Appendix
I
Das alte Geisslerlied
nach massmann’s ausgabe von herrn professor lachmann mit der handschrift verglichen.
| Sve siner sele wille pleghen | |
| De sal gelden unde weder geuen | |
| So wert siner sele raed | |
| Des help uns leue herre goed | |
| 5 | Nu tredet here we botsen wille |
| Vle wi io de hetsen helle | |
| Lucifer is en bose geselle | |
| Sven her hauet | |
| Mit peke he en lauet | |
| 10 | Datz vle wi ef wir hauen sin |
| Des help uns maria koninghin | |
| Das wir dines kindes hulde win | |
| Jesus crist de wart ge vanghen | |
| An en cruce wart he ge hanghen | |
| 15 | Dat cruce wart des blodes rod |
| Wer klaghen sin marter unde sin dod | |
| Sunder war mide wilt tu mi lonen | |
| Dre negele unde en dornet crone | |
| Das cruce vrone en sper en stich | |
| 20 | Sunder datz leyd ich dor dich |
| Was wltu nu liden dor mich | |
| So rope wir herre mit luden done | |
| Unsen denst den nem to lone | |
| Be hode uns vor der helle nod | |
| 25 | Des bidde wi dich dor dinen dod |
| Dor god vor gete wi unse blot | |
| Dat is uns tho den suden guot | |
| Maria muoter koninginghe | |
| Dor dines leuen kindes minne | |
| 30 | Al unse nod si dir ghe klaghet |
| Des help uns moter maghet reyne. | |
| De erde beuet och kleuen de steyne | |
| Lebe hertze du salt weyne | |
| Wir wenen trene mit den oghen | |
| 35 | Unde hebben des so guden louen |
| Mit unsen sinnen unde mit hertzen | |
| Dor uns leyd crist vil manighen smertzen | |
| Nu slaed w sere | |
| Dor cristus ere. | |
| 40 | Dor god nu latet de sunde mere |
| Dor god nu latet de sunde varen | |
| Se wil sich god ouer uns en barmen | |
| Maria stund in grotzen noden | |
| Do se ire leue kint sa doden | |
| 45 | En svert dor ire sele snet |
| Sunder dat la di wesen led | |
| In korter vrist | |
| God tornich ist | |
| Jesus wart gelauet mid gallen | |
| 50 | Des sole wi an en cruce vallen |
| Er heuet uch mit uwen armen | |
| Dat sic god ouer uns en barme | |
| Jesus dorch dine namen dry | |
| Nu make uns hir van sunde vry | |
| 55 | Jesus dor dine wnden rod |
| Be hod uns vor den gehen dod | |
| Dat he sende sinen geist | |
| Und uns dat kortelike leist | |
| De vrowe unde man ir e tobreken | |
| 60 | Dat wil god selven an en wreken |
| Sveuel pik und och de galle | |
| Dat gutet de duuel in se alle | |
| Vor war sint se des duuels spot | |
| Dor vor behode uns herre god | |
| 65 | De e de ist en reyne leuen |
| De had uns god selven gheuen | |
| Ich rade uch vrowen unde mannen | |
| Dor god gy solen houard annen | |
| Des biddet uch de arme sele | |
| 70 | Dorch god nu latet houard mere |
| Dor god nu latet houard varen | |
| So wil sich god ouer uns en barmen | |
| Cristus rep in hemelrike | |
| Sinen engelen al gelike | |
| 75 | De cristenheit wil mi ent wichen |
| Des wil lan och se vor gaen | |
| Maria bat ire kint so sere | |
| Lene kint la se di boten | |
| Dat wil ich sceppen dat se moten | |
| 80 | Bekeren sich. |
| Des bidde ich dich | |
| Gi logenere | |
| Gy meynen ed sverer | |
| Gi bichten reyne und lan de sunde uch ruwen | |
| 85 | So wil sich god in uch vor nuwen |
| Owe du arme wokerere | |
| Du bringest en lod up en punt | |
| Dat senket din an der helle grunt | |
| Ir morder und ir straten rouere | |
| 90 | Ir sint dem leuen gode un mere |
| Ir ne wilt uch ouer nemende barmen | |
| Des sin gy eweliken vor loren | |
| Were dusse bote nicht ge worden | |
| De cristenheit wer gar vorsunden | |
| 95 | De leyde duuel had se ge bunden |
| Maria had lost unsen bant | |
| Sunder ich saghe di leue mere | |
| Sunte peter is portenere | |
| Wende dich an en he letset dich in | |
| 100 | He bringhet dich vor de koninghin |
| Leue herre sunte Michahel | |
| Du bist en plegher aller sel | |
| Be hode uns vor der helle nod | |
| Dat do dor dines sceppers dod |
The Ancient Song of the Flagellants
according to massmann’s edition compared with the ms. by professor lachmann.
(Translation).
| Whoe’er to save his soul is fain, | |
| Must pay and render back again. | |
| His safety so shall he consult: | |
| Help us, good Lord, to this result. | |
| 5 | Ye that repent your crimes, draw nigh. |
| From the burning hell we fly, | |
| From Satan’s wicked company. | |
| Whom he leads | |
| With pitch he feeds. | |
| 10 | If we be wise we this shall flee. |
| Maria! Queen! we trust in thee, | |
| To move thy Son to sympathy. | |
| Jesus Christ was captive led, | |
| And to the cross was riveted. | |
| 15 | The cross was reddened with his gore |
| And we his martyrdom deplore. | |
| “Sinner, canst thou to me atone, | |
| “Three pointed nails, a thorny crown, | |
| “The holy cross, a spear, a wound, | |
| 20 | “These are the cruel pangs I found. |
| “What wilt thou, sinner, bear for me?” | |
| Lord, with loud voice we answer thee, | |
| Accept our service in return, | |
| And save us lest in hell we burn. | |
| 25 | We, through thy death, to thee have sued. |
| For God in heaven we shed our blood: | |
| This for our sins will work to good. | |
| Blessed Maria! Mother! Queen! | |
| Through thy loved Son’s redeeming mean | |
| 30 | Be all our wants to thee pourtrayed. |
| Aid us, Mother! spotless Maid! | |
| Trembles the earth, the rocks are rent,196 | |
| Fond heart of mine, thou must relent. | |
| Tears from our sorrowing eyes we weep; | |
| 35 | Therefore so firm our faith we keep |
| With all our hearts—with all our senses. | |
| Christ bore his pangs for our offences. | |
| Ply well the scourge for Jesus’ sake, | |
| And God through Christ your sins shall take. | |
| 40 | For love of God abandon sin, |
| To mend your vicious lives begin, | |
| So shall we his mercy win. | |
| Direful was Maria’s pain | |
| When she beheld her dear One slain, | |
| 45 | Pierced was her soul as with a dart: |
| Sinner, let this affect thy heart. | |
| The time draws near | |
| When God in anger shall appear. | |
| Jesus was refreshed with gall: | |
| 50 | Prostrate crosswise let us fall, |
| Then with uplifted arms arise, | |
| That God with us may sympathise. | |
| Jesus, by thy titles three,197 | |
| From our bondage set us free. | |
| 55 | Jesus, by thy precious blood, |
| Save us from the fiery flood. | |
| Lord, our helplessness defend, | |
| And to our aid thy spirit send. | |
| If man and wife their vows should break | |
| 60 | God will on such his vengeance wreak. |
| Brimstone and pitch, and mingled gall, | |
| Satan pours on such sinners all. | |
| Truly, the devil’s scorn are they: | |
| Therefore, O Lord, thine aid we pray. | |
| 65 | Wedlock’s an honorable tie |
| Which God himself doth sanctify. | |
| By this warning, man, abide, | |
| God shall surely punish pride. | |
| Let your precious soul entreat you, | |
| 70 | Lay down pride lest vengeance meet you. |
| I do beseech ye, pride forsake, | |
| So God on us shall pity take. | |
| Christ in heaven, where he commands, | |
| Thus addressed his angel bands:— | |
| 75 | “Christendom dishonors me, |
| “Therefore her ruin I decree.” | |
| Then Mary thus implored her son:— | |
| “Penance to thee, loved Child, be done; | |
| “That she repent be mine the care; | |
| 80 | Stay then thy wrath, and hear my prayer. |
| Ye liars! | |
| Ye that break your sacrament, | |
| Shrive ye throughly and repent. | |
| Your heinous sins sincerely rue, | |
| 85 | So shall the Lord your hearts renew. |
| Woe! usurer, though thy wealth abound, | |
| For every ounce thou mak’st a pound | |
| Shall sink thee to the hell profound. | |
| Ye murd’rers, and ye robbers all, | |
| 90 | The wrath of God on you shall fall. |
| Mercy ye ne’er to others shew, | |
| None shall ye find; but endless woe. | |
| Had it not been for our contrition, | |
| All Christendom had met perdition. | |
| 95 | Satan had bound her in his chain; |
| Mary hath loosed her bonds again. | |
| Glad news I bring thee, sinful mortal, | |
| In heaven Saint Peter keeps the portal, | |
| Apply to him with suppliant mien, | |
| 100 | He bringeth thee before thy Queen. |
| Benignant Michael, blessed saint, | |
| Guardian of souls, receive our plaint. | |
| Through thy Almighty Maker’s death, | |
| Preserve us from the hell beneath. |
II
Examination of the Jews accused of poisoning the Wells.198
Answer from the Castellan of Chillon to the City of Strasburg, together with a Copy of the Inquisition and Confession of several Jews confined in the Castle of Chillon on suspicion of poison. Anno 1348.
To the Honorable the Mayor, Senate and Citizens of the City of Strasburg, the Castellan of Chillon, Deputy of the Bailiff of Chablais, sendeth greeting with all due submission and respect.
Understanding that you desire to be made acquainted with the confession of the Jews, and the proofs brought forward against them, I certify, by these presents, to you, and each of you that desires to be informed, that they of Berne have had a copy of the inquisition and confession of the Jews who lately resided in the places specified, and who were accused of putting poison into the wells and several other places: as also the most conclusive evidence of the truth of the charge preferred against them. Many Jews were put to the question, others being excused from it, because they confessed, and were brought to trial and burnt. Several Christians, also, who had poïson given them by the Jews for the purpose of destroying the Christians, were put on the wheel and tortured. This burning of the Jews and torturing of the said Christians took place in many parts of the county of Savoy.
Fare you well.”
The Confession made on the 15th day of September, in the year of our Lord 1348, in the Castle of Chillon, by the Jews arrested in Neustadt, on the Charge of Poisoning the Wells, Springs and other places; also Food &c., with the Design of destroying and extirpating all Christians.
I. Balavignus, a Jewish physician, inhabitant of Thonon, was arrested at Chillon in consequence of being found in the neighbourhood. He was put for a short time to the rack, and, on being taken down, confessed, after much hesitation, that, about ten weeks before, the Rabbi Jacob of Toledo, who because of a citation, had resided at Chamberi since Easter, sent him, by a Jewish boy, some poison in the mummy of an egg: it was a powder sewed up in a thin leathern pouch accompanied by a letter, commanding him, on penalty of excommunication, and by his required obedience to the law, to throw this poison into the larger and more frequented wells of the town of Thonon, to poison those who drew water there. He was further enjoined not to communicate the circumstance to any person whatever, under the same penalty. In conformity with this command of the Jewish rabbis and doctors of the law, he, Balavignus, distributed the poison in several places, and acknowledged having one evening placed a certain portion under a stone in a spring on the shore at Thonon. He further confessed that the said boy brought various letters of a similar import, addressed to others of his nation, and particularly specified some directed severally to Mossoiet, Banditon, and Samoleto of Neustadt; to Musseo Abramo and Aquetus of Montreantz, Jews residing at Thurn in Vivey; to Benetonus and his son at St. Moritz; to Vivianus Jacobus, Aquetus and Sonetus, Jews at Aquani. Several letters of a like nature were sent to Abram and Musset, Jews at Moncheoli; and the boy told him that he had taken many others to different and distant places, but he did not recollect to whom they were addressed. Balavignus further confessed that, after having put the poison into the spring at Thonon, he had positively forbidden his wife and children to drink the water, but had not thought fit to assign a reason. He avowed the truth of this statement, and, in the presence of several credible witnesses, swore by his Law, and the Five Books of Moses to every item of his deposition.
On the day following, Balavignus, voluntarily and without torture, ratified the above confession verbatim before many persons of character, and, of his own accord, acknowledged that, on returning one day from Tour near Vivey, he had thrown into a well below Mustruez, namely that of La Conerayde, a quantity of the poison tied up in a rag, given to him for the purpose by Aquetus of Montreantz, an inhabitant of the said Tour: that he had acquainted Manssiono, and his son Delosaz, residents of Neustadt, with the circumstance of his having done so, and advertised them not to drink of the water. He described the colour of the poison as being red and black.
On the nineteenth day of September, the above-named Balavignus confessed, without torture, that about three weeks after Whitsuntide, a Jew named Mussus told him that he had thrown poison into the well in the custom-house of that place, the property of the Borneller family; and that he no longer drank the water of this well, but that of the lake. He further deposed that Mussus informed him that he had also laid some of the poison under the stones in the custom-house at Chillon. Search was accordingly made in this well, and the poison found: some of it was given to a Jew by way of trial, and he died in consequence. He also stated that the rabbis had ordered him and other Jews to refrain from drinking of the water for nine days after the poison was infused into it; and, immediately on having poisoned the waters, he communicated the circumstance to the other Jews. He, Balavignus, confessed that about two months previously, being at Evian, he had some conversation on the subject with a Jew called Jacob, and, among other things, asked him whether he also had received writings and poison, and was answered in the affirmative; he then questioned him whether he had obeyed the command, and Jacob replied that he had not, but had given the poison to Savetus, a Jew, who had thrown it into the Well de Morer at Evian. Jacob also desired him, Balavignus, to execute the command imposed on him with due caution. He confessed that Aquetus of Montreantz had informed him that he had thrown some of the poison into the well above Tour, the water of which he sometimes drank. He confessed that Samolet had told him that he had laid the poison which he had received in a well, which, however, he refused to name to him. Balavignus, as a physician, further deposed that a person infected by such poison coming in contact with another while in a state of perspiration, infection would be the almost inevitable result; as might also happen from the breath of an infected person. This fact he believed to be correct, and was confirmed in his opinion by the attestation of many experienced physicians. He also declared that none of his community could exculpate themselves from this accusation, as the plot was communicated to all; and that all were guilty of the above charges. Balavignus was conveyed over the lake from Chillon to Clarens, to point out the well into which he confessed having thrown the powder. On landing, he was conducted to the spot; and, having seen the well, acknowledged that to be the place, saying, “This is the well into which I put the poison.” The well was examined in his presence, and the linen cloth in which the poison had been wrapped was found in the waste-pipe by a notary-public named Heinrich Gerhard, in the presence of many persons, and was shewn to the said Jew. He acknowledged this to be the linen which had contained the poison, which he described as being of two colours, red and black, but said that he had thrown it into the open well. The linen cloth was taken away and is preserved.
Balavignus, in conclusion, attests the truth of all and every thing as above related. He believes this poison to contain a portion of the basilisk, because he had heard, and felt assured, that the above poison could not be prepared without it.
II. Banditono, a Jew of Neustadt, was, on the fifteenth day of September, subjected for a short time to the torture. After a long interval, he confessed having cast a quantity of poison, about the size of a large nut, given him by Musseus, a Jew, at Tour near Vivey, into the well of Carutet, in order to poison those who drank of it.
The following day, Banditono, voluntarily and without torture, attested the truth of the aforesaid deposition; and also confessed that the Rabbi Jacob von Pasche, who came from Toledo and had settled at Chamberi, sent him, at Pilliex, by a Jewish servant, some poison about the size of a large nut, together with a letter, directing him to throw the powder into the wells on pain of excommunication. He had therefore thrown the poison, which was sewn up in a leathern bag, into the well of Cercliti de Roch; further, also, that he saw many other letters in the hands of the servant addressed to different Jews; that he had also seen the said servant deliver one, on the outside of the upper gate, to Samuletus, the Jew, at Neustadt. He stated, also, that the Jew Massolet had informed him that he had put poison into the well near the bridge at Vivey.
III. The said Manssiono, Jew of Neustadt, was put upon the rack on the fifteenth day of the same month, but refused to admit the above charge, protesting his entire ignorance of the whole matter; but the day following, he, voluntarily and without any torture, confessed, in the presence of many persons, that he came from Mancheolo one day in last Whitsunweek, in company with a Jew named Provenzal, and, on reaching the well of Chabloz Crüez between Vyona and Mura, the latter said, “You must put some of the poison which I will give you into that well, or woe betide you!” He therefore took a portion of the powder about the bigness of a nut, and did as he was directed. He believed that the Jews in the neighbourhood of Evian had convened a council among themselves relative to this plot, before Whitsuntide. He further said that Balavignus had informed him of his having poisoned the Well de la Conerayde below Mustruez. He also affirmed his conviction of the culpability of the Jews in this affair, stating that they were fully acquainted with all the particulars, and guilty of the alleged crime.
On the third day of the October following, Manssiono was brought before the commissioners, and did not in the least vary from his former deposition, or deny having put the poison into the said wells.
The above-named Jews, prior to their execution, solemnly swore by their Law to the truth of their several depositions, and declared that all Jews whatsoever, from seven years old and upwards, could not be exempted from the charge of guilt, as all of them were acquainted with the plot, and more or less participators in the crime.
[The seven other examinations scarcely differ from the above, except in the names of the accused, and afford but little variety. We will, therefore, only add a characteristic passage at the conclusion of this document. The whole speaks for itself.]
There still remain numerous proofs and accusations against the above-mentioned Jews: also against Jews and Christians in different parts of the county of Savoy, who have already received the punishment due to their heinous crime; which, however, I have not at hand, and cannot therefore send you. I must add that all the Jews of Neustadt were burnt according to the just sentence of the law. At Augst, I was present when three Christians were flayed on account of being accessory to the plot of poisoning. Very many Christians were arrested for this crime in various places in this country, especially at Evian, Gebenne, Krusilien and Hochstett, who, at last and in their dying moments, were brought to confess and acknowledge that they had received the poison from the Jews. Of these Christians some have been quartered; others flayed and afterwards hanged. Certain commissioners have been appointed by the magistrates to enforce judgment against all the Jews; and I believe that none will escape.
III
Extracts from “A Boke or Counseill against the Disease commonly called the Sweate or Sweatyng Sicknesse,” made by John Caius, Doctour in Phisicke.— Emprinted at London. A. D. 1552.
“Hetherto I haue shewed the beginning, name, nature & signes of this disease: now I will declare the causes, which be ii: infection, & impure spirites in bodies corrupt by repletion. Infection, by th’aire receiuing euel qualities, distempring not only ye hete, but the hole substance thereof, in putrifieng the same, & that generally ii waies. By the time of the yere vnnatural, and by the nature and site of the soile & region. whereunto maye be put the particular accidentes of this same. By the time of the yeare vnnaturall, as if winter be hot & drie, somer hot & moist (a fit time for sweates) the spring colde and drye, the fall hot & moist. To this mai be ioyned the euel disposition by constellation, whiche hath a great power & dominion in al erthly thinges. By the site & nature of the soile & region, many wayes. First and specially, by euel mistes & exhalations drawen out of the grounde by the sunne in the heate of the yeare, as chanced among the Grekes in the siege of Troy, whereby died firste dogges & mules, after, men in great numbre: & here also in England in this M.D.L.I. yeare, the cause of this pestilent sweate, but of dyuers nature. Whiche miste in the countrie wher it began, was sene flie from toune to toune, with suche a stincke in morninges & euenings, that men could scarcely abide it. Then by dampes out of the earth, as out of Galenes Barathrum, or the poetes auernum, or aornum, the dampes wherof be such, that thei kil ye birdes flieng ouer them. Of like dampes, I heard in the north country in cole pits, wherby the laboring men be streight killed, except before the houre of coming therof (which thei know by ye flame of their candle) thei auoid the ground. Thirdly by putrefaction or rot in groundes aftre great flouddes, in carions & in dead men. After great fluddes, as happened in ye time of Gallien the Emperor at Rome, in Achaia & Libia, wher the seas sodeinly did ouerflow ye cities nigh to ye same. And in the xi yeare of Pelagius, when al the flouddes throughe al Italye didde rage, but chieflye Tibris at Rome, whiche in many places was as highe as the walles of the citie.
In carions or dead bodies, as fortuned here in Englande upon the sea banckes in the tyme of King Alured or Alfrede (as some Chroniclers write) but in the time of Ethelred after Sabellicus, by occasion of drowned Locustes cast up by the Sea, which by a wynde were driuen oute of Fraunce thether. This locust is a flie in bignes of a manne’s thumbe, in colour broune, in shape somewhat like a greshopper, hauing vi fiete, so many wynges, two tiethe, & an hedde like a horse, and therfore called in Italy Caualleto, where ouer ye citie of Padoa, in the yere m.d.xiii. (as I remembre,) I, with manye more did see a swarme of theim, whose passage ouer the citie, did laste two hours, in breadth inestimable to euery man there. Here by example to note infection by deadde menne in Warres. either in rotting aboue the ground, as chaunced in Athenes by theim of Ethiopia, or else in beyng buried ouerly as happened at Bulloigne, in the yere m.d.xiv. the yeare aftre King Henrye theight had conquered the same, or by long continuance of an hoste in one place, it is more playne by dayly experience, then it neadeth to be shewed.
Therefore I wil now go to the fourth especial cause of infection, the pent aier, breaking out of the ground in yearthquakes, as chaunced at Venice in the firste yeare of Andrea Dandulo, then Duke, the xxiv day of Januarye, and xx hour after their computacion. By which infection mani died, & many wer borne before their time. The V cause is close & unstirred aire & therfore putrified or currupt, out of old welles, holes in ye ground made for grain, wherof many I did se in & about Pesaro in Italy, by opening them aftre a great space, as both those countrimen do confesse & also by example is declared, for yt manye in opening them unwarely be killed. Out of caues and tombes also, as chaunced first in the country of Babilonia, proceding aftre into Grece, and so to Rome, by occasion that ye souldiers of themperour Marcus Antoninus, upon hope of money, brake up a golden coffine of Auidius Cassius, spieng a little hole therin, in the temple of Apollo in Seleucia, as Ammianus Marcellinus writeth. To these mai be ioyned the particular causes of infection, which I cal the accidentes of the place, augmenting the same. As nigh to dwelling places, merishe & muddy groundes, puddles or donghilles, sinckes or canales, easing places or carions, deadde ditches or rotten groundes, close aier in houses or ualleis, with such like. Thus muche for the firste cause.
The second cause of this Englyshe Ephemera, I said were thimpure spirites in bodies corupt by repletion. Repletion I cal here, abundance of humores euel & maliciouse, from long time by little and little gathered by euel diete, remaining in the bodye, coming either by to moche meate, or by euel meate in qualitie, as infected frutes, meates of euel juse or nutriment: or both ioyntly. To such spirites when the aire infective cometh consonant, then be thei distempered, corrupted, sore handled, & oppressed, then nature is forced & the disease engendred. But while I doe declare these impure spirites to be one cause, I must remoue your myndes from spirites to humours, for that the spirites be fedde of the finest partes therof, & aftre bringe you againe to spirites where I toke you. And for so muche as I haue not yet forgotten to whome I write, in this declaration I will leaue apart al learned & subtil reasons, as here void & vnmiete & only vse suche as be most euident to whom I write, & easiest to be understanden of the same: and at ones therwith shew also why it haunteth us Englishmen more then other nations. Therfore I passe ouer the vngentle sauoure or smell of the sweate, grosenes, colour, and other qualities of the same, the quantitie, the daunger in stopping, the maner in coming furthe redily, or hardly, hot or cold, the notes in the excrementes, the state longer or sorer, with suche others, which mai be tokens of corrupt humours & spirites, & onli wil stand vpon iii reasons declaring ye same swet by gret repletion to be in vs not otherwise for al ye euel aire apt to this disease, more then other nations. For as heraftre I wil shew, & Galen confirmeth, our bodies cannot suffre any thing or hurt by corrupt & infectiue causes, except ther be in them a certein mater prepared apt & like to receiue it, els if one were sick, al shuld be sick, if in this countri, in al countries wher the infection came, which thing we se doth not chance. For touching the first reason, we se this sweting sicknes or pestilent Ephemera to be oft in England, but neuer entreth Scotland, (except the borders) albeit thei both be joinctly within the compas of on sea. The same beginning here, hath assailed Brabant & the costes nigh to it, but neuer passed Germany, where ones it was in like facion as here, with great mortalitie, in the yere m.d.xxix. Cause wherof none other there is naturall, then the euell diet of these thre countryes whiche destroy more meates and drynckes withoute al ordre, conuenient time, reason, or necessitie, then either Scotlande, or all other countries vnder the sunne, to the greate annoiance of their owne bodies and wittes, hinderance of theim which haue nede, and great dearth and scarcitie in their common welthes. Wherfore if Esculapius the inuentour of Phisike, ye sauer of men from death, & restorer to life, should returne again into this world, he could not saue these sortes of men, hauing so moche sweatyng stuffe, so many euill humoures laid by in store, from this displeasante, feareful, & pestilent disease: except thei would learne a new lession, & folowe a new trade. For otherwise, neither the auoidyng of this countrie (the seconde reason) nor fleying into others, (a commune refuge in other diseases) wyll preserue us Englishe men, as in this laste sweate is by experience well proued in Cales, Antwerpe, and other places of Brabant, wher only our contrimen ware sicke and none others, except one or ii. others of thenglishe diete, which is also to be noted. (Fol. 13 to 17.)
The thirde and laste reason is, yt they which had thys sweat sore with perille or death, were either men of welthe, ease & welfare, or of the poorer sorte such as wer idle persones, good ale drinkers, and Tavern-haunters. For these, by ye great welfare of the one sorte, and large drinkyng of thother, heped up in their bodies moche euill matter: by their ease and idlenes, coulde not waste and consume it. A confirmacion of this is, that the laborouse and thinne dieted people, either had it not, because they dyd eate but litle to make the matter: or with no greate grefe and danger, because they laboured out moche therof. Wherefore upon small cause, necessarily must folowe a small effecte. All these reasones go to this ende, that persones of all countries of moderate and good diete, escape thys Englishe Ephemera, and those be onely vexed therewith, whiche be of immoderate and euill diete. But why? for the euill humores and corrupte aier alone? No. for then the pestilence and not the swet should rise. For what then? for ye impure spirites corrupte in theimselues and by the infectiue aier. Why so? for that of impure and corrupte humores, whether thei be blode or others, can rise none other then impure spirites. For euery thynge is such as that wherof it commeth. Now, that of the beste and fineste of the blode, yea in corrupte bodies (whyche beste is nought) these spirites be ingendred and fedde I before expressed. Therfor who wyl haue them pure and cleane, and himselfe free from sweat, muste kepe a pure and cleane diete, and then he shall be sure. (Fol. 20 to 21.)
Who that lustethe to lyue in quiete suretie, out of the sodaine danger of this Englishe Ephemera, he aboue all thynges, of litle and good muste eate & spare not; the last parte wherof wyl please well (I doubt not) us Englishe men: the firste I thinke neuer a deale. Yet it must please theim that intende to lyue without the reche of this disease. So doyng they shall easely escape it. For of that is good, can be engendred no euill: of that is litle, can be gathered no great store. Therfore helthful must he nedes be and free from this disease, that vsethe this kinde of liuynge and maner in dietynge. An example hereof may the wise man Socrates be, which by this sorte of diete escaped a sore pestilence in Athenes, neuer fleynge ne kepyng close him selfe from the same. Truly who will lyue accordynge to nature and not to lust, may with this diete be well contented. For nature is pleased with a litle, nor seketh other then that the mind voide of cares and feares may be in quiete merily, and the body voide of grefe, maye be in life swetly, as Lucretius writeth. Here at large to ronne out vntill my breth wer spent, as vpon a common place, against ye intemperance or excessive diete of Englande, thincommodities & displeasures of the same many waies: and contrarie, in commendation of meane diete and temperance (called of Plato sophrosyne, for that it conserueth wisdome) and the thousande commodities thereof, both for helthe, welthe, witte and longe life, well I might, & lose my laboure: such be our Englishe facions rather then reasones. But for that I purpose neither to wright a longe worke but a shorte counseill, nor to wery the reders with that they luste not to here, I will lette that passe, and moue them that desire further to knowe my mynde therin, to remember that I sayd before, of litle & good eate and spare not, wherby they shall easely perceiue my meanyng. I therefore go furth with my diete, wherin my counseill is, that the meates be helthfull, and holsomly kylled, swetly saued, and wel prepared in rostyng, sethyng, baking, & so furth. The bread of swet corne, wel leuened, & so baked. The drinke of swete malte and good water kyndly brued, without other drosse now a daies used. No wine in all the tyme of sweatyng, excepte to suche whose sicknese require it for medicin, for fere of inflamynge & openynge, nor except ye halfe be wel soden water. In other tymes old, pure & smal. Wishing for the better execution hereof & ouersight of good and helthsome victalles, ther wer appointed certein masters of helth in euery citie and toune, as there is in Italie, whiche for the good order in all thynges, maye be in al places an example. The meates I would to be veale, muttone, kidde, olde lambe, chikyn, capone, henne, cocke, pertriche, phesane, felfare, smal birdes, pigeon, yong pecockes, whose fleshe by a certeine natural & secrete propertie neuer putrefie, as hath bene proued. Conies, porke of meane age, neither fatte nor leane, the skynne taken awaye, roste & eaten colde. Tartes of prunes, gelies of veale & capone. Yong befe in this case a little poudered is not to be dispraised, nor new egges & good milke. Butter in a mornyng with sage and rewe fastynge in the sweatynge time is a good preseruatiue, beside that it nourisheth. Crabbes, crauesses, picrel, perche ruffe, gogion, lampreis out of grauelly riuers, smeltes, dace, barbell, gornerd, whityng, soles, flunders, plaice, millers thumbes, minues wh such others, sodde in water & vinegre wh rosemary, time, sage, & hole maces, & serued hote. Yea swete salte fishe & linge, for the saltes sake wastynge ye humores therof, which in many freshe fishes remaine, maye be allowed well watered to them that haue non other & wel lyke it. Nor all fishes, no more then al fleshes be so euill as they be taken for: as is wel declared in physik, & approued by the olde and wise romaines moche in their fisshes, lusty chartusianes neuer in fleshes, & helthful poore people more in fishe than fleshe. But we are nowe a daies so vnwisely fine, and womanly delicate, that we may in no wise touch a fisshe. The olde manly hardnes, stoute courage, and peinfulnes of Englande is vtterly driuen awaye, in the stede wherof, men now a daies receiue womanlines & become nice, not able to withstande a blaste of wynde, or resiste a poore fisshe. And children be so brought up, that if they be not all daie by the fire with a toste and butire, and in their furres, they be streight sicke.
Sauces to metes I appoint firste aboue all thynges good appetite, and next Oliues, capers, juse of lemones, Barberies, Pomegranetes, Orenges and Sorel, veriuse & vineigre, iuse of unripe Grapes, thepes or Goseberies. After mete, quinces, or marmalade, Pomgranates, Orenges sliced eaten with Suger, Succate of the pilles or barkes therof, and of pomecitres, olde apples and peres, Brunes, Reisons Dates and Nuttes. Figges also, so they be taken before diner, els no frutes of that yere, nor rawe herbes or rotes in sallattes, for that in suche times they be suspected to be partakers also of the enfected aire. (Fol. 21 to 24.)
I remytte you to the discretion of a learned manne in phisike, who maye judge what is to be done, & how, according to the present estate of youre bodies, nature, custome, & proprety, age, strength, delyghte & qualitie, tyme of the yeare, with other circumstaunces, & thereafter to geue the quantitie, & make diuersitie of hys medicine. Otherwise loke not to receiue by this boke that good which I entend, but that euel which by your owne foly you vndiscretelye bring. For good counseil may be abused. And for me to write of euery particular estate and case, whiche be so manye as there be menne, were so great almost a busines, as to numbre the sandes in the sea. Therefore seke you out a good Phisicien and knowen to haue skille, and at the leaste be so good to your bodies, as you are to your hosen or shoes, for the wel making or mending wherof, I doubte not but you wil diligently searche out who is knowen to be the best hosier or shoemaker in the place where you dwelle: and flie the vnlearned as a pestilence in a comune wealth. As simple women, carpenters, pewterers, brasiers, sopeballesellers, pulters, hostellers, painters, apotecaries (otherwise then for their drogges.) auaunters themselues to come from Pole, Constantinople, Italie, Almaine, Spaine, Fraunce, Grece and Turkie, Jude, Egipt or Jury: from ye seruice of Emperoures, kinges & quienes, promising helpe of al diseases, yea vncurable, with one or twoo drinckes, by waters sixe monethes in continualle distillinge, by Aurum potabile, or quintessence, by drynckes of great and hygh prices, as though thei were made of the sunne, moone, or sterres, by blessynges and Blowinges, Hipocriticalle prayenges, and foolysh smokynges of shirtes Smockes and kerchieffes, wyth suche others theire phantasies, and mockeryes, meaninge nothinge els but to abuse your light belieue, and scorne you behind your backes with their medicines (so filthie, that I am ashamed to name them) for your single wit and simple belief, in trusting them most, whiche you know not at al, and understand least: like to them whiche thinke, farre foules haue faire fethers, althoughe thei be neuer so euel fauoured & foule: as thoughe there coulde not be so conning an Englishman, as a foolish running stranger, (of others I speake not) or so perfect helth by honest learning, as by deceiptfull ignorance. For in the erroure of these vnlearned reasteth the losse of youre honest estimation, diere bloudde, precious spirites, and swiete lyfe, the thyng of most estimation and price in this worlde, next vnto the immortal soule.
For consuming of euel matter within, and for making our bodies lustye, galiard, & helthful, I do not a litle commende exercise, whiche in vs Englishe men I allowe quick, and liuishe: as to runne after houndes and haukes, to shote, wrastle, play at Tennes and weapons, tosse the winde balle, skirmishe at base (an exercise for a gentlemanne, muche vsed among the Italianes) and vaughting vpon an horse. Bowling, a good exercise for women: castinge of the barre and camping, I accompt rather a laming of legges, then an exercise. Yet I vtterly reproue theim not, if the hurt may be auoyded. For these a conueniente tyme is, before meate: due measure, reasonable sweatinge, in al times of the year, sauing in the sweatinge tyme. In the whiche I allow rather quietnesse then exercise, for opening the body, in suche persons specially as be liberally & freely brought up. Others, except sitting artificers, haue theire exercises by daily labours in their occupations, to whom nothing niedeth but solace onely, a thing conuenient for euery bodye that lusteth to live in helth. For els as non other thing, so not healthe canne be longe durable.
Thus I speake of solace, that I meane not Idlenesse, wisshing alwayes no man to be idle, but to be occupied in some honest kinde of thing necessary in a common welth. For I accompt them not worthie meate and drink in a commonwelth, yt be not good for some purpose or seruice therin, but take them rather as burdennes vnprofitable and heauye to the yearth, men borne to fille a numbre only, and wast the frutes which therthe doeth geue, willing soner to fiede the Lacedemonians old & croked asse, whiche labored for the liuing so long as it coulde for age, then suche an idle Englisshe manne. If the honestye and profite of honeste labour and exercise, conseruation of healthe, preseruation from sickenesse, maintenaunce of lyfe, advauncement, safety from shamefull deathes, defence from beggerye, dyspleasures by idlenesse, shamefulle diseases by the same, hatefulle vices, and punishmente of the immortalle soule canne not moue vs to reasonable laboure and exercise, and to be profitable membres of the commune welthe, let at the least shame moue vs, seyng that other country menne, of nought, by their owne witte, diligence, labour and actiuitie, can picke oute of a cast bone, a wrethen strawe, a lyghte fether, or an hard stone, an honeste lyuinge: Nor ye shall euer heare theym say, alas master, I haue non occupacion, I must either begge or steale. For they can finde other meanes betwene these two. And for so muche as in the case that nowe is, miserable persons are to be relieued in a common welth, I would wisshe for not fauouring the idle, the discretion of Marc. Cicero the romaine were vsed in healping them: who wolde compassion should be shewed vpon them whome necessitie compelled to do or make a faute: & no compassion vpon them, in whome a faulte made necessitie. A faulte maketh necessitie, in this case of begging, in them, whyche might laboure and serve & wil not for idlenes; and therefore not to be pitied, but rather to be punished. Necessitie maketh a fault in them, whiche wold labor and serue, but cannot for age, impotency, or sickenes, and therefore to be pitied and relieued. But to auoyde punishmente and to shew the waye to amendmente, I woulde again wishe, yt for so much as we be so euel disposed of ourselfes to our own profites and comodities without help, this old law were renued, which forbiddeth the nedy & impotent parentes, to be releued of those their welthi chyldren, that by theym or theire meanes were not broughte vppe, eyther in good learning and Science, or honeste occupation. For so is a man withoute science, as a realme withoute a kyng. (Fol. 27 to 30.)
Al these thinges duely obserued, and well executed, whiche before I haue for preseruation mencioned, if more ouer we can sette aparte al affections, as fretting cares and thoughtes, dolefull or sorowfull imaginations, vaine feares, folysh loues, gnawing hates, and geue oure selues to lyue quietly, frendlie & merily one with an outher, as men were wont to do in the old world, when this Countrie was called merye Englande, and euery man to medle in his own matters, thinking theim sufficient, as thei do in Italie, and auoyde malyce and dissencion, the destruction of commune wealthes, and priuate houses: I doubte not but we shall preserue our selues, both from this sweatinge syckenesse, and other diseases also not here purposed to be spoken of. (Fol. 31.)
FINIS
Wertheimer. Printer, Leman-st. Goodman’s-fields.
Footnotes
1 La Mortalega Grande. Matth. de Griffonibus. Muratori. Script. rer. Italicar. T. XVIII. p. 167. D. They were called by others Angumalgia. Andr. Gratiol. Discorso di peste. Venet. 1576, 4to. Swedish: Diger-döden. Loccenii Histor. Suecan L. III. p. 104.—Danish: den sorte Dod. Pontan. Rer. danicar Histor. L. VIII. p. 476.—Amstelod: 1631, fol. Icelandic: Svatur Daudi. Saabye, Tagebuch in Grönland. Introduction XVIII. Mansa, de Epidemiis maxime momorabilibus, quae in Dania grassatae sunt, &c. Part. I. p. 12. Havniae, 1831, 8.—In Westphalia the name of de groete Doet was prevalent. Meibom.
2 Joann Cantacuzen Historiar, L. IV. c. 8. Ed. Paris, p. 730. 5. The ex-emperor has indeed copied some passages from Thucydides, as Sprengel justly observes, (Appendix to the Geschichte der Medicin. Vol. 1. H. I. S. 73.) though this was most probably only for the sake of rounding a period. This is no detriment to his credibility, because his statements accord with the other accounts.
3 Αποσάσεις μεγάλαι.
4 Μελαίναι φλυχτίδες.
5 ὤσπερ σιγματα μέλανα.
6 Guidon de Cauliaco Chirurgia. Tract 11. c. 5. p. 113. Ed. Lugdun, 1572.
7 Et fuit tantae contagiositatis specialiter quae fuit cum sputo sanguinis, quod non solum morando, sed etiam inspiciendo unus recipiebat ab alio: intantum quod gentes moriebantur sine servitoribus, et sepeliebantur sine sacerdotibus, pater non visitabat filium, nec filius patrem: charitas erat mortua, spes prostrata.
8 Deguignes, Histoire générale des Huns, des Turcs, des Moguls, &c. Tom. IV. Paris 1758. 4to. p. 226.
9 Decameron Giorn. I. Introd.
10 From this period black petechiæ have always been considered as fatal in the plague.
11 A very usual circumstance in plague epidemics.
12 Auger de Biterris, Vitae Romanor. pontificum, Muratori Scriptor. rer. Italic. Vol. III. Pt. II. p. 556.
13 Contin. altera Chronici Guillelmi de Nangis in d’Acher, Spicilegium sive Collectio Veterum Scriptorum, &c. Ed. de la Barre, Tom. iii. p. 110.
14 “The people all died of boils and inflamed glands which appeared under the arms and in the groins.” Jac. v. Königshoven, the oldest chronicle of Alsace and Strasburg, and indeed of all Germany. Strasburg, 1698. 4. cap. 5, § 86. p. 301.
15 Hainr. Rebdorff, Annals, Marq. Freher. Germanicarum. rerum Scriptores. Francof, 1624. fol. p. 439.
16 Königshoven, in loc. cit.
17 Anonym. Leobiens. Chron. L. VI. in Hier. Pez, Scriptor. rer. Austriac. Lips. 1721. fol. Tom. 1, p. 970. The above named appearances are here called, rote sprinkel, swarcze erhubenn und druesz under den üchsen und ze den gemächten.
18 Ubb. Emmiie rer. Frisiacar. histor. L. XIV. p. 203. Lugd. Bat. 1616. fol.
19 Guillelmus de Nangis.
20 Ant. Wood, Historia et Antiquitates Universit. Oxoniens. Oxon. 1764, fol. L. 1. p. 172.
21 Mezeray, Histoire de France, Paris, 1685. fol. T. 11 p. 418.
22 Barnes, who has given a lively picture of the black plague, in England, taken from the Registers of the 14th century, describes the external symptoms in the following terms: knobs or swellings in the groin or under the arm-pits, called kernels, biles, blains, blisters, pimples, wheals or plague-sores. The Hist. of Edw. III. Cambridge. 1688. fol. p. 432.
23 Torfaeus, Historia rerum Norvegicarum. Hafn. 1711. fol. L. ix. c. 8. p. 478. This author has followed Pontanus (Rerum Danicar. Historia. Amstelod. 1631. fol.) who has given only a general account of the plague in Denmark, and nothing respecting its symptoms.
24 Dlugoss, S. Longini Histor. polonic. L. xii. Lips. 1711. fol. T. 1. p. 1086.
25 W. M. Richter, Geschichte der Medicin in Russland. Moskwa, 1813. 8. p. 215. Richter has taken his information on the black plague in Russia, from Authentic Russian MSS.
26 Compare on this point, Ballings treatise “Zur Diagnostik der Lungenerweichung.” Vol. XVI. ii. 3. p. 257 of lit. Annalen der ges. Heilkunde.
27 It is expressly ascertained with respect to Avignon and Paris, that uncleanliness of the streets increased the plague considerably. Raim. Chalin de Vinario.
28 De Peste Libri tres, opera Jacobi Dalechampii in lucem editi. Lugdani, 1552. 16. p. 35. Dalechamp has only improved the language of this work, adding nothing to it but a preface in the form of two letters. Raymond Chalin de Vinario was contemporary with Guy de Chauliac at Avignon. He enjoyed a high reputation, and was in very affluent circumstances. He often makes mention of cardinals and high officers of the papal court, whom he had treated; and it is even probable, though not certain, that he was physician to Clement VI. (1342—1352), Innocent VI. (1352—) and Urban the V. (1362—1370). He and Guy de Chauliac never mention each other.
29 Dalechamp, p. 205—where, and at pp. 32–36, the plague-eruptions are mentioned in the usual indefinite terms: Exanthemata viridia, cærulea, nigra, rubra, lata, diffusa, velut signata punctis, &c.
30 “Pestilentis morbi gravissimum symptoma est, quod zonam vulgo nuncupant. Ea sic fit: Pustulæ nonnunquam per febres pestilentes fuscæ, nigræ, lividæ existunt, in partibus corporis a glandularum emissariis sejunctis, ut in femore, tibia, capite, brachio, humeris, quarum fervore et caliditate succi corporis attracti, glandulas in trajectione replent, et attollunt, unde bubones fiunt atque carbunculi. Ab iis tanquam solidus quidam nervus in partem vicinam distentam ac veluti convulsione rigentem producitur, puta Brachium vel tibiam, nunc rubens, nunc fuscus, nunc obscurior, nunc virens, nunc Iridis colore, duos vel quatuor digitos latus. Hujus summo, qua desinit in emissarium, plerumque tuberculum pestilens visitur, altero vero extremo, qua in propinquum membrum porrigitur, carbunculus. Hoc scilicet malum vulgus zonam cinctumve nominat, periculosum minus, cum hic tuberculo, illic carbunculo terminatur, quam si tuberculum in capite solum emineat.” p. 198.
31 V. Hoff. Geschichte der natürlichen Veränderungen der Erdoberfläche, T. II. p. 264. Gotha, 1824. This eruption was not succeeded by any other in the same century, either of Etna or of Vesuvius.
32 Deguignes Loc. cit. p. 226, from Chinese sources.
33 Deguignes Loc. cit. p. 225.
34 There were also many locusts which had been blown into the sea by a hurricane, and afterwards cast dead upon the shore, and produced a noxious exhalation; and a dense and awful fog was seen in the heavens, rising in the East, and descending upon Italy. Mansfeld Chronicle, in Cyriac Spangenberg, chap. 287, fol. 336. Eisleben, 1572. Compare Staind. Chron. (?) by Schnurrer. (“Ingens vapor magnitudine horribili boreali movens, regionem magno adspicientium terrore dilabitur”.) and Ad. von Lebenwaldt, Land-Stadt-und Hausarzney-Buch fol. p. 15. Nuremberg, 1695, who mentions a dark, thick mist which covered the earth. Chalin expresses himself on this subject in the following terms:—Coelum ingravescit, aër impurus sentitur: nubes crassae ac multae luminibus coeli obstruunt, immundus ac ignavus tepor hominum emollit corpora, exoriens sol pallescit.” p. 50.
35 See Caius’ account of the causes of the sweating sickness, in the Appendix.—Translator.
36 Mezeray Histoire de France, Tom. II. 418. Paris, 1685. V. Oudegheerst’s Chroniques de Flandres. Antwerp, 1571, 4to. Chap. 175, f. 297.
37 They spread in a direction from East to West, over most of the countries from which we have received intelligence. Anonym. Leobiens, Chron. Loc. cit.
38 Giov. Villani Istorie Fiorentine>, L. XII. chap. 121, 122. in Muratori T. XIII. pp. 1001, 1002. Compare Barnes Loc. cit. p. 430.
39 I. Vitodaran. Chronicon, in Fuseli. Thesaurus Histor. Helvet. Tigur. 1735, fol. p. 84.
40 Albert Argentiniens. Chronic. in Urstis Scriptor. rer. Germanic. Francof. 1585. fol. P. II. p. 147. Compare Chalin. Loc. Cit.
41 Petrach. Opera. Basil 1554. fol. p. 210. Barnes. Loc. cit.
42 “Un tremblement de terre universel, mesme en France et aux pays septentrionaux, renversoit les villes toutes entières, déracinoit les arbres et les montagnes, et remplissoit les campagnes d’abysmes si profondes, qu’il semblait que l’enfer eût voulu engloutir le genre humain. Mezeray Loc. cit. p. 418. Barnes p. 431.
43 Villani. Loc. cit. c. 119. p. 1000.
44 Guillelm de Nanges, Cont. alt. Chron. Loc. cit. p. 109.
45 Guillelm de Nanges Cont. alt. Chron. Loc. cit. p. 110.
46 Villani. Loc. cit. c. 72. p. 954.
47 Anonym. Istorie Pistolesi, in Muratori, T. XI. p. 524. “Ne gli anni di Chr. 1346 et 1347, fu grandissima carestia in tutta la Christianità, in tanto, che molta genie moria di fame, e fu grande mortalità in ogni paese del mondo.”
48 According to Papon, its origin is quite lost in the obscurity of remote ages; and even before the Christian Era, we are able to trace many references to former pestilences. De la peste, ou époques mémorables de ce fléau, et les moyens de s’en préserver. T. II. Paris, An. VIII de la rép. 8.
49 1301, in the South of France; 1311, in Italy; 1316, in Italy, Burgundy and Northern Europe; 1335, the locust years, in the middle of Europe; 1340, in upper Italy; 1342, in France; and 1347, in Marseilles and most of the larger islands of the Mediterranean. Ibid. T. II. p. 273.
50 Compare Deguignes. Loc. cit. p. 288.
51 According to the general Byzantine designation, “from the country of the hyperborean Scythians.” Kantakuzen. Loc. cit.
52 Guid. Cauliac, Loc. cit.
53 Matt. Villani, Istorie, in Muratori, T. XIV. p. 14.
54 Annal. Caesenat, Ibid. p. 1179.
55 Barnes. Loc. cit.
56 Olof Dalin’s, Svea-Rikes Historie, III. vol. Stockholm, 1747–61, 4. Vol. II. C. 12, p. 496.
57 Dlugoss, Histor. Polon. L. IX. p. 1086, T. I. Lips. 1711, fol.
58 Deguignes, Loc. cit. p. 223, f.
59 Matt. Villani, Istoria, Loc. cit. p. 13.
60 Knighton, in Barnes, Loc. cit. p. 434.
61 Jno. Trithem Annal. Hirsaugiens. Monast. St. Gall. Hirsaug. 1690. fol. 1. T. II. p. 296. According to Boccacio, Loc. cit. 100,000; according to Matt. Villani, Loc. cit. p. 14. three out of five.
62 Odoric Raynald Annal. ecclesiastic. Colon. Agripp. 1691. fol. Vol. XVI. p. 280.
63 Vitoduran Chronic, in Füssli. Loc. cit.
64 Tromby, Storia de S. Brunone e dell’ ordine Cartusiano. Vol. VI. L. VIII. p. 235. Napol. 1777. fol.
65 Barnes p. 435.
66 Ditto.
67 Baluz. Vitae Papar. Avenionens. Paris 1693–4. Vol. I. p. 316. According to Rebdorf in Freher. Loc. cit. at the worst period, 500 daily.
68 Königshoven. Loc. cit.
69 According to Reimer Kork, from Easter to Michaelmas 1350, 80 to 90,000; among whom were eleven members of the senate, and bishop John IV. Vid. John Rud. Becker, Circumstantial History of the Imper. and free city of Lübeck. Lübeck: 1782, 84, 1805. 3 Vols. 4. Vol. I. p. 269. 71. Although Lübeck was then in its most flourishing state, yet this account, which agrees with that of Paul Lange, is certainly exaggerated. (Chronic. Citizense, in I. Pistorius, Rerum Germanic. Scriptores aliquot insignes, cur. Struve Ratisb. 1626. fol. p. 1214.) We have, therefore, chosen the lower estimate of an anonym. writer. Chronic. Sclavic. by Erpold Lindenbrog. Scriptores rerum Germanic. Septentrional, vicinorumque populor. diversi, Francof. 1630. fol. p. 225, and Spangenberg. Loc. cit. with whom again the assurance of the two authors, that on the 10th August, 1350, 15 or 1700, (according to Becker 2500) persons had died, does not coincide. See Chronik des Franciskaner Lesemeisters Detmar, nach der Urschrift und mit Ergänzugen aus anderen Chroniken, published by I. H. Grautoff. Hamburg: 1829,—30. 8. P. I. p. 269. App. 471.
70 Förstemann, Versuch einer Geschichte der christlichen Geisslergesellschaften, in Staudlins und Izschirner’s, Archiv für alte und neue Kirchengeschichte, Vol. III. 1817.
71 Limburg. Chronicle, pub. by C. D. Vogel. Marburg: 1828. 8vo. p. 14.
72 Barnes. Loc. cit.
73 Ibid.
74 Spangenberg. fol. 339. A. Grawsam Sterben vieler faulen Troppfen. Many lazy monks died a cruel death.
75 Vitoduran. Loc. cit.
76 Becker, Loc. cit.
77 Hainr. Rebdorf. P. 630.
78 Guillelm de Nang. Loc. cit.
79 Johanna, queen of Navarre, daughter of Louis X., and Johanna of Burgundy, wife of king Philip de Valois.
80 Fulco de Chanar.
81 Mich. Felibien, Histoire de la ville de Paris. Liv. XII. Vol. II. p. 601, Paris: 1725. fol. Comp. Guillelm de Nangis. Loc. cit, and Daniel Histoire de France, Tom. II. p. 484. Amsterd. 1720. 4to.
82 Torfaeus. Loc. cit.
83 According to another account, 960. Chronic. Salisburg, in Pez. Loc. cit. T. I. p. 412.
84 According to an anonymous Chronicler, each of these pits is said to have contained 40,000; this, however, we are to understand as only in round numbers. Anonym. Leobiens, in Pez. p. 970. According to this writer, above seventy persons died in some houses, and many were entirely deserted, and at St. Stephen’s alone, fifty-four ecclesiastics were cut off.
85 Auger. de Biterris in Muratori. Vol. III. P. II. p. 556. In Gobelin Person, the same is said of Paderborn, in Henr. Meibom. Rer. Germanic. Script. T. I. p. 286. Helmstadt: 1688. fol.
86 Spangenberg. Loc. cit. chap. 287, fol. 336–7.
87 Barnes. 435.
88 Trithem. Annal. Hirsaug. Loc. cit.
89 Loc. cit. L. XII. c. 99. p. 977.
90 Chronic. Claustro-Neuburg. in Pez. Vol. I. p. 490. Comp. Barnes p. 435. Raynald Histor. ecclesiastic Loc. cit. According to this, a runaway Venetian is said to have brought the plague to Padua.
91 Giov. Villani, L. XII. c. 83, p. 964.
92 Barnes, p. 436.
93 Wood, Loc. cit.
94 Wood says, that before the plague, there were 13,000 students at Oxford; a number, which may, in some degree, enable us to form an estimate of the state of education in England at that time, if we consider that the universities were, in the middle ages, frequented by younger students, who in modern times do not quit school till their 18th year.
95 Barnes and Wood. Loc. cit.
96 Gobelin Person, in Meibom. Loc. cit.
97 Juan de Mariana. Historia General de España. Illustrated by Don José Sabau y Blanco. Tom. IX. Madrid: 1819, 8vo. Libro XVI. p. 225. Don Diego Ortiz de Zuñiga, Annales ecclesiasticos y seculares de Sevilla. Madrid: 1795, 4to. T. II. p. 121. Don Juan de Ferreras, Historia de España. Madrid: 1721. T. VII. p. 353.
98 Gobelin Person. Loc. cit. V. Chalin, p. 53.
99 Guillelm de Nangis. Loc. cit.
100 Spangenberg. fol. 337. b. Limburg. Chronic. p. 20. “Und die auch von Rom kamen, wurden eines Theils böser als sie vor gewesen waren.”
101 Guillelm de Nangis. Loc. cit. and many others.
102 Dalin’s Svea Rikes Historie, Vol. II. c. xii. p. 496.
103 Saabye. Tagebuch in Grönland. Einleit. XVIII.—Torfaei Histor. Norveg. Tom. IV. L. IX, c. viii. p. 478–79. F. G. Mansa, De epidemiis maxime memorabilibus quæ in Dania Grassatæ sunt, et de Medicinæ statu. Partic. I. Havn. 1831, 8vo. p. 12.
104 Torfaei Groenlandia antiqua, s. veteris Groenlandiæ descriptio. Havniæ, 1715, 8vo. p. 23—Potan. Rer. danicar. Histor. Amstelod. 1631, fol. L. VII. p. 476.
105 Richter, Loc. cit.
106 We may take this view of the subject from Guillelm de Nangis and Barnes, if we read them with attention. Olof Dalin, Loc. cit.
107 Practica de aegritudinibus a capite usque ad pedes, Papiae, 1486, fol. Tract, VI. c. vii.
108 “Darnach, da das Sterben, die Geiselfarth, Römerfarth, Judenschlacht, als vorgeschrieben steht, ein End hatte, da hub die Welt wieder an zu leben und fröhlich zu seyn, und machten die Männer neue Kleidung.” Limburg Chronik, p. 26. After this when, as was stated before, the mortality, the processions of the Flagellants, the expeditions to Rome, and the massacre of the Jews, were at an end, the world begun to revive and be joyful, and the people put on new clothing.
109 Chalin, Loc. cit. p. 92. Detmar’s Lübeck Chronicle, T. I. p. 401.
110 Chronic. Ditmari, Episcop. Mersepurg, Francof. 1580, fol. p. 358.——“Spangenberg, p. 338. The lamentation was pitiful; and the only remaining solace, was the prevalent anxiety, inspired by the danger, to prepare for a glorious departure; no other hope remained—death appeared inevitable. Many were hence induced to search into their own hearts, to turn to God, and to abandon their wicked courses: parents warned their children, and instructed them how to pray, and to submit to the ways of Providence: neighbours mutually admonished each other; none could reckon on a single hour’s respite. Many persons, and even young children, were seen bidding farewell to the world; some with prayer, others with praises on their lips.”
111 Torfaei Hist. rer. Norvegic, L. IX. c. viii, p. 478. (Havn. 1711, fol.) Die Cronica van der hilliger stat van Coellen, off dat tzytboich, Coellen, 1499, fol. p. 263. “In dem vurss jair erhoiff sich eyn alzo wunderlich nuwe Geselschaft in Ungarien.” &c. The Chronicle of the holy city of Cologne, 1499. In this same year, a very remarkable Society was formed in Hungary.
112 Albert. Argentinens. Chronic, p. 149, in Chr. Urstisius. Germaniae historicorum illustrium Tomus unus. Francof. 1585, fol.—Guillelm de Nang. Loc. cit.—See also the Saxon Chronicle, by Mattheus Dresseren, Physician and Professor at Leipsig, Wittenberg, 1596, fol. p. 340; the above-named Limburg Chronicle, and the Germaniae Chronicon, on the origin, name, commerce, &c., of all the Teutonic Nations of Germany: by Seb. Francken, of Wörd. Tubingen, 1534, fol. p. 201.
113 Königshoven, Elsassische und Strassburgische Chronicke. Loc cit. p. 297.
114 Albert Argentin. Loc. cit. They never remained longer than one night at any place.
115 Words of Monachus Paduanus, quoted in Förstemann’s Treatise, which is the best upon this subject.—See p. 60.
116 Schnurrer, Chronicle of the Plagues, T. I. p. 291.
117 Königshoven. Loc. cit.
118 Förstemann, Loc. cit. The pilgrimages of the Flagellants of the year 1349, were not the last. Later in the 14th century, this fanaticism still manifested itself several times, though never to so great an extent: in the 15th century, it was deemed necessary, in several parts of Germany, to extirpate them by fire and sword;—and in the year 1710, processions of the Cross-bearers were still seen in Italy. How deep this mania had taken root, is proved by the deposition of a citizen of Nordhäusen (1446): that his wife, in the belief of performing a Christian act, wanted to scourge her children, as soon as they were baptized.
119 Königshoven, p. 298:
“Stant uf durch der reinen Martel ere;
Und hüte dich vor der Sünden mere.”
120 Guill. de Nang. Loc. cit.
121 Albert Argentinens. Loc. cit.
122 We meet with fragments of different lengths in the Chronicles of the times, but the only entire MS. which we possess, is in the valuable Library of President von Meusebach. Massmann has had this printed, accompanied by a translation, entitled Erläuterungen zum Wessobrunner Gebet des 8ten Jahrhunderts. Nebst Zweien noch ungedruckten, Gedichten des Vierzehnten Jahrhunderts, Berlin, 1824. “Elucidation of the Wessobrunn Prayer of the 8th century, together with two unpublished Hymns of the 14th century.” We shall subjoin it at the end of this Treatise, as a striking document of the age. The Limburg Chronicle asserts, indeed, that it was not composed till that time, although a part, if not the whole, of it, was sung in the procession of the Flagellants, in 1260.—See, Incerti auctoris Chronicon rerum per Austriam Vicinasque regiones gestarum inde ab anno 1025, usque ad annum 1282, Munich, 1827–8, p. 9.
123 Trithem. Annal. Hirsaugiens, T. II. p. 206.
124 He issued a bull against them, Oct. 20, 1349. Raynald. Trithem. Loc. cit.
125 But as they at last ceased to excite astonishment, were no longer welcomed by the ringing of bells, and were not received with veneration, as before, they vanished as human imaginations are wont to do. Saxon Chronicle, by Matt. Dresseren. Wittenberg, 1596, fol. p. 340–341.
126 Albert Argentinens. Loc. cit.
127 Guillelm de Nangis.
128 Ditmar. Loc. cit.
129 Klose of Breslaw’s Documental History and Description, 8vo. Vol. II. p. 190. Breslaw, 1781.
130 Limburg Chronicle, p. 17.
131 Kehrberg’s Description of Königsberg, i. e. Neumark, 1724, 4to. p. 240.
132 So says the Polish historian Dlugoss, Loc. cit., while most of his contemporaries, mention only the poisoning of the wells. It is evident, that in the state of their feelings, it mattered little to them to add another still more formidable accusation.
133 In those places where no Jews resided, as in Leipsig, Magdeburg, Brieg, Frankenstein, &c. the grave-diggers were accused of the crime.—V. Möhsen’s History of the Sciences in the March of Brandenburg, T. II. p. 265.
134 See the original proceedings, in the Appendix.
135 Hermanni Gygantis Flores temporum, sive Chronicon Universale—Ed. Meuschen. Lugdun, Bat. 1743. 4to. p. 139. Hermann, a Franciscan monk of Franconia, who wrote in the year 1349, was an eye-witness of the most revolting scenes of vengeance, throughout all Germany.
136 Guid. Cauliac. Loc. cit.
137 Hermann. Loc. cit.
138 Albert Argentin.—Königshoven, Loc. cit.
139 Dies was ouch die Vergift, die die Juden döttete. “This is also the poison that killed the Jews,” observes Königshoven, which he illustrates by saying, that their increase in Germany was very great, and their mode of gaining a livelihood, which, however, was the only resource left them, had engendered ill-will against them in all quarters.
140 Many wealthy Jews, for example, were, on their way to the stake, stripped of their garments, for the sake of the gold coin that was sewed in them.—Albert Argentinens.
141 Vide preceding note.
142 Spangenberg. Loc. cit.
143 Guillelm. de Nangis.—Dlugoss. Loc. cit.
144 Albert. Argentinens.
145 Spangenberg describes a similar scene which took place at Kostnitz.
146 Guillelm de Nang.—Raynald.
147 Histor. Landgrav. Thuring. in Pistor. Loc. cit. Vol. I. p. 948.
148 Anonym. Leobiens, in Pez. Loc. cit.
149 Spangenberg. In the county of Mark, the Jews were no better off than in the rest of Germany. Margrave Ludwig, the Roman, even countenanced their persecutions, of which Kehrberg, Loc. cit. 241, gives the following official account: Coram cunctis Christi fidelibus praesentia percepturis, ego Johannes dictus de Wedel Advocatus, inclyti Principis Domini, Ludovici, Marchionis, publice profiteor et recognosco, quod nomine Domini mei civitaten Königsberg visitavi et intravi, et ex parte Domini Marchionis Consulibus ejusdem civitatis in adjutorium mihi assumtis, Judaeos inibi morantes igne cremavi, bonaque omnia eorundem Judaeorum ex parte Domini mei totaliter usurpavi et assumsi. In cujus testimonum praesentibus meum sigillum appendi. Datum A. D. 1351. in Vigilia S. Matthaei Apostoli.
150 Basnage Histoire des Juifs. A la Haye, 1716. 8vo. T. IX. Pt. II. Liv. IX. ch. 23. §. 12–24. p. 664–679. This valuable work gives an interesting account of the state of the Jews of the middle ages. Compare J. M. Jost’s History of the Israelites from the time of the Maccabees to the present day. T. VII. Berlin, 1827. 8vo. p. 8–262.
151 Albert Argentinens.
152 Hermann. Gygas. Loc. cit.
153 On this subject see Königshoven, who has preserved very valuable original proceedings. The most important are, the criminal examinations of ten Jews, at Chillon, on the Lake of Geneva, held in September and October, 1348.—V. Appendix. They produced the most strange confessions, and sanctioned, by the false name of justice, the blood-thirsty fanaticism which lighted the funeral piles. Copies of these proceedings were sent to Bern and Strasburg, where they gave rise to the first persecutions against the Jews.—V. also the original Document of the offensive and defensive Alliance between Berthold von Götz, Bishop of Strasburg, and many powerful lords and nobles, in favor of the city of Strasburg, against Charles IV. The latter saw himself compelled, in consequence, to grant to that city an amnesty for the Jewish persecutions, which in our days would be deemed disgraceful to an imperial crown. Not to mention many other documents, which no less clearly shew the spirit of the 14th century, p. 1021. f.
154 Guillelm de Nangis. p. 110.
155 “Curationem omnem respuit pestis confirmata.”—Chalin, p. 33.
156 Jacob. Francischini de Ambrosiis. In the Appendix to the Istorie Pistolesi. Muratori, Tom. XI. p. 528.
157 Gentilis de Fulgineo, Consilia. De Peste cons. I. II. fol. 76. 77. Venet. 1514. fol.
158 “Venenosa putredo circa partes cordis et pulmonis de quibus exeunte venenoso vapore, periculum est in vicinitatibus.” Cons. I. fol. 76, a.
159 Dr. Maclean’s notion that the doctrine of contagion was first promulgated in the year 1547, by Pope Paul III. &c., thus falls to the ground, together with all the arguments founded on it.—See Maclean on Epid. and Pestilent. Diseases, 8vo. 1817, Pt. II. Book II. ch. 3. 4.—Transl. note.
160 Lippitudo contagione spectantium oculos afficit.—Chalin de Vinario, p. 149.
161 See the Author’s Geschichte der Heilkunde, Vol. II. P. III.
162 Compare Marx, Origines contagii. Caroliruh. et Bad. 1824. 8.
163 Cael. Aurelian. Chron. L. IV. c. l. p. 497. Ed. Amman. “Sed hi ægrotantem destituendum magis imperant, quam curandum, quod a se alienum humanitas approbat medicinæ.”
164 Geschichte der Heilkunde, Vol. II. p. 248.
165 Chalin assures us expressly, that many nunneries, by closing their gates, remained free from the contagion. It is worthy of note, and quite in conformity with the prevailing notions, that the continuance in a thick, moist atmosphere, was generally esteemed more advantageous and conservative, on account of its being more impenetrable to the astral influence, inasmuch as the inferior cause kept off the superior.—Chalin, p. 48.
166 This was called Affluxus, or Forma specifica, and was compared to the effect of a magnet on iron, and of amber on chaff.—Chalin de Vinario, p. 23.
167 Causa universalis agens—causa particularis patiens. To this correspond, in Chalin, the expressions Causa superior et inferior.
168 Purging with alöetic pills; bleeding; purification of the air by means of large fires; the use of treacle; frequent smelling to volatile substances, of which certain “poma,” were prepared; the internal use of Armenian bole,—a plague-remedy derived from the Arabians, and, throughout the middle ages, much in vogue, and very improperly used; and the employment of acescent food, in order to resist putridity. Guy de Chauliac appears to have recommended flight to many. Loc. citat. p. 115. Compare Chalin, L. II. who gives most excellent precepts on this subject.
169 Auger. de Biterris. Loc. cit.
170 L. I. c. 4. p. 39.
171 Fol. 32. a. a. O.
172 Galeacii de Sancta Sophia, Liber de Febribus. Venet. 1514, fol. (Printed together with Guilelmus Brixiensis, Marsilius de Sancta Sophia, Ricardus Parisiensis. fol. 29. seq.)
173 Warmth, cold, dryness and moisture.
174 The talented Chalin entertains the same conviction, “Obscurum interdum esse vitium aëris, sub pestis initia et menses primos, hoc est argumento: quod cum nec odore tetro gravis, nec turpi colore fœdatus fuerit, sed purus, tenuis, frigidus, qualis in montosis et asperis locis esse solet, et tranquillus, vehementissima sit tamen pestilentia infestaque, etc.” p. 28. The most recent observers of malaria have stated nothing more than this.
175 Compare Enr. di Wolmar, Abhandlung über die Pest. Berlin, 1827. 8vo.
176 Tractatus de Febribus, fol. 48.
177 De Peste Liber, pura latinitate donatus a Jacobo Dalechampio, Lugdun. 1552. 16. p. 40. 188. “Longe tamen plurimi congressu eorum qui fuerunt in locis pestilentibus periclitantur et gravissime, quoniam e causa duplici, nempe et aëris vitio, et eorum qui versantur nobiscum, vitio. Hoc itaque modo fit, ut unius accessu in totam modo familiam, modo civitatem, modo villam, pestis invehatur.” Compare p. 20, “Solæ privatorum aedes pestem sentiunt, si adeat qui in pestilenti loco versatus est.”—“Nobis proximi ipsi sumus, nemoque est tanta occœcatus amentia, qui de sua salute potius quam aliorum sollicitus non sit, maxime in contagione tam cita et rapida.” Rather a loose principle, which might greatly encourage low sentiments, and much endanger the honor of the medical profession, but which, in Chalin, who was aware of the impossibility of avoiding contagion in uncleanly dwellings, is so far excusable, that he did not apply it to himself.
178 Morbos omnes pestilentes contagiosos, audacter ego equidem pronuntio et assevero, p. 149.
179 Vide preceding note, p. 162. 163.
180 Ibid. p. 97. 166. “Qualis (vita) esse solet eorum, qui sacerdotiorum et cultus divini prætextu, genio plus satis indulgent et obsequuntur, ac Christum speciosis titulis ementientes, Epicurum imitantur.” Certainly a remarkable freedom of sentiment for the 14th century.
181 Ibid. p. 183. 151.
182 Ibid. p. 159. 189.
183 Canonica de Febribus, ad Raynerium Siculum, 1487, s. l., cap. 10, sine pag. “Febris pestilentialis est febris contagiosa ex ebullitione putrefactiva in altero quatuor humorum cordi propinquorum principaliter.”
184 Valesci de Tharanta, Philonium. Lugdani, 1535. 8. L. VII., c. 18., fol. 401., b. seq.—Compare Astruc, Mémoires pour servir à l’Histoire de la Faculté de Médicine de Montpellier, Paris, 1767. 4. p. 208.
185 Chronicon Regiense, Muratori, Tom. XVIII. p. 82.
186 Adr. Chenot, Hinterlassene Abhandlungen über die ärztlichen und politischen Anstalten bei der Pestseuche, Wien, 1798, 8vo. p. 146. From this period it was common in the middle ages to barricade the doors and windows of houses infected with plague, and to suffer the inhabitants to perish without mercy.—S. Möhsen, Loc. cit.
187 Chron. Reg. Loc. cit.
188 Muratori, Tom. XVI., p.560.—Compare Chenot, loc. cit. p. 146.
189 Papon, loc. cit.
190 Chenot, p. 145.
191 Le Bret, Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig. Riga, 1775. 4, Part II., Div. 2, p. 752.
192 Zagata, Cronica di Verona, 1744. 4, III., p.93.
193 Le Bret, loc. cit. Compare Hamburger Remarquen of the year 1700, p. 282 and 305.
194 Göttinger gelehrte Anzeigen, 1772, p. 22.
195 The forty days’ duration of the Flood, the forty days’ sojourn of Moses on Mount Sinai, our Saviour’s fast for the same length of time in the wilderness; lastly, what is called the Saxon term (Sächsische Frist,) which lasts for forty days, &c. Compare G. W. Wedel. Centuria Exercitationum Medico-philologicarum. De Quadragesima Medica. Jenae, 1701. 4, Dec. IV., p. 16.
196 We hence perceive with what feelings subterraneous thunders were regarded by the people.
197 For the sake of thy Trinity.
198 An appearance of justice having been given to all later persecutions by these proceedings, they deserve to be recorded as important historical documents. The original is in Latin, but we have preferred the German translation in Königshoven’s Chronicle, p. 1029.