Mediæval Heresy and the Inquisition

Note on Authorities

A full bibliography of the subject of Heresy and its Repression in the Middle Ages would be exceedingly lengthy. All that is attempted here is to give a select list of a few of the most useful, important and most easily accessible works. The most thorough bibliography for the subject available is that in T. de Cauzons, Histoire de l’Inquisition en France (q.v.), the list of books covering forty pages and including 850 works. This is for the history of the tribunal in France alone.

It has to be borne in mind that by far the greater part of our contemporary evidence for the history of mediæval heresies is hostile evidence, consisting of denunciations of them by orthodox theologians, the treatises of inquisitors who condemned their adherents, notes made of evidence given by defendants. Only those heretics who were themselves philosophers or theologians—and these, such as Siger of Brabant, Wycliffe and Hus, are relatively very few—have left their own records behind them. Due allowance, therefore, has to be made in using most contemporary authorities for considerable bias.

I

Inquisitorial Treatises

These are, on the whole, the most generally valuable of contemporary sources. The two most important for the period dealt with in this book are:

  Nicholas Eymeric, Directorium Inquisitorum cum commentariis F. Pegnae (Rome, 1585; also Venice, 1607).
  Bernard Gui, Practica Inquisitionis haereticae pravitatis (ed. C. Douais, Paris, 1886).

Eymeric was inquisitor in Aragon in the latter half of the fourteenth century. His compendious work is probably the most authoritative of all inquisitorial treatises, being a complete exposition of the principles of the tribunal and the doctrines of the different sects with which it had to deal, and giving the minutest details of its procedure. Bernard Gui, appointed inquisitor at Toulouse in 1306, was the most vigorous and remarkable of those who helped to stamp out Catharism in Languedoc after the Albigensian crusades.

The following treatises are not contemporary, but they are valuable as expositions of the permanent principles and methods of the tribunal. They are also useful for the occasional comments made by these later experts on the work of their predecessors:

  J. Simancas, De Catholicis Institutionibus.
  A. Bzovius, Historiae Ecclesiasticae.
  J. à Royas, De Haereticis.
  Bernard of Como, Lucerna Inquisitorum haereticae pravitatis.
  Arnaldo Albertini, Tractatus de agnoscendis assertionibus Catholicis et haereticis.
  Zanchino Ugolini, De Haereticis.

All these, among other similar tracts, are included in Zilettus, Tractatus Universi Juris (Venice, 1633), vol. xi, pt. ii.

  See also Ludovico à Paramo, De origine et progressu officii Sanctae Inquisitionis (Madrid, 1598).
  Umberto Locati, Opus judiciale inquisitorum (Rome, 1572).
  F. Peña, Inquirendorum haereticorum lucerna (Madrid, 1598).
  Carena, Tractatus de officio Sanctae Inquisitionis (Lyons, 1669).

II

Collections of Original Documents

There are records of the proceedings and sentences pronounced in the Inquisitions in the South of France in Liber sententiarum Inquisitionis Tholosanae, 1307-13, printed as an appendix to Philippe à Limborch, Historia Inquisitionis (Amsterdam, 1692). Note that this Liber sententiarum is not included in Chandler’s English translation of Limborch. These are the sentences pronounced by Bernard Gui. The proceedings of the Inquisition of Carcassonne, notably the sentences of Bernard de Caux, are contained in Documents pour servir à l’histoire de l’Inquisition dans le Languedoc (ed. C. Douais, Paris, 1900).

There are exceedingly useful extracts from original documents of various sorts relating to mediæval heresies in the following:

  J. J. Döllinger, Beiträge zur Sektensgeschichte (Munich, 1890), vol. ii.
  P. Frédéricq, Corpus documentorum Inquisitionis haereticae pravitatis Nederlandicae (Ghent, 1889-1906), vols., i-iii.

For the edicts of ecclesiastical Councils the best collection is:

P. Labbe, G. D. Mansi, etc., Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio (Paris, 1901-13), esp. vol. xxii, 1166-1225; vol. xxiii, 1225-1268; vol. xxiv, 1269-1299; vol. xxv, 1300-1344; vol. xxvi, 1344-1409.

For papal bulls between 1198 and 1304 see A. Potthast, Regesta Pontificum Romanorum (Berlin, 1874 et seq.).

Important documents relating to the Dominican order are in Ripoll et Brémond, Bullarium ordinis S. Dominici (8 vols., Rome, 1737 et seq.).

The Constitutions of the Emperor Frederick II are in J. L. A. Huillard-Bréholles, Historia diplomatica Friderici Secundi (Paris, 1852-61).

III

Histories of the Inquisition

There are two useful histories of comparatively early date:

J. Marsollier, Histoire de l’Inquisition (Cologne, 1693).

P. à Limborch, Historia Inquisitionis (Amsterdam, 1692). The English version is History of the Inquisition (tr. S. Chandler, London, 1731). The latter is used in this book except when the Liber sententiarum, only printed in the original, is referred to. Limborch’s, although avowedly a propaganda work, is still of value, because it was based on the treatises of inquisitors, making particularly full use of Eymeric, and it is easy to make proper allowance for the avowed bias.

In 1817 appeared the first version (a French translation) of the great work on the Spanish Inquisition by J. A. Llorente under the title, Histoire critique de l’Inquisition d’Espagne. The original Spanish text was not published till 1822. Only the introduction and first four chapters are relevant to the mediæval Inquisition.

English writers have been mainly interested in the Spanish Inquisition, as founded by Ferdinand and Isabella, and in the Inquisition in Portugal. English seamen and traders suffered at their hands, either in the Peninsula or its dependencies, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. See, for example, English Merchants and the Spanish Inquisition in the Canaries (Royal Historical Society, ed. L. de Alberti, A. B. Wallis Chapman, 1912); R. Dugdale’s A Narrative of popish cruelties; or a new account of the Spanish Inquisition (1680) in Harleian Miscellany, vol. vii, p. 105; J. Stevens, The Ancient and Present State of Portugal... containing... A curious Account of the Inquisition (London, 1705). Later English writers show a similar strongly Protestant bias, e.g. F. B. Wright, A History of Religious Persecution from the Apostolic to the Present Time; and of the Inquisitions of Spain, Portugal and Goa (1816); W. H. Rule, History of the Inquisition (London, 1868). Only the first nine chapters of the last-named book are concerned with the Middle Ages.

All previous works were superseded by the monumental labours of the American historian, H. C. Lea, in his

Superstition and Force (Philadelphia, 1866; 4th ed., 1892).
A History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages (New York, 1887).
A History of the Inquisition of Spain (New York, 1906-7).
The Inquisition in the Spanish Dependencies (New York, 1908).
Chapters in the Religious History of Spain connected with the Inquisition (Philadelphia, 1893).

Together, these volumes represent an immense fund of learning and the most painstaking research. For this reason it will be long indeed before they are superseded. They have been adversely criticized, as being marred by strong anti-Catholic prejudice. Colour is undoubtedly lent to the charge by the rather unfortunate fact that the History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages opens with an account of the abuses of the mediæval Church and that the whole argument of the book appears as though largely based upon these initial contentions. Lea is also inclined to be biased in favour of all heretics as against their persecutors. But while in detail he may be open to criticism and his attitude is quite clearly Protestant, the great bulk of his work remains unshaken. The Romanist point of view with regard to it should, however, be studied. It is summarized, for example, in P. M. Baumgarten, H. C. Lea’s Historical Writings: a critical inquiry (New York, 1909), and will be found incidentally in the works of recent Catholic historians of the Inquisition (q.v. infra). There are admirable critiques of Lea’s work in:

Lord Acton’s The History of Freedom of Thought and other Essays (London, 1909);

P. Frédéricq’s Introduction to the French translation of Lea’s History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages (tr. S. Reinach, Paris, 1900, pp. i-xxviii);

and in articles by S. Reinach on his Spanish Inquisition in Revue Critique, No. 18, May 1906, p. 300; No. 42, Oct. 1907, p. 301; No. 5, Feb. 1908, p. 86.

Recent works from the Romanist standpoint have been:

C. Douais, L’Inquisition; ses Origines, sa Procédure (Paris, 1906).

H. Maillet, L’Église et la répression sanglante de l’hérésie (Liège, 1909).

E. Vacandard, The Inquisition, a Critical and Historical Study of the Coercive Powers of the Church (tr. B. L. Conway, 1908).

C. Moeller, Les Bûchers et les Autos-da-fé de l’Inquisition depuis le Moyen Age in Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique (Louvain, 1913, vol. xiv, pp. 720-51).

Mgr. Douais has done much able and learned work on the history of the mediæval Inquisition, and the Abbé Vacandard’s book is most moderate and fair-minded. The most considerable work of scholarship written on the subject of recent years has, however, been T. de Cauzons, Histoire de l’Inquisition en France (2 vols., Paris, 1909, 1913, unfinished).

There is a critical survey of some of the most recent work done on the Inquisition by P. Frédéricq, Les récents historiens catholiques de l’Inquisition en France in Revue historique, vol. cix, 1912, pp. 307-34). Mainly critical is C. V. Langlois, L’Inquisition après des travaux récents (Paris, 1902).

IV

Legal Aspect of the Inquisition

On this important subject there is not a great deal, but the following are excellent and most valuable:

  L. Tanon, Histoire des Tribunaux de l’Inquisition en France (Paris, 1893).
  P. Fournier, Les Officialités au Moyen Age (Paris, 1889).
  A. Esmein, Histoire de la Procédure Criminelle en France, et spécialement de la procédure inquisitoire (Paris, 1882).

Esmein’s book forms the substantial foundation of a more comprehensive work in the American Continental Legal History series, viz. A History of Continental Criminal Procedure (Boston, 1913).

See on this subject note on p. 205 supra.

V

Works dealing specially with the Albigenses and the Origins of the Inquisition

J. J. Vaissete and C. Devic, Histoire Générale de Languedoc (Toulouse, 1872-1904).
Moneta, Adversus Catharos et Waldenses (Rome, 1743).
P. Melia, The Origin, Persecutions and Doctrines of the Waldenses, from Documents (London, 1870).
C. Schmidt, Histoire et Doctrine de la Secte des Cathares ou Albigeois (Paris, 1848).
A. Monastier, Histoire de l’Église Vaudoise depuis son origine (Paris, 1847).
B. Hauréau, Bernard Délicieux et l’Inquisition Albigeoise (Paris, 1877).

C. Douais, Les Hérétiques du midi au XIII^e siècle (Paris, 1891); L’Albigéisme et les Frères prêcheurs à Narbonne au XIII^e siècle (Paris, 1894); Les Albigeois, leur origine (Paris, 1879).

J. Ficker, Die Gesetzliche Einführung der Todesstrafe für Ketzerei in Mittheilungen des Instituts für oesterreichische Geschichtsforschung (1880), pp. 177-226.

J. Havet, L’Hérésie et le Bras séculier au Moyen Age jusqu’au treizième siècle in [OE]uvres (Paris, 1896), vol. ii, pp. 117-81.

C. Henner, Beiträge zur Organisation und Competenz der päpstlichen Ketzesgerichte (Leipzig, 1890).

A. Luchaire, Innocent III, vol. ii, La Croisade des Albigeois (Paris, 1905).

VI

Works dealing with Joachim of Flora and the ‘Everlasting Gospel’

Joachim of Flora, Concordia novi et veteris Testamenti (Venice, 1579); Expositio in Apocalypsin (Venice, 1527); Psalterium decent Cordarum (Venice, 1527).

Chronica Fr. Salimbene Parmensis (Parma, 1857); also in Monumenta Germ. Hist., vol. xxxii (1905-13), ed. O. Holder-Egger.

E. Renan, Joachim de Flore et l’Evangile éternel in Nouvelles Études d’Histoire Religieuse (Paris, 1884).

E. Gebhart, L’Italie Mystique; la Renaissance religieuse au Moyen Age (6th ed., 1908); Recherches nouvelles sur l’histoire du Joachitism in Revue historique, vol. xxxi (1886).

S. Reinach, Cultes, Mythes et Religions (Paris, 1905), vol. i, pp. 173-83.

J. J. Döllinger, Prophecies and the Prophetic Spirit in the Christian Era (ed. A. Plummer, 1873).

E. G. Gardner, Joachim of Flora and the Everlasting Gospel in Franciscan Essays (1912).

VII

On Sorcery and Witchcraft

The principal authorities are:

Sprenger’s Malleus Maleficarum and F. Bartholomew de Spina’s De Strigibus.

Both are included in Malleorum quorundam Maleficarum tam veterum quam recentiorum authorum tomi duo (Frankfort, 1582). In Zilettus (q.v. supra) there is Bernard of Como’s De Strigibus.

See also W. E. H. Lecky’s History of Rationalism in Europe and authorities there cited.

VIII

For Wycliffe, Hus and the Council of Constance

The principal works of Wycliffe are published by the Wyclif Society. See especially De Dominio Divino (ed. R. L. Poole, 1890); Tract. de Civili dominio liber primus (ed. R. L. Poole, 1885); De Eucharistia (1892); De Potestate Pape (ed. J. Loserth, 1907). See also Fasciculi Zizaniorum Magistri Johannis Wyclif (Rolls series, ed. W. W. Shirley, 1858). See also the Chronicon Angliae (ed. Maunde Thompson, 1874); Chronicon of Henry Knighton (ed. Lumby, 1895), vol. ii; D. Wilkins, Concilia M. Britanniae et Hiberniae (1737), vol. iii.

The Letters of Hus are edited by H. B. Workman and R. M. Pope (1904). Invaluable is F. Palacky’s Documenta Mag. Joannis Hus (Prague, 1869).

For the works of Gerson and D’Ailly see J. Gerson, Opera (Antwerp, 1706). Works of D’Ailly are included in this volume.

See also Theodoric de Niem, De Schismate (Leipzig, 1890).

The works of Marsiglio of Padua and of William of Ockham are in Melchior Goldast, Monarchia S. Romani Imperii (Hanover, Frankfort, 1611-14), vol. ii. They are summarized in S. Riezler, Die literarischen Widersacher der Päpste zur Zeit Ludwig des Baiers (1874).

See also the following relating to Bohemia or the Council of Constance:

Aeneas Sylvius, Historia Bohemica (1453).
Etienne Baluze, Vitae Paparum Avenionensium (Paris, 1693).
H. v. der Hardt, Magnum oecumenicum Constantiense Concilium (Frankfort, 1697-1742).

E. Martène and V. Durand, Veterum Scriptorum et monumentorum amplissima collectio (Paris, 1724-33), vol. vii, pp. 425-1078).

The following also are useful:

N. Valois, La France et le Grand Schisme d’occident (Paris, 1896-1902).
J. B. Schwab, J. Gerson (Würzburg, 1858).
B. Labanca, Marsiglio da Padova (Padua, 1882).

H. B. Workman, The Dawn of the Reformation: the Age of Wyclif (1901); The Dawn of the Reformation: the Age of Hus (1902).

J. Lewis, History of the Life and Sufferings of John Wicliffe (1720).
J. Loserth, Wyclif and Hus (tr. W. J. Evans, 1884).
G. M. Trevelyan, England in the Age of Wycliffe (1904).
G. V. Lechler, Wyclif and his English Precursors (tr. P. Lorimer, 1878).

R. L. Poole, Wyclif and Movements for Reform (1889); Illustrations of the History of Mediæval Thought (1884).

H. Rashdall, Article on Wycliffe in Dictionary of National Biography (1900), vol. lxiii.
A. H. Wratislaw, Native Literature of Bohemia in the Fourteenth Century (1878).
Count Lützow, The Life and Times of Master John Hus (1909).
H. Rashdall, Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages (1895), vol. ii.

Also of course M. Creighton, History of the Papacy (1903-9), Introd. and Books I and II.

IX

General Ecclesiastical Histories and Works on Heresies

  C. H. Hahn, Geschichte der Ketzer (Stuttgart, 1845-50).
  J. J. v. Mosheim, Institutes of Ecclesiastical History (Eng. tr., 2nd ed., 1850).
  J. C. L. Gieseler, Ecclesiastical History (Eng. tr. 1853), esp. vol. iii, which contains extracts from documents.
  F. Milman, History of Latin Christianity (4th ed. 1883), esp. vols. v and vi.
  J. J. Döllinger, Beiträge zur Sektensgeschichte (Munich, 1890).
  A. Harnack, History of Dogma (tr. W. Gilchrist, 1894-9).

See also on special subjects the following:

F. Gregorovius, History of the City of Rome in the Middle Ages (tr. A. Hamilton, 1894-1902), vols. v and vi.

J. H. Reusch, Der Index der verbotenen Bücher (Bonn, 1883).
J. Guiraud, Saint Dominic (Eng. tr., 1901).
P. Sabatier, Life of Saint Francis of Assisi (tr. L. S. Houghton, 1904).
H. O. Taylor, The Mediæval Mind (1911).
E. Renan, Averroës et l’Averroïsme (Paris, 1861).

P. F. Mandonnet, Siger de Brabant et l’Averroïsme latin au XIII^e siècle (Fribourg, 1899), with invaluable appendix containing Siger’s Works.

M. de Wulf, History of Mediæval Philosophy (Eng. tr., 1909).
B. Hauréau, Histoire de la Philosophie Scolastique (Paris, 1880).
C. Douais, Essai sur l’organisation des études dans l’ordre des Frères-Prêcheurs (Paris, 1884).
Registrum epistolarum fratris Joannis Peckham (Rolls Series, ed. C. T. Martin, 1884).
Rutebeuf, [OE]uvres Complètes (1874-5), vol. i, passim.
De Tribus Impostoribus (ed. Philomneste Junior, i.e. P. Gustave Brunet, Paris, 1861).
J. Owen, Skeptics of the Italian Renaissance (1893).

X

On the General Question of Freedom of Thought and the Theory of Religious Persecution

Representative works, among many:

J. Locke, Letters concerning Toleration.
J. S. Mill, On Liberty.
W. E. H. Lecky, History of Rationalism in Europe, ch. iv.
Sir F. Pollock, The Theory of Persecution in Essays in Jurisprudence and Ethics (1882).
M. Creighton, Persecution and Tolerance (1895).
D. G. Ritchie, Natural Rights (1903); The Principles of State Interference (1902).
E. S. P. Haines, Religious Persecution (1904).
Joseph de Maistre, Lettres à un gentilhomme russe sur l’Inquisition espagnole (Brussels, 1844).
Lessing’s Nathan der Weise.
Sir J. Stephen, Liberty, Equality, Fraternity (2nd ed., 1874).
J. M. Robertson, A Short History of Free Thought, Ancient and Modern (1906).
The Catholic Encyclopædia (1907-14), articles on Heresy and Inquisition.
J. B. Bury, A History of Freedom of Thought (Home University Library).

Footnotes

1 See O. Gierke, Political Theories of the Middle Ages (trans., with introd. by. F. W. Maitland, 1900), p. 10.

2 F. W. Bourdillon’s translation.

3 See Compendium of Ecclesiastical History, by G. C. E. Gieseler (English ed., Edinburgh, 1853), vol. iii, p. 388.

4 See H. C. Lea, History of Auricular Confession (1896), vol. i, pp. 380 et seq.; History of Sacerdotal Celibacy (3rd ed., 1907), vol. ii, chapter on ‘Solicitation,’ pp. 251-96.

5 On the subject-matter of this chapter see H. O. Taylor, The Mediæval Mind (2 vols., 1911), especially on the influence of the Latin Fathers and the transmission into the Middle Ages of patristic thought, vol. i, pp. 61-109; on the effects of Christianity on the character of mediæval emotion, pp. 330-52; and on the scholastic philosophy, vol. ii, pp. 283 et seq.

6 For Tanchelm see the following: P Frédéricq, Corpus documentorum Inquisitionis haereticae pravitatis Neerlandicae (Ghent, 1889-96), vol. i, pp. 22-9, nos. 14-29; J. J. Döllinger, Beiträge zur Sektensgeschichte (Munich, 1890), vol. i, pp. 105-9; H. C. Lea, A History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages (New York, 1887), vol. i, pp. 64-5.

7 For Eon de l’Etoile see Döllinger, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 98-103; C. Schmidt, Histoire et Doctrine de la secte des Cathares ou Albigeois (Paris, 1848), vol. i, pp. 48-9.

8 See T. de Cauzons, Histoire de l’Inquisition en France (Paris, 1909, 1913), vol. i, p. 259. ‘On voit donc la lutte fortement engagée entre l’Église et l’esprit révolutionnaire.’

9 See Gieseler, vol. iii, pp. 390-1, n.; Döllinger, vol. ii, p. 29. ‘Quod Deus passus est ibi mortem et nunquam dedecus, et ponebant exemplum, si aliquis homo suspendebatur in aliquo arbore, semper illa arbor amicis suspensi et parentibus esset odiosa et eam vituperarent, et nunquam illam arborem videre vellent, a simili locum in quo Deus, quem diligere debemus, suspensus fuit, odio habere debeamus et nunquam deberemus ejus presenciam affectare.’

10 See Lea, vol. i, p. 72.

11 Pius Melia, The Origin, Persecutions and Doctrines of the Waldenses, from Documents (London, 1870), p. 1. Other origins of the term Waldenses have been suggested: (1) Vaux or valleys of Piedmont, where the sect came to flourish most, (2) Peter of Vaux, a predecessor of Waldo.

12 Melia, quoting Venerabilis Patris Monetae Cremonensis Ordinis Praedicatorum adversus Catharos et Waldenses, Libri quinque (1244), p. 6.

13 See Döllinger, vol. ii, pp. 306-11, for list of eighty-nine errors alleged against the Waldenses.

14 Bernard Gui, Practica Inquisitionis haereticae pravitatis (ed. C. Douais, Paris, 1886), p. 134. ‘Item, circa sacramentum vere penitentie et clavis ecclesie perniciosius aberrantes, tenent et docent se habere potestatem a Deo, sicut sancti apostoli habuerunt, audiendi confessiones peccatorum sibi volentium confiteri, et absolvendi, et penitentias injungendi; confessiones talium audiant et injungant sibi confitentibus penitentias pro peccatis, quamvis non sunt clerici, nec sacerdotales per aliquem episcopum Romane ecclesie ordinati, nec sunt layci simpliciter; talemque potestatem nec confitentur se habere a Romana ecclesia, sed pocius diffitentur, et revera nec a Deo nec ab ejus ecclesia ipsam habent, cum sint extra ecclesiam et ab ipsa ecclesia jam precisi, extra quam non est vera penitentia neque salus.’ Cf. ibid., pp. 244 et seq.

15 Quoted in Lea, vol. i, p. 85.

16 Peter de Pilichdorff, quoted in Melia, p. 25.

17 Quoted in Lea, vol. i, p. 85.

18 See Schmidt, vol. i, pp. 7-24.

19 The Paulicians had originally, in the seventh century, in Armenia, been anti-Manichæan. They became definitely Manichæan in the ninth. The French bougre-heretic means Bulgar. For Catharan doctrines and manners of life generally, see Bernard Gui, Practica, pp. 235 et seq.; for its theology see Döllinger, vol. i, pp. 34-50; vol. ii (Documents), pp. 282-96. The errors of the Cathari are summarised in Nicolas Eymeric, Directorium Inquisitorum (Rome, 1585), part ii, question xiii, pp. 290-2.

20 See Schmidt, vol. ii, pp. 9, 11, 16.

21 Ibid., pp. 21-2; also C. Douais, Documents pour servir à l’histoire de l’Inquisition dans le Languedoc (Paris, 1900), vol. ii, pp. 95-6. Examination of a Catharan, Pierre Garcia. Garcia said, ‘quod erat unus Deus benignus qui creavit incorruptibilia et permansura, et alius Deus erat malignus qui creavit corruptibilia et transitoria.’

22 Ibid., p. 91. ‘Lex Moysi non erat nisi umbra et vanitas.’ Cf. Döllinger, vol. i, p. 40.

23 Schmidt, vol. ii, pp. 37-68.

24 Ibid., p. 73.

25 Ibid., p. 36.

26 Schmidt, vol. ii, pp. 38-9.

27 Ibid., p. 40, and Douais, Documents, vol. ii, p. 40; Döllinger, vol. ii, p. 155.

28 Schmidt, vol. ii, pp. 39-40; Döllinger, vol. ii, p. 34.

29 Schmidt, ibid., pp. 44-8.

30 S. Matt., x. 37.

31 See Schmidt, vol. ii, p. 82.

32 Döllinger, vol. ii, pp. 3, 83-4.

33 Ibid., p. 4; Schmidt, vol. ii, p. 84.

34 Schmidt, ibid.

35 Döllinger, vol. ii, pp. 30-4, 56. This was a survival of the Marcionite heresy. The continuity of the same fundamental types of heresy which had vexed the early Church into the Middle Ages is remarkable.

36 Döllinger, vol. ii, pp. 30 et seq., 56; mainly from Acta inquisitionis Carcassonensis contra Albigenses, 1308-9.

37 Ibid., vol. ii, p. 33. See also E. Vacandard, The Inquisition, a Critical and Historical Study of the Coercive Powers of the Church (trans. by B. L. Conway, 1908), pp. 90-4.

38 Döllinger, vol. ii, pp. 25, 44. Catholic churches were the dwellings of evil spirits. Satan’s first home on earth had been the temple of Jerusalem, ibid., p. 45. Whenever one of their children by some chance was baptized in a Catholic church, they washed off the taint with dirty water.

39 See Vacandard, pp. 73-6. Also Douais, Documents, vol. ii, p. 94. ‘Audivit dictum Petrum Garcia(m) dicentem quod non erat missa celebrata in ecclesia usque ad tempus beati Sylvestri; nec ecclesia habuerat possessiones usque ad illud tempus; et quod ecclesia deficiet citra xx annos; et quod missa nostra nihil valet; et quod omnes praedicatores crucis sunt homicide; et quod crux quam illi praedicatores dant nihil aliud est nisi parum de pella super humerum; idem cordula cum qua ligantur capilli.’

40 Douais, Documents, vol. ii, pp. 250-1, 263, 291, where the ceremony is described in confessions before inquisitors.

41 Douais, Documents, vol. ii, p. 100. ‘Dixit etiam idem Petrus quod si teneret illum Deum qui de mille hominibus ab eo factis unum salvaret et omnes alios damnaret, ipsum dirumperet et dilaceraret unguibus et dentibus tanquam perfidum et reputaret ipsum esse falsum et perfidum, et spueret in faciem ejus, addens “de gutta cadet ipse.”’ Such language, which is typical of many Catharan utterances, is simply that of a saeva indignatio, aroused by the ascription to the Deity of the cruelty and injustice which conscience reprobates in human beings.

42 Eymeric, Directorium, part ii, question xiv, p. 196. ‘Quod melius est satisfieri libidini, quocunque actu turpi, quam carnis stimulis fatigari: sed est (ut dicunt, & ipsi faciunt) in tenebris licitum, quemlibet cum qualibet indistincte carnaliter commisceri, quandocunque & quotiescunque carnalibus desideriis stimulentur.’ Cf. Schmidt, p. 151 n., on the Cathari of Orleans in 1012.

43 Vacandard, p. 80.

44 Lea, vol. iii, p. 10.

45 Paradiso, xii, 139-41.

46 On Joachim’s writings, the problem of The Everlasting Gospel and Joachitism generally, see J. J. Döllinger, Prophecy and the Prophetic Spirit in the Christian Era (tr. A. Plummer, 1873), ch. vii; E. Renan, Nouvelles Études d’histoire religieuse (Paris, 1884; English ed., 1886); the Essay on Joachim in Franciscan Essays (1912), by E. G. Gardner, pp. 50-70; also E. Gebhart, L’Italie mystique; la renaissance religieuse au moyen âge (1908), esp. pp. 49-84, 183-253. The whole story of the Spiritual Franciscans, so far as it affected Italy, is told in this admirable work.

47 J. à Royas, De Haereticis, eorum que impia intentione et credulitate, cum quinquaginta analyticis assertionibus, quibus universae fidei causae facile definiri valeant, in F. Zilettus, Tractatus Universi Juris (Venice, 1633), vol. xi, pt. ii, p. 211. The fact of the submission of his works in 1200 is disputed, Franciscan Essays, p. 56.

48 See Renan, op. cit., p. 248; Lea, vol. iii, pp. 22-3 and notes; F. H. Reusch, Index der verbotenen Bücher (Bonn, 1883). Bücherverbote im Mittelalter, pp. 18-21; Chronicle of Salimbene in Monumenta Historica ad provincias Parmensem et Placentiam pertinentia (Parma, 1857), pp. 235-6. See Directorium, part ii, question ix, pp. 269-72, on the heresies of John of Parma. ‘It is... the substitution of the idea of the Everlasting Gospel as a written book to supersede the Gospel of Christ, for the original one of the Everlasting Gospel as an unwritten spiritual interpretation based upon that Gospel—that separates Gherardo of Borgo San Donnino and the Joachists from the authentic creed of Joachim himself.’—Franciscan Essays, p. 63. The prophecies of Joachim himself were esteemed by the Church; it was the subsequent gloss upon them that was suspect. See Döllinger, Prophecy and the Prophetic Spirit (London, 1873), pp. 121 et seq.

49 Rev. xiv, 6.

50 See Lea, vol. iii, pp. 18-19. ‘Unless the universe were a failure, and the promises of God were lies, there must be a term to human wickedness; and as the Gospel of Christ and the Rule of Francis had not accomplished the salvation of mankind, a new gospel was indispensable. Besides, Joachim had predicted that there would arise a new religious Order which would rule the world and the Church in the halcyon age of the Holy Ghost. They could not doubt that this referred to the Franciscans as represented by the Spiritual group, which was striving to uphold in all its strictness the Rule of the venerated founder.’ Salimbene was not a very spiritually-minded Franciscan. That most entertaining chronicler took a not entirely holy delight in the bright and frivolous things of life, and even the gross. But he was very much impressed by the prophecies of the Abbot Joachim. All prophecies appealed to his curious and inquisitive mind, those of Merlin as well as Joachim; but he was genuinely interested in their spiritual significance also, and for a time a professed Joachite. See his Chronicle, especially relating to the testimony of one, Brother Hugo of Montpellier, concerning Joachim, op. cit., pp. 97 et seq. There is a summary in Taylor, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 494-517. The place of poverty in the Franciscan Rule is discussed in St. Francis and Poverty—Franciscan Essays, pp. 18-30.

51 For the persecution of the Spirituals generally see Lea, vol. iii, pp. 23-89, 129-80; also Döllinger, Beiträge, vol. ii, pp. 417-526, a Chronicle of the Persecution of the Brothers Minor, also p. 606. See also Directorium, on Arnaldo da Villanova, p. 282, Fraticelli, pp. 313-22.

52 The formula of abjuration from the heresy defined by John XXII’s bulls was: ‘I swear that I believe in my heart and profess that our Lord Jesus Christ and His Apostles while in the mortal life held in common the things which Scripture declares them to have had, and that they had the right of giving, selling and alienating them,’—Eymeric, Directorium, p. 486.

53 For Guglielma see Lea, vol. iii, pp. 90-100.

54 See Bernard Gui, Practica, pp. 340 et seq.; also Salimbene, op. cit., pp. 112 et seq.; Directorium, pp. 286-8.

55 For Dolcino see ibid. and Practica, pp. 340-55.

56 Inferno, Canto xxviii.

57 Practica, p. 340.

58 Inquisitors found difficulty in proceeding against Dolcinists, ibid., p. 343. ‘Est autem valde difficile ipsos examinare et veritatem contra eos invenire pro eo maxime quod, quantuscumque juraverint in juditio se veritatem dicturos, nolunt tamen manifeste suam detegere falsitatem, nec suos errores publice confiteri, nec directe respondere ad interrogata, set palliate et per astucias et tergiversationes multas deviant et mendaciis se juvant, et se ipsos contegunt, et ideo multum est ars necessaria contra ipsos et industria inquirentis.’

59 See Lea, vol. ii, pp. 351-2, 355.

60 Lea, vol. ii, p. 320. E. Renan, Averroës et l’Averroïsme (Paris, 1861, 2nd ed.), p. 222.

61 See Lea, vol. i, p. 360; vol. ii, p. 359. For views ascribed to Beghards see Döllinger, Beiträge, vol. ii, pp. 378-401 (passim). ‘... se esse vel aliquos ex istis perfectos et sic unitos Deo, quod sint realiter et veraciter ipse Deus, quia dicunt se esse illud idem et unum esse quod est ipse Deus absque distinctione.’ See also Directorium, pt. ii, question xv, pp. 299-308.

62 For proceedings against Beguines, modes of interrogation and sentences, etc., see Bernard Gui, Practica, pp. 141-4, 277 et seq.

63 Frédéricq, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 93. ‘Verum quia in multis mundi partibus sunt plurime mulieres similiter Beghine vulge vocate, quarum alique in propriis, alique in conductis, alique in communibus sibi domibus habitantes vitam ducunt honestam’... proceeds to rule that these must on no account be molested.

64 Lea, vol. ii, pp. 413-14.

65 For example,

? cessiez.

    ‘En commencant no pénitence
Soit la Vierge et la Trinité,
Et, tout en parfaicte puissance,
Des cieulx, le hault divin secret,
Sire Dieu, croissiez vo venjeance,
Les fruits des ventres respitez,
Car esté a en grant balance,
Longtemps toute crestienté.

    ‘Or, avant, entre nous tait frère,
Batons nos charoinges bien fort,
En remembrant la grant misère
Du Dieu et sa piteuse mort,
Qui fut prins de la gent amère
Et vendus et trahis à tort,
Et battu sa char vierge et clère;
En nom de ce, batons plus fort.’

See Frédéricq, Corpus, vol. iii, No. 25, pp. 23-4.

66 Ibid., vol. ii, p. 101. See also No. 61.

67 Ibid., vol. ii, pp. 100-1.

68 Ibid., vol. iii, p. 35. See also p. 31: ‘... yperbolice loquendo, qua locutione solet frequenter uti scriptura ad exprimendum eius magnam quantitatem seu multitudinem, congrue dici possit per omnes christianitatis provincias jam esse diffusa.’ From a sermon preached before Clement VI, descanting upon the seriousness and extent of the attraction of the Flagellant mania for the ignorant crowd.

69 These acrobatic performances were of course of a convulsive nature and were by contemporaries ascribed to demoniac possession. But the idea of dancing and leaping as a form of religious devotion suggests the very charming story, Our Lady’s Tumbler, which has been rewritten by Anatole France and is included in Aucassin et Nicolette and other Mediæval Romances in Everyman’s Library.

70 On the Scholastic Philosophy generally, see Taylor, The Mediæval Mind, vol. ii, book vii, passim; M. de Wulf, History of Mediæval Philosophy (tr. P. Coffey, London, 1909), pp. 240-410 (passim); B. Hauréau, Histoire de la Philosophie Scolastique (Paris, 1880).

71 Taylor, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 358-64.

72 P. Mandonnet, Siger de Brabant et l’Averroïsme latin au XIII^e Siècle (Fribourg, 1899), pp. xxiii-xxvi; C. Douais, Essai sur l’organisation des études dans l’ordre des Frères-Prêcheurs (Paris, 1884), pp. 62 et seq.

73 For Arabian Philosophy see the following: T. J. De Boer, History of Philosophy in Islam (tr. E. R. Jones, 1903); De Wulf, op. cit., pp. 225-39; Hauréau, Histoire de la Philosophie Scolastique, vol. ii, pp. 15-53; Carra de Vaux, Avicenne (Paris, 1900), Gazali (Paris, 1902); S. Munk, Mélanges de la philosophie juive et arabe (Paris, 1859), pt. iii, especially pp. 352-83, 418-58.

74 Alfarabi’s work belonged to the first half of the tenth century.

75 Avicenna, 980-1036.

76 Ghazali, 1059-1111.

77 Ibn Roschd, or Averrhoës, was born in 1126 at Cordova; was entrusted by the Caliph, Abu Jacub Jusuf, with the task of making an analysis of Aristotle; in 1182 became physician at the court; but in 1195 was deprived of his office by the succeeding Caliph, Jacub Almansur, presumably owing to a fit of orthodoxy on the Caliph’s part, and banished from Cordova. He died in Morocco in 1198.

78 See Renan, Averroës et l’Averroïsme, pp. 107 et seq.

79 See Renan, op. cit., pp. 133-53 (passim); J. Owen, Skeptics of the Italian Renaissance (1893), pp. 67-72.

80 Renan, op. cit., pp. 209 et seq., p. 291; De Wulf, op. cit., p. 248.

81 By the middle of the thirteenth century the University of Paris was in possession of practically all the Commentaries of Averrhoës, ibid. See also Renan, pp. 201-2, ‘Un des phénomènes les plus singuliers de l’histoire littéraire du moyen âge, c’est l’activité du commerce intellectuel et la rapidité avec laquelle les livres se repandaient d’un bout à l’autre de l’Europe.’

82 Mandonnet, pp. lxix et seq.

83 ‘Nec libri Aristotelis de naturali philosophia nec commenta legantur Parisiis publice et secreto, et hoc sub pena excommunicationis inhibemus.’ This, and the subsequent prohibition of 1215 referred of course only to Paris. See Directorium on the errors of Aristotle and his Arabian commentators, pt. ii, question iv, pp. 253-5. See Hauréau, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 83-107. On action of Gregory IX, ibid., pp. 108-19.

84 The tract was written against Averrhoës, not the Averrhoïsts. When, however, it was incorporated in his Summa Theologica, Albertus Magnus made mention of the fact that Averrhoïsm had made considerable progress and boasted a number of advocates. Mandonnet, p. lxxiii.

85 Ibid., pp. xcvii-ix.

86 See Fr. Rogeri Bacon Opera quaedam hactenus inedita (ed. J. S. Brewer, 1859), p. 429. There are several contemporary poems on the troubles in the University of Paris, especially on the part played by William de Saint-Amour, in Rutebeuf, [OE]uvres Complètes (Paris, 1874), vol. i, pp. 178-213.

87 See Mandonnet, p. cx.

88 Salimbene, op. cit., p. 108. ‘Isti boni homines semper de scientia gloriantur, et dicunt quod in ordine eorum fons sapientiae invenitur.’

89 Registrum epistolarum fratris Johannis Peckham (Rolls series, ed. C. T. Martin, London, 1882-5), vol. iii, p. 842. See also A. Little, The Grey Friars in Oxford (1892), pp. 72-5.

90 See Alberti Magni De Quindecim Problematicis in appendix to Mandonnet, pp. 13-36.

91 See Mandonnet, p. cxxvi.

92 In appendix to Mandonnet, pp. 69-83, 83-115 respectively.

93 In his tract Contra praecipuos viros in philosophia Albertum et Thomam. On Siger and St. Thomas, see Hauréau, vol. iii, pp. 131-7.

94 See, passim, De Wulf, op. cit., pp. 379-85; Mandonnet, pp. cxxviii-ccvi.

95 De Wulf, p. 384; Mandonnet, p. ccxxi.

96 The tractate, De Erroribus Philosophorum, is attributed to him. It is printed in appendix to Mandonnet, pp. 2-11.

97 Ibid., p. clxxvii.

98 Mandonnet, p. ccvi.

99 Ibid., p. ccxxvi.

100 Ibid., pp. ccxxviii et seq.

101 Ibid., pp. cclxiv et seq.

102 Mandonnet, pp. cclxx et seq. Mandonnet sees a reference to Siger and Boëthius in the words of Peckham: ‘Nam eam (opinionem) credimus non a religiosis personis, sed saecularibus quibusdam duxisse originem, cuius duo praecipui defensores vel forsitan inventores miserabiliter dicuntur conclusisse dies suos in partibus transalpinis, cum tamen non essent de illis partibus oriundi.’—Registrum, vol. iii, p. 842.

103 For the former view, see Baeumker, Die Impossibilia d. Siger von Brabant (Münster, 1898), pp. 97 et seq.; for latter, see Mandonnet, pp. ccxciii-cccxx.

104 De Wulf, pp. 441-4.

105 Lea, vol. iii, pp. 440-1.

106 See De Wulf, pp. 470-3; Owen, op. cit., pp. 57-151, esp. 132-51.

107 Renan, op. cit., pp. 255-9; Lea, vol. iii, pp. 578-89.

108 De Wulf, pp. 403-6.

109 Lea, vol. iii, pp. 585-6; Directorium, pp. 272-8, 331-2. The text of the bull is given in the latter pages.

[110] Renan, pp. 328 et seq.; Owen, pp. 115-21; Petrarch, Liber sine Titulo, Epist. xviii.

111 Renan, pp. 301-5.

112 Lea, vol. iii, p. 565.

113 De Tribus Impostoribus (ed. Philomneste Junior, i.e. G. Brunet, Paris, 1861).

114 Renan, pp. 295 et seq.

115 Decameron, Day I, Novel 3.

116 Renan traced Averrhoïst influence in the Pantheism of the Spiritual Franciscans and the Illuminism of such German mystics as Ortlieb and Eckhart, op. cit., pp. 259 et seq.; whereas the truth is that there was never the slightest sympathy between the Franciscans and Averrhoïsm, and German Illuminism had quite other origins.

117 J. Bryce, The Holy Roman Empire (1903), p. 109.

118 See H. B. Workman, The Dawn of the Reformation (1901, 1902), vol. i; The Age of Wyclif, p. 71: ‘Some seventy thousand documents in the papal archives bear witness to his world-wide labours. Few subjects escaped his notice—from the habit of the French King of talking in church, the misrule of Edward II of England, or the devices of sorcerers, to the weightier matters of theology and law.’

119 R. L. Poole, Illustrations of the History of Mediæval Thought (1884), p. 247.

120 Ibid., pp. 256 et seq.

121 M. Creighton, History of the Papacy (1903), vol. i, p. 32.

122 For Avignon, see E. Baluze, Vitae Paparum Avenionensium (1693). See works cited in Workman, The Dawn of the Reformation, vol. i, Append. A., p. 291; also Pierre D’Ailly, De Necessitate Reformationis Ecclesiae, in Joannis Gersonii Opera Omnia (Antwerp. 1706), vol. ii, pp. 885-902, esp. p. 889. Poole, op. cit., p. 248, ‘The universal authority of Rome became confined within the narrow territory of Avignon: the means by which it was exerted became more and more secular, diplomatic, mercantile....’

123 The extent of the feeling aroused by the schism in Christendom can be illustrated by the fact that contemporary miracle-plays represented Pope and anti-Pope burning in hell (see Workman, The Dawn of the Reformation, vol. ii, The Age of Hus, p. 41), and by the life-work of a simple uneducated girl, St. Catherine of Siena.

124 Melchior Goldast, Monarchia S. Romani Imp. (Hanover and Frankfort, 1611-14), vol. iii, p. 1360.

125 Goldast, op. cit., vol. ii, Opera Omnia de Potestate Ecclesiastica & Politica, G. Ockham, esp. Dialogus, pp. 822-30. The chief conclusions of Ockham are summarized on pp. 396-7; also in S. Riezler, Die literarischen Widersacher der Päpste zur Zeit Ludwig des Baiers (1874), pp. 258-71. But see generally pp. 241-77.

126 See Poole, op. cit., p. 277, note.

127 Defensor Pacis, Lib. I, cap. xviii; in Goldast, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 86-9.

128 Ibid., Lib. II, cap. viii, p. 212.

129 Defensor Pacis, Lib. II, cap. ix, p. 213.

130 Ibid., cap. x, pp. 216-19, esp. p. 217. ‘Nemo quantumcunque peccans contra disciplinas speculativas aut operativas quascunque punitur vel arcetur in hoc seculo praecise inquantum-hujusmodi, sed inquantum peccat contra praeceptum humanae legis.’

131 Ibid., Lib. I, cap. xii, pp. 169-71.

132 Workman, op. cit., vol. i. ‘Wyclif has been called the Morning Star of the Reformation, but the author of the Defensor Pacis might more justly claim the title.’ Cf., on modernity of Marsiglio’s thought, B. Labanca, Marsilio da Padova (Padua, 1882), pp. 219 et seq.

133 Fitzralph’s treatise, De Pauperie Salvatoris, is printed as an appendix to Wycliffe’s De Dominio Divino (Wyclif Society, 1890), pp. 259-476.

134 For this whole subject, see Lea, vol. iii, pp. 590-4.

135 Ibid., pp. 596-9.

136 See supra, pp. 68, 75.

137 De Dominio Divino (Wyclif Society, 1890), p. 33. ‘Ideo Deus non mediate per regimen vasallorum subserviencium, ut reges ceteri, dominatur, cum immediate et per se facit, sustentat, et gubernat omne quod possidet, juvatque ad perficiendum opera secundum usus alios quos requirit.’

138 See Poole, op. cit., p. 293.

139 See Workman, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 173-8.

140 See Fasciculi Zizaniorum Magistri Johannis Wyclif (Rolls series, ed. W. W. Shirley, 1858), pp. 280-1.

141 Wycliffe’s De Potestate Pape (Wyclif Society, ed. J. Loserth, 1907), p. 84.

142 De Civili Dominio (Wyclif Society, ed. R. L. Poole, 1885), vol. i, pp. 335-42; also pp. 265-74, ch. xxxvii. See also Select English Works (ed. T. Arnold, 1869-71), vol. iii, pp. 216-17.

143 See De Potestate Pape, pp. 84, 238 et seq., 378-9.

144 Ibid., pp. 145-6, 154-5. This idea is either explicitly or implicitly in all Wycliffe’s later teachings.

145 Ibid., pp. 120 et seq., 148, 212, 266 et seq. The whole book is indeed on this theme. Wycliffe does not scruple to call a bad pope ‘horribilius monstrum.’ Cf. Fasciculi Zizaniorum, p. 278.

146 De Potestate Pape, p. 272.

147 Fasciculi Zizaniorum, p. 278.

148 Ibid., p. 279; D. Wilkins, Concilia M. Britanniae et Hiberniae (1737). vol. iii, p. 157.

149 Works of Thomas Cranmer (ed. J. E. Cox, Parker Society), vol. ii, Misc. Writings, p. 119.

150 See Wilkins, vol. iii, p. 350; Chronicon H. Knighton (Rolls series, ed. J. R. Lumby, 1889-95), vol. ii, p. 152.

151 Ibid.

152 See Fasciculi Zizaniorum, p. 278, from Epistola Willelmi Cantuariensis super condemnatione haeresum Wycclyff in synodo. See also extract from a sermon by Wycliffe on this subject, ibid., introd., pp. lxiv-lxv.

153 There was a tendency to Pantheism in Wycliffe. See Workman, op. cit., vol. i, p. 137 n.

154 De Eucharistia (Wyclif Society, 1892), p. 109, cap. iv.

155 Ibid., pp. 189-232, cap. viii.

156 Ibid., cap. i, pp. 15-16. ‘Nichil enim horribilius quam quod quilibet sacerdos celebrans facit vel consecrat cotidie corpus Christi.’

157 Ibid., cap. iv, p. 109.

158 Ibid., Introd., p. liii; cap. iv, pp. 110-11.

159 Fasciculi Zizaniorum, p. 278.

160 See Foxe’s Acts and Monuments, iv and v.

161 Workman, op. cit., vol. i, p. 229. ‘Of the scholastic Lollards it may be written that logic makes no martyrs.’ Cf. pp. 213-90.

162 See popular ballads in J. S. Brewer, Monumenta Franciscana (1858), pp. 591-608.

163 Knighton, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 184-7.

164 De Haeretico Comburendo being frequently enforced from 1401.

165 See Count Lützow, The Life and Times of Master John Hus (1909), pp. 17-62; J. Loserth, Wyclif and Hus (trans. M. J. Evans, 1884); A. H. Wratislaw, Native Literature of Bohemia in the Fourteenth Century (1878), esp. book ii, pp. 181-291.

166 See Lützow, op. cit., pp. 47-62.

167 Documenta Mag. Joannis Hus (ed. F. Palacky, Prague, 1869), pp. 347-9, 355-63. See Lützow, op. cit., pp. 106-9. Wenzel’s reasoned answer to the objections made by the Germans may have been Hus’s work. For the contest at the University, see also H. Rashdall, Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, vol. ii, pp. 212-32.

168 Lützow, op. cit., pp. 130-3, 159-60; Palacky, Documenta, pp. 464-6; The Letters of John Hus (ed. Workman and Pope, 1904), pp. 422-5.

169 Due to the marriage of Wenzel’s sister, Anne, to Richard II.

170 Palacky, Documenta, pp. 289, 292.

171 Ibid., p. 293.

172 Ibid., p. 287; Letters of Hus, p. 217. Hus does not seem to have regarded the Utraquist question as of great consequence. See Creighton, Papacy, vol. ii, p. 86.

173 See J. B. Schwab, J. Gerson (Würzburg, 1858), pp. 482-9; also Creighton, vol. i, appendix 2, pp. 365-8.

174 D’Ailly in Gerson’s Works, vol. ii, pp. 949 et seq.

175 Gerson, ibid., p. 72.

176 Ibid., p. 178. See also, generally, Gerson’s ‘De Unitate Ecclesiastica,’ Works, vol. ii, pp. 113-14; Niem, Theodoricus de, De Schismate (1890). For full list of tracts, see Cambridge Modern History, vol. iii, pp. 867-8.

177 See Creighton’s Papacy, vol. i, p. 143.

178 F. Gregorovius, Hist. of the City of Rome in the Middle Ages (trans. A. Hamilton, 1894-1902), vol. vi, p. 606; J. N. Figgis, From Gerson to Grotius (1907), p. 35.

179 See Gerson’s exhortation to the Archbishop of Prague to extirpate the heresy in Bohemia, Palacky, Documenta, pp. 523-6.

180 Letters of Hus, pp. 146-9, 149-51. These are letters written by Hus at the time of his setting out for Constance. One of them, he instructs, is only to be opened in the event of his death.

181 See Gerson, Works, vol. ii, p. 572; H. v. der Hardt, Magnum oecumenicum Constantiense concilium (Frankfort, 1697-1742), vol. iv, p. 521; Palacky, Documenta, p. 284; Lea, vol. ii, pp. 467-8. ‘The explanation of the controversy over the violation of the safe-conduct is perfectly simple. Germany, and especially Bohemia, knew so little about the Inquisition and the systematic persecution of heresy that surprise and indignation were excited by the application to the case of Hus of the recognized principles of the canon law. The Council could not have done otherwise than it did without surrendering those principles.’

182 Letters of Hus, p. 216.

183 Lützow, p. 249.

184 Palacky, Documenta, pp. 308, 310. Like Wycliffe before and Luther after him, Hus would acknowledge no other authority than Scripture. The Council wanted him to acknowledge the authority of the Church and of itself as the Church’s representative.

185 Letters of Hus, p. 226.

186 Ibid., p. 217.

187 Ibid., p. 224.

188 Letters of Hus, p. 239. See also his letter addressed to all the people of Bohemia, pp. 230-3; also pp. 275-6, and Palacky, Documenta, p. 323. See Creighton, Papacy, vol. ii, p. 51: ‘... It is the glory of Hus that he first deliberately asserted the right of the individual conscience against ecclesiastical authority, and sealed his assertion by his own life-blood.’

189 See, however, J. Mackinnon, A History of Modern Liberty (1906), vol. i, p. 162: ‘The defiance of the Council was the prelude of the modern Reformation. It was a distinct intimation not merely of a solitary reformer like Wiclif or Hus, but of a body of men who claimed to speak in the name of a whole people, that they would not submit to traditional authority per se. It was a plea for fair discussion of matters of controversy, and a protest against the principle of stifling inquiry and dissent by such authority. Otherwise the reason and intelligence of the inquirer will revolt in the name of conscience, justice and religion.’

190 J. Glanvill, A Blow at Sadducism (1688), p. 5. Cf. pp. 32-3: ‘But to reserve all the clear circumstances of Fact, which we find in well attested and confirmed Relations of this kind into the power of deceivable imagination, is to make fancy the greater Prodigy; and to suppose, that it can do stranger feats than are believed of any other kind of function. And to think that Pins and Nails, for instance, can by the power of imagination be conveyed within the skin; or that imagination should deceive so many as have been witnesses in objects of sense, in all the circumstances of discovery; this, I say, is to be infinitely more credulous than the assertors of sorcery and Demoniack Contracts. And by the same reason it may be believed that all the Battels and strange events of the world, which our selves have not seen, are but dreams and fond imaginations.’

191 W. E. H. Lecky, Rationalism in Europe (1904), vol. i, p. 18.

192 See W. E. H. Lecky, Rationalism in Europe (1904), vol. i, pp. 34-5.

193 See Lea, vol. iii, pp. 422-9.

194 See ibid., p. 434.

195 Sprenger, Malleus Maleficarum (Frankfort ed., 1582), vol. i, pp. 488-9: ‘Et eodem modo de adorantibus Daemon[=e] & sacrificantibus ei quia si hoc faciunt, credentes Divinitatem esse in Daemonibus, vel credentes quod cultus latriae sit ei exhibendus, vel quod omnino ex exhibitione talis cultus, assequantur quod requirunt a Diabolo, non obst[=a]te Dei prohibitione, seu etiam permissione, tales essent haeretici. Sed si ista faciunt non ita sentientes de Daemone; sed ut aliquo pacto cum Daemone facilius per ista exequantur ab ipso quod intendunt, tales non sunt haeretici natura rei, licet gravissime peccent.’

196 A. Albertini, De Agnoscendis assertionibus Catholicis in Zilettus, Tractatus Universi Juris, vol. xi, pt. ii, pp. 65-6. Cf. J. Simancas, De Catholicis Institutionibus in Zilettus, ibid., p. 144 (Tit. xxi).

197 Lea, vol. iii, p. 454: ‘Inquisitors... began to insert a clause renouncing sorcery in all abjurations administered to repentant heretics, so that in case they should become addicted to it they could be promptly burned for relapse.’

198 For Peter of Abano, see supra, pp. 69, 70, and Lea, vol. iii, p. 440; for Gilles de Rais, ibid., pp. 468-89.

199 Ordinarily inquisitorial trials were secret. Another abnormal feature in this case was the presence of a prosecutor; the third was that the court was really a joint one, being in part the bishop and inquisitors sitting together as a tribunal of the Holy Office to hear the charge of heresy, in part the bishop sitting as president of the ordinary episcopal court, the inquisitors not included, to hear the charge of unnatural lust with which the Inquisition was not competent to deal.

200 Cf. Lea, vol. iii, p. 486: ‘The morning saw the extraordinary spectacle of the clergy, followed by the whole population of Nantes, who had been clamouring for his death, marching through the streets and singing and praying for his salvation.’

201 Lecky, Rationalism in Europe, vol. i, pp. 47-53.

202 See Bart. Spin. in Ponzinibium de lamiis Apologia prima in Malleorum quorundam Maleficarum tam veterum quam recentiorum authorum tomi duo (Frankfort, 1582), vol. ii, pp. 623 et seq.

203 Ibid., vol. i, pp. 1-8 in Sprenger’s Malleus Maleficarum.

204 For a critique of Sprenger’s work, see J. Michelet, La Sorcière in [OE]uvres Complètes (Paris, 1893-9), pp. 481-96.

205 Sprenger, vol. i, p. 94; also Michelet, op. cit., p. 321.

206 Albertini, op. cit., in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, p. 85; also Sprenger, etc., vol. ii, pp. 262-4, and, generally, pp. 250 et seq., De modo quo localiter transferuntur de loco ad locum.

207 Frédéricq, Documents, vol. i, p. 371. ‘Et illecq leur remontra comment ils avoient esté en ladite vaulderie, et fait tout ce que dessus ai dit, et mesme que aulcunes d’icelles, qui estoient la presentes, avoient esté cognues carnellement du diable d’enfer, l’une en forme de lièvre, l’autre en forme de renard, l’autre en forme de thor, l’aultre en forme d’homme et autant en forme de quelques bestes’—from Mémoires de Jacques du Clercq.

208 Sprenger, pp. 40 et seq., p. 773. See also in vol. ii. of Malleorum... tomi duo, Tractatus utilis et necessarius per viam Dialogi, de Pythonicis mulieribus, pp. 56-7.

209 Sprenger, etc., pp. 458-9 in Bartholomew de Spina’s De Strigibus.

210 Ibid., pp. 459-60.

211 Sprenger, p. 546.

212 de Spina, pp. 544-5.

213 Sprenger, pp. 103-25, 267 et seq.; also in vol. ii of Malleorum... tomi duo, De Pythonicis mulieribus, pp. 42-3.

214 Sprenger, pp. 152 et seq. and 354.

215 Ibid., pp. 152 et seq., 341 et seq.; de Spina, in vol. ii, p. 502.

216 Sprenger, pp. 141 et seq., 296-301, 360 et seq.; De Pythonicis mulieribus, in vol. ii, pp. 65 et seq.

217 Sprenger, p. 310; De Pythonicis mulieribus, in vol. ii, p. 75.

218 See Sprenger, p. 581. Cf. Lea, vol. iii, p. 508.

219 A very effective play based upon this idea is that of H. Wiers-Jenssen, of which the English version is The Witch, by John Masefield.

220 It was so decided by Gregory XI, when the right of the French inquisition in the matter was challenged. Papal commissions issued to inquisitors early in the fifteenth century specifically enumerate sorcery and witchcraft among offences with which they are to deal.

221 See Sprenger, pp. 492-3. Innocent VIII gave a great impetus to persecution of witches in 1485 by his bull, Summis desiderantes, in which all the malignant powers of the witch were enumerated. It was this bull that gave authority to Jacob Sprenger, the author of Malleus Maleficarum. It was supplemented by others of a similar character issued by Julius II and Alexander VI.

222 Sprenger, pp. 172-82.

223 See Lecky, op. cit., vol. i, p. 3; Michelet, op. cit., p. 10.

224 Malleorum—tomi duo, vol. ii, p. 520.

225 Sprenger, p. 214. Inquisitoribus Maleficae non possunt nocere. ‘In oppido nempe Ravenspurg, cum a consulibus Maleficae incinerandae interrogarentur, cur nobis inquisitoribus aliqua maleficia, sicut aliis hominibus, non intulissent, Responderunt: Licet pluries hoc facere attentassent, non tamen potuerunt. Et de causa inquirentibus, respondebant se nescire, nisi quod a Daemonibus informatae fuissent.’ Nevertheless, ibid., p. 559, inquisitors should be careful not to allow themselves to be touched by wizards and witches.

226 Sprenger, p. 549.

227 Ibid., pp. 552-3.

228 Ibid., p. 557. The adjuration was by the bitter tears of Christ shed on the Cross for the sins of the world, by the tears shed by the glorious Virgin Mary, by those shed by all the saints and elect of God on earth.

229 Such enmity had to be really mortal and well authenticated; for the inquisitorial point of view was that of necessity a witch always would excite a great deal of enmity. Allegations of enmity must, therefore, always be carefully sifted. See Sprenger, pp. 542 et seq.

230 For the whole remarkable story, see Lea, vol. iii, pp. 519-34.

231 James, i, 3.

232 2 Peter, ii, 1.

233 2 Corinth., xi, 13.

234 Galat., i, 8. See also ibid., iii, 1, 3.

235 2 Thessal., iii, 15. Cf. Galat., iii, 1, 3.

236 Polycarp, Epist. § 7, in The Apostolic Fathers (ed. J. B. Lightfoot, 1891), pp. 171, 179.

237 ‘Ad officium haereticos compelli, non illici dignum est. Duritia vincenda, non suadenda.’ Tertullian, Opera omnia (ed. Migne, Patrologia latina), vol. ii, col. 125.

238 Lactantius, Divin. Instit., lib. v, cap. 20 (ed. Migne), vol. i, p. 615.

239 Tertullian, Opera omnia, vol. i, col. 699. Liber ad Scapulam, cap. 2.

240 See De Cauzons, op. cit., vol. i, p. 150.

241 Ibid., p. 154.

242 See Philippe à Limborch, History of the Inquisition (trans. S. Chandler, London, 1731), vol. i, p. 8; L. Tanon, Histoire des Tribunaux de l’Inquisition en France (Paris, 1893), pp. 127-33; De Cauzons, vol. i, pp. 163-8; Cod. Theod., i, xvi, leges 3, 8, 12, 30, 33, 34, 35; C. Moeller in Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique (Louvain, 1913), vol. xiv, pp. 728-9, Les bûchers et les autos-da-fé depuis le moyen âge.

243 The Homilies of St. John Chrysostom (Oxford ed., Pusey), Homily xlvi, on Matt. xiii, pp. 630 et seq.

244 Letter 82 to Theophilus, Bishop of Alexandria, in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers (ed. P. Schaff), 2nd series, vol. vi, pp. 170 et seq. See Limborch (Chandler’s ed.), pp. 29-30. It has been averred that St. Jerome was in favour of the death penalty, on the score of Epist. 109 ad Ripar. See Lea, vol. i, pp. 214-15, and rejoinder of H. Maillet, L’Église et la répression sanglante de l’hérésie (1909), p. 15.

245 48th Epistle to Vincentius.

246 50th Epistle to Boniface.

247 Epistle 185, n. 26. Also Epistle 93, n. 10.

248 See Lea, vol. i, p. 213; Maillet, p. 17, and De Cauzons, vol. i, pp. 186-8.

249 See Lea, vol. i, p. 215; Maillet, pp. 17 et seq.; Vacandard, pp. 27-30. ‘Nor were they [the bishops] content with merely accepting it [the aid of the secular arm]. They declared that the State had not only the right to help the Church in suppressing heresy, but that she was in duty bound to do so.’ See also De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 189 n., and P. Frédéricq, Les récents historiens catholiques de l’inquisition en France, in Revue historique (vol. cix, Jan.-April, 1912), p. 314.

250 This suggestion is made by J. Havet in his L’Hérésie et le Bras séculier au Moyen Age in [OE]uvres (Paris, 1896), vol. ii, p. 131.

251 See ibid., p. 138.

252 Vacandard, op. cit., p. 33.

253 Havet, pp. 129-34.

254 I.e. in the langue d’oïl of France, in Flanders, Germany, Burgundy.

255 De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 235.

256 See Havet, p. 135.

257 See De Cauzons, vol. i, pp. 233-4.

258 Frédéricq, Corpus, vol. i, pp. 6-7, No. 3, gives Wazon’s letter. See also Frédéricq in Revue historique, already cited, p. 320; also Maillet, op. cit., p. 34. On the strength of this instance he declares: ‘Nous voyons assez souvent les évêques s’opposer aux exécutions’; whereas this episcopal protest is unique.

259 Havet, op. cit., p. 133. See Maillet on the whole subject in op. cit., chapter ii. He argues that Theoduin had no particular punishment in view and that, therefore, one cannot say he approved the execution of heretics. But as the Bishop must have known very well the sort of punishment customarily inflicted by the State at this time, the argument is not very sound.

260 See De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 260.

261 J. D. Mansi, Sacrorum Conciliorum nova et amplissima Collectio (Paris, 1901-13), vol. xxi, p. 718, and Frédéricq, Corpus, vol. i, No. 31.

262 See De Cauzons, vol. ii, pp. 271-2; Tanon, p. 454.

263 Frédéricq, Corpus, vol. i, No. 34; Maillet, p. 55; Frédéricq, in criticism of Maillet in Revue historique, p. 321.

264 Frédéricq, Corpus, vol. i, No. 39; Mansi, vol. xxi, p. 1177; Havet, pp. 151-2.

265 Mansi, vol. xxii, p. 231; Frédéricq, Corpus, vol. i, No. 47.

266 See De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 269.

267 Stubbs, Select Charters of English Constitutional History (Oxford, 1890), pp. 145-6, § 21 of the Assize.

268 See De Cauzons, vol. 1, p. 277.

269 J. A. Llorente, Histoire critique de l’Inquisition d’Espagne (Fr. trans. from the Spanish, Paris, 1818), vol. i, p. 30; Eymeric, Directorium, p. 298.

270 Ludovico à Paramo, De Origine et Progressu Officii Sanctae Inquisitionis eiusque dignitate et utilitate (Madrid, 1598), p. 90; Havet, p. 167; De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 283. This is the first secular law of the Middle Ages prescribing the penalty of the stake. But it only refers to Waldenses in a particular country, and the stake is only to be had recourse to in the event of banishment (the penalty primarily enjoined) being incomplete. The legislation of general significance is that of the Emperor Frederick II, between 1220 and 1239.

271 For particulars of a rather interesting case see Lea, vol. i, pp. 111-12. The charge of heresy was mainly based on the obduracy of a young girl in repelling the licentious advances of a young canon of Rheims.

272 Mansi, vol. xx, p. 476; Frédéricq, Corpus, vol. i, No. 56.

273 See Havet, p. 154.

274 Vacandard, p. 56.

275 This is the argument of Maillet, op. cit., p. 49.

276 See Frédéricq, Revue historique, p. 320.

277 A. Luchaire, Innocent III; la croisade des Albigeois (Paris, 1905), pp. 58-9.

278 Ibid., pp. 17, 27.

279 Ibid., pp. 7-8; Tanon, p. 21.

280 Luchaire, op. cit., p. 103.

281 J. C. L. Sismondi, History of the Crusades against the Albigenses (Eng. trans.), p. 53.

282 Lea, vol. i, p. 154. See, however, Lord Acton in his review of Lea’s work in The History of Freedom of Thought and other Essays (1909), p. 567. The chronicler, Caesarius Heisterbach, does not relate a fact, but tells a story, which may or may not be fact.

283 The potestas inquirendi handed down from Christ to St. Peter has been annexed to the episcopal dignity. See Ludovico à Paramo, op. cit., book ii, p. 89.

284 C. Douais, L’Inquisition; ses origines, sa procédure (Paris, 1906), pp. 45-6.

285 Sometimes a new heresy was not at once recognized as one at all. Gregory VII was indulgent to Berengar of Tours and Alexander III congratulated Peter Waldo. See Luchaire, op. cit., p. 38.

286 See De Cauzons, op. cit., vol. i, p. 333.

287 Simancas, op. cit., Tit. xxv, p. 150, ‘De Episcopis.’

288 See Lea, vol. i, p. 310; De Cauzons, vol. i, pp. 378-80. See also A. Esmein, Histoire de la Procédure Criminelle en France, et spécialement de la Procédure inquisitoire (Paris, 1882), pp. 66-78; in English version, A History of Continental Criminal Procedure, Continental Legal History Series, vol. v (Boston, 1913), pp. 3-11, 78-94.

289 Mansi, op. cit., vol. xxii, pp. 476-8.

290 See De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 393.

291 At first sight it may appear as though the completeness of the success of the Albigensian Crusade rendered further action unnecessary. This would appear to be the implication in Douais’ L’Inquisition, pp. 45-6. As a matter of fact it was rather a case of following up an initial advantage.

292 Mansi, vol. xxii, p. 785.

293 Ibid., vol. xxiii, p. 24, § xiv. ‘Ut sint in omnibus parochiis, qui de haeresi & manifestis criminibus inquirant.’

294 Ibid. p. 194, § i.

295 Mansi, vol. xxii, pp. 989-90.

296 See De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 395; P. Fournier, Les Officialités au Moyen Age (Paris, 1880), pp. 266-9.

297 Ludovico à Paramo, pp. 27, 31, 49.

298 Luchaire, op. cit., p. 71. ‘En 1204, il enleva aux évêques, pour la donner aux légats, la juridiction ordinaire en matière d’hérésie, première esquisse du procédé d’où sortira l’Inquisition.’ To which M. Douais rightly retorts: ‘Il n’est pas exact de dire que le Pape enleva aux évêques la juridiction ordinaire en matière d’hérésie. Il ne leur enleva rien.’ L’Inquisition, p. 67. See, however, De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 414. ‘Sans enlever donc aux évêques le droit de juger les hérétiques, les rescrits romains constituaient, à côté de leur tribunal, un pouvoir, pouvant juger lui aussi, avec des juges d’une juridiction plus étendue que le leur, ayant le droit d’exiger des chefs des diocèses l’obéissance à leur autorité. Il suffisait d’assurer à ce tribunal nouveau les moyens d’exécuter ses sentences et de le rendre permanent, pour avoir l’Inquisition.’

299 For claim that Dominic was the first inquisitor, see Ludovico à Paramo, pp. 95-6; Douais, L’Inquisition, pp. 25-6; De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 421 n. Dominic was certainly more than a missionary preacher; he examined and condemned heretics. See Acton, op. cit., p. 554.

300 It has been said, truly, that it is neither the crime, nor the procedure, nor the penalty that makes the inquisitor in the strict sense; but his character as a permanent judge-delegate for the cause of heresy. Douais, L’Inquisition, pp. 37-8.

301 For text of commission to Conrad, see Frédéricq, Corpus, vol. i, p. 71, No. 72. ‘... diligenter et vigilanter inquiras heretica pravitate infectos in partibus memoratis, ut per illos, ad quos pertinet, zizania valeat de agro Domini extirpari.’ Douais on this comments (op. cit., p. 53 n.), ‘Si Conrad eut été inquisiteur, c’est à lui que ce soin eût d’abord incombé comme juge.’ The argument is invalid. The appeal to the assistance of the secular arm is normal and certainly does not prove Conrad not to have been an inquisitor. See Lea, vol. ii, p. 319, ‘This was in effect an informal commission as inquisitor-general for Germany’; and De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 449.

302 For text of the bull, Ille humani generis, see Mansi, vol. xxiii, pp. 74-5; Frédéricq, Corpus, vol. i, No. 83, pp. 82-3. The Friars are urged to demolish the heretics who ‘sicut cancer serperent in occulto, & velut vulpes latentes niterentur vineam Domini Sabaoth demoliri.’

303 Lea, vol. i, p. 328. Cf. Tanon, op. cit., p. 175, who considers that Lea does not attach sufficient importance to these bulls.

304 The first bull delegating inquisitorial powers to the Brothers Minor in collective fashion is apparently one issued by Innocent IV, Jan. 13, 1246. See Frédéricq, Corpus, vol. i, No. 122.

305 See De Cauzons, op. cit., vol. i, p. 446 n. ‘La transformation des inquisitions épiscopaux en juges pontificaux, a été la vraie fondation de l’Inquisition; telle qu’elle est connue et louée par certains, abhorrée par d’autres. Or, cette transformation s’est faite progressivement, par tâtonnements autour des années 1230-1233, non par édit général, plutôt par rescrits spéciaux. Les dominicains ont été l’occasion d’un bon nombre de ces rescrits, mais non de tous.’

306 See Lea, vol. i, p. 330.

307 Ibid., p. 339.

308 Ibid.

309 Tanon, op. cit., pp. 177-80.

310 Historia Diplomatica Friderici Secundi, Huillard-Bréholles (Paris, 1852-61), vol. ii, pt. i, pp. 4-6; Monumenta Germaniae historica, G. A. Pertz (Hanover and Berlin), vol. iv, pp. 242-5; Frédéricq, Corpus, vol. i, pp. 70-1, No. 71.

311 See Maillet, op. cit., ch. ii; Frédéricq in Revue historique, p. 310. This edict was drawn up five days before the coronation ceremony by the Curia and sent to receive the imperial signature, so that it might be published in the Emperor’s name in St. Peter’s. For Frederick’s promise to assist the Pope against heresy, see Frédéricq, Corpus, vol. i, p. 70, No. 70.

312 Huillard-Bréholles, vol. ii, pp. 421-3; G. A. Pertz, vol. iv, p. 252. ‘Presenti edictuli constitutione nostra in tota Lombardia inviolabiliter de cetero valitura duximus sanciendum ut quicumque per civitatis antistitem vel diocesanum in qua degit post condignam examinationem fuerit de haeresi manifeste convictus et hereticus judicatus, per potestatem, consilium et catholicos viros civitatis et diocesis earumdem ad requisitionem antistitis illico capiatur, auctoritate nostra ignis judicio concremandus, ut vel ultricibus flammis pereat, aut si miserabili vite ad coercitionem aliorum degerint reservandum, eum lingue plectro deprivent, quo non est veritas contra ecclesiasticam fidem invehi et nomen Domini blasphemari.’

313 Huillard-Bréholles, vol. i, pp. 5-8; Pertz, vol. ii, p. 242; Mansi, vol. xxiv. pp. 586-8.

314 Havet, op. cit., pp. 169-70.

315 For arguments ascribing the responsibility to Frederick, see Havet (passim) and J. Ficker, Die Gesetzliche Einführung der Todesstrafe für Ketzerei in Mittheilungen des Instituts für oesterreichische Geschichtsforschung (1880), pp. 177-226, 430-1. See also C. Moeller in Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique (Louvain, vol. xiv, 1913); Les Bûchers et les Autos-da-fé de l’Inquisition depuis le Moyen Age (pp. 720-51), esp. pp. 725-6; Maillet, op. cit., p. 87, and De Cauzons, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 293-7: ‘La théorie qui met sur le dos de Frédéric II la responsabilité des mesures de répression sanglante, du bûcher en particulier, est née de tendances apologétiques mal comprises, car vouloir concilier l’Inquisition avec nos idées modernes est une chimère.’ Also Tanon, op. cit., p. 462. These laws ’n’en sont pas moins eu une grande importance pour le temps où elles ont été rendues, en présence des difficultés que l’Église rencontrait, en Italie aussi bien qu’en France, de la part des autorités laïques, pour assurer la répression de l’hérésie, en donnant à cette répression la sanction nouvelle de l’autorité impériale elles devaient aider puissamment l’Église à vaincre ces résistances.’

316 See Maillet, op. cit., in ch. ii; Douais, L’Inquisition, ch. 5, esp. pp. 141-2; also De Cauzons, vol. i, pp. 296-7 n., and Moeller, op. cit., pp. 727-8.

317 Lea, vol. i, pp. 227-8. ‘We can imagine the smile of amused surprise with which Gregory IX or Gregory XI would have listened to the dialectics with which the Comte Joseph de Maistre proves that it is an error to suppose, and much more to assert, that Catholic priests can in any manner be instrumental in compassing the death of a fellow creature.’

318 Havet, p. 174; Douais, L’Inquisition, p. 122.

319 Havet, p. 176; Acton, op. cit., p. 555.

320 Acton, op. cit., p. 557. ‘The five years of his abode in Rome changed the face of the Church.... Very soon after Saint Raymond appeared at the Papal court, the use of the stake became law, and the inquisitorial machinery had been devised and the management given to the priors of the order. When he departed he left behind him instructions for the treatment of heresy, which the Pope adopted and sent out whenever they were wanted.... Until he came, in spite of much violence and many laws, the popes had imagined no permanent security against religious error, and were not formally committed to death by burning. Gregory himself, excelling all the priesthood in vigour and experience, had for four years laboured, vaguely and in vain, with the transmitted implements. Of a sudden, in these successive measures, he finds his way, and builds up the institution which is to last for centuries. That this mighty change in the conditions of religious thought and life, and in the functions of the order was supported by Dominicans, is probable. And it is reasonable to suppose that it was the work of the foremost Dominican then living, who at that very moment had risen to power and predominance at Rome.’

321 See De Cauzons, vol. i, pp. 301-3.

322 Frédéricq, Corpus, vol. i, pp. 78-80, No. 80, Capitula Senatoris Annibaldi et populi Romani edicta contra Patarenos. See Gregorovius, City of Rome, vol. vi, pt. 1, pp. 156-61. Heretics were at this time numerous in the States of the Church, Viterbo, Perugia and Orvieto; also in Lombardy. Some of these, the Arnoldists at any rate, were also Ghibellines. ‘The Inquisition now became another instrument in the hands of the Pope for the subjection of the people.’

323 Mansi, vol. xxiii, pp. 586 et seq.

324 Council of Rheims, 1148, Frédéricq, Corpus, vol. i, No. 31; Montpellier, 1162, ibid., No. 35; Lateran, 1179, ibid., No. 47.

325 Verona, 1184, Frédéricq, Corpus, No. 56; Montpellier, 1195, ibid., No. 58; Fourth Lateran, 1215, ibid., No. 68. See also Mansi, vol. xxii, pp. 987-8; Eymeric, Directorium, pt. ii, question 46, p. 378.

326 In Mansi, vol. xxiii, pp. 569 et seq.

327 § 1.

328 §§ 3, 5, 12-15.

329 §§ 24, 25, 31.

330 § 37.

331 Summa, 2, 2, qu. 11, arts. 3 and 4. ‘Multo enim gravius corrumpere fidem, per quam est animae vita, quam falsare pecuniam, per quam temporali vitae subvenitur. Unde si falsarii pecuniae vel alii malefactores statim per saeculares principes juste morti traduntur, multo magis haeretici statim ex quo de haeresi convincuntur, possunt non solum excommunicari, sed et juste occidi.’ Vacandard (p. 176) answers: ‘Such reasoning is not very convincing. Why should not the life-imprisonment of the heretic safeguard the faithful as well as his death? Will you answer that this penalty is too trivial to prevent the faithful from falling into heresy? If that be so, why not at once condemn all heretics to death, even when repentant? That would terrorize the wavering ones all the more. But St. Thomas evidently was not thinking of the logical consequences of his reasoning. His one aim was to defend the criminal code in vogue at the time. That is his only excuse. For we must admit that rarely has his reasoning been so faulty and so weak as in his thesis upon the coercive power of the Church and the punishment of heresy.’ St. Thomas’s logic is sounder than his apologist’s, if his humanity is less! It is not St. Thomas’s logic that is at fault, but the standpoint of mediæval Christianity, which it is vain to seek to harmonize with modern humanitarianism.

332 St. John, xv, 6. Vacandard, p. 177. ‘To regard our Saviour as the precursor or rather the author of the criminal code of the Inquisition evidences, one must admit, a very peculiar temper of mind.’ So judged, again by modern humanitarianism.

333 Tanon, pp. 52-3. To be carefully distinguished from Arnaud of Citeaux, Archbishop of Narbonne, the former papal legate in Languedoc.

334 Vaissete & Devic, op. cit., vol. iv, p. 118. ‘Clamor validus et insinuatio luctuosa fidelium subditorum, processus suos inquisitionis negotio a captionibus, quaestionibus, et excogitatis tormentis incipiens personas quas pro libito asserit haeretica labe notatas, abnegare Christum... vi vel motu tormentorum fateri compellit.’

335 See Douais, Documents, vol. ii, pp. 303-27, for particulars of this commission.

336 The bull, Multorum querela, incorporated in the decrees of this Council. See Frédéricq, Corpus, vol. i, No. 170.

337 Practica, p. 188.

338 Tanon, p. 116.

339 See Tanon, p. 119. Also the case of the Sieur de Partenay, the most powerful noble of Poitou. Lea, vol. ii, p. 124.

340 Lea, vol. ii, p. 130.

341 Lea, vol. ii, pp. 130-2.

342 Ibid., p. 140.

343 Lea, vol. ii. p. 341.

344 Lea, vol. ii, p. 221. For Peter Martyr, see Ludovico à Paramo, pp. 108-9.

345 Lea, vol. ii, p. 236.

346 Lea, vol. ii. p. 236. Notably Honorius III in 1286, who, in consideration of the fidelity of the people of Tuscany, relieved them of the penalties of heresy, save in the case of the relapsed, so that the children of heretics could enjoy the property confiscated from their parents.

347 Ibid., p. 251.

348 Ludovico à Paramo attributes the tranquillity of Spain to the beneficent influence of the Inquisition, op. cit., p. 290.

349 Llorente, vol. i, pp. 66-97.

350 Mansi, vol. xxiii, pp. 553-8.

351 See eulogy of Eymeric in Ludovico à Paramo, p. 110.

352 See Lea, vol. ii, pp. 290-315. For Bohemia, see pp. 427-505.

353 Practica, pp. 232-3, ‘Diligens ac fervens zelo veritatis fidei et salubris animarum ad detestationem et extirpationem heretice pravitatis.... Inquisitor sit constans: persistat inter pericula et adversa usque ad mortem, pro justitia fidei agonizans, ut non temerarie praesumat per audaciam que periculose precipiat.’ Cf. Eymeric, Directorium, p. 575, ‘Inquisitor debet esse conversatione honestus, prudentia circumspectus, constantia firmus, sacra doctrina fidei eminenter eruditus et virtutibus circumfultus.’ See also Frédéricq, Corpus, vol. i, Nos. 215, 243.

354 Ibid., pp. 594, 602; Ludovico à Paramo, p. 106.

355 Limborch, Historia Inquisitionis, p. 124, cap. ix; Directorium, pp. 631-2.

356 See Lea, vol. i, p. 379.

357 See Vacandard, op. cit., p. 139.

358 Douais, L’Inquisition, p. 246; De Cauzons, vol. ii, p. 134.

359 Vacandard, p. 142; Lea, vol. i, pp. 388-9.

360 In sentences the name of the bishop preceded that of the inquisitor. Bernard Gui, Practica, p. 93.

361 Arnaldo Albertini, Tractatus de Agnoscendis Assertionibus Catholicis et haereticis, in F. Zilettus, op. cit., vol. xi, pt. ii, pp. 52 et seq.

362 See Tanon, p. 218.

363 Vacandard, p. 162.

364 Simancas in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, pp. 96-7, 104, 122.

365 Moeller, op. cit., p. 740. ‘The spirit of the inquisitors is another matter. There is room for distrust of their propensity to discover heresies everywhere. Their amour propre was engaged to discover it under the most puzzling appearances.’

366 See J. à Royas, De Haereticis, in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, pp. 212-24 (passim); Albertini, op. cit., p. 53; Ludovico à Paramo, p. 544. See both Royas and Albertini passim on the general question of how to recognize a heretic, also Simancas in tit. xxxi.

367 Simancas, p. 155.

368 Eymeric, Directorium, p. 343. ‘Haeretici affirmativi dicti sunt, qui habent eorum quae sunt fidei, errorem in mente, et verbo vel facto ostendunt, se modis praedictis habere pertinaciam in voluntate.’—‘Negativi vero haeretici dicti sunt, qui coram judice fidei per testes legitimos de aliqua haeresi, vel errore, quos nolunt vel non possunt repellere, rite sive juste convicti sunt, sed non confessi, immo in negativa constanter perseverant; verbo fidem catholicam profitentur et detestantur etiam verbo haereticam pravitatem.’ Cf. p. 561.

369 Lea, vol. i, pp. 433-4. ‘That a man against whom nothing substantial was proved should be punished merely because he was suspected of guilt may seem to modern eyes a scant measure of justice; but to the inquisitor it appeared a wrong to God and man that any one should escape against whose orthodoxy there rested a shadow of doubt. Like much else taught by the Inquisition, this found its way into general criminal laws, which it perverted for centuries.’

370 Simancas in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, pp. 133-5. See Tanon, p. 334.

371 See Douais, L’Inquisition, Appendix, p. 276, Raymond of Peñaforte’s ruling.

372 See Mansi, vol. xxiii, p. 360. Council of Narbonne, 1235. ‘Quinam existimandi fautores haereticorum.’ A sin in the eyes of the Church; and, it should be added, highly improper and dangerous conduct probably in the eyes of the average man in those days.

373 Albertini in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, p. 82.

374 Ludovico à Paramo, op. cit., pp. 37, 45.

375 Cf. De Cauzons, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 203.

376 See Fournier, op. cit., pp. 235-7, 262-73. See also Esmein, op. cit., pp. 66-134 (passim), English version, pp. 8-16, 78-94.

377 Practica, p. 182.

378 Fournier, op. cit., p. 265; Tanon, pp. 272-6.

379 Fournier, pp. 266-7.

380 For forms of citation, see Bernard Gui, Practica, pp. 3 et seq.; Tanon, pp. 339 et seq.

381 Fournier, p. 273. The inquisitor, or his delegate. Supra, p. 180.

382 Bernard Gui, Practica, pp. 235 et seq.; Eymeric, pp. 465 et seq. Cautelae inquisitorum contra haereticorum cavillationes et fraudes.

383 B. Hauréau, Bernard Délicieux et l’inquisition albigeoise (Paris, 1877), p. 89.

384 Cf. Tanon, p. 357.

385 On the ‘shock’ of accusation, see Langlois, op. cit., p. 56. On methods of interrogatories generally, see Molinier, op. cit., pp. 328 et seq.

386 See Tanon, pp. 388-9.

387 Ibid., pp. 390 et seq.; Limborch (Eng. tr.), vol. i, p. 179.

388 Bernard Gui’s Practica, pp. 189-90, 243. ‘Non... expedit quod omnes interrogationes scribantur, sed tantum ille que magis tangunt substantiam vel naturam facti.’ Cf. Ludovico à Paramo, p. 523.

389 See Molinier, pp. 155, 327.

390 See Simancas in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, pp. 103-8, 121-2, 202; Lea, vol. i, pp. 441-2.

391 Eymeric, Directorium, p. 662.

392 Ibid., p. 663, Peña’s comment, No. 119. ‘Familiares & domesticos non admitti in hoc crimine ad defendendum reum, & ratio non inepta haec potest, nam quemadmodum nemo unquam carnem suam odio habuit, eodem modo nemo putandus est consanguineos suos odio habere, tum etiam quia cum ex hoc crimine infamia in filios descendat, si filii ad testimonium dicendum pro parentibus admitterentur, facile ut infamiam vitarent, mentirentur.’

393 On the question of the confessional, see De Cauzons, vol. ii, pp. 214-7; Douais, L’Inquisition, p. 279, in treatise ascribed to Raymond of Peñaforte; Lea, vol. i, p. 437 and note. For decree of Council of Tarragona, see Mansi, vol. xxiii, pp. 555-6. See also E. Martène and U. Durand, Thesaurus novus Anecdotorum (Paris, 1717), vol. v, p. 1802. Doctrina de Modo Procedendi contra Haereticos, the section Qualiter sacerdos debet inquirere in confessione de facto haeresis. ‘Item, injungitur sacerdotibus quod in poenitentiis diligenter inquirant de haereticis & Insabbatis, credentibus, & fautoribus eorumdem, & si quid invenerint, fideliter conscribant, & mox cum illo vel cum illis qui hoc confessi fuerint, episcopo, vel ejus vicario, quid super hoc invenerint manifestent. Si vero confessus noluerit consentire, ut quod dictum est reveletur episcopo vel ejus vicario, Ipse nihilominus sacerdos requirat consilium non specificando personam a peritis & Deum timentibus, qualiter sit ulterius procedendum.’

394 Directorium, p. 480.

395 See Tanon, p. 401.

396 Mansi, vol. xxiii, p. 838.

397 De Cauzons, vol. ii, p. 188.

398 See Ludovico à Paramo, p. 550; Simancas in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, pp. 138-40.

399 See Douais, Documents, vol. ii, p. 136. ‘Arnaldus Pagesii, de Mossoleux, comparuit apud Carcassonam coram domino episcopo Carcassone; et requisitus si vult se deffendere de hiis qui in inquisitione inventa sunt contra eum, respondit quod nullus pro vero potest aliquid dicere de ipso. Requisitus si velit ea de scriptis recipere, dixit quod non; et aliter non vult se deffendere. Item, requisitus si habet inimicos, dixit quod sic, Ber. Gausbert et Martinum Montanerii, sed nullam legitimam causam inimicitiarum assignavit; et alios inimicos noluit nominare.’ Cf. ibid., p. 178. See also Lea, vol. i, pp. 578-9, appendix.

400 Tanon, p. 402.

401 Ibid., p. 362.

402 Mansi, vol. xxiii, p. 573, § 23. ‘Teneatur praeterea Potestas, seu rector, omnes haereticos quos captos habuerit, cogere, citra membri diminutionem & mortis periculum, tanquam vere latrones & homicidas animarum, & fures sacramentorum Dei & fidei Christianae, errores suos expresse fateri, & accusare alios haereticos quos sciunt, & bona eorum, & credentes & receptatores, & defensores eorum, sicut coguntur fures & latrones bonorum temporalium accusare suos complices, & fateri maleficia quae fecerunt.’ Cf. David of Augsburg, quoted by Douais, L’Inquisition, pp. 171-2 note.

403 By the time of the Spanish Inquisition of Ferdinand and Isabella torture had come to be accepted as a most praiseworthy and Christian institution. Cf. Simancas in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, p. 204.

404 Potthast, Regesta Pontificum Romanorum (Berlin, 1874 et seq.), No. 18057.

405 Ibid., No. 18390.

406 Tanon, p. 379.

407 See supra, p. 161.

408 Lea, vol. i, pp. 423-4, with reference to the infrequent mention of torture in inquisitorial registers. ‘Apparently it was felt that to record its use would in some way invalidate the force of the testimony.’ Cf. Tanon, p. 377. ‘Cette particularité (silence) n’est pas spéciale aux registres de l’Inquisition. La plupart des registres criminels des juridictions laïques, pour les époques auxquelles la “question” était d’une application constante, la présentent pareillement. La question était un incident de procédure qui donnait lieu d’abord à un interlocutoire, puis à un procès-verbal spécial, dont la transcription dans les registres n’était nullement nécessaire. Le greffier qui rédigeait la sentence, lorsqu’il relatait les aveux de l’accusé, était beaucoup moins préoccupé de constater les moyens de contrainte à l’aide desquels ils avaient été obtenus que la réitération de ces mêmes aveux, réputés alors volontiers, hors de la chambre de torture.’

409 Eymeric, Directorium, p. 640; Peña’s comment, 110, p. 643.

410 Ibid., comment 39, p. 520. ‘Cum reus fuit leviter et molliter tortus, repeti potest in tormentis, ita ut sufficienter torqueatur,... et haec non tam dicitur repetitio torturae quam continuatio.’

411 Frédéricq, Corpus, vol. i, No. 318.

412 Eymeric, Peña’s comment, p. 521.

413 Ibid., p. 519.

414 Ibid., pp. 480, 592, 614.

415 See Tanon, p. 433. Out of 200 cases before the Carcassonne tribunal there was only one acquittal.

416 Ludovico à Paramo, p. 269.

417 They were also, of course, a warning. ‘The punishment of one is the fear of many,’ remarks Simancas sententiously, Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, p. 179. But the main object is repentance and conversion. Ibid., p. 181.

418 Bernard Gui, Practica, p. 38.

419 Ibid., pp. 94-8.

420 See Douais, Documents, vol. ii, p. 181.

421 Bernard Gui, Practica, p. 95; Liber Sententiarum in Limborch, Historia Inquisitionis, pp. 218, 347. For an instance of this sort of sentence, see Douais, Documents, vol. ii, pp. 116-17. ‘Injunctum fuit Ullixi in penitentia per inquisitores pro perjurio, quia non resumpsit cruces sicut juraverat, quod dominica post instantem dominicam in lxx^a veniat Carcassonam visitaturus omnes ecclesias Burgi Carcassonensis nudis pedibus in camesis et braceis, cum virgis in manu, eundo de una ecclesia ad aliam; et idem faciet in prima dominica mensium singulorum quousque transeat ultra mare. Et hoc fuit ei injunctum in virtute praestiti juramenti.’

422 Lea, vol. i, p. 464; De Cauzons, vol. ii, p. 303.

423 Mansi, vol. xxiii, p. 271, § iv. Bernard Gui’s sentences are full of the infliction of this penance. Cf. Liber Sententiarum, pp. 40-5, 100-17, 185-91, 218-28.

424 Mansi, vol. xxiii, p. 693. ‘Cum peccatores sint ad poenitentiam invitandi juxta Dominicam vocem, gaudere oportet si poenitentiam impositam libenter suscipiunt et supportant. Quocirca statuimus, & in virtute sancti Spiritus inhibemus, ne poenitentibus, quibus cruces pro crimine haeresis imponuntur, irrisio ulla fiat, nec a locis propriis seu communibus commerciis excludantur, ne retardetur conversio peccatorum, & ne conversi propter scandalum abjecta poenitentia relabantur. Et si moniti desistere noluerint, per censuram ecclesiasticam compellantur.’ Cf. Bernard Gui, Practica, pp. 101-2.

425 Eymeric, Directorium, pp. 702-4; Molinier, op. cit., pp. 23, 390.

426 Practica, pp. 165, 169.

427 Douais, Documents, vol. ii, pp. 213, 237.

428 ‘Filios haereticorum, etiam natos ante crimen commissum, sub poenis, & prohibitionibus canonicis comprehendi.’ J. à Royas in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, p. 231.

429 See Lea, vol. i, pp. 471-81.

430 While in France the Inquisition took no official record of confiscation—it was automatically carried out by the State—in Italy the tribunal gave a formal declaratory sentence of confiscation. Zanchino, Tractatus de Haereticis, chs. xxiii, xxv, xxvi.

431 See Lea, vol. i, pp. 520-1.

432 Mansi, vol. xxiii, pp. 574-5.

433 See Lea, vol. iii, p. 525. On whole question of confiscation, see also Tanon, op. cit., pp. 523-38.

434 Lea, vol. i, p. 529. Lea was the first historian to go into the financial aspect of the Inquisition at all thoroughly. He devotes a whole chapter, book i, ch. xiii, to the subject of confiscation. ‘It was this,’ in his view, ‘which supplied the fuel which kept up the fires of zeal, and when it was lacking, the business of defending the faith languished lamentably.’

435 Cf. Langlois, op. cit., p. 74.

436 See De Cauzons, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 48-53. P. 53. ‘Ce n’est pas ambition ni cupidité: c’est instinct de préservation.’ But see Vacandard, op. cit., pp. 202-3. ‘But would the ecclesiastical and lay princes, who, in varying proportion, shared with the Holy Office in these confiscations, and who in some countries appropriated them all, have accorded to the Inquisition that continual good-will and help, which was the condition of its prosperity without what Lea calls “the stimulant of pillage”? We may well doubt it.’

437 Directorium, pp. 709-22.

438 See Douais, Documents, vol. ii, pp. 6, 7, 15, 18, 20, 23, 26, 29, 30, 34; Tanon, op. cit., p. 482; Vacandard, op. cit., p. 193. Eymeric imposed this penance on the violently suspect, Directorium, pp. 530-1.

439 See Lea, vol. i, p. 487.

440 See supra, p. 161; Molinier, op. cit., p. 449.

441 See Lea, vol. i, p. 492.

442 See provisions of the decrees of the Council of Toulouse (1229), in Mansi, vol. xxiii, p. 196; and of the Council of Albi (1244), ibid., p. 840.

443 See Tanon, op. cit., p. 544.

444 Tanon, p. 519; Simancas, op. cit., p. 133. For form of sentence, Practica, p. 59. ‘.... Dirui ac moliri funditus ita quod de cetero in loco seu solo ejus nulla humana habitatio seu reedificatio aut clausio ibi fiat, seu locus inhabitabilis et incultus et inclausus semper existat, et sicut fuit receptaculum perfidorum, sic deinceps ex nunc perpetuo sordium locus fiat.’

445 Ibid.

446 Lea, vol. i, p. 483.

447 Tanon, op. cit., pp. 404-7.

448 Bernard Gui, Practica, pp. 129, 144; Liber Sententiarum, pp. 93, 208; Douais, L’Inquisition, pp. 297, 298, 324.

449 Directorium, pp. 514-16.

450 Practica, pp. 124, 127. ‘Cum ecclesia ultra non habet quod faciat pro suis demeritis contra ipsum, idcirco eundem relinquimus brachio et judicio curie secularis.’

451 Lea, vol. i, pp. 544-6.

452 The formula ran, ‘Eundem N. tanquam haereticum relinquimus brachio et judicio curie saecularis, eandem affectuose rogantes prout canonice sanctiones, quatenus citra mortem et membrorum ejus mutilationem circa judicium et suam sententiam moderetur.’ Practica, p. 127. Cf. Directorium, pp. 554, 559.

453 Douais, L’Inquisition, pp. 264-8; Maillet, op. cit., ch. iv.

454 Supra, pp. 152-6.

455 Admitted candidly by Peña. See Directorium, p. 131, comm. 20.

456 See Simancas, p. 147. See Vacandard, op. cit., on the Church’s use of secular aid, pp. 27-8. ‘Nor were they content with merely accepting it. They declared that the State had not only the right to help the Church in suppressing heresy, but that she was in duty bound to do so.’

457 ‘A legal fiction,’ is Vacandard’s way of putting it; a ‘hypocrisy,’ Lea’s. Langlois calls it ‘a miserable equivocation.’ See Vacandard, op. cit., pp. 178-9. ‘We regret to state, however, that the civil judges were not supposed to take these words literally. If they were at all inclined to do so, they would have been quickly called to a sense of their duty by being excommunicated. The clause inserted by the canonists was a mere legal fiction, which did not change matters a particle.’

458 J. à Royas in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, p. 231.

459 Simancas, ibid., p. 181.

460 Ludovico à Paramo, bk. i, p. 47.

461 For description of Sermo generalis, see Directorium, pp. 437-42, 548-59; Practica, pp. 83-6.

462 In 897 Pope Stephen VII had dug up the body of his predecessor, Formosus, solemnly tried and condemned it, had it mutilated and thrown into the Tiber. There is a case in 1022 of the body of a Manichæan of Orleans, who had died three years before, being exhumed.

463 See Lea, vol. i, pp. 231-2, 553; De Cauzons, vol. ii, pp. 354-61.

464 For sentences against the dead, see Practica, pp. 58, 122-6; Liber Sententiarum, pp. 32-4, 162-7, 333.

465 Ibid., pp. 43, 48.

466 Ibid., p. 54.

467 Liber Sententiarum, pp. 50, 53.

468 Douais, Documents, vol. ii, pp. 128-36 (passim), 151-2.

469 There is the case also of a man, condemned to life imprisonment, being permitted to stay with his invalid father as long as the latter survived. The father may have been seriously ill and his remaining days likely to be few. The case is, however, interesting. Douais, L’Inquisition, p. 232.

470 In the bull, Fraternitatem tuam. See Frédéricq, Corpus, vol. i, No. 57.

471 Directorium, p. 491. See De Cauzons, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 397.

472 Ludovico à Paramo, op. cit., p. 124. See Tanon, op. cit., p. 437.

473 As for example the Sire de Parthenay, see Lea, vol. i, p. 451; and the towns of Albi and Carcassonne, see Tanon, pp. 439-40. It is worth noticing that the notary, who drew up the appeal of the latter city against Nicholas d’Abbeville, was prosecuted for heresy and imprisoned.

474 See Douais, Documents, vol. i, p. ccv., where the sentences are classified.

475 Ibid., vol. ii, pp. 1-87.

476 Tanon, p. 479.

477 Taylor, op. cit., pp. 283-4 n. ‘The philosophic ideas of such seem gathered from the flotsam and jetsam of the later antique world; their stock was not of the best, and bore little interesting fruit for later times.’

478 Mandell Creighton, Persecution and Tolerance (1895), p. 55. ‘Leo X was tolerant of the philosophic doubts of Pomponazzo concerning the immortality of the soul, because such speculations were not likely to affect the position of the Papacy; but could not allow Luther to discuss the dubious and complicated question of indulgences because it might have disastrous effects upon the system of papal finance.’

479 See Acton, History of Freedom of Thought, pp. 569-71.

480 E. S. P. Haynes, Religious Persecution (1904), p. 40. ‘A Liberal has recently been defined as one who would never have taken the chance of imposing silence on the deceivers of mankind. If we hold by this definition, very few Liberals have ever existed, or do exist now.’

481 D. G. Ritchie, Natural Rights (1903), p. 160.

482 The Catholic Encyclopædia (1907-14), on Heresy, vol. vii, p. 261.

483 Creighton, Persecution and Tolerance, pp. 9-10.

484 Ludovico à Paramo, op. cit., pp. 281-2.

485 Ibid., pp. 288-9.

486 Ibid., pp. 333-4.

487 Joseph de Maistre, Considérations sur la France suivies... des lettres à un gentilhomme russe sur l’inquisition espagnole (Brussels, 1844), pp. 281 et seq. Cf. Catholic Encyclopædia, vol. vii, p. 261. ‘Toleration came in when faith went out.’

488 De Cauzons, op. cit., vol. i, p. 9.

489 Pollock, Essays in Jurisprudence and Ethics (1882), on The Theory of Persecution, pp. 144-5. ‘However eager the clergy might be to stimulate and direct the anger of the faithful against heretics, their efforts would have been in vain if the bulk of the laity had not been predisposed to persecute heretics when duly pointed out. So far from persecution being merely the creature of priestcraft, it would be as near the truth to say that priestcraft was invented in order to organize persecution.’

490 Haynes, op. cit., pp. 52-9.

491 Ibid., p. 3. ‘And the heretic—often lacking in tact and a sense of proportion—is as offensive to the believer as one who should rudely tell him that his doctor was a quack and his solicitor a swindler.’ Cf. p. 55.

492 Mill, On Liberty; Lecky’s Rationalism, esp., chs. iv and v.

493 Op. cit., pp. 5, 113-15.

494 Pollock, op. cit., p. 175.

495 J. B. Bury, A History of Freedom of Thought (Home Univ. Lib.), p. 14. ‘A long time was needed to arrive at the conclusion that coercion of opinion is a mistake, and only a part of the world is yet convinced. That conclusion, so far as I can judge, is the most important ever reached by man. It was the issue of a continuous struggle between reason and authority....’

496 Cf. Langlois, op. cit., pp. 21-47.

497 For the trial of the Templars, see H. Finke, Papstum und Untergang des Templerordens (Münster, 1907); M. Lavocat, Procès des Frères et de l’ordre du Temple (Paris, 1888); Collection de Documents inédits sur l’histoire de France—Procès des Templiers, J. Michelet (Paris, 1841); Lea, vol. iii, pp. 238-334. Lea’s treatment of this complicated subject is masterly, and is conclusive against Philip IV and Clement V. For the trial of Jeanne d’Arc, see J. Quicherat, Procès de Condamnation et de Réhabilitation de Jeanne d’Arc (Paris, 1841-9); H. S. Denifle and E. Chatelain, Le procès de J. d’Arc et l’Université de Paris (Paris, 1897); A. France, Vie de Jeanne d’Arc (Paris, 1908); A. Lang, The Maid of France (1908); Lea, vol. iii, pp. 338-78, etc. For trial of Savonarola, see P. Villart, Life and Times of Savonarola (Eng. trans.), 1899; Lea, vol. iii, pp. 209-37. For papal use of the Inquisition for political purposes, see Lea, vol. iii, ch. iv, generally.