto, ut sup. p. 623. Matt. Par. p. 142. Italia sacra, tom. iii. p. 407.

110 Tunc Julianus Dominus Sydonis vendidit Sydonem et Belfort Templariis, Marin. Sanut, cap. vi. p. 221.

111 Atlas Marianus, p. 156; Siciliæ Antiq., tom. iii. col. 1000.

112 Gallia christiana nova, tom. iii. col. 118; Probat. tom. ix. col. 1067, tom. x. col. 1292, tom. xi. col. 46; Roccus Pyrrhus, Sicil. Antiq. tom. iii. col. 1093, 4, 5, 6, 7, &c.

113 Petrus Maria Campus Hist. Placent. part ii. n. 28; Pauli M. Paciandi de cultu S. Johannis Bapt. Antiq. p. 297.

114 Description et delices d’Espagne, tom. iii. p. 259; Hist. Portugal, La Clede, tom. i. p. 200, 202, &c.; Hispania illustrata, tom. iii. p. 49.

115 Annales Minorum, tom. v. p. 247; tom. vi. p. 211, 218; tom. viii. p. 26, 27; tom. ix. p. 130, 141.—Campomanes.

116 Marcæ Hispanicæ, col. 1291, 1292, 1304. Gall. christ. nov. tom. i. col. 195. Mariana, de. reb. Hisp. lib. ii. cap. 23.

117 Script. rer. Germ. tom. ii. col. 584. Annales Minorum, tom. vi. p. 5, 95, 177. Suevia and Vertenbergia sacra, p. 74. Annal. Bamb. p. 186. Notitiæ episcopatûs Middelb. p. 11. Scrip. de rebus Marchiæ Brandeburg, p. 13. Aventinus annal. lib. vii. cap. 1. n. 7. Gall. christ. nov. tom. viii. col. 1382; tom. i. col. 1129.

118 Constantinopolis christiana, lib. iv. p. 157.

119 Hist. de l’Eglise de Besancon, tom. ii. p. 397, 421, 450, 474, 445, 470, 509, &c.

120 Hist. de l’Eglise de St. Etienne à Dijon, p. 133, 137, 205. Hist. de Bresse, tom. i. p. 52, 55, 84.

121 Hist. gen. de Languedoc, liv. ii. p. 523; liv. xvi., p. 362; liv. xvii. p. 427; liv. xxii. p. 25, 226. Gall. christ. tom. vi. col. 727. Martene Thesaur. anecd. tom. i. col. 575.

122 Gall. christ. nov. tom. i. p. 32; tom. iii. col. 333; tom. ii. col. 46, 47, and 72. La Martiniere dict. geogr. Martene, ampl. collect. tom. vi. col. 226. Gloss. nov. tom. iii. col. 223.

123 Histoire de la ville de Paris, tom. i. p. 174. Gall. christ. nov. tom. vii. col. 853.

124 Annales Trevir. tom. ii. p. 91, 197, 479. Prodromus hist. Trevir. p. 1077. Bertholet hist. de Luxembourg, tom. v. p. 145. Joh. Bapt. Antiq. Flandriæ Gandavum, p. 24, 207. Antiq. Bredanæ, p. 12, 23. Austroburgus, p. 115. Aub Miræi Diplomat. tom. ii. p. 1165, &c.

125 Dugd. Monast. Angl. vol. vi. part 2, p. 800 to 817. Concilia Magnæ Britanniæ, tom. iii. p. 333 to 382. Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 279, 288, 291, 295, &c.

126 Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 279, 288, 291, 297, &c.

127 Nichols’ hist. of Leicestershire.

128 Clutterbuck’s hist. Hertfordshire. Chauncey, antiq. Hert. Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 133, 134. Dodsworth, M. S. vol. xxxv.

129 Morant’s hist. Essex, Rymer. tom. iii. p. 290 to 294.

130 Redditus omnium ecclesiarum et molendinorum et terrarum de bailliâ de Lincolnscire. Inquis. terrar. ut sup. fol. 41 b to 48 b and 49 a. Peck’s MS. in Museo Britannico, vol. iv. fol. 95 et seq.

131 Peck’s MS. ut sup. fol. 95.

132 Inquis. ut. sup. 58 b to 65 b.

133 Inquis. terrar. ut sup. fol. 12 a to 23 a. Dodsworth MS. vol. xx. p. 65, 67, ex quodam rotulo tangente terras Templariorum. Rot. 42, 46, p. 964. Dugd. Baron. tom. i. p. 70.

134 Monast. Angl. ut sup. p. 840. Hasted. hist. Kent.

135 Ex cod. MS. in officio armorum, L. xvii. fol. 141 a. Calendarium Inquis. post mortem, p. 13. 18.

136 Manning’s Surrey. Atkyn’s Gloucestershire; and see the references in Tanner. Nash’s Worcestershire.

137 Bridge’s Northamptonshire, vol. ii. p. 100.

138 Thoroton’s Nottinghamshire. Burn and Nicholson’s Westmoreland. Worsley’s Isle of Wight.

139 Habuerunt insuper Templarii in Christianitate novem millia maneriorum... præter emolumenta et varios proventus ex fraternitatibus et prædicationibus provenientes, et per privilegia sua accrescentes. Mat. Par. p. 615, ed. Lond. 1640.

140 Amplis autem possessionibus tam citra mare quam ultra ditati sunt in immensum, villas, civitates et oppida, ex quibus certam pecuniæ summam, pro defensione Terræ Sanctæ, summo eorum magistro cujus sedes principalis erat in Jerusalem, mittunt annuatim.—Jac. de Vitr. Hist. Hierosol. p. 1084.

141 Masculum pullum, si natus sit super terram domus, vendere non possunt sine licentiâ fratrum. Si filiam habent, dare non possunt sine licentiâ fratrum. Inquisitio terrarum, ut supr. fol. 18 a.

142 The Templars, by diverting the water, created a great nuisance. In A. D. 1290, the Prior et fratres de Carmelo (the white friars) complained to the king in parliament of the putrid exhalations arising from the Fleet river, which were so powerful as to overcome all the frankincense burnt at their altar during divine service, and had occasioned the deaths of many of their brethren. They beg that the stench may be removed, lest they also should perish. The Friars preachers (black friars) and the bishop of Salisbury (whose house stood in Salisbury-court) made a similar complaint; as did also Henry Lacy, Earl of Lincoln, who alleges that the Templars (ipsi de novo Templo) had turned off the water of the river to their mills at Castle Baignard.—Rot. Parl. vol. i. p. 60, 200.

143 Ex cod. MS. in officio armorum, L. xvii. fol. 141 a. Dugd. Monast. Angl. ut sup. p. 838. Tanner, Notit. Monast.

144 Dugd. Baronage. Monast. Angl. p. 800 to 844.

145 Power to hold courts;

146 to impose and levy fines and amerciaments upon their tenants;

147 to buy and sell, or to hold a kind of market;

148 to judge and punish their villains and vassals;

149 to try thieves and malefactors belonging to their manors, and taken within the precincts thereof;

150 to judge foreign thieves taken within the said manors, &c.

151 Cart. 11. Hen. 3. M. 33. Dugd. Monast. p. 844.

152 Acta Rymeri, tom. i. p. 54, 298, 574, 575.

153 Page 431.

154 13 Edward I.

155 2 Inst. p. 432.

156 2 Inst. p. 465.

157 Stat. Westr. 2, cap. 43, 13 Ed. I.

158 The title Master of the Temple was so generally applied to the superiors of the western provinces, that we find in the Greek of the lower empire, the words Τέμπλου Μαιστὼρ. Ducange. Gloss.

159 Also summus magister, magister generalis.

160 Concil. Mag. Brit. tom. ii. p. 335, 339, 340. Monast. Angl. p. 818.

161 Concil. Mag. Brit. tom. ii. p. 355, 356.

162 In cujus rei testimonium huic præsenti scripto indentato sigillum capituli nostri apposuimus.

163 MS. apud Belvoir. Peck’s MS. in Museo Britannico, vol. iv. p. 65.

164 Nicholl’s Hist. Leicestershire, vol. iii. pl. cxxvii. fig. 947, p. 943; vol. ii. pl. v. fig. 13.

165 Two of these visitors-general have been buried in the Temple Church.

166 Rot. claus. 49. H. III. m. xi. d. Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 802.

167 L’histoire des Cisteaux, Chrisost. Henriques, p. 479.

168 Ricardus de Hastinges, Magister omnium militum et fratrum Templi qui sunt in Angliâ, salutem. Notum vobis facimus quod omnis controversia quæ fuit inter nos et monachos de Kirkested... terminata et finita est assensu et consilio nostro et militum et fratrum, &c., anno ab incarnatione Domini 1155, 11 die kal. Feb. The archbishop of Canterbury, the papal legate, the bishop of Lincoln, and several abbots, are witnesses to this instrument.—Lansdown MS. 207 E, fol. 467, p. 162, 163; see also p. 319, where he is mentioned as Master, A. D. 1161.

169 Et paulo post rex Angliæ fecit Henricum filium suum desponsare Margaritam filiam regis Franciæ, cum adhuc essent pueruli in cunis vagientes; videntibus et consentientibus Roberto de Pirou et Toster de Sancto Homero et Ricardo de Hastinges, Templariis, qui custodiebant præfata castella, et statim tradiderunt illa castella regi Angliæ, unde rex Franciæ plurimum iratus fugavit illos tres Templarios de regno Franciæ, quos rex Angliæ benigne suscipiens, multis ditavit honoribus.—Rog. Hoveden, script. post Bedam, p. 492. Guilielmi Neubrigiensis hist. lib. ii. cap. 4, apud Hearne.

170 Life of Henry II. tom. iv. p. 203.

171 Ib. tom. ii. p. 356. Hist. quad. p. 38. Hoveden, 453. Chron. Gervasii, p. 1386, apud X script.

172 Ricardus Mallebeench, magister omnium pauperum militum et fratrum Templi Salomonis in Angliâ, &c.... Confirmavimus pacem et concordiam quam Ricardus de Hastings fecit cum Waltero abbate de Kirkested.—Lansdown MS. 207 E., fol. 467.

173 Gaufridus, filius Stephani, militiæ Templi in Angliâ Minister, assensu totius capituli nostri dedi, &c., totum illud tenementum in villâ de Scamtrun quod Emma uxor Walteri Camerarii tenet de domo nostrâ, &c. Ib. fol. 201.

174 Post.

175 The money is ordered to be paid “dilecto filio nostro Thesaurario domus militiæ Templi Londonien.” Acta Rymeri, tom. i. p. 442, 4, 5. Wilkins Concilia, tom. ii. p. 230.

176 Matt. Par. p. 381.

177 Matt. Par. p. 253, 645.

178 Wilkins, Concilia Magnæ Britanniæ, tom. ii. p. 19, 26, 93, 239, 253, 272, 292.

179 Bernard Thesaur. cap. 157, apud Muratori script. rer. Ital. p. 792. Cotton MS., Nero E. vi. p. 60, fol. 466.

180 Radulph de Diceto, ut sup. p. 626. Matt. Par. ad ann. 1185.

181 Hoveden annal. apud rer. Angl. script. post Bedam, p. 636, 637.

182 The above passage is almost literally translated from Abbot Bromton’s Chronicle. The Patriarch there says to the king, “Hactenus gloriose regnasti, sed amodo ipse te deseret quem tu deseruisti. Recole quæ dominus tibi contulit, et qualia illi reddidisti; quomodo regi Franciæ infidus fuisti, beatum Thomam occidisti, et nunc protectionem Christianorum abjecisti. Cumque ad hæc rex excandesceret, obtulit patriarcha caput suum et collum extensum, dicens, ‘Fac de me quod de Thomá fecisti. Adeo libenter volo a te occidi in Anglia, sicut a Saracenis in Syria, quia tu omni Saraceno pejor es.’ Cui rex, ‘Si omnes homines mei unum corpus essent, unoque ore loquerentur, talia mihi dicere non auderent.’ Cui ille, ‘Non est mirum, quia tu et non te diligunt, prædam etiam et non hominem sequitur turba ista.’ ‘Recedere non possum, quia filii mei insurgerent in me absentem.’ Cui ille, ‘Nec mirum, quia de diabolo venerunt, et ad diabolum ibunt.’ Et sic demum patriarcha navem ascendens in Galliam reversus est.”—Chron. Joan. Bromton, abbatis Jornalensis, script. X. p. 1144, ad ann. 1185.

183 Sed hæc omnia præfatus Patriarcha parum pendebat, sperabat enim quod esset reducturus secum ad defensionem Ierosolymitanæ terræ præfatum regem Angliæ, vel aliquem de filiis suis, vel aliquem virum magnæ auctoritatis; sed quia hoc esse non potuit, repatriaturus dolens et confusus a curiâ recessit.—Hoveden ut sup. p. 630.

184 Contin. Hist. Bell. Sacr. apud Martene, tom. v. col. 606. It appears from Mansi that this valuable old chronicle, formerly attributed to Hugh Plagon, is the original French work of Bernard the Treasurer.

185 Quand le roi avoit offert sa corone au Temple Dominus, si avaloit uns degrès qui sont dehors le Temple, et entroit en son pales au Temple de Salomon, ou li Templiers manoient. La etoient les tables por mengier, ou le roi s’asseoit, et si baron et tuit cil qui mengier voloient.—Contin. bell. sacr. apud Martene, tom. v. col. 586.

186 Contin. hist. ut sup., col. 593, 4. Bernard. Thesaur. apud Muratori script. rer. Ital., tom. vii. cap. 147, col. 782, cap. 148, col. 173. Assizes de Jerusalem, cap. 287, 288. Guill. Neubr. cap. 16.

187 Vita et res gestæ Saladini by Bohadin F. Sjeddadi, apud Schultens, ex. MS. Arab. Pref.

188 Chron. terræ Sanctæ apud Martene, tom. v. col. 551. Hist. Hierosol. Gest. Dei, tom. i. pt. ii. p. 1150, 1. Geoffrey de Vinisauf.

189 Contin. hist. bell. sacr. ut sup., col. 599.

190 Muhammed F. Muhammed, N. Koreisg. Ispahan, apud Schultens, p. 18.

191 Radulph Coggleshale, an eye-witness, apud Martene, tom. v. col. 553.

192 Chron. Terræ Sanctæ, apud Martene, tom. v. col. 558 and 545. A most valuable history.

193 Omad’eddin Kateb-Abou-hamed-Mohamed-Benhamed, one of Saladin’s secretaries. Extraits Arabes, par M. Michaud.

194 Contin. hist. bell. sacr. apud Martene, tom. v. col. 608. Bernard. Thesaur. apud Muratori script. rer. Ital., cap. 46. col. 791.

195 Bohadin, cap. 35. Abulfeda. Abulpharag.

196 Omad’eddin Kateb, in his book called Fatah, celebrates the above exploits of Saladin. Extraits Arabes, Michaud. Radulph Coggleshale, Chron. Terr. Sanct. apud Martene, tom. v. col. 553 to 559. Bohadin, p. 70. Jac. de Vitr. cap. xciv. Guil. Neubr. apud Hearne, tom. i. lib. iii. cap. 17, 18. Chron. Gervasii, apud X. script. col. 1502. Abulfeda, cap. 27. Abulpharag. Chron. Syr. p. 399, 401, 402. Khondemir. Ben-Schunah.

197 Geoffrey de Vinisauf apud Gale, script. Antiq. Anglic. p. 15, “O zelus fidei! O fervor animi!” says that admiring historian, cap. xv. p. 251.

198 Geoffrey de Vinisauf, ut sup. cap. v. p. 251.

199 Epistola Terrici Præceptoris Templi de captione terræ Jerosolymitanæ, Hoveden annal. apud rer. Angl. script. post Bedam, p. 636, 637. Chron. Gervas. ib. col. 1502. Radulph de Diceto, apud X. script. col. 635.

200 Saladin’s letter to the caliph Nassir Deldin-Illah Aboul Abbas Ahmed.—Michaud, Extraits Arabes.

201 Les dames de Jerusalem firent prendre cuves et mettre en la place devant le monte Cauviaire, et emplir d’eue froide, et firent lors filles entrer jusqu’au col, et couper lor treices et jeter les.—Contin. hist. bell. sacr. apud Martene, tom. v. col. 615.

202 Chron. Terræ Sanctæ, Radulphi Coggeshale, apud Martene, tom. v. col. 572, 573; flentibus christianis, crines et vestes rumpentibus, pectora et capita tundentibus, says the worthy abbot.

203 See ante, p. 6.

204 Saladin ot mandé a Damas por euë rose assés por le Temple laver... il avoit quatre chamiex ou cinq tous chargiés.—Contin. hist. Bell. Sacr. col. 621.

205 Bohadin, cap. xxxvi., and the extracts from Abulfeda, apud Schultens, cap. xxvii. p. 42, 43. Ib’n Alatsyr, Michaud, Extraits Arabes.

206 Hoveden, annal. apud rer. Angl. script. post Bedam, p. 645, 646.

207 Bohadin apud Schultens, cap. xxxvi.

208 Ibn-Alatsyr, hist. Arab. and the Raoudhatein, or “the two gardens.” Michaud, Extraits Arabes. Excerpta ex Abulfeda apud Schultens, cap. xxvii. p. 43. Wilken Comment. Abulfed. hist. p. 148.

209 Omad’eddin Kateb.—Michaud, Extraits Arabes.

210 Khotbeh, or sermon of Mohammed Ben Zeky.—Michaud, Extraits Arabes.

211 See the account of this remarkable stone, ante p. 7, 8.

212 Hist. Hierosol. Gesta Dei per Francos, tom. i. pt. ii. p. 1155.

213 Hoveden ut sup. p. 646. Schahab’eddin in the Raoudhatein.—Michaud.

214 Jac. de Vitr. cap. xcv. Vinisauf, apud XV script. p. 257. Trivet ad ann. 1188, apud Hall, p. 93.

215 Radulph de Diceto ut sup. col. 642, 643. Matt. Par. ad ann. 1188.

216 Radulph Coggleshale, p. 574. Hist. Hierosol. apud Gesta Dei, tom. i. pars 2, p. 1165. Radulph de Diceto ut sup., col. 649. Vinisauf, cap. xxix. p. 270.

217 Ducange Gloss. tom. vi. p. 1036.

218 Geoffrey de Vinisauf, apud XV script. cap. xxxv. p. 427. Rad. Coggleshale apud Martene, tom. v. col. 566, 567. Bohadin, cap. l. to c.

219 Bohadin, cap. v. vi.

220 L’art de verif. tom. i. p. 297.

221 Hist. de la maison de Sablé, liv. vi. chap. 5. p. 174, 175. Cotton MS. Nero, E. vi. p. 60. folio 466, where he is called Robert de Sambell. L’art de Verif. p. 347.

222 Jac. de Vitr. cap. 65.

223 Le roi de France ot le chastel d’Acre, ot le fist garnir et le roi d’Angleterre se herberja en la maison du Temple.—Contin. Hist. bell. sacr. apud Martene, tom. v. col. 634.

224 Chron. Ottonis a S. Blazio, c. 36. apud Scriptores Italicos, tom. vi. col. 892.

225 Contin. Hist. bell. sacr. apud Martene, tom. v. col. 633. Trivet, ad. ann. 1191. Chron. de S. Denis, lib. ii. cap. 7. Vinisauf, p. 328.

226 Primariam aciem deducebant Templarii et ultimam Hospitalarii, quorum utrique strenue agentes magnarum virtutum prætendebant imaginem.—Vinisauf, cap. xii. p. 350.

227 Ibi rex præordinaverat quod die sequenti primam aciem ipse deduceret, et quod Templarii extremæ agminis agerent custodiam.—Vinisauf, cap. xiv. p. 351.

228 Deducendæ extremæ legioni præfuerant Templarii, qui tot equos eâ die Turcis irruentibus, a tergo amiserunt, quod fere desperati sunt.—Ib.

229 Bohadin, cap. cxvi. p. 189.

230 Singulis noctibus antequam dormituri cubarent, quidam ad hoc deputatus voce magnâ clamaret fortiter in medio exercitu dicens, Adjuva sepulchrum sanctum; ad hanc vocem clamabant universi eadem verba repetentes, et manus suas cum lacrymis uberrimis tendentes in cælum, Dei misericordiam postulantes et adjutorium.—Vinisauf, cap. xii. p. 351.

231 Ibid. cap. xxxii. p. 369.

232 Bedewini horridi, fuligine obscuriores, pedites improbissimi, arcus gestantes cum pharetris, et ancilia rotunda, gens quidem acerrima et expedita.—Vinisauf, cap. xviii. p. 355.

233 Vinisauf, cap. xxii. p. 360. Bohadin, cap. cxx.

234 Expedite descenderunt (Templarii) ex equis suis, et dorsa singuli dorsis sociorum habentes hærentia, facie versâ in hostes, sese viriliter defendere cœperunt. Ibi videri fuit pugnam acerrimam, ictus validissimos, tinniunt galeæ a percutientium collisione gladiorum, igneæ exsiliunt scintillæ, crepitant arma tumultuantium, perstrepunt voces; Turci se viriliter ingerunt, Templarii strenuissime defendunt.—Ib. cap. xxx. p. 366, 367.

235 Vinisauf, cap. xxxii. p. 369.

236 Ib. cap. xxxvii. p. 392. Contin. Hist. Bell. Sacr. apud Martene, v. col. 638.

237 Vinisauf, lib. v. cap. 1, p. 403. Ibid. lib. vi. cap. 2, p. 404.

238 Ib. cap. iv. v. p. 406, 407, &c. &c.; cap. xi. p. 410; cap. xiv. p. 412. King Richard was the first to enter the town. Tunc rex per cocleam quandam, quam forte prospexerat in domibus Templariorum solus primus intravit villam.—Vinisauf, p. 413, 414.

239 Contin. Hist. Bell. Sacr. apud Martene, tom. v. col. 641.

240 Concessimus omne jus, omne dominium quod ad nos pertinet et pertineat, omnem potestatem, omnes libertates et liberas consuetudines quas regia potestas conferre potest. Cart. Ric. 1. ann. 5, regni sui.

241 Hispania Illustrata, tom. iii. p. 59. Hist. gen. de Languedoc, tom. iii. p. 409. Cotton, MS. Nero E. VI. 23. i.

242 Castrum nostrum quod Peregrinorum dicitur, see the letter of the Grand Master Matt. Par. p. 312, and Jac. de Vitr. lib. iii. apud Gest. Dei, p. 1131.

243 “Opus egregium,” says James of Vitry, “ubi tot et tantas effuderunt divitias, quod mirum est unde eas accipiunt.”—Hist. Orient. lib. iii. apud Gest. Dei, tom. i. pars 9, p. 1131. Martene, tom. iii. col. 288. Hist. capt. Damietæ, apud Hist. Angl. script. XV. p. 437, 438, where it is called Castrum Filii Dei.

244 Pococke, Travels in the East, book i. chap. 15.

245 Dufresne, Gloss. Archives d’Arles. Cotton, MS. Nero E. VI.

246 Acta et Fœdera Rymeri, tom. i. p. 134, ad. ann. 1203, ed. 1704.

247 Rigord in Gest. Philippi. Acta Rymeri, tom. i. p. 165, 173.

248 Itinerarium regis Johannis, compiled from the grants and precepts of that monarch, by Thomas Duff Hardy, published by the Record Commissioners.

249 Acta Rymeri, tom. i. p. 170, ad. ann. 1213.

250 Matt. Par. ad. ann. 1213, p. 234, 236, 237. Matt. Westr. p. 271, 2. Bib. Cotton. Nero C. 2. Acta Rymeri, tom. i. p. 172, 173. King John resided at Temple Ewell from the 7th to the 28th of May.

251 Teste meipso apud Novum Templum London.... Acta Rymeri, tom. i. p. 105. ad. ann. 1214, ed. 1704.

252 “Formam autem rei prolocutæ inter nos et ipsos, scriptam et sigillo nostro sigillatam... in custodiam Templariorum commisimus.”—Literæ Regis sorori suæ Reginæ Berengariæ, ib. p. 194.

253 Berengaria Dei gratiâ, quondam humilis Angliæ Regina. Omnibus, &c. salutem.... Hanc pecuniam solvet in domo Novi Templi London. Ib. p. 208, 209, ad. ann. 1215.

254 Matt. Par. p. 253, ad. ann. 1215.

255 Monast. Angl. vol. vi. part ii.

256 Ital. et Raven. Historiarum Hieronymi Rubei, lib. vi. p. 380, 381, ad ann. 1217. ed. Ven. 1603.

257 Jac. de Vitr. lib. iii. ad. ann. 1218. Gesta Dei, tom. i. 1, pars 2, p. 1133, 4, 5.

258 Gall. Christ. nov. tom. ii. col. 714, tom. vii. col. 229.

259 Jac. de Vitr. Hist. Orient. ut sup. p. 1138. Bernard Thesaur. apud Muratori, cap. 190 to 200.

260 Epist. Magni Magistri Templi apud Matt. Par. p. 312, 313.

261 Our historian, James de Vitry; he subsequently became one of the hostages. Contin. Hist. apud Martene, tom. v. col. 698.

262 Matt. Par. ad ann. 1222, p. 314. See also another letter, p. 313.

263 Actum London in domo Militiæ Templi, II. kal. Octob. Acta Rymeri, tom. i. p. 234, ad ann. 1219.

264 Acta Rymeri, tom. i. ad ann. 1223, p. 258.

265 Mittimus ad vos dilect. nobis in Christo, fratrem Alanum Marcell Magistrum militiæ Templi in Angliâ, &c.... Teste meipso apud Novum Templum London coram Domino Cantuar—archiepiscopo, Huberto de Burgo justitiario et J. Bath—Sarum episcopis. Acta Rymeri, tom. i. p. 270, ad ann. 1224.

266 Ib. p. 275.

267 Ib. p. 311, 373, 380.

268 Sanut, lib. iii. c. x. p. 210.

269 Cotton, MS. Nero E. VI. p. 60. fol. 466. Nero E. VI. 23. i.

270 Cecidit autem in illo infausto certamine illustris miles Templarius, Anglicus natione, Reginaldus de Argentomio, eâ die Balcanifer;... indefessus vero vexillum sustinebat, donec tibiæ cum cruribus et manibus frangerentur. Solus quoque eorum Preceptor priusquam trucidaretur, sexdecim hostium ad inferos destinavit.—Matt. Par. p. 443, ad ann. 1237.

271 A Clerkenwelle domo sua, quæ est Londoniis, per medium civitatis, clypeis circiter triginta detectis, hastis elevatis, et prævio vexillo, versus pontem, ut ab omnibus videntibus, benedictionem obtinerent, perrexerunt eleganter. Fratres verò inclinatis capitibus, hinc et inde caputiis depositis, se omnium precibus commendaverunt.—Matt. Par. p. 443, 444.

272 Et eodem anno (1239)... passi sunt Judæi exterminium magnum et destructionem, eosdem arctante et incarcerante, et pecuniam ab eisdem extorquente Galfrido Templario, Regis speciali consiliario.—Matt. Par. p. 489, ad ann. 1239.

273 In ipsâ irâ aufugavit fratrem Rogerum Templarium ab officio eleemosynariæ, et a curiâ jussit elongari.—Ib.

274 Rymer, tom. i. p. 404.

275 Post.

276 Matt. Par. p. 615.

277 Michaud Extraits Arabes, p. 549.

278 Steph. Baluz. Miscell., lib. vi. p. 357.

279 Marin Sanut, p. 217.

280 Matt. Par. p. 631 to 633, ad ann. 1244. Huic scripto originali, quod erat hujus exemplum, appensa fuerunt duodecim sigilla.

281 Matt. Par. p. 618-620.

282 Cotton MS. Nero E. VI. p. 60, fol. 466, vir discretus et circumspectus; in negotiis quoque bellicis peritus.

283 Hospitalarii et Templarii milites neophitos et manum armatam cum thesauro non modico illuc ad consolationem et auxilium ibi commorantium festinanter transmiserunt. Epist. Pap. Innocent IV.

284 Matt. Par. p. 697, 698.

285 Literæ Soldani Babyloniæ ad Papam missæ, a quodam Cardinali ex Arabico translatæ.—Matt. Par. p. 711.

286 Ibid. p. 733.

287 Matt. Par. p. 735.

288 Ib. in additamentis, p. 168, 169.

289 Quant les Templiers virent-ce, il se penserent que il seroient honniz se il lessoient le Compte d’Artois aler devant eulz; si ferirent des esperons qui plus plus, et qui miex miex, et chasserent les Turcs. Hist. de San Louis par Jehan Sire de Joinville, p. 47.

290 Nec evasit de totâ illâ gloriosâ militiâ nisi duo Templarii.—Matt. Par. ad ann. 1250. Chron. Nangis, p. 790.

291 Et à celle bataille frere Guillaume le Mestre du Temple perdi l’un des yex, et l’autre avoit il perdu le jour de quaresm pernant, et en fu mort ledit seigneur, que Dieux absoille.—Joinville, p. 58.

292 Et sachez que il avoit bien un journel de terre dariere les Templiers, qui estoit si chargé de pyles que les Sarrazins leur avoient lanciées, que il n’i paroit point de terre pour la grant foison de pyles.—Ib.

293 Joinville, p. 95, 96.

294 Acta Rymeri, tom. i. p. 474, ad ann. 1252.

295 Matt. Par. ad ann. 1254, p. 899, 900.

296... Mandatum est Johanni de Eynfort, camerario regis London, quod sine dilatione capiat quatuor dolia boni vini, et ea liberet Johanni de Suwerk, ponenda in cellaria Novi Templi London. ad opus nuntiorum ipsorum.—Acta Rymeri, tom. i. p. 557, ad ann. 1255.

297 Et mandatum est Ricardo de Muntfichet, custodi forestæ Regis Essex, quod eadem forestâ sine dilatione capiat X. damos, et eos usque ad Novum Templum London cariari faciat, liberandos prædicto Johanni, ad opus prædictorum nuntiorum.—Ib.

298 Acta Rymeri, p. 557, 558.

299 MCCLVI. morut frère Renaut de Vichieres Maistre du Temple. Apres lui fu fait Maistre frère Thomas Berard.—Contin. hist. apud Martene, tom. v. col. 736.

300 Acta Rymeri, tom. i. p. 698, 699, 700.

301 Acta Rymeri, tom. i. p. 730, 878, 879, ad ann. 1261.

302 Furent mors et pris, et perdirent les Templiers tot lor hernois, et le commandeor du Temple frère Matthieu le Sauvage.—Contin. hist. bell. sacr. ut sup. col. 737. Marin Sanut, cap. 6.

303 Marin Sanut Torsell, lib. iii. pars 12, cap. 6, 7, 8. Contin. hist. bell. sacr. apud Martene, tom. v. col. 742. See also Abulfed. Hist. Arab. apud Wilkens, p. 223. De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. iv. p. 141.

304 Michaud, Extraits Arabes, p. 668.

305 De Vertot, liv. iii. Preuve. xiii. See also epist. ccccii. apud Martene thesaur. anec. tom. ii. col. 422.

306 Facta est civitas tam famosa quasi solitudo deserti.—Marin Sanut, lib. iii. pars. 12, cap. 9. De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. iv. p. 143. Contin. Hist. apud Martene, tom. v. col. 743. Abulpharag. Chron. Syr. p. 546. Michaud, Extraits Arabes, p. 681.

307 Marin Sanut ut sup. cap. 11, 12. Contin. Hist. apud Martene, col. 745, 746.

308 En testimoniaunce de la queu chose, a ceo testament avons fet mettre nostre sel, et avoms pries les honurables Bers frere Hue, Mestre de l’Hospital, et frere Thomas Berard, Mestre du Temple, ke a cest escrit meisent ausi lur seus, etc. Acta Rymeri, tom. i. p. 885, 886, ad ann. 1272.

309 Trivet ad ann. 1272. Walsingham, p. 43. Acta Rymeri, tom. i. p. 889, ad ann. 1272, tom. ii. p. 2.

310 Monast. Angl., vol. vi. part 2, p. 800-844.

311 MCCLXXIII. a viii. jors d’Avri morut frere Thomas Berart, Maistre du Temple le jor de la notre dame de Mars, et fu fait Maistre a xiii. jors de May, frere Guillaume de Bieaujeu qui estoit outre Commendeor du Temple en Pouille, et alerent por lui querire frere Guillaume de Poucon, qui avait tenu lieu de Maistre, et frere Bertrand de Fox; et frere Gonfiere fu fait Commandeor gran tenant lieu de Maistre.—Contin. Hist. apud Martene, tom. v. col. 746, 747. This is the earliest instance I have met with of the application of the term Commander to the high officers of the Temple.

312 Acta Rymeri, tom. ii. p. 34, ad ann. 1274.

313 Contin. hist. bell. sacr. apud Martene, tom. v. col. 748.

314 Life of Malek Mansour Kelaoun. Michaud, Extraits Arabes, p. 685, 686, 687.

315 De excidio urbis Aconis apud Martene vet. script. tom. v. col. 767.

316 The famous Abul-feda, prince of Hamah, surnamed Amod-ed-deen, (Pillar of Religion,) the great historian and astronomer, superintended the transportation of the military engines from Hasn-el-Akrah to St. Jean d’Acre.

317 Ex ipsis fratrem monachum Gaudini elegerunt ministrum generalem. De excidio urbis Acconis apud Martene, tom. v. col. 782.

318 Videntes pulchros Francorum filios ac filias, manus his injecerunt.—Abulfarag, Chron. Syr. p. 595. Maledicti Saraceni mulieres et pueros ad loca domus secretiora ex eisdem abusuri distrahere conabantur, turpibus ecclesiam obscœnitatibus cum nihil possent aliud maculantes. Quod videntes christiani, clausis portis, in perfidos viriliter irruerunt, et omnes a minimo usque ad maximum occiderunt, muros, turres, atque portas Templi munientes ad defensam.—De excid. Acconis ut sup. col. 782. Marin Sanut ut sup. cap. xxii. p. 231.

319 Per totam noctem illam, dum fideles vigilarent contra perfidorum astutiam, domum contra eos defensuri, fratrum adjutorio de thesauris quod potuit cum sacrosanctis reliquiis ecclesiæ Templi, ad mare salubriter deportavit. Inde quidem cum fratribus paucis auspicato remigio, in Cyprum cum cautelâ transfretavit.—De excid. Acconis, col. 782.

320 De excidio urbis Acconis apud Martene, tom. v. col. 757. De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. iv. p. 162. Michaud, Extraits Arabes, p. 762, 808. Abulfarag. Chron. Syr. p. 595. Wilkens, Comment. Abulfed. Hist. p. 231-234. Marin. Sanut Torsell, lib. iii. pars 12, cap. 21.

321 Raynald, tom. xiv. ad ann. 1298. Cotton MS. Nero E. vi. p. 60. fol. 466.

322 Marin Sanut Torsell. lib. iii. pars. 13, cap. x. p. 242. De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. iv. p. 184.

323 Acta Rymeri, tom. i. p. 575, 576-579, 582, tom. ii. p. 250. Martene, vet. script. tom. vii. col. 156.

324 Acta Rymeri, tom. ii. p. 683. ad ann. 1295.

325 Chron. Dunmow. Annals of St. Augustin. Rapin.

326 Ipse vero Rex et Petrus thesaurum ipsius episcopi, apud Novum Templum Londoniis reconditum, ceperunt, ad summam quinquaginta millia librarum argenti, præteraurum multum, jocalia et lapides preciosos.... Erant enim ambo præsentes, cum cistæ frangerentur, et adhuc non erat sepultum corpus patris sui.—Hemingford, p. 244.

327 Chron. Triveti, ad ann. 1298. Hemingford, vol. i. p. 159.

328 Dante styles him il mal di Francia, Del. Purgat. cant. 20, 91.

329 Questo Papa fue huomo molto cupido di moneta, e fue lusurioso, si dicea che tenea per amica la contessa di Paragordo, bellissima donna!! Villani, lib. ix. cap. 58. Fuit nimis cupiditatibus deditus.... Sanct. Ant. Flor. de Concil. Vien. tit. 21. sec. 3. Circa thesauros colligendos insudavit, says Knighton apud X script. col. 2494. Fleuri, l. 92. p. 239. Chron. de Namgis, ad ann. 1305.

330 Rainald. tom. xv. ad ann. 1306, n. 12. Fleuri, Hist. Eccles. tom. xix. p. 111.

331 Bal. Pap. Aven. tom. ii. p. 176.

332 Bal. Pap. Aven. tom. i. p. 99. Sexta Vita, Clem. V. apud Baluz, tom. i. col. 100.

333 Hist. de la Condemnation des Templiers.—Dupuy, tom. ii. p. 309.

334 Mariana Hispan. Illustr. tom. iii. p. 152. Le Gendre Hist. de France, tom. ii. p. 499.

335 Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 18. ad ann. 1307.

336 Les forfaits pourquoi les Templiers furent ars et condamnez, pris et contre eux approuvez. Chron. S. Denis. Sexta vita, Clem. V. Dupuy, p. 24. edition de 1713.

337 Liv. ii. chap. 106, chez Dupuy.

338 Sexta vita, Clem. V. col. 102.

339 Ostendens duo ossa quod dicebat illa esse quæ ceciderunt de talis suis. Processus contra Templarios. Raynouard Monumens Historiques, p. 73, ed. 1813.

340 In quibus tormentis dicebat se quatuor dentes perdidisse. Ib. p. 35.

341 Fuit quæstionibus ponderibus appensis in genitalibus, et in aliis membris usque ad exanimationem. Ib.

342 Tres des Chart. Templiers, cart. 3, n. 20.

343 Dat. apud Redyng, 4 die Decembris. Consimiles litteræ diriguntur Ferando regi Castillæ et Ligionis, consanguineo regis, domino Karolo, regi Siciliæ, et Jacobo regi Aragoniæ, amico Regis. Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. ad ann. 1307, p. 35, 36.

344 Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 37, ad ann. 1307.

345 Dat. Pictavis 10, kal. Dec. Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. ad ann. 1307, p. 30-32.

346 Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 34, 35, ad ann. 1307.

347 Ibid. p. 34, 35.

348 Ibid. p. 45.

349 Knyghton, apud X. script. col. 2494, 2531.

350 Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 83.

351 Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 101, 2, 3.

352 Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 110, 111. Vitæ paparum Avenion, tom. ii. p. 107.

353 Ibid. tom. iii. p. 121, 122.

354 Ibid. p. 168.

355 Ibid. p. 168, 169.

356 Ibid. p. 174.

357 Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 173, 175.

358 Rainald, tom. xv. ad ann. 1306.

359 Concil. Mag. Brit. tom. ii. p. 346, 347.

360 Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 178, 179.

361 Concil. Mag. Brit. tom. ii. p. 304-311.

362 Processus contra Templarios, Dugd. Monast. Angl. vol. vi. part 2, p. 844-846 ed. 1830.

363 The original draft of these articles of accusation, with the corrections and alterations, is preserved in the Tresor des Chartres Raynouard, Monumens Historiques, p. 50, 51. The proceedings against the Templars in England are preserved in MS. in the British Museum, Harl. No. 252, 62, f. p. 113; No. 247, 68, f. p. 144. Bib. Cotton Julius, b. xii. p. 70; and in the Bodleian Library and Ashmolean Museum. The principal part of them has been published by Wilkins in the Concilia Magnæ Britanniæ, tom. ii. p. 329-401, and by Dugdale, in the Monast. Angl. vol. vi. part 2. p. 844-848.

364 Actum in Capella infirmariæ prioratus Sanctæ Trinitatis præsentibus, etc. Concilia Magnæ Britanniæ, tom. iii. p. 344. Ibid. p. 334-343.

365 Concil. Mag. Brit., tom. ii. p. 305-308.

366 Concil. Mag. Brit., tom. ii. p. 312-314.

367 Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 194, 195.

368 Ibid. p. 182.

369 Et ad evidentius præmissorum testimonium reverendus in Christo pater dominus Willielmus, providentiâ divinâ S. Andreæ episcopus, et magister Johannes de Solerio prædicti sigilla sua præsenti inquisitioni appenderunt, et eisdem sigillis post subscriptionem meam eandem inquisitionem clauserunt. In quorum etiam firmius testimonium ego Willielmus de Spottiswod auctoritate imperiali notarius qui prædictæ inquisitioni interfui die, anno, et loco prædictis, testibus præsentibus supra dictis, signum meum solitum eidem apposui requisitus, et propriâ manu scripsi rogatus.—Acta contra Templarios. Concil. Mag. Brit., tom. ii. p. 380, 383.

370 Act. in ecclesiâ parochiali S. Dunstani prope Novum Templum.—Ib., p. 349.

371 Acta contra Templarios. Concil. Mag. Brit., tom. ii. p. 350, 351, 352.

372 Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. ad ann. 1310. p. 202, 203.

373 Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 179, 180. Concil. Mag. Brit., tom. ii. p. 373 to 380.

374 Terrore tormentorum confessi sunt et mentiti.—Concil. Mag. Brit., tom. ii. p. 365, 366, 367.

375 Depositiones Templariorum in Provinciâ Eboracensi.—Concil. Mag. Brit., tom. ii. p. 371-373.

376 Eodem anno (1310) XIX. die Maii apud Eborum in ecclesiâ cathedrali, ex mandato speciali Domini Papæ, tenuit dominus Archiepiscopus concilium provinciale. Prædicavitque et erat suum thema; omnes isti congregati venerunt tibi, factoque sermone, recitavit et legi fecit sequentem bullam horribilem contra Templarios, &c. &c. Hemingford apud Hearne, vol. i. p. 249.

377 Processus observatus in concilio provinciali Eboracensi in ecclesiâ beati Petri Ebor. contra Templarios celebrato A. D. 1310, ex. reg. Will. Grenefeld Archiepiscopi Eborum, fol. 179, p. 1.—Concil. Mag. Brit., tom. ii. p. 393.

378 Concil. Mag. Brit., tom. ii. p. 367.

379 Acta contra Templarios. Concil. Mag. Brit., tom. ii. p. 358.

380 Joan. can. Sanct. Vict. Contin. de Nangis ad ann. 1310. Ex secundâ vitâ Clem. V. p. 37.

381 Chron. Cornel. Zanfliet, apud Martene, tom. v. col. 159. Bocat. de cas. vir. illustr. lib. 9. chap. xxi. Raynouard, Monumens historiques. Dupuy, Condemnation des Templiers.

382 Vit. prim. et tert. Clem. V. col. 57, 17. Bern. Guac. apud Muratori, tom. iii. p. 676. Contin. Chron. de Nangis ad ann. 1310. Raynouard, p. 120.

383 Raynouard, p. 155.

384 Inhibuisti ne contra ipsas personas et ordinem per quæstiones ad inquirendum super eisdem criminibus procedatur, quamvis iidem Templarii diffiteri dicuntur super eisdem articulis veritatem.... Attende, quæsumus, fili carissime, et prudenti deliberatione considera, si hoc tuo honori et saluti conveniat, et statui congruat regni tui. Arch. secret. Vatican. Registr. literar. curiæ anno 5 domini Clementis Papæ 5.—Raynouard, p. 152.

385 Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. ad ann. 1310, p. 224.

386 Ib., p. 224, 225. claus. 4. E. 2. M. 22.

387 Et si per hujusmodi arctationes et separationes nihil aliud, quam prius, vellent confiteri, quod extunc quæstionarentur; ita quod quæstiones illæ fierent ABSQUE MUTILATIONE ET DEBILITATIONE PERPETUA ALICUJUS MEMBRI, ET SINE VIOLENTA SANGUINIS EFFUSIONE.—Concil. Mag. Brit., tom. ii. p. 314.

388 Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 227, 228.

389 Cum nuper, OB REVERIENTIAM SEDIS APOSTOLICÆ, concessimus prælatis et inquisitoribus ad inquirendum contra ordinem Templariorum, et contra Magnum Præceptorem ejusdem ordinis in regno nostro Angliæ, quod iidem prælati et inquisitores, de ipsis Templariis et eorum corporibus IN QUÆSTIONIBUS, et aliis ad hoc convenientibus ordinent et faciant, quoties voluerint, id quod eis secundum legem ecclesiasticam, videbitur faciendum, &c.—Teste rege apud Linliscu in Scotiâ, 23 die Octobris. Ibid. tom. iii. p. 228, 229.

390 Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 229.

391 Ibid. p. 230.

392 Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 231.

393 Ibid. p. 231, 232.

394 Ibid. tom. iii. p. 232-235.

395 Acta contra Templarios, Concil. Mag. Brit. tom. ii. p. 368-371.

396 Suspicio (quæ loco testis 21, in MS. allegatur,) probare videtur, quod omnes examinati in aliquo dejeraverunt (pejeraverunt,) ut ex inspectione processuum apparet.—MS. Bodl. Oxon. f. 5. 2. Concil. tom. ii. p. 359.

397 This knight had been tortured in the Temple at Paris, by the brothers of St. Dominic, in the presence of the grand inquisitor, and he made his confession when suffering on the rack; he afterwards revoked it, and was then tortured into a withdrawal of his revocation, notwithstanding which the inquisitor made the unhappy wretch, in common with others, put his signature to the following interrogatory, “Interrogatus utrum vi vel metu carceris aut tormentorum immiscuit in suâ depositione aliquam falsitatem, dicit quod non!”

398 Acta contra Templarios.—Concil. Mag. Brit. tom. ii. p. 358-364.

399 Concil. Mag. Brit. tom. ii. p. 364.

400 Vobis, præfati vicecomites, mandamus quod illos, quos dicti prælati et inquisitores, seu aliquis eorum, cum uno saltem inquisitore, deputaverint ad supervidendum quod dicta custodia bene fiat, id supervidere; et corpora dictorum Templariorum in QUÆSTIONIBUS et aliis ad hoc convenientibus, ponere; et alia, quæ in hac parte secundum legem ecclesiasticam fuerint facienda, facere permittatis. Claus. 4, E. 2. m. 8. Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 290.

401 M. S. Bodl. F. 5, 2. Concil. p. 364, 365. Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 228, 231, 232.

402 Concil. Mag. Brit., tom. ii. p. 383-387.

403 Concil. Mag. Brit., tom. ii. p. 388, 389.

404 Acta fuerunt hæc die et loco prædictis, præsentibus patribus antedictis, et venerandæ discretionis viris magistris Michaele de Bercham, cancellario domini archiepiscopi Cantuar.... et me Ranulpho de Waltham, London, episcoporum notariis publicis.—Acta contra Templarios. Concil. Mag. Brit., tom. ii. p. 387, 388.

405 Concil. Mag. Brit., tom. ii. p. 390, 391.

406 Concil. Mag. Brit., tom. ii. p. 394-401.

407 Concilia Hispaniæ, tom. v. p. 233. Zurita, lib. v. c. 73. 101. Mariana, lib. xv. cap. 10. Mutius, chron. lib. xxii. p. 211. Raynouard, p. 199-204.

408 Ut det Templariis audientiam sive defensionem. In hac sententiâ concordant omnes prælati Italiæ præter unum, Hispaniæ, Theutoniæ, Daniæ, Angliæ, Scotiæ, Hiberniæ, etc. etc., ex secund. vit. Clem. V. p. 43.—Rainald ad ann. 1311, n. 55. Walsingham, p. 99. Antiq. Britann., p. 210.

409 Muratorii collect. tom. iii. p. 448; tom. x. col. 377. Mariana. tom. iii. p. 157. Raynouard, p. 191, 192.

410 Raynouard ut supra. Tertia vita Clem. V.

411 Pro executoribus testamenti Wilielmi de la More, quondam Magistri militiæ Templi in Anglia, claus 6. E. 2. m. 15. Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 380.

412 Registr. Hosp. S. Joh. Jerus. Cotton MS. Nero E. vi. 23. i. Nero E. vi. p. 60. fol. 466.

413 Lansdown, MS. 207. E. vol. v. fol. 317.

414 Ib., fol. 284.

415 Ib., fol. 162, 163, 317.

416 Ib., fol. 467.

417 Ib., fol. 201.

418 Acta Rymeri, tom. i. p. 134, ad ann. 1203. He was one of those who advised king John to sign Magna Charta.—Matt. Par., p. 253-255.

419 Ib., p. 258, 270. Matt. Par., p. 314.

420 Acta Rymeri, tom. i. p. 342, 344, 345. He was employed to negotiate a marriage between king Henry the Third and the fair Eleanor of Provence.

421 Matt. Par., p. 615, et in additamentis, p. 480.

422 Concil. Mag. Brit., tom. ii. p. 340.

423 Ib., p. 339, 341, 344.

424 Ib., p. 335, 343. Prynne, collect 3, 143.

425 Acta Rymeri, tom. i. part iii. p. 104.

426 In vilissimo carcere, ferro duplici constrictus, jussus est recludi, et ibidem, donec aliud ordinatum extiterit, reservari; et interim visitari, ad videndum si vellet alterius aliqua confiteri!—Concil. Mag. Brit., tom. ii. p. 393.

427 Processus contra Templarios. Dupuy, p. 128, 139. Raynouard, p. 60.

428 Villani, lib. viii. cap. 92. Contin. Chron. de Nangis, ad ann. 1313. Pap. Mass. in Philip. pulchr. lib. iii. p. 393. Mariana de reb. Hisp. lib. xv. cap. 10. Dupuy, ed. 1700, p. 71. Chron. Corn. Zanfliet apud Martene, tom. v. col. 160. Raynouard, p. 209, 210.

429 Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 323, 4, 5, ad ann. 1312.

430 Zurita, lib. v. c. 101. Institut. milit. Christi apud Henriquez, p. 534.

431 Annales Minorum. Gall. Christ. nov. Aventinus, Annal. De Vertot, liv. 3.

432 Fuller’s Hist. Holy War, book v. ch. iii.

433 Dupuy, p. 179, 184.

434 Essai sur les mœurs, &c., tom. ii. p. 242.

435 Nihil ad nos unquam pervenit nisi modica bona mobilia. Epist. ad Philip, 2 non. May, 1309. Raynouard, p. 198. De Vertot, liv. iii.

436 Raynouard, 197, 198, 199.

437 The extents of the lands of the Templars are amongst the unarranged records in the Queen’s Remembrancer’s office, and various sheriffs’ accounts are in the third chest in the Pipe Office.

438 Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 130, 134, 139, 279, 288, 290, 1, 2, 297, 321. Dodsworth. MS. vol. xxxv. p. 65, 67.

439 Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 292, 3, 4, 5.

440 Ib. tom. iii. p. 299.

441 Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 303.

442 Ib., tom. iii. p. 326, 327.

443 Ib., tom. iii. p. 337.

444 Cart. 6. E. 2. No. 4. 41.

445 Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 409, 410.

446 Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 451.

447 Ib., p. 451, 454, 455, 457, 459-463. Dugd. Monast. Angl., vol. vi. part 2. p. 809.

448 Rolls of Parliament, vol. ii. p. 41.

449 Dugd. Monast. Angl., vol. vi. part 2, p. 849, 850. Concil. Mag. Brit., tom. ii. p. 499.

450 Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 956-959, ad ann. 1322.

451 Statutes at Large, vol. ix. Appendix, p. 23.

452 Rolls of Parliament, vol. ii. p. 41. No. 52.

453 Monast. Angl., p. 810.

454 Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 472.

455 Concil. Mag. Brit., tom. ii.

456 Walsingham, p. 99.

457 Monast. Angl., vol. vi. part ii. p. 848.

458 Pat. 4, E. 2, p. 2; m. 20. Dugdale, Hist. Warwickshire, vol. i. p. 962, ed. 1730.

459 Dublin Review for May, 1841, p. 301.

460 See ante, p. 80. On the 10th of March, before his departure from this country, Heraclius consecrated the church of the Hospitallers at Clerkenwell, and the altars of St. John and St. Mary. Ex registr. S. John Jerus. in Bib. Cotton, fol. 1.

461 A fac-simile of this inscription was faithfully delineated by Mr. Geo. Holmes, the antiquary, and was published by Strype, A. D. 1670. The earliest copy I have been able to find of it is in a manuscript history of the Temple, in the Inner Temple library, supposed to have been written at the commencement of the reign of Charles the First by John Wilde, Esq., a bencher of the society, and Lent reader in the year 1630.

462 Tempore quoque sub eodem (A. D. 1240) dedicata est nobilis ecclesia, structuræ aspectabilis Novi Templi Londinensis, præsente Rege et multis regni Magnatibus; qui eodem die, scilicet die Ascensionis, completis dedicationis solemniis, convivium in mensá nimis laute celebrarunt, sumptibus Hospitaliorum.—Matt. Par. ad ann. 1240, p. 526, ed. 1640.

463 A large piscina, similar to the one in the Temple Church, may be seen in Cowling church, Kent. Archæologia, vol. xi. pl. xiv. p. 320.

464 Ib. p. 347 to 359.

465 Acta contra Templarios. Concil. Mag. Brit. tom. ii. p. 336, 350, 351.

466 Jac. de Vitr. De Religione fratrum militiæ Templi, cap. 65.

467 Processus contra Templarios, apud Dupuy, p. 65; ed. 1700.

468 See the plan of this chapel and of the Temple Church, in the vetusta monumenta of the Society of Antiquaries.

469 Acta fuerunt hæc in capellâ juxta ecclesiam, apud Novum Templum London, ex parte Australi ipsius ecclesiæ sitâ, coram reverendis patribus domino archiepiscopo et episcopis, &c. &. Acta Rymeri, tom. ii. p. 193, ad ann. 1282.

470 Anecdotes and Traditions published by the Camden Society. No. clxxxi. p. 110.

471 De tribus Capellanis inveniendis, apud Novum Templum, Londoniarum, pro animâ Regis Henrici Tertii. Ex regist. Hosp. S. Johannis Jerus. in Angliâ. Bib. Cotton, f. 25. a.

472 Ibid. 30. b.

473 Acta contra Templarios. Concil. Mag. Brit., tom. ii. p. 383.

474 E registro mun. eviden. Prior. Hosp. Sanc. Joh. fol. 23, b.; fo. 24, a.

475 Nicholls’ Hist. Leicestershire, vol. iii. p. 960, note. Malcolm, Londinium Redivivum, vol. ii. p. 294.

476 Burton’s Leicestershire, p. 235, 236.

477 Monumens de la monarchie Françoise, par Montfaucon, tom. ii. p. 184, plate p. 185. Hist. de la Maison de Dreux, p. 86, 276.

478 Ducange. Gloss. tom. iii. p. 16, 17; ed. 1678, verb. Oblati.

479 Peck. MS. vol. iv. p. 67.

480 Plurimique nobiles apud eos humati fuerunt, quorum imagines visuntur in hoc Templo, tibiis in crucem transversis (sic enim sepulti fuerunt quotquot illo sæculo nomina bello sacro dedissent, vel qui ut tunc temporis sunt locuti crucem suscepissent.) E quibus fuerunt Guilielmus Pater, Guilielmus et Gilbertus ejus filii, omnes marescalli Angliæ, comitesque Pembrochiæ.—Camden’s Britannia, p. 375.

481 Stow’s Survey.

482 MS. Inner Temple Library, No. 17. fol. 402.

483 Origines Juridiciales, p. 173.

484 Nicholls’ Leicestershire, vol. iii. p. 960.

485 “In porticu ante ostium ecclesiæ occidentale.” The word porticus, which means “a walking place environed with pillars,” exactly corresponds with the external circular walk surrounding the round tower of the church.

486 Some surprise has been expressed that the effigies of women should be found in this curious position. It must be recollected, that women frequently fought in the field during the Crusades, and were highly applauded for so doing.

487 Hoveden apud rer. Anglicar. script. post Bedam, p. 488. Dugdale’s Baronage, vol. i. p. 201. Lel. Coll. vol. i. 864.

488 Monast. Angl., vol. i. p. 444 to 464.

489 Dugd. Bar., vol. i. p. 202. Selden, tit. hon. p. 647.

490 Triveti annales apud Hall, p. 12, 13, ad ann. 1143. Guill. Neubr. lib. i. cap. ii. p. 44, ad ann. 1143. Hoveden, p. 488, Hist. Minor. Matt. Par. in bib. reg. apud S. Jacobum.

491 Henry Huntingdon, lib. viii. Rer. Anglicar. script. post Bedam, p. 393. Chron. Gervasii, apud script. X. col. 1360. Radulph de Diceto, ib. col. 508. Vir autem iste magnanimus, velut equus validus et infrænus, maneria, villas, cæteraque, proprietatem regiam contingentes, invasit, igni combussit, &c. &c. MS. in Bibl. Arund., A. D. 1647, a. 43. cap. ix., now in the Library of the Royal Society. Annales Dunstaple apud Hearne, tom. i. p. 25.

492 Vasa autem altaris aurea et argentea Deo sacrata, capas etiam cantorum lapidibus preciosis ac opere mirifico contextas, casulas cum albis et cæteris ecclesiastici decoris ornamentis rapuit, &c. MS. ut sup. Gest. reg. Steph. p. 693, 694.

493 De vitâ sceleratâ et condigno interitu Gaufridi de Magnavilla.—Guill. Neubr. lib. i. cap. xi. p. 44 to 46. Henry of Huntingdon, who lived in king Stephen’s reign, and kept up a correspondence with the abbot of Ramsay, thus speaks of this wonderful phenomenon, of which he declares himself an eye-witness. Dum autem ecclesia illa pro castello teneretur, ebullivit sanguis a parietibus ecclesiæ et claustri adjacentis, indignationem divinam manifestans; sceleratorum exterminationem denuntians, quod quidem multi viderant, et ego ipse quidem meis oculis inspexi! Script. post Bedam. lib. viii. p. 393, ed. 1601, Francfort. Hoveden, who wrote shortly after, has copied this account. Annales, ib. p. 488.

494 Guill. Neubr. ut supr. p. 45, 46. Chron. Gervasii, apud X. script. col. 1360. Annal. S. Augustin. Trivet ad ann. 1144, p. 14. Chron. Brompton, col. 1033. Hoveden, ut supr. p. 488.

495 Grew mad with much anger.

496 Peter Langtoft’s Chronicle, vol. i. 123, by Robert of Brunne, translated from a MS. in the Inner Temple Library, Oxon. 1725.

497 In pomœrio suo veteris, scilicet Templi apud London, canali inclusum plumbeo, in arbore torvâ suspenderant. Antient MS. de fundatione cœnobii Sancti Jacobi de Waldena, fol. 43, a. cap. ix. no. 51, in the Library of the Royal Society.

498 Cumque Prior ille, corpus defunctum deponere, et secum Waldenam transferre satageret, Templarii caute premeditati, statim illud tollentes, in cimiterio Novi Templi ignobili satis tradiderunt sepulturæ.—Ib.

499 A. D. MCLXIIII, sexto kal. Octobris, obiit Galfridus de Mandeuil, comes Essexiæ, fundator primus hujus monasterii de Walden, cujus corpus jacet Londoniis humatum, apud Temple-bar in porticu ante ostium ecclesiæ occidentale. MS. in the library of the Royal Society, marked No. 29, entitled Liber de fundatione Sancti Jacobi Apostoli de Waldenâ. Cotton, MS. Vesp. E. vi. fol. 25.

500 Hoveden speaks of him as a man of the highest probity, but irreligious. Erat autem summæ probitatis, sed summæ in Deum obstinationis, magnæ in mundanis diligentiæ, magnæ in Deum negligentiæ. Hoveden ut supra.

501 It was a recess, hewn out of the chalk, of a bell shape and exactly circular, thirty feet high and seventy feet in diameter. The sides of this curious retreat were adorned with imagery in basso relievo of crucifixes, saints, martyrs, and historical pieces, which the pious and eccentric lady is supposed to have cut for her entertainment.—See the extraordinary account of the discovery, in 1742, of the Lady Roisia’s Cave at Royston, published by Dr. Stukeley. Cambridge, 1795.

502 Camden’s Britannia, ed. 1600, p. 375.

503 Tradidit Willielmo Marescallo, familiari suo, crucem suam Jerosolymam deferendam. Hoveden ad ann. 1183, apud rer. Anglic. script. post Bedam, p. 620.

504 Chron. Joan Brompton, apud X. script. col. 1158. Hoveden, p. 655, 666.

505 Selden’s Tit. of Honour, p. 677.

506 Hoveden, p. 659, 660. Radulf de Diceto, apud X. script. p. 659.

507 Matt. Par., p. 196. Hoveden, p. 792. Dugdale Baronage, tom. i. p. 601.

508 Trivet, p. 144. Gul. Britt., lib. vii. Ann. Waverley, p. 168.

509 Matt. Par., p. 237.

510 Matt. Par., p. 253-256, ad ann. 1215.

511 See his eloquent address to the bishops and barons in behalf of the young king.—Hemingford, lib. iii. cap. 1. p. 562, apud Gale XV. script.

512 Matt. Par., p. 289, ad ann. 1216. Acta Rymeri, tom. i. p. 216.

513 Hemingford, p. 565, 568. “These liberties, distinctly reduced to writing, we send to you our faithful subjects, sealed with the seal of our faithful William Marshall, earl of Pembroke, the guardian of us and our kingdom, because we have not as yet any seal.” Acta Rymeri, tom. i. part 1. p. 146, ed. 1816. Thomson, on Magna Charta, p. 117, 130. All the charters and letters patent were sealed with the seal of the earl marshall, “Rectoris nostri et regni, eo quod nondum sigillum habuimus.” Acta Rymeri, tom. i. p. 224, ed. 1704.

514 Matt. Par., p. 292-296.

515 Matthew Paris bears witness to the great superiority of the English sailors over the French even in those days.—Ibid. p. 298. Trivet, p. 167-169.

516 Acta Rymeri, tom. i. p. 219, 221, 223.

517 Dugd. Baronage, tom. i. p. 602, A. D. 1219. Willielmus senior, mareschallus regis et rector regni, diem clausit extremum, et Londini apud Novum Templum honorifice tumulatur, scilicet in ecclesiâ, in Ascensionis die videlicet xvii. calendas Aprilis.—Matt. Par. p. 304. Ann. Dunstaple, ad ann. 1219. Ann. Waverley.

518 Miles strenuissimus et per universum orbem nominatissimus.—Chron. T. Wikes apud Gale, script. XV. p. 39.

519 Monast. Angl., p. 833, 834, 837, 843.

520 MS. Bib. Cotton. Vitellius, F. 4. Monast. Angl., tom. i. p. 728, ed. 1655.

521 Matt. Par., p. 182. ad ann. 1196.

522 Hoveden apud rer. Anglicar. script. post Bedam, p. 811.

523 Matt. Par. p. 254, 262. Lel. col. vol. i. p. 362.

524 Acta Rymeri, tom. i. p. 224, ad ann. 1217.

525 Dugd. Baronage, vol. i. p. 545, 546.

526 Monast. Angl., vol. vi. part ii. p. 838, 842.

527 Matt. Par. p. 254, 256. Lel. col. vol. i. p. 841.

528 Matt. Par. p. 317, ad ann. 1223.

529 Matt. Par. p. 366. Ann. Dunst. p. 99. 134, 150.

530 Eodem tempore, A. D. 1231, mense Aprili, Willielmus, Marescallus comes Pembrochiæ, in militiâ vir strenuus, in dolorem multorum, diem clausit extremum, et Londoniis apud Novum Templum sepultus est, juxta patrem suum, XVII calend. Maii. Rex autem qui eum indissolubiliter dilexit, cum hæc audivit, et cum vidisset, corpus defuncti pallâ coopertum, ex alto trahens suspiria, ait, Heu, heu, mihi! nonne adhuc penitus vindicatus est sanguis beati Thomæ Martyris.—Matt. Par. p. 368.

531 Dugd. Monast. Angl. ut sup. p. 820.

532 Margaretam puellam elegantissimam matrimonio sibi copulaverat.—Matt. Par., p. 432, 404.

533 Matt. Par. p. 483.

534 Ib. p. 431, 483, 516, 524.

535 In crastino autem delatum est corpus Londinum, fratre ipsius prævio, cum tota sua familia comitante, juxta patrem suum et fratrem tumulandum.—Ib. p. 565. ad ann. 1241.

536 Dugd. Monast. Angl., p. 833.

537 “Paucis ante evolutis annis, post mortem omnium suorum filiorum, videlicet, quando dedicata est ecclesia Novi Templi, inventum est corpus sæpedicti comitis quod erat insutum corio taurino, integrum, putridum tamen et prout videri potuit detestabile.”—Matt. Par. p. 688. Surely this must be an interpolation by some wag. The last of the Pembrokes died A. D. 1245, whilst, according to Matthew Paris’s own showing, the eastern part of the church was consecrated A. D. 1240, p. 526.

538 Mill’s Catalogues, p. 145. Speed, p. 551. Sandford’s Genealogies, p. 92, 93, 2nd edition.

539 Ex Registr. Hosp. S. Joh. Jerus. in Angliâ, in Bib. Cotton, fol. 25 a.

540 Ib.

541 Nicolas, Testamenta Vetusta, p. 6.

542 P. 899, 900.

543 Ante, p. 255.

544 Joan Sarisburiensis. Polycrat. lib. vi. cap. 1.

545 Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 296, 297.

546 Cart. vi. E. 2. n. 41. Trivet. cont., p. 4. T. de la More, p. 593.

547 Pat. 8. E. 2. m. 17. The Temple is described therein as “de feodo Thomæ Comitis Lancastriæ, et de honore Leicestrie.”

548 Processus contra comitem Lancastriæ. Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 936. Lel. coll. vol. i. p. 668. La More, Walsingham.

549 Cart. 15. E. II. m. 21. Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 940.

550 Dugd. Baron., vol. i. p. 777, 778.

551 Rot. Escaet. 1. E. III.

552 H. Knyghton, apud X. script. col. 2546. 7. Lel. Itin. vol. vi. p 86. Walsingham, 106.

553 Claus. 4. E. III. m. 9. Acta Rymeri, tom. iv. p. 461.

554 There was in those days an escheator in each county, and in various large towns: it was the duty of this officer to seize into the king’s hands all lands held in capite of the crown, on receiving a writ De diem clausit extremum, commanding him to assemble a jury to take inquisition of the value of the lands, as to who was the next heir of the deceased, the rents and services by which they were holden, &c. &c.

555 Claus 3. E. III. m. 6. d. Acta Rymeri, tom. iv. p. 406.

556 Claus. 4. E. III. m. 7. Acta Rymeri, tom. iv. p. 464.

557 Pat. 6. E. III. p. 2. m. 22. in original, apud Rolls Garden ex parte Remembr. Thesaur.

558 Rot. Escaet. 10. E. 3. 66. Claus 11 E. 3. p. 1. m. 10.

559 Sunt etiam ibidem claustrum, capella Sancti Thomæ, et quædam platea terræ eidem capellæ annexata, cum una aula et camera supra edificata, quæ sunt loca sancta, et Deo dedicata, et dictæ ecclesiæ annexata, et eidem Priori per idem breve liberata.... Item dicunt, quod præter ista, sunt ibidem in custodia Wilielmi de Langford infra Magnam Portam dicti Novi Templi, extra metas et disjunctiones prædictas, una aula et quatuor cameræ, una coquina, unum gardinum, unum stabulum, et una camera ultra Magnam Portam prædictam, &c.

560 In memorandis Scacc. inter recorda de Termino Sancti Hilarii, 11. E. 3. in officio Remembratoris Thesaurarii.

561 Pat. 12. E. 3. p. 2. m. 22. Dugd. Monasticon, vol. vii. p. 810, 811.

562 Ex registr. Sancti Johannis Jerus. fol. 141. a. Dugd. Monast., tom. vi. part 2, p. 832.

563 Ibid. ad ann. 1341.

564 Rex omnibus ad quos &c. salutem. Sciatis quod de gratiâ nostrâ speciali, et pro bono servitio quod Rogerus Small nobis impendit et impendat in futuro, concessimus ei officium Janitoris Novi Templi London Habend. &c. pro vitâ suâ &c. pertinend. &c. omnia vada et feoda &c. eodem modo qualia Robertus Fetyt defunct. Qui officium illud ex concessione domini Edwardi nuper regis Angliæ patris nostri habuit.... Teste meipso apud Westm. 5 die Aprilis, anno regni nostri 35. Pat. 35. E. 3. p. 2. m. 33.

565 Prologue to the Canterbury Tales. The wages of the Manciples of the Temple, temp. Hen. VIII. were xxxvis. viiid. per annum. Bib. Cotton. Vitellius, c. 9. f. 320, a.

566 Annal. Olim-Sanctæ Mariæ Ebor.

567 Walsing. 4 Ric. 2. ad ann. 1381. Hist. p. 249, ed. 1603.

568 Rot. claus 5. E. 2. m. 19. Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 292, 293, 294.

569 Unam robam per annum de secta liberorum servientium, et quinque solidos per annum, et deserviat quamdiu poterit loco liberi servientis in domo prædictâ. Ib. m. 2. Acta Rymeri, tom. iii. p. 331, 332.

570 Quolibet anno ad Natale Domini unum vetus indumentum de veteribus indumentis fratrum, et quolibet die 2 denarios pro victu garcionis sui, et 5 solidos per annum per stipendiis ejusdem garcionis, sed idem garcio deserviet in domo illâ. Ib.

571 Thomas of Wothrope, at the trial of the Templars in England, was unable to give an account of the reception of some brethren into the order, quia erat panetarius et vacabat circa suum officium. Concil. Mag. Brit., tom. ii. p. 355. Tunc panetarius mittat comiti duos panes atque vini sextarium.... Ita appellabant officialem domesticum, qui mensæ panem, mappas et manutergia subministrabat. Ducange, Gloss. verb. panetarius.

572 Regula Templariorum, cap. lxvii. ante p. 25.

573 Concil. Mag. Brit., tom. ii. p. 371 to 373, ante, p. 235.

574 Dugd. Orig. Jurid., p. 212.

575 Nullus clericus nisi causidicus. Will. Malm., lib. iv. f. 69. Radulph de Diceto, apud Hist. Angl. Script. Antiq., lib. vii. col. 606, from whom it appears that the chief justitiary and justices itinerant were all priests.

576 Spelm. Concil., tom. ii. ad ann. 1217.

577 Innocentius, &c.... Præterea cum in Angliæ, Scotiæ, Walliæ regnis, causæ laicorum non imperatoriis legibus, sed laicorum consuetudinibus decidantur, fratrum nostrorum, et aliorum religiosorum consilio et rogatu, statuimus quod in prædictis regnis leges sæculares de cætero non legantur. Matt. Par., p. 883, ad ann. 1254, et in additamentis, p. 191.

578 Et quod ipsi quos ad hoc elegerint, curiam sequantur, et se de negotiis in eadem curia intromittant, et alii non. Et videtur regi et ejus concilio, quod septies vigenti sufficere poterint, &c.—Rolls of Parl. 20. E. 1. vol. i. p. 84, No. 22.

579 Dugd. Orig. Jurid., cap. xxxix. p. 102.

580 Ante, p. 118. Mace-bearers, bell-ringers, thief-takers, gaolers, bailiffs, public executioners, and all persons who performed a specific task for another, were called servientes, serjens, or serjeants. —Ducange Gloss.

581 Pasquier’s Researches, liv. viii. cap. 19.

582 Will. Tyr., lib. i. p. 50, lib. xii. p. 814.

583 Dugd. Hist. Warwickshire, p. 704.

584 Et tunc Magister Templi dedit sibi mantellum, et imposuit pileum capiti suo, et tunc fecit eum sedere ad terram, injungens sibi, &c.—Acta contra Templarios. Concil. Mag. Brit., tom. ii. p. 380. See also p. 335.

585 It has been supposed that the coif was first introduced by the clerical practitioners of the common law to hide the tonsure of those priests who practised in the Court of Common Pleas, notwithstanding the ecclesiastical prohibition. This was not the case. The early portraits of our judges exhibit them with a coif of very much larger dimensions than the coifs now worn by the serjeants-at-law, very much larger than would be necessary to hide the mere clerical tonsure. A covering for that purpose indeed would be absurd. The antient coifs of the serjeants-at-law were small linen or silk caps fitting close to the top of the head. This peculiar covering is worn universally in the East, where the people shave their heads and cut their hair close. It was imported into Europe by the Knights Templars, and became a distinguishing badge of their order. From the freres serjens of the Temple it passed to the freres serjens of the law.

586 Ex cod. MS. apud sub-thesaurarium Hosp. Medii Templi, f. 4. a. Dugd. Orig. Jurid. cap. 43, 46.

587 MS. in Bib. Int. Temp. No. 17. fo. 408.

588 Burton’s Leicestershire, p. 235.

589 After the courts of King’s Bench and Exchequer had by a fiction of law drawn to themselves a vast portion of the civil business originally transacted in the Common Pleas alone, the degree of serjeant-at-law, with its exclusive privilege of practising in the last-named court, was not sought after as before. The advocates or barristers of the King’s Bench and Exchequer were, consequently, at different times, commanded by writ to take upon them the degree of the coif, and transfer their practice to the Common Pleas.

590 Malcom. Lond. Rediviv., vol. ii. p. 282.

591 MS. Bib. Cotton. Vitellius, c. 9, fol. 320, a.

592 MS. Bib. Cotton, c. 9, fol. 320, a.

593 Hargrave, MS. No. 19, 81. f. 5. fol. 46.

594 MS. in Bib. In. Temp., No. 19, fol.

595 In. Temp. Ad. Parliament, ibm. XV. die Novembris Anno Philippi et Mariæ tertio et quarto, coram Johe Baker Milite, Nicho Hare Milite, Thoma Whyte Milite, et al. MS. Bib. In. Tem. Div. 9, shelf 5, vol. xvii. fol. 393.

596 Ex registr. In. Temp., f. 112, 119, b. Med. Temp., f. 24, a. Dugd., Orig. Jurid., p. 310, 311.

597 Ante, p. 180.

598 Dugd. Orig. Jurid. p. 316. Herbert Antiq., p. 223 to 272.

599 Leigh’s Armorie, fol. 119. ed. 1576.

600 Naunton’s Fragmenta Regalia, p. 248.

601 Chalmer’s Dict. Biograph., vol. xvii. p. 227.

602 Dugd. Orig. Jurid., p. 150. Ex registro Hosp. In. Temp. f. 123.

603 Whitelock’s Memorials, p. 18-22. Ed. 1732.

604 Dugd. Orig. p. 157. Biog. Brit. vol. xiv. p. 305.

605 Dugd. Orig. p. 158.

606 Harleian MS., No. 830.

607 MS. Bib. Cotton. Vitellius, c. 9. fol. 320 a.

608 See the examination of Brother Radulph de Barton, priest of the order of the Temple, and custos of the Temple Church, before the papal inquisitors at London.—Concil. Mag. Brit., tom. ii. p. 335, 337, ante, p. 221, 222.

609 Peck, Desiderata Curiosa, lib. xiii. p. 504, 505. Ed. 1779.