Chapter XV
“Expect not, O Pope! a second retreat
To find in Gaeta, or a stool for your feet:
A worse fate than even your own may await
The felon to you who once open’d the gate.”
G. Rosetti. T. D.
THE CONDITION OF NAPLES SINCE THE REIGN OF TERROR IN APRIL—AGITATION ON GARIBALDI’S APPROACH.
There was a reign of terror in Naples in April, 1860, in consequence of numerous arrests and imprisonments of persons of all classes, many of them on the merest suspicion. The British minister in that city, who had repeatedly distinguished himself by his humane exposure and protest against the cruelties of the old savage, Bomba, now made new representations to his government, that these measures were taken by the Intendants in compliance with a circular from the Minister of Police. On the 1st of March they arrested numbers who were not suspected at all, and among them several dukes, marquises, counts, and princes. Other evidences were given by the government of their great fear of an insurrection.
The following is from the letter addressed to the King of Naples by the Count of Syracuse:
“Civil war, which is already spreading over the provinces of the continent, will carry away the dynasty into that ultimate ruin which the iniquitous arts of perverse advisers have long been preparing for the descendants of Charles III. of Bourbon; the blood of the citizens, uselessly spilt, will again flood the thousand towns of the kingdom, and you, once the hope and love of the people, will be regarded with horror as the sole cause of a fratricidal war.
“Sire, while it is yet time, save our house from the curses of all Italy! Follow the noble example of our royal kinswoman of Parma, who, on the breaking out of civil war, released her subjects from their allegiance, and left them to be arbiters of their own destinies. Europe and your subjects will take your sublime sacrifice into account, and you, sire, will be able to raise your brow in confidence up to God, who will reward the magnanimous act of your majesty. Your heart, tempered by adversity, will become accessible to the noble aspirations of patriotism, and you will bless the day when you generously sacrificed yourself for the greatness of Italy.
“With these words, sire, I fulfill the sacred duty which my experience imposes upon me, and I pray to God that he may enlighten you, and render you deserving of His blessings.
“Your majesty’s affectionate uncle,
“Leopold, Count of Syracuse.
“Naples, Aug. 24.”
In the latter part of August, reports of the nearer approach of Garibaldi, and of risings in different parts of the country, were multiplied daily; and the secret patriotic committee more openly and freely circulated their publications, which were to be seen in every house. Movements had been made, before the 25th, in Matera, the Capitanata, Bari, Monopolo, and Sassinoro, and in Potenza and Corleta provisional governments were formed in favor of Victor Emanuel. Indeed, the kingdom was in a state of general revolution, and a pro-dictatorial committee held its sessions to direct “the great Lucanian insurrection.” An order was also published in Naples, in the name of Garibaldi, Dictator of the Two Sicilies, providing that all authorities should remain at their posts; that acts of the government should be published in the name of Victor Emanuel; that a committee of public security and a commission of engineers should be formed to barricade the city; and that all capable of bearing arms should join the National Guard. Committees were also formed for looking after the commissariat, and attending to the sick and wounded, on which committee were the names of seven ecclesiastics. The headquarters of the insurrectionists were at Potenza, in the province of Basilicata, and to this point were crowding hundreds and thousands of volunteers. The people of the country itself had taken up arms. All business was suspended; one thought alone occupied the public mind. The great fear of many was of pillage; and the want of occupation, and the almost general famine among the lower classes, gave such a fear yet greater appearance of reasonableness.
The landing of several detachments of the Garibaldians was now a confirmed fact.
The following account of the revolution in the Basilicata will afford an idea of the changes then made in the country:
“The province of Basilicata had long been agitated; it is a mountainous country, subject to earthquakes. The war of Italy, the adventures of Garibaldi, the constitution of Francis II., precipitated the crisis. The reactionary attempts at Matera gave the signal for the movement. Potenza, the chief town of the province, was only defended by gendarmes. They were apparently on good terms with the national guard, and their chief, Captain Castagna, had given his word of honor that he would not be the first to commence the attack.
“On the morning of the 18th of October, the gendarmes formed in column, left the town, and took up a position within musket shot of the houses on the Monte. Castagna removed his men in this way to tranquillize the country, as he said. However, a picket of national guards at the Salsa gate watched the movements of the gendarmes. It was well they did, for Captain Castagna all at once returned with his men at double-quick pace, dividing them into two columns, one of which was to attack the post held by the national guard, and the other to open the prisons.
“The first discharge of the royalists took place before the men attacked had time to cry ‘To arms!’ A bullet struck Captain Asselta in the temple. He had firmly stood the charge with some fifty of the national guardsmen. Not till then did the latter open fire, and the gendarmes were put to flight. They disbanded about the town and the open country, striking at random, pursued and hunted everywhere by the peasants, who were armed with hatchets. They also lost some fifty prisoners: about fifty were wounded, and more than twenty slain.
“Besides the wound of Captain Asselta, the insurgents had to deplore the loss of two young men, and count both women and children among the wounded. Nevertheless, this strange insurrection, provoked, hastened at least, and justified like the Italian war of last year, by the attack of the gendarmes, was entirely successful, and it spread most rapidly. Clouds of armed mountaineers came down from all parts of the heights to help their brethren in the town. The wounded and royal prisoners were not only spared, at the simple command of a chief, but received every assistance, just as if they had been fighting for the good cause.
“On the 19th, at Tito, the national guard drove out the gendarmes; on the 20th there were more than 10,000 armed men at Potenza; on the 22d 16,000 were mustered. All the nobility, the landowners, the chief inhabitants, the educated citizens, even the priests, were on the side of the insurgents. The peasants took up arms spontaneously to the cry of ‘Long live Victor Emanuel.’ The cross of Savoy floated everywhere on the tri-color flag. The forces were commanded by a Neapolitan, who had already figured in two former Italian wars—Colonel Boldoni.
Strong detachments were stationed en échelons around the town and upon the mountains. Good positions were occupied, amongst others that of Marmo, whence a handful of men can keep in check an army, and renew the defence of Mazagran. The insurrection assumed such proportions that it kept the royal forces at a distance. Neapolitans and Bavarians had been sent against it; the former stopped at Auletta, the latter at Salerno.
“Potenza was barricaded, and preparing to resist to the death. It had already a provisional government, whose two first acts the National Committee published, headed:
“‘VICTOR EMANUEL, KING OF ITALY. GENERAL GARIBALDI,
DICTATOR OF THE TWO SICILIES.
“‘A pro-dictatorial government has been formed to direct the great Lucanian insurrection. (Basilicata is the ancient Lucania).
“‘The members sit permanently in the old hall of Intendants.
“‘Potenza, August 19, 1860.’
“‘FOR THE DICTATOR, GARIBALDI.
“‘The pro-dictators, N. Mignona, G. Albini;
the secretaries, Gaetano, Cascini, etc.
“‘It is ordained: 1. That the authorities shall remain at their posts and actively assist in maintaining order, providing for the proper carrying on of the judicial and civil administration. 2. The acts of the government relating to the civil and judicial administration shall be headed: Victor Emanuel, King of Italy; Joseph Garibaldi, Dictator of the two Sicilies. 3. A committee of public safety is established and a committee of engineers for barricading the town.’
“The fifth article nominates the majors and captains of the national guard. The sixth directs them to form the several corps. The seventh appoints a deputation to see to the conveyance of provisions, etc. The eighth appoints a deputation for providing quarters. The ninth names a committee for attending to the sick, wounded, and prisoners.
“Rumors of the defection of the king’s officers were repeated every moment. It was asserted in Naples that General Nunziante had just gone over to Garibaldi. The Duchess of Mignano, the wife of the exiled general, having been ordered to quit Naples, proudly refused to go, and defied the ministers to remove her by force.”
During a few days about the beginning of September, the king’s ministers, his army and the city, were in a state of the greatest agitation. On the 3d, General Cotrufiano sent in his resignation, but expressed his hope that the ministry would remain in power. The National Guard, who had before communicated with them, then told them that if they did not remain they would commence the revolution in the city.
As circumstances, however, were, the ministers considered it impossible to remain with dignity or advantage to the country, and, en masse, again sent in their written resignation. “We have been called traitors,” they said. “We have the troops against us, and no longer enjoy the confidence of the sovereign; we are supported by the National Guard and the people, it is true, and are their ministers rather than the king’s; but this is not according to the principles of the Constitution, and we therefore earnestly beg your majesty to choose a transition ministry. Besides, we will not undertake the responsibility of the war against Garibaldi and his followers, for it will be altogether useless.” Such, remarks a writer who was at that time in Naples, was the manner in which the ministers addressed his majesty, and put into plain English, it means this: “If your majesty will abandon all self-defence, we will serve you, but if you are determined to risk an action, we will persist in resigning, and then barricades will be formed directly.” The choice left to Francis II., then, was revolution or abdication, and this is the end of that vast structure of despotism which Ferdinand II. reared with so much labor, and cemented with so much blood. On Sunday morning, the ministers met in the council chamber, and waited for some decision on the part of his majesty, but none came; but later in the day, De Martino was sent for by the king, and requested to form an administration. This, however, De Martino declined doing, and the king exclaimed, in great sadness, “Then I am abandoned by all.” So stood the matter on Sunday night. It was clear that the ministers had no hopes or intentions, even if they remained in power, of doing anything more than keep things together till Garibaldi came. To them, as to all in Naples, it was evident enough that the game was up, and that all they could do for the country was to make the fall, or transition, as easy as possible. Up to that time their conduct was beyond all praise. There was an impression in the city that the ministerial difficulties had been arranged, and, in consequence, on Saturday and Sunday night there was a partial illumination of the city, and bills were placarded bearing the inscription, “Viva Garibaldi!” “Viva Romano!”—the chief minister.
It is impossible for any generous mind to contemplate the position of Francis II. without compassion. Not gifted by nature with much intelligence, kept in gross ignorance, and reared in a school of political despotism and religious bigotry by his father, misguided and betrayed by evil counsellors in the early part of his reign, and finally abandoned by his oldest uncle, and by the contemptible nobility and parasites who supported or tolerated the corruptions of the government so long as they were to their own advantage, he sat alone in his palace, the last sovereign of his family, hesitating as to the moment when he is to lay down both crown and sceptre. Close to his palace crowds were reading and rejoicing in the latest dispatches from the camp of the enemy, who was advancing by rapid marches—an enemy whom he had no force to repel; and not much more distant resided the minister of a sovereign who subscribed himself the “beloved cousin” (or by some similar hypocrisy) of Francis II., at the same time that he was doing all that in him lay to drive him from the throne. The position was a hard one, created by the Bourbons themselves—a fulfillment of the great decree, that the sins of the fathers shall be visited on the children.
What a contrast was then presented between the cold, bloody cruelty of the Bourbons and the noble moderation of this long oppressed people! Thousands in the city had in some form or other been victims of revenge or suspicion; and it is truly wonderful that not a hand, nor even a voice, was raised against the unprotected king.
As for placing himself at the head of the army, his majesty had no army to command. During the whole of Sunday night, boats were going backward and forward between the land and the Spanish vessels with royal property. The queen mother was already in Albano, near Rome.
There was in the bay a most imposing fleet, representing every nation in Europe. Even the Pope had his flag lying off the Villa. On that side of the city there were fourteen vessels of war, and as many off Santa Lucia.
Flight of the King of Naples
“At 6 o’clock in the evening of September, his majesty went on board a Spanish vessel, and at 8 o’clock left Neapolitan waters. Before leaving, his majesty published his protest, which is given below.
“It would appear that the French admiral thought, with the prefect, that some precautions were necessary, and he therefore called on the British Admiral Mundy in the course of the evening, and announced his intention of sending some men on shore. Admiral M. replied that he saw no necessity for the step, as the city was perfectly tranquil.”