Chapter XI Palmerston and the Revolution of ’48
Whilst France and England had been quarrelling over the Spanish marriages, events of greater importance had been taking place in Central Europe. The Polish nationalists had planned an insurrection which was to break out simultaneously in Prussian and Austrian Poland. At Posen, the authorities obtained early intelligence of the projected rising, and were enabled to suppress it without difficulty. But in Gallicia, in February, 1846, the Austrian military commander was suddenly called upon to deal with a formidable rebellion. Colonel Benedek,883 however, by allowing the Polish peasants to wreak their hatred upon their landlords, succeeded in dividing the forces opposed to him and in subduing one revolution by another. The free town of Cracow was the scene of severe fighting, and, after the defeat of the insurgents, was occupied by Russian troops. The measure was to be merely temporary, and the town, it was announced, would be evacuated, directly order should be restored. But, when it was evident that the Spanish marriage question had hopelessly divided France and England, the Northern Courts adopted a different attitude. On November 15, 1846, the Austrian, the Prussian and the Russian ministers in London informed Palmerston that the independent existence of Cracow was incompatible with the public tranquillity of Europe, and that, in consequence, it had been decided that the Republic should, in the future, form part of the Austrian Empire.884 A similar communication was, at the same time, made to the French government. The Republic of Cracow having been constituted by a treaty between Austria, Russia, and Prussia, on May 3, 1815, these three Powers maintained that they had a right to undo what they had done, without consultation with the other Powers which were parties to the general settlement of 1815.885 Both France and England at once entered a formal protest. M. Guizot, having attained his object in Spain, was now bent upon re-establishing “the cordial understanding,” and would gladly have made a joint representation to the three Powers with great Britain.886 But his hope that the annexation of Cracow would prove the means of reuniting France and England was not realized. Palmerston contented himself with directing Normanby to furnish the French government with a copy of the remonstrance which he addressed to the Court of Vienna.887
Metternich was not disturbed by these representations. It was out of the power of England to enforce her views, and Louis Philippe and M. Guizot were careful at once to reassure him about their veritable intentions. Public indignation had been aroused in France by the extinction of the little republic and, under the circumstances, it had been necessary to protest officially. But let the Chancellor understand, Louis Philippe informed the Austrian ambassador, that the remonstrance which M. de Flahaut had been instructed to make at Vienna was “merely talk which could hurt no one.”888 Metternich, however, although he was thus speedily relieved from all anxiety as to the attitude which the western Powers purposed to adopt towards his proceedings in Gallicia, had much cause for uneasiness in other directions. Germany was seething with discontent, and the King of Prussia, by deciding to summon the combined Estates, was evincing a regrettable disposition to acquiesce in the popular demand for a greater measure of political rights. In Italy affairs presented a yet more alarming appearance. For the past fourteen years the Peninsula had been outwardly at peace. But Metternich’s vigilance had not been lulled to sleep by this seeming acquiescence in existing conditions. A movement, he was well aware, was in progress infinitely more dangerous than the local insurrections planned in the secrecy of the Carbonari lodges. Mazzini, by means of his society of Young Italy, and Gioberti, d’Azeglio and Balbo, by their writings, were teaching the people to dream of independence and of national unity. Hitherto Metternich, in his policy of repression, had always been able to count upon the whole-hearted support of the different Italian governments. But now the Sovereign of the most important State in the Peninsula was strongly suspected of encouraging the propagation of these new doctrines.
Charles Albert, King of Sardinia, had, as the Prince of Carignano, displayed Liberal tendencies. In the Piedmontese rebellion of 1821 his conduct had been equivocal, but, since his accession, in 1831, he had shown a firm determination to uphold the absolutist traditions of his House. Nevertheless, he now permitted both d’Azeglio and Balbo to reside unmolested within his dominions and, in spite of Metternich’s remonstrances, his police scarcely interfered with the free circulation of their subversive writings. In the summer of 1846, it was already apparent that the relations between the Courts of Turin and of Vienna were no longer upon their former friendly footing. Ostensibly a question of tariff was the only cause of dispute. In reality, however, it was Charles Albert’s increasing sympathy with the Italian national movement which was the reason of the prohibitive duty, placed by Metternich, upon the wines of Piedmont.889 Matters were in this state when, on June 1, 1846, the Pope, Gregory XVI., died. Fifteen days later, Cardinal Mastai-Ferretti, Archbishop of Imola, was elected to succeed him, and assumed the title of Pius IX.
The condition of the Papal States was deplorable. The finances were in disorder, and the government depended for its existence upon the protection of Austria and upon the presence of its Swiss auxiliary troops. The new Pope, it was hoped, would consent to the introduction of certain necessary measures of reform. The expectation that Pius IX. would not pursue the reactionary policy of his predecessor proved well founded.890 On July 16, 1846, a month after his election, His Holiness proclaimed a general amnesty for political offences. The educated classes had eagerly absorbed the doctrines of Balbo, d’Azeglio, and Gioberti, and the Liberal tendencies manifested by the new Pope aroused an immense enthusiasm. Nor was his popularity confined to his own dominions. The quiet and unpretending priest suddenly found himself magnified into a national hero. Patriots, who had begun to look to Charles Albert as the future liberator of Italy, now placed all their hopes in Pius IX. It was not possible for him to withstand the enthusiasm which his concessions had called forth. In the spring of 1847, a modified liberty was granted to the press, and the formation of a Council of State, to be chosen by the Pope from elected provincial delegates, was decreed. Lastly, on July 5, the establishment of a civic guard was announced. The Grand Duke of Tuscany, fearful that invidious comparisons would be drawn between his methods of government and those of His Holiness, made haste to initiate similar reforms at Florence.891
In the opinion of Louis Philippe, the death of Gregory XVI. amounted to a public misfortune. A Liberal Pope could not but add materially to the political unrest which had suddenly affected the whole of Europe.892 Nevertheless, neither he nor M. Guizot were as yet prepared to join with Austria in counselling the Papal government to resist the popular demand for reforms. France was at the time represented at Rome by a man of considerable ability and learning, Count Rossi, an Italian political exile and a naturalized Frenchman. In the first instance he was instructed to counsel the adoption of a strictly juste milieu policy.893 The new Papal government should be based upon the principles of an enlightened conservatism. His Holiness would be well advised promptly to introduce certain much-needed reforms into his system of administration. Let him beware, however, of listening to those who would propose violent and ill-considered changes. Above all, let him avoid giving unnecessary offence to Austria.894 But, after his quarrel with England over the Spanish marriages, M. Guizot decided to revise his Italian policy.
In every part of the world France and England were opposed to each other. M. Guizot’s own relations with Lord Normanby were very far from friendly. The public denial of the French minister that he had used certain words, imputed to him by the British ambassador, had been followed by a personal quarrel, which had only been arranged by the intervention of Count Apponyi, the Austrian ambassador.895 At Madrid, the consequences of the distasteful marriage forced upon the young Queen were already apparent. Isabella was practically separated from her husband, and her relations with General Serrano were a cause of scandal. French and British rivalry was actively maintained by Bresson and by Bulwer, who, with the full knowledge of Palmerston, was deeply involved in all the intrigues of the palace.896 At Athens, where King Otho had been compelled to grant a constitution, Lyons and Piscatory, the British and French ministers, were closely identified with different political parties. In South America, a dispute between Lord Howden and Comte Walewski threatened to put an end to the mediation of France and England in the war, which for some time past had been in progress between Buenos Ayres and Monte Video.897
M. Guizot, under these circumstances, resolved to make approaches to Austria. The British government alone was disposed to sympathize sincerely with the Liberal movement which was causing so much anxiety to the absolute Courts. If only he could arrive at an agreement with Metternich as to the policy to be adopted towards German, Swiss and Italian affairs, England would be isolated completely. But the negotiation of such an understanding was a delicate matter. An alliance between the government of the “Citizen King” and the Cabinet of Vienna, for the maintenance of despotism and of the settlement of 1815, was an unnatural combination which might prove fatal to its promotor. Public opinion in France was on the side of the peoples struggling for political freedom. M. Thiers, the leader of the Opposition, had loudly declared that this was only the principle upon which French policy could be based. M. Guizot, therefore, considered it advisable, in his intercourse with Metternich, not to make use of the ordinary channels of communication, but to employ a secret agent. In the spring of 1847, accordingly, he sent to Vienna, a certain Klindworth,898 who on several former occasions appears to have been entrusted with confidential missions by the French Foreign Office. He was to assure Prince Metternich that the French government was determined to uphold the territorial status quo, and was prepared to co-operate with Austria in opposing the introduction of any fundamental changes in the system of government of the different Italian States.899
M. Guizot, furthermore, entered into a direct correspondence with Prince Metternich. But no precise agreement as to their respective policies was concluded.900 Guizot appears to have been mainly concerned to assure the Austrian Chancellor of the high esteem which he entertained for his perspicacity and judgment. Nor did he, on occasions, disdain to employ language which can only be described as that of fulsome adulation.901 Metternich could not be otherwise than pleased and flattered by the advances thus made to him. He was not, however, disposed to set an undue value upon the protestations of M. Guizot. He had little doubt that, were Austria to invade the Papal States, France would at once dispatch an army to Italy, proclaiming that she had taken His Holiness under her protection. But, although no formal compact resulted from M. Guizot’s overtures at Vienna, his desire to propitiate Prince Metternich was reflected in his instructions to his agents at the different Italian Courts. By the spring of 1847, it was evident that the Italian Liberal movement was regarded with nearly as much disapproval by the government of Louis Philippe as by the Cabinet of Vienna.
Metternich was under no illusions as to the true meaning of the events which were taking place in Italy. Above the popular expressions of joy at the reforms, conceded by the Pope or by the Grand Duke of Tuscany, rose the threatening cry for the expulsion of the foreigner. Unless the Liberal movement could be crushed, the Emperor, he perceived clearly, would have to fight to retain his Italian possessions. “Nationality,” he bade Buol warn Charles Albert, “was the new device which the revolutionists had inscribed upon their banners.”902 Resolutely he prepared for the struggle which he saw was impending. Troops were poured into Lombardy and the Austrian garrison at Ferrara was strengthened. Moreover, he was strongly suspected of fomenting a counter-revolutionary plot at Rome, with the object of forcibly displacing the Liberal advisers of His Holiness, and of surrounding him with members of the reactionary party. The discovery of this conspiracy, in which the governor of Rome was involved, caused an immense excitement. No certain evidence could be procured of the participation of Austrian agents in the affair. It was significant, however, that the garrison of Ferrara received a substantial accession of strength on the very day fixed upon by the conspirators for the execution of their plans.903 But, if Metternich’s connection with the Roman plot of July 1847 may be held to be not proven, his intention to provoke the Liberal and national party into some ill-considered act of violence, which should furnish him with a pretext for armed intervention, admits of no doubt. Hitherto, as specified by the treaty, the garrison at Ferrara904 had been confined to the citadel. But now the Austrians proceeded to occupy the whole town, the troops adopting a most insulting attitude towards the population, and especially towards the civic guard. But this clumsy device for bringing on a collision failed in its object. In the words of the British minister at Florence, the newly enrolled citizen soldiers “observed the most extraordinary moderation under the most contumelious treatment.”905 The Austrian proceedings at Ferrara called forth a strong protest from His Holiness, who, at the same time requested Charles Albert to send a frigate to Civita Vecchia for his personal protection. His Sardinian Majesty promptly complied with this demand, whereupon, the French ambassador tendered an offer of assistance on the part of his government. This proposal, however, was declined, no doubt being entertained at Rome, that France and Austria were acting together in Italian affairs.906 Thus Metternich, by his aggressive attitude, had only succeeded in creating a bond of union between the Papal government and the Court of Turin.907
At the end of July, 1847, Metternich resolved to inquire of the different Powers, which were parties to the treaties of 1815, whether they, as “the principal guardians of the political peace,”908 intended to maintain the territorial divisions of the Italian peninsula as settled by the Congress of Vienna. The revolution, he told Lord Ponsonby, must now be considered as complete in the Roman States and in Tuscany. A revolution, he explained, was accomplished, once a government had been deprived of all power. But the real object of the party which had triumphed at Rome was to create a united Italy. The Emperor, however, while studiously respecting the independence of the sovereign States of the Peninsula, was determined to preserve his own Italian kingdom.909 The British government, wrote Palmerston in reply, holds that the stipulations of treaties must everywhere be observed, and that no changes in an agreement can properly be effected, except with the concurrence of all the Powers which are parties to it. But Her Majesty’s government, at the same time, is no less strongly of opinion that the right to carry out internal reforms is a right inherent to independent sovereignty.910 A month later, on September 11, when the threatening communications made by Count Buol to the Court of Turin, and the proceedings of the military commander at Ferrara suggested that Austria might be contemplating some act of aggression against the Kingdom of Sardinia and the Papal dominions, Palmerston reverted to this subject. “The crowns of Great Britain and of Sardinia,” he warned Metternich, “had long been bound together by the ties of an intimate and faithful alliance, and Great Britain could neither forget nor repudiate claims founded upon such honourable grounds.” The Papal States were an essential element in the political independence of the Italian Peninsula, and no invasion of them could take place “without leading to consequences of great gravity and importance.”911
At the time when Palmerston was holding this language, the British government had decided upon a measure, which was afterwards the subject of much criticism. In the month of April, the Papal nuncio in Paris had expressed to Lord Normanby a fear that His Holiness would experience great difficulty in carrying out his projected reforms. It was plain that no assistance would be forthcoming from the French government, and it was, in consequence, very necessary that the cause of social improvement in Italy should receive “a more active moral support from England.” If there were constitutional objections to the establishment of direct diplomatic relations with the Holy See,912 might not some one, he suggested, in the confidence of Her Majesty’s government, be sent to Rome for the purpose of communicating with the Pope and his ministers?913 The Russell Cabinet was strongly in favour of acceding to this request, but the manner in which the British government should extend its “moral support” was somewhat difficult to determine. Palmerston advocated that Lord Minto, the Lord Privy Seal, should be sent upon a special mission to Turin, Florence and Borne. The Queen, however, raised certain objections to this plan. In an able memorandum Prince Albert pointed out that to despatch a member of the government to Italy, to encourage the rulers of the different States to adopt measures, which Austria regarded as highly dangerous to her existence as an Italian power, was “a most hostile step towards our old and natural ally.” It would be more friendly, he contended, and certainly more honest, to let it be clearly understood at Vienna that an attack upon any Italian Sovereign, who was desirous of effecting administrative reforms, would be looked upon as a violation of treaties to which England was a party. But His Royal Highness was ready to admit that, by adopting such a policy, England would be morally bound to uphold the independence of the Italian States, whereas the projected mission of Lord Minto would not commit her actively to interfere on their behalf.914 After some further discussion and correspondence Palmerston carried his point. On September 11, his already quoted despatch was sent off to Vienna, and, a week later, Lord Minto was supplied with his instructions and started upon his journey.
Moderate as was the language which Lord Minto was directed to hold at the different Italian Courts, his mission was necessarily regarded with extreme disapproval at Vienna. Yet Minto had no mandate to encourage the movement in favour of Italian unity, nor was he instructed to counsel the adoption of any measures which could be regarded as even an indirect attempt to deprive the Emperor of his Italian possessions. On the contrary, he was to insist upon the necessity of maintaining the peace. At Turin, he was to warn Charles Albert of the danger of allowing his natural irritation at the interference of Austria in his affairs to betray him into some act, which might furnish the Court of Vienna with a pretext for attacking him. But Metternich, being determined to place an absolute check upon the development of Liberal ideas, was naturally greatly annoyed that a British minister should visit Florence, Rome and Turin for the purpose of congratulating the Sovereigns upon the reforms which they had already carried out, and of urging them to persevere in the same course in the future.915
Another task, however, had been confided to Lord Minto, besides that of counselling the Italian rulers to advance with prudence and circumspection along the path of reform. On his way to Turin he was instructed to visit Switzerland, where a very grave condition of affairs had arisen. By the Federal Pact of 1815 Switzerland consisted of twenty-two sovereign and independent Cantons, each of which possessed one vote in the Federal Diet. The repercussion of the revolution of 1830, in France, was acutely felt in Switzerland, and, about that time, the cantonal constitutions were revised in a democratic spirit. Some nine years later, however, the Conservatives, by raising the cry that religion was in danger, succeeded in many of the Cantons in regaining their lost power. The victorious party made no attempt, even in those Cantons where their ascendency was the most complete, to repeal the Liberal legislation of the past few years. On the contrary, in the very Catholic cantons of Lucerne and of the Valais, the popular veto and the referendum were introduced. It was plainly the opinion of the clergy that their influence over the people would enable them to obtain, by means of these democratic institutions, the rejection of any measure of which they disapproved. In the Canton of Aargau, however, of which the population was half Protestant and half Catholic, the clerical party failed to establish its ascendency by peaceful means. An attempt was, accordingly, made to overturn the existing government by force. But the insurrection proved unsuccessful and the eight monasteries, the inmates of which were proved to have been actively concerned in the plot, were suppressed. The existence of these establishments had been guaranteed by an article of the Federal Pact, and the action of the Grand Council of Aargau, in decreeing their abolition, was, in consequence, brought before the Federal Diet. The matter was not settled until the year 1843, when the Canton of Aargau agreed to restore four suppressed female convents; a compromise which was accepted as satisfactory by the majority of the Diet. But scarcely had this controversy, which had evoked intense bitterness of feeling, been settled, then disturbances broke out in the Valais. The clerical party in that Canton contrived, after severe fighting, to overturn the Radical government. The success of this revolution, it was clear, was largely due to the secret assistance which the reactionaries had received from the Grand Council of Lucerne. Such conduct was the more inexcusable seeing that, at the time, Lucerne was the directing Canton and, therefore, the more bound to observe an attitude of impartiality. The Jesuits were generally regarded as the chief instigators of the affair, and throughout the greater part of Switzerland a feeling of extreme hostility arose against them. But the men in power at Lucerne were indifferent to the dislike with which the Order was regarded by the majority of their countrymen, and they, forthwith, proceeded to call in the Jesuits and to give them the complete control of all the educational establishments in their Canton. Meanwhile, with the admitted connivance of the Radical governments of Berne, Aargau and Soleure, volunteers were being enrolled and, at the end of the year 1844, and again in April, 1845, armed bands, known as the corps francs, deliberately attacked Lucerne. But, having concluded an alliance with Uri, Zug, and Unterwalden, Lucerne successfully repelled these invaders. In this same year the expulsion of the Jesuits from the whole of Switzerland was moved in the Federal Diet.
As far back as the year 1832, the Cantons of Uri, Schwyz and Unterwalden, had entered into a combination, known as the League of Sarnen, with the object of resisting the democratic tendencies of the age. The association was, subsequently, strengthened by the accession of Fribourg, Zug, Lucerne, and, in 1844, of the Valais. Early in the year 1846, the character of the league was transformed completely. From a peaceful association it was converted into a military alliance, for the purpose of upholding the right of every independent Canton to live under such laws as its legislature might enact. The Sonderbund, as this alliance of the seven Catholic Cantons was called, was at once denounced as an infraction of Article VI. of the Federal Pact, prescribing that “no alliance, prejudicial either to the general confederacy or to the rights of other Cantons, could be formed by separate Cantons among themselves.” A motion to that effect was, accordingly, brought forward in the Federal Diet, but no decision in its favour was obtained. Before the next year, however, in some cases by constitutional means, in others, as at Geneva, by force and violence, the composition of the governments in several Cantons was changed and Radical Grand Councils were installed in power. Under these circumstances, a majority was easily obtained in favour both of the expulsion of the Jesuits and of declaring the illegality of the Sonderbund. The allied Catholic Cantons, however, refused to submit to this decision of the Federal Diet and proclaimed their intention of resisting, by arms if necessary, any attempt to interfere with their independence. Thus, at the time when Lord Minto departed for the continent, all the signs pointed to the probability that Switzerland would, before long, be the scene of a bloody civil war.
The rapid advance of democracy in Switzerland had necessarily excited the alarm of the absolute Courts. Moreover, between the years 1830 and 1840, not only the Cabinet of Vienna but the French government had had, on several occasions, good cause to complain that, unchecked by the authorities, political refugees were allowed to concert their measures for disturbing the peace of neighbouring States. After 1840, the internal disputes and the increasing lawlessness of the country began to attract the serious attention of all the Powers responsible for the settlement of 1815. Both Lord Aberdeen and M. Guizot were agreed that, could the question of the Jesuits be arranged, the chief element of danger in the situation would be removed. The French minister consented readily to exert his influence to induce the Pope to recall them. Let it be well understood at Rome, he wrote to Rossi, on June 6, 1845, that, should a Radical government be established at Geneva, there would be a majority in favour of the expulsion of the Order in the Federal Diet. Make it perfectly clear to His Holiness that “the fate of the disciples of Loyola is in the hands of the followers of Calvin.”916 Prince Metternich was at this time instructing the Austrian ambassador at Rome to employ similar arguments. But Gregory XVI. showed no disposition to interfere, and all hope had soon to be abandoned of obtaining his co-operation in the affair.917 In the following year, the overthrow of the Conservative governments at Geneva and in the Canton of Vaud, and the prospect that, in the ensuing session, the Radicals would be in a majority in the Federal Diet, increased Metternich’s uneasiness. Hitherto, France had set her face resolutely against intervention in any shape or form. But, in the autumn of 1846, Louis Philippe, being anxious to assure himself of the neutrality of the Northern Courts in the question of the Spanish marriages, the Austrian Chancellor took the opportunity of proposing that the Powers should seriously take in hand the affairs of Switzerland. M. Guizot was rather disposed to accede to this suggestion, but the King, being still hopeful of re-establishing “the cordial understanding,” refused to sanction any participation in measures which might lead eventually to armed intervention.918 In the spring of 1847, however, when it was clear that England had no intention of forgetting the affront which she had received in the matter of the Spanish marriages, and when, in consequence, M. Guizot was desirous of effecting a close understanding with Austria, French policy towards Switzerland was altered to suit the exigencies of the situation.
The sympathies of Metternich and of all the absolute Courts were necessarily on the side of the Sonderbund.919 The continental Cabinets were agreed that it would be highly dangerous, in the unsettled state of Europe, to allow the league of the Catholic and Conservative Cantons to be dissolved by their Radical neighbours. Federal unity, Metternich maintained, was clearly the object for which the democrats were striving, and it was on that account that they desired to undermine cantonal independence. But any revision of the Federal Pact would, he argued, release from their engagements the Powers which had guaranteed the neutrality and independence of Switzerland, and would justify them in intervening. Louis Philippe and M. Guizot, although fully disposed to endorse his views, dared not venture to employ French troops to fight the battle of the Jesuits. They, accordingly, insinuated that, if Austria were to take the first step, public opinion in France might be reconciled to the notion of a French intervention. This ingenuous proposal was promptly declined. Metternich had no idea of incurring the odium of invading Switzerland and of allowing France to declare that similar action on her part had been rendered necessary by the aggressiveness of Austria.920 Thus in Swiss, as in Italian affairs, M. Guizot and Prince Metternich, notwithstanding the harmony of their sentiments, found it impossible to devise any practical plan for concerted action.
England, as a party to the settlement of 1815, had an unquestionable right to be consulted in any arrangement tending to alter the political position of Switzerland in the European system. But, owing to her geographical situation, she was less directly concerned than France, Austria or Prussia in the internal condition of the Confederation. The British government was, consequently, in a position to regard the question from a more detached and impartial standpoint. Moreover, the letters of Mr. Grote,921 the historian of Greece, to the Spectator, supplied the English public with far better information about Swiss politics than was to be obtained in the official press of continental States. Palmerston had no intention of discussing the questions as to whether the alliance of the Catholic Cantons should be looked upon as an infraction of the Federal Pact, and as to whether the action of the Radical majority in the Diet, in decreeing the expulsion of the Jesuits, constituted a violation of cantonal sovereignty and independence. It is clear that, from an early date, he adopted the view, propounded by Mr. Grote, that, whereas the so-called Radical Cantons represented the wealth, the intelligence, the industry, the population and the progressive elements of Switzerland, the Cantons of the Sonderbund were, in every respect, the stationary and backward portions of the Republic. From these premises it followed logically that, although it might be possible for the allied Catholic Cantons to break up the Confederation, it was not in their power to guide it or to hold it together.922 He, therefore, proposed both to Prince Metternich and M. Guizot, that they should endeavour to persuade the Catholic leaders to dissolve their alliance.923 This solution of the difficulty, as may be supposed, was not adopted by either of the statesmen to whom it was made. On the contrary, Metternich at this time was arranging to furnish the Sonderbund with arms, and was seriously considering whether he should place the services of an Austrian general at its disposal, while M. Guizot was giving secret instructions for the despatch of warlike stores to Lucerne from the arsenal at Besançon.924
Lord Minto, in his conversations with M. Ochsenbein, the President of the Federal Diet, was charged to counsel forbearance and moderation. “Her Majesty’s government,” wrote Palmerston, “as the sincere and disinterested friend of Switzerland, could not but exhort all parties to abate pretensions, however just they may be thought, and to yield somewhat of rights, however valid they may be considered, rather than begin an appeal to arms, the consequences of which it would be easier to lament than to foresee.” He was not prepared to deny that the Federal Pact might stand in need of revision. It was alleged, however, that the Diet proposed “to sweep away the separate sovereignty of the several Cantons in order to blend the whole of Switzerland into one single Republic.” He must, therefore, remind the Swiss government that “the fundamental principle upon which the arrangements of the Treaty of Vienna, in regard to Switzerland, repose, is the separate sovereignty of the several Cantons.” Any attempt to alter the basis of the political organization of the Republic would inevitably entail civil war and foreign intervention.925
Yet, notwithstanding the pacific spirit in which Lord Minto’s instructions were drawn up, Palmerston has been freely accused of inciting the Radical Cantons to begin hostilities. Animosity to Louis Philippe and his principal minister, assert his detractors, was at this period the mainspring of his policy. Thus, when the French government evinced a disposition to favour the cause of the Sonderbund, Palmerston, having satisfied himself of the military superiority of the Radical Cantons, secretly urged them to attack their weaker neighbours, in the hope that the forcible dissolution of the Catholic alliance would entail the downfall of M. Guizot. This charge has been reiterated in the recently published letters of Sir Robert Morier. Mr. David Morier, Sir Robert’s father, had been for many years British minister in Switzerland. In the summer of 1847, however, being in England on leave, he was not allowed to return to his post, because, says his son, he was instinctively a peacemaker and, therefore, no longer a suitable instrument to execute the policy upon which Lord Palmerston had decided to embark.926 But a perusal of Mr. Morier’s despatches suggests another, and an infinitely more probable, explanation of his recall. When affairs in Switzerland were beginning to assume a dangerous aspect, he is to be found expressing views with which Lord Palmerston would have heartily agreed. Writing to Lord Aberdeen, in June, 1844, on the subject of the Jesuits, Mr. Morier points out that this intrusion of a powerful foreign agency into all the concerns of the Confederation raises the question whether, “self-preservation being the first law of States, the claim of cantonal sovereignty should not be made to yield to the exigencies of the general welfare.” Again, some months later, speaking of the introduction of the Jesuits into Lucerne, he warns his chief that Lucerne “must be inscribed upon the list of Cantons with Fribourg, Schwyz and the Valais, subjected, henceforward, through their Jesuit institutions, to the influence of a foreign and anti-national power of the most dangerous tendency to the peace of the Confederation.”927 But, during the winter of 1846, an unprovoked assault was committed upon one of his sons, Burnet Morier, by an excited Radical of Berne. The young man with commendable promptitude felled his assailant to the ground,928 and, under these circumstances, Palmerston probably considered that the affair need not be made the subject of an official demand for reparation. Mr. Morier, however, thought otherwise, and his indignation appears to have transformed him into a strong supporter of the Sonderbund. The contrast between the sentiments, contained in his memorandum on Swiss affairs, submitted to the Foreign Office in February, 1847,929 and those expressed in his earlier despatches, must have given Lord Palmerston food for serious reflection. Without doubt, he must have come to the conclusion that a man burning with resentment against the Radical leaders was hardly as qualified, as his son seems to have supposed, to exercise a moderating influence upon the passions of contending parties.
Lord Minto, having arrived in Switzerland, lost no time in placing himself in communication with M. Ochsenbein. The election of this person, who two years before had commanded the corps francs in their raid upon Lucerne, to the post of President of the Federal Diet, had greatly exasperated the Catholics. Lord Minto, however, reported that he found him most reasonable, and, to all appearances, sincerely desirous of discovering some means of averting an outbreak of hostilities. The Jesuits, he assured the English minister, constituted the chief obstacle to a peaceful settlement, and, could they be removed, all danger of war would disappear. Palmerston, on receiving this information, at once instructed Minto, who by that time had passed on to Italy, to use every endeavour, while at Rome, to persuade His Holiness to intervene.930 But, meanwhile, in Switzerland the chances of maintaining the peace were hourly diminishing. Both sides were now openly preparing for war, and, on October 29, the deputies of the Catholic Cantons formally quitted the Federal Diet. On that same day Lord Palmerston made a last effort to avert a rupture. He enjoined the British chargé d’affaires at Berne to seek out M. Ochsenbein and to endeavour to prevail upon him to postpone the execution of any irrevocable measure, until the result of Lord Minto’s mission to Rome should be known. M. Ochsenbein’s only reply to this communication was hastily to convene the Diet, which forthwith decreed the dissolution of the Sonderbund by the armed forces of the Federal executive.931
Two days later, on November 6, the Duc de Broglie, who had recently succeeded Sainte-Aulaire, as ambassador in London, submitted a project of intervention to Lord Palmerston. Let the Powers, proposed M. Guizot, offer to mediate on the basis that the question of the Jesuits should be settled by the Pope, and that the other points in dispute should form the subject of a conference, at which each of the Cantons should be represented. In the meantime, the contending parties would be invited to suspend hostilities—a refusal to comply releasing the Powers from their engagements to the Confederation and entitling them to enforce their demands by whatever measures they might subsequently agree to adopt.932 Palmerston’s official answer was not sent off to Paris until November 16. It was in the form of a counter-proposition. The British government, he declared, “could not go the length of thinking” that the outbreak of civil war could release the Powers from those pledges into which they had entered to maintain the neutrality of Switzerland. Furthermore, it considered that the presence of the Jesuits upon the territory of the Confederation, in opposition to the wishes of the majority of the Cantons, constituted a real grievance. Her Majesty’s government, under the circumstances, before consenting to join with France and the other Power in offering to mediate, must make two conditions. In the first place, the removal of the Jesuits, whether by a decision to be obtained from the Pope, or by an act of sovereign authority on the part of the Cantons in which the Order was established, must be the basis of any arrangement proposed by the Powers to the contending parties. Secondly, it was to be distinctly understood that a refusal by either side to accept mediation must not be made the ground for armed interference in the internal affairs of Switzerland.933
In Paris, at Berlin, and at Vienna, it had been intended to hold very different language to M. Ochsenbein and his colleagues. Nevertheless, M. Guizot, although stipulating for certain trifling modifications, accepted the British proposal. The assent of Prussia and of Austria was obtained, but it was given with the utmost reluctance.934 Palmerston was, in point of fact, completely master of the situation. The condition of Germany was so unsettled, the appearance of affairs in Italy was so alarming, that Metternich could not attack the Radicals of Berne except in combination with France and, in the Swiss question, Louis Philippe and M. Guizot dared not act with the absolute Courts in opposition to the constitutional government of England.935 Nicholas, having no direct interest in the matter, was content to adopt whatever course might commend itself to the Cabinet of Vienna. The five governments being thus agreed, an identic note was, on November 26, drawn up in London for presentation to the President of the Diet, and to the official organ of the Sonderbund by the representatives of the Powers in Switzerland. But, while ministers and diplomatists had been talking and writing, the Federal executive had acted. No sooner had the Diet, on November 4, decreed the forcible suppression of the Sonderbund than the Genevese general, Dufour, who had at his disposal an army of 100,000 men and 260 guns, was ordered to begin operations. The isolated canton of Fribourg having been easily overwhelmed, the Federal commander advanced with his whole force against Lucerne. Salis-Soglio, a Protestant of the Grisons, whose army amounted to some 80,000 troops with 74 guns, awaited him in a selected position between the Reuss and the Lake of Zug. The decisive battle was fought on November 23, Dufour’s victory was complete. On the following day, the Jesuits and the executive council having fled, Lucerne surrendered. The Valais, the last of the seven Cantons to abandon the struggle, capitulated on the 29th. Twenty-five days after the Diet had formally resolved upon its suppression, the Sonderbund ceased to exist.
In almost all accounts of these events Palmerston’s proceedings have been misrepresented. According to his detractors, he cunningly inveigled the Powers into an exchange of views with the pretended object of averting civil war in Switzerland, while in reality he was secretly urging the Federal executive to open the campaign against the Sonderbund.936 Even Liberals, in sympathy with his policy, describe him as having deliberately protracted the negotiations in London, in order that the Radicals should be able to crush the Catholic Cantons without fear of foreign interference.937 Palmerston, it is perfectly clear, was strongly opposed to direct intervention and, moreover, was disposed to think that an unsolicited offer on the part of the Powers to assist the Swiss to settle their internal disputes would inflame their national pride, and rather tend to aggravate, than to diminish, the gravity of the situation. It is possible, therefore, that he may to some extent have delayed the negotiations. But the alleged waste of time cannot at the most have exceeded a very few days, seeing that the French note was only submitted to him on November 9, and that his counter-proposal had been agreed to by the Powers and was ready for transmission to Switzerland on the 26th. To contend that Palmerston supposed that, by delaying the negotiations for two or three days, he would enable the Radicals to achieve their purpose, is to credit him with a knowledge of the military weakness of the Sonderbund which he most certainly did not possess. If he in any way retarded the final drafting of the proposed offer of mediation, it is infinitely more probable that he so acted in the hope that Minto’s efforts at Rome to induce the Pope to recall the Jesuits from Lucerne might prove successful and that, in consequence, the two parties might be able to settle their quarrel without an appeal to arms and without foreign interference.
Sir Robert Morier, however, asserts most positively that Palmerston “instigated Peel to perform his celebrated feat of precipitating the war of the Sonderbund.”938 In his Mémoires M. Guizot has reproduced a letter from M. de Bois-le-Comte, the French ambassador to the Confederation, in which it is stated that, upon receipt of the news from London that the Powers intended to propose mediation, Mr. Peel sent the chaplain of the British legation to the headquarters of General Dufour to apprise him of the state of affairs and to urge him immediately to march upon Lucerne and try conclusions with the army of the Sonderbund.939 It is evident that, if there be any foundation of truth in these stories, neither the instructions with which Lord Minto, a member of the government, was supplied, nor the official despatch of October 29, which was to be communicated to M. Ochsenbein, can have been the expression of Lord Palmerston’s real policy. His veritable intentions must have been conveyed in private letters940 to the British chargé d’affaires at Berne, it never having been suggested that he employed any secret agent in the affair. The question as to who acted as British minister to the Confederation, at this period, is, therefore, of extreme importance. It is inconceivable that Palmerston, if he really were engaged in prosecuting the Machiavellian designs imputed to him, should not have replaced Mr. Morier by an Arthur Aston, a Henry Bulwer, or some other tried and trusted agent. But in point of fact the business of the legation, during the whole of this critical time, was left in charge of a young secretary, Mr. Peel. Now Peel was the eldest son of Sir Robert, who, to the day of his death, never forgave Palmerston for his desertion of the Tory party in 1828.941 Is it credible that Palmerston can have entrusted the conduct of an affair of the kind, suggested by M. Guizot and Sir Robert Morier, to a comparative stranger, a young man of twenty-five, the son of his political opponent and personal enemy?
Nevertheless, it is highly probable that Palmerston’s despatch of October 29, although written with a very different object, did, in effect, precipitate the conflict between the Radical Cantons and the Sonderbund. As Mr. Peel, without doubt, rightly divined, M. Ochsenbein, notwithstanding the pacific language which he had held to Lord Minto, had no real desire to see the dispute amicably settled.942 Federal unity was the end which he and his friends had set themselves to attain, and they were convinced that nothing but physical force would induce the Catholic and Conservative Cantons to renounce their sovereign rights. By “blood and iron” alone could the success of their policy be achieved. Hence the prospect that England intended to exert herself at Rome, in favour of Papal intervention, may have driven the Radicals of Berne to immediate action. They may have argued that, should His Holiness consent to recall the Jesuits and should the Sonderbund, in consequence, be peacefully dissolved, an excellent opportunity would be lost of reducing the Conservative Cantons to submission.
The identic note of November 26, 1847, was to have been communicated to the contending parties, on behalf of Great Britain, by Sir Stratford Canning. His instructions, however, provided that he should not present it if, upon his arrival in Switzerland, he should find that the Sonderbund had capitulated and that the war was at an end.943 Canning, in consequence, made no offer of mediation, but remained about three weeks in Switzerland for the purpose of impressing upon M. Ochsenbein and his colleagues the expediency of treating the defeated Cantons with consideration, and of refraining from any measures which might furnish other Powers with a pretext for intervention. France, Austria, and Prussia, however, adopted a different procedure. M. de Bois-le-Comte received the identic note on November 29, and, forthwith, despatched a copy of it both to the Federal Diet and to the leaders of the Sonderbund, notwithstanding that Lucerne had already surrendered and that it was evident that the Valais could not hold out much longer.944 His example was followed by the ministers of Austria and Prussia. To these communications the executive at Berne, the members of which had expressed to Sir Stratford Canning their gratification at the attitude adopted by Great Britain, sent an answer couched in very decided language. The offer of mediation was rejected, not only because hostilities had ceased, but because it was impossible to recognize the principle upon which the proposal was based. If the Confederation were at war with another State, it might, or might not, entertain an offer of mediation, but it could not admit, under any circumstances, the claim of the Powers to treat as belligerents the Cantons of the Sonderbund. The treaties by which the Confederation had been constituted provided only for one Diet and for one Federal executive. The alliance of the seven Cantons was simply an act of rebellion which the central government had been strong enough to deal with effectually.945
The overthrow of the Sonderbund and the haughty reply returned by the Diet to the French, the Austrian, and the Prussian notes caused a profound sensation. The inability of the absolute Courts and of the government of M. Guizot to render assistance to the Cantons, which had sought to resist the decrees of the majority in the Swiss Diet, was made manifest to the world. Italian nationalists, German Liberals, French reformers, acclaimed the victory of the Radical executive as a triumph for their cause. In governmental circles, at Vienna and at Berlin, there was no disposition to under-rate the gravity of the situation. Largely owing to the restraining influence of Lord Minto, central Italy still presented a certain outward appearance of tranquillity.946 But Sicily and Naples were in open revolution, and King “Bomba,” who had, hitherto, set his face sternly against all reforms, was, in January, 1848, compelled to concede a constitution. Meanwhile, throughout the Peninsula the feeling of hostility to Austria was growing in intensity. Encouraged by Lord Minto, Sardinia, Tuscany, and the Papal States agreed to abolish all internal lines of customs and to form a commercial league, after the manner of the German Zollverein.947 The significance of this measure was clearly perceived by Metternich. On December 14, he directed Diedrichstein to acquaint Palmerston that the condition of Italy would necessitate a large increase of the Austrian army in Lombardy.948 “You and I,” he confided to his old friend, Radetzky, “are not destined to end our days in peace.... It has been reserved for the present age to witness the spectacle of a Liberal Pope.”949
The forcible dissolution of the alliance of the Catholic Cantons made it the more necessary, the German Cabinets declared, for the Powers vigilantly to watch over the proceedings of the Federal Diet. The conference, which it had been proposed to hold upon Swiss affairs, must, they insisted, still take place.950 The British government, however, altogether dissented from this view. The Sonderbund no longer existed, the Jesuits had fled, and Palmerston, therefore, could see no occasion for any deliberations upon the domestic affairs of the Confederation. England, in any case, he announced, must now decline to take part in a conference. M. Guizot adopted a different attitude. If Palmerston were resolved to pose as the patron of Radicals and revolutionists, why should not he come forward as the champion of order and stability? The Austrian, Count Coloredo, and the Prussian, General von Radowitz, who had been despatched to Paris by their respective governments, found him most favourably disposed. It was very flattering to his vanity that at this crisis the Courts of Vienna and of Berlin should be prepared to defer to his opinions and should send their emissaries to Paris to consult him. But from London he received a word of warning which made a considerable impression upon him. It would evoke, wrote his friend the Duc de Broglie, recollections of the Holy Alliance and savour overmuch of the deliberations at Laybach and Verona,951 were France to take part in a conference which England had declined to attend.952
In his conversations with Coloredo and Radowitz, M. Guizot, consequently, deprecated the notion of assembling a conference. Let them for the moment, he urged, be content with formally declaring to the Diet that the Powers were resolved not to suffer the violation of the principle of cantonal sovereignty and independence. Should their representations be unheeded, the question of active intervention could be more conveniently discussed at a later date. He had, they must not forget, his parliamentary position to consider. In the coming session, M. Thiers was preparing to assail his foreign policy with the utmost virulence. Metternich consented readily to adopt these suggestions. Far from desiring to aggravate the difficulties of M. Guizot, he considered it of supreme importance that he should remain in office.953 A joint note, dated January 18, 1848, was, accordingly, drawn up and presented to the Federal executive. Coloredo and Radowitz, thereupon, quitted Paris. It was clearly inexpedient that these agents of the absolute Courts should be present in the French capital, during the heated debates to which the reply to the Address was expected to give rise. But their deliberations were to be regarded as merely suspended, not as definitely concluded. In the spring they were to return and resume their discussions. But this plan was not destined to be realized. Before the time appointed for their second meeting with M. Guizot, the storm burst and swept away the Orleans Monarchy. The revolutionary contagion spread rapidly to Berlin and to Vienna. Metternich, compelled to fly, sought refuge in England, in company with Prince Wittgenstein, M. Guizot, and other ultra-conservative statesmen. At the news of the downfall of the redoubtable Chancellor the Milanese flew to arms. After a memorable conflict of five days’ duration, Radetzky retired upon the Quadrilateral, to prepare for the struggle with Charles Albert, who had thrown down the gauntlet to Austria and marched to the assistance of the Lombards.
A history of Franco-British relations, during the reign of Louis Philippe, is not concerned with the internal reasons which contributed to his downfall. It is sufficient to point out that the existence of the Orleans Monarchy was necessarily precarious, seeing that it was in the nature of a compromise which had only been grudgingly acquiesced in by the nation. The revolution by which it was overwhelmed was, in the words of Lamartine, “une revolution de mépris.” All classes were thoroughly disgusted with the policy of M. Guizot and indignant at the numerous public and private scandals954 brought to light, during the year 1847. In a constitutional State a change of government is the remedy provided for such a condition of affairs. Louis Philippe, however, was too attached to his system of personal government willingly to part with a minister, who never attempted to restrict him to the rôle of a constitutional sovereign.955 His last Cabinet, he protested, to the day of his death, had the support of the majority of the Chamber. But the servile body of placemen, which formed the ministerial party, in no way represented the opinion of the nation. The people with one accord condemned the proceedings of the government and identified the King with the unpopular actions of his principal minister. On February 23, 1848, a demonstration in favour of parliamentary reform, followed by a tumult in the streets, sufficed to destroy the discredited régime.
The rupture of “the cordial understanding” with England was followed so closely by the downfall of the monarchy, as to suggest that there must have been a connection between the two events. That the quarrel with England was one of the contributory causes of the revolution is almost universally admitted. English writers have generally referred to the events of ’48 with some complacency, as the just retribution which promptly overtook Louis Philippe. So shrewd an observer as Baron Stockmar appears to have been convinced that the revelations in connection with the Spanish marriages did the “Citizen King” an incalculable amount of harm in the eyes of the French people and precipitated his overthrow.956 Now, it is clear that the Spanish marriages had one effect which took those who were responsible for them completely by surprise. M. Guizot had confidently anticipated that, whatever other consequences might flow from them, they would be acclaimed as a great diplomatic triumph achieved at the expense of England. But the event completely falsified his expectations. The men, who in the question of the right of search, in the Pritchard affair, and in many other matters, had constantly accused him of truckling to England, were the first to denounce him for having sacrificed “the cordial understanding” to a purely dynastic object. It is more than probable that the indignation professed by M. Thiers and his friends was not very sincere and was, to a large extent, assumed for purposes of party politics. But their words, none the less, made a deep impression upon the middle-classes which had hitherto steadfastly supported the régime of July. These people, says Lord Normanby, were convinced that their material interests had suffered owing to the rupture of the English alliance. The construction of railways in France had led, as in England, to a wild outburst of speculation. The undue inflation of prices was followed by the inevitable reaction. This unexpected depreciation in the value of the shares of the new companies was not, however, ascribed to its true causes. Disappointed speculators persuaded themselves that their losses were due to the disinclination of the British public to invest in French railways, owing to the change which the Spanish marriages had wrought in the political relations of the two countries.957
But in so far as the revolution of ’48 is concerned, the true importance of the break-up of “the cordial understanding” consists in the policy which M. Guizot, in consequence, saw fit to adopt. It is undeniable that his attitude towards the Italian national movement and in the Swiss question was severely condemned by the majority of his countrymen, and proved most injurious to the monarchy. Men perceived clearly that the only result of his unnatural alliance with the Cabinet of Vienna had been enormously to diminish French influence at Rome and at Turin. In Switzerland his policy was seen to have been even more ineffectual.958 All his efforts had been directed to the preservation of the Sonderbund. Nevertheless, the alliance of the reactionary cantons had been promptly and ignominiously dissolved, whilst his proffered mediation had been rejected with a haughty intimation that the victorious party intended to settle its affairs without his interference. It has been urged, however, in his defence that his difficulties were greatly aggravated by Lord Palmerston, whose deliberate purpose it was to thwart him on every occasion. A secret alliance, it has been said, existed between the British Foreign Minister and M. Thiers. Gossip on this subject had been rife ever since the close of the year 1844. It would seem that about that time some friendly messages from Palmerston were conveyed to M. Thiers by Sir John Easthope,959 the proprietor of the Morning Chronicle, which was generally regarded as Palmerston’s especial organ. In the following year, when M. Thiers visited London, Sir Anthony Panizzi, an Italian political exile, and the chief librarian of the British Museum, took great credit to himself for having cemented a good understanding between the two statesmen.960 Palmerston afterwards denied absolutely that their interviews were in any way connected with a “conspiracy against M. Guizot.”961 Greville, however, accuses him of having, during the controversy on the subject of the Spanish marriages, permitted Lord Normanby to supply M. Thiers with the diplomatic documents bearing upon the question. Greville was so ready to believe anything discreditable about Palmerston that he cannot, as a rule, be looked upon as an altogether trustworthy witness. But, at the time referred to, he was in a position to speak of his own knowledge of what was taking place, inasmuch as he was in Paris for the express purpose of trying to re-establish “the cordial understanding” and was, moreover, the guest of Lord Normanby at the British embassy.962 His testimony, therefore, coupled with the corroborative evidence to be found in the published letters of Panizzi, does suggest that certain of Thiers’ very damaging criticisms of M. Guizot may have been inspired by Lord Palmerston.963 But, had the policy of M. Guizot been supported by public opinion, the intrigues of a foreign minister with his chief political opponent would have tended to strengthen, rather than to weaken, his position. The whole affair, indeed, is not of much importance. Some of Thiers’ newspaper articles may have been based upon information improperly supplied to him by the agents of Lord Palmerston, but his great speech on the Spanish marriages was not delivered until February 4, 1847,964 when the British blue book was at the disposal of any one who might desire to purchase it.
But the more serious charge has been made that Palmerston’s whole policy, at this period, was subordinated to his desire to avenge the defeat he had sustained in the Spanish marriages.965 His attitude in the Swiss and Italian questions has been fully explained. It is difficult to see how any British minister could have acted differently. Had Aberdeen been in office, it may safely be surmised that, out of consideration for Austria, he would not have advocated the despatch of one of his colleagues upon such a mission, as was confided to a member of Lord John Russell’s government. But, without doubt, he would have furnished his agents at the Italian Courts with instructions substantially the same as those drawn up for the guidance of Lord Minto. In the Swiss affair both Aberdeen and Palmerston sought to avert civil war and foreign intervention by inducing the Pope to recall the Jesuits from Lucerne. There is, in short, a continuity in the British policy, whether conducted by Aberdeen or by Palmerston, not to be found in that of M. Guizot. His rapprochement with the Cabinet of Vienna obliged him to adopt towards the Liberal and national movements in progress throughout Europe the views of Prince Metternich. The precise reasons which induced him to make overtures to Austria can only be conjectured. Having shattered “the cordial understanding,”he may have thought that he must be able to show that he had substituted for the English, the Austrian, alliance. Perhaps he may have had some idea of isolating England, by means of the close relations which he proposed to establish between the government of the “Citizen King” and the absolute Courts. But, be his motives what they may, his dealings with Metternich, in 1847, were unquestionably one of the chief reasons of the revolution of ’48.966
For the first time, between the years 1830 and 1848, the attempt was seriously made by the French and English governments to establish, as a primary principle of policy, the necessity of maintaining close and intimate relations between the two countries. The result, on the whole, disappointed expectations. The great work of Talleyrand’s old age, the cementing of a good understanding between the Whigs and the Orleans’ Monarchy, without doubt, deterred the absolute Courts from intervening in French affairs after the Revolution of July. Unquestionably, also, it averted a great war in the question of the separation of Belgium from Holland. But, on subsequent occasions, it did not prevent grave differences of opinion from arising between the two governments. The time had not yet come when “the cordial understanding” could be placed upon a firm and durable basis. The maintenance of the settlement, agreed to after the great war, was still the foundation of British policy in Europe. France, on the other hand, chafed bitterly at the conditions imposed upon her by the Congress of Vienna. Even among the peace-loving middle-classes the hope was fondly entertained that the man would arise who, “à grands coups de sabre,” should destroy the treaties of 1815 and give back to France her “natural frontiers.” Bonapartism was a living force by reason of the existence of this feeling. Louis Philippe and his ministers sought to allay the restlessness which it engendered by an active policy in the Mediterranean and in more distant waters. Suspicions and jealousies, the consequences of more than a hundred years of war and rivalry, were thus kept alive. French and British officials, whether of high rank or of low degree, continued to regard each other with instinctive hostility. Bulwer was no less anxious to outwit his colleague, Bresson, than was Pritchard to thwart his fellow-consul, Meerenhout. Nevertheless, the policy which finally broke up the alliance was not a policy which commended itself to the French people. Palmerston’s views upon European affairs, between 1846 and 1848, accorded far more with the sentiments of the majority of Frenchmen than did those of M. Guizot; and his quarrel was not with the French nation, but with the government of Louis Philippe.
Footnotes
1 H. Heine, Letters from Paris (translated by Leland), I. pp. 62, 63, 66, 67, 68, and 354.
2 The “pré carré,” the sea, the Rhine, and the Pyrenees.
3 N. Senior, Conversations with Thiers, Guizot, etc., I. pp. 288, 323, and 334.
4 L. Blanc, Histoire de dix ans., I. p. 383.
5 F. Daudet, Revue des Deux Mondes. 1er décembre, 1909. “La police politique sous la Restauration.”
6 Guizot, Mémoires, II. pp. 12-16.
7 The son of the Duchesse de Berri. The Duc de Berri had been murdered at the Opera House on February 13, 1820, and his son had been born in the following September. The Duc de Bordeaux was therefore the grandson of Charles X. and the nephew of the Duc d’Angoulême, the Dauphin. He is better known by the title of the Comte de Chambord.
8 L. Vitet, “La monarchie de” 1830, Revue des Deux Mondes. 1er décembre, 1860.
9 L. Blanc, Histoire de dix ans., I. pp. 384-388.
10 H. Heine, Letters from Paris (translated by Leyland), I. pp. 141, 142.
11 Metternich, Memoires, V. pp. 26-28.
12 Affaires étrangères 631, Angleterre, Baudrand à Molé, août 28, 1830. H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, I. p. 330. Edinburgh Review, October, 1830. Stockmar, Memoirs, I. pp. 131-134. C. Greville, Journals, II. pp. 94, 95. Correspondence of Princess Lieven with Earl Grey, II. Grey to Princess Lieven, July 29, 1830.
13 Despatches and Correspondence of Wellington, VII. Wellington to Aberdeen, August 12th, 1830, pp. 162-169, Memorandum upon Relations with France. C. Greville, Journal, II. p. 21.
14 Affaires étrangères 631, Angleterre: Baudrand à Molé, 23 août, 1830; Vaudreuil à Molé, 28 août, 1830.
15 F.O. Austria 243, Lamb to Palmerston, September 3, 1833.
16 Bolton King, History of Italian Unity, I. pp. 51-61.
17 Metternich, Memoires, IV. p. 222: Metternich à Esterhazy, 7 août, 1825.
18 Metternich, Memoires, V. pp. 10-17.
19 Metternich, Memoires, V. pp. 17-30.
20 E. Quinet, De l’Allemagne. Revue des Deux Mondes, V. Premier semestre.
21 William A’Court, first Baron Heytesbury (1779-1860).
22 F.O. Russia 186, Heytesbury to Aberdeen, August 17, 18, 19, 1830.
23 F.O. Russia 186, Heytesbury to Aberdeen (most secret and confidential), August 20, 1830.
24 F.O. Russia 186, Heytesbury to Aberdeen, September 8, 14, 1830.
25 Guizot, Mémoires, II. pp. 86-87.
26 Broglie, Souvenirs, IV. pp. 41-42.
27 Affaires étrangères, 631 Angleterre. Talleyrand à Molé, 25 septembre, 1830. Barante, Souvenirs, IV. p. 9.
28 C. Greville, Journals, II. p. 57.
29 La Jeune Captive.
30 There is an interesting article on the subject of Montrond, by H. Welschinger, in the Revue de Paris of the 1er février, 1895, entitled “Un ami de Talleyrand.” His name figures constantly in T. Raikes’ Journal, Chroniques de Madame de Dino, C. Greville’s Journals, H. Greville’s Diary, Gronow’s Recollections, etc.
31 T. Raikes, Journal, I. p. 268, and III. pp. 153-154. Among the papers discovered at the Tuileries, after the Revolution of 1848, and published in the Revue Retrospective, p. 37, Montrond’s name appears opposite a sum of 36,000 francs in the accounts of the secret service funds of the Foreign Office for the year 1842.
32 Affaires étrangères, 631 Angleterre, Vaudreuil à Molé 31 août, 1830. Stockmar, Memoirs, I. pp. 144-147.
33 F.O. France 405, Aberdeen to Stuart, October 3, 1830.
34 Affaires étrangères, 681 (bis) Angleterre Talleyrand a Molé, 3, 6, 8 octobre, 1830.
35 F.O. France 405, Aberdeen to Stuart, October 12, 1830. F.O. France 414, Stuart to Aberdeen, October 1, 8, 11, 1830, Guizot, Mémoires, II. pp. 95-98. Broglie, Souvenirs, IV. pp. 28-29. L. Blanc, Histoire de dix ans., II. pp. 103-114.
36 Affaires étrangères, 631 (bis) Angleterre, Talleyrand à Molé, 11 octobre, 1830.
37 Affaires étrangères, 631 (bis) Angleterre, Molé à Talleyrand, 13 octobre, 1830. F.O. France 414 & 415, Stuart to Aberdeen, 12, 15 October, 1830.
38 Affaires étrangères, 631 (bis) Angleterre, Molé à Talleyrand, 9, 20 octobre, 1830; Talleyrand à Molé, 15, 23, 25 octobre, 1830; 1 novembre, 1830.
39 F.O. France 405, Aberdeen to Stuart, October 22, 1830. F.O. France 415, Stuart to Aberdeen, October 18, 22, 25, 31, 1830.
40 Broglie, Souvenirs, IV. pp. 87-91. Guizot, Mémoires, II. pp. 128-135.
41 Affaires étrangères, 681 (bis) Angleterre, Talleyrand à Sébastiani, novembre 27, 1830.
42 N. Senior, Conversations with Thiers, Guizot, etc., II. p. 280. C. Greville, Journals, III. p. 210.
43 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, I. pp. 315-316, 322; II. p. 8
44 F.O. Russia 186, Heytesbury to Aberdeen, September 4, 1830.
45 Affaires étrangères, 631 (bis) Angleterre, Maison à Talleyrand, 13, 15, 22 novembre, 1830. F.O. France 416, Stuart to Aberdeen and Palmerston, November 22, 26, 29, 1830.
46 F.O. Russia 187, Heytesbury to Aberdeen, October 12, 1830.
47 Metternich, Memoires, V. pp. 43-48 and 51-57; Metternich à Esterhazy, 21 octobre, 1830. Memoire pour Orloff, 6 octobre, 1830.
48 Affairs étrangères, 601 (bis) et 632, Angleterre, Talleyrand à Molé, 29 octobre, 1830; Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 20 novembre, 1830, 10, 21 novembre, 1831.
49 Schools upon the system advocated by Joseph Lancaster (1778-1838), i.e. upon the monitorial system. (Dictionary of National Biography.)
50 Affaires étrangères, 631 (bis) Angleterre, Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 28 décembre, 1830. Metternich, Memoires, V. p. 79, Metternich à Ficquelmont, 31 décembre, 1830.
51 F.O. France 417, Stuart to Palmerston, December 10, 1830.
52 Barante, Souvenirs, IV. pp. 174 and 187, Rémusat à Barante, 2 avril, 1831; Guizot à Barante, 8 avril, 1831. Cf. also N. Senior, Conversations with Thiers, Guizot, etc., Conversation with Victor Cousin, May 20, 1856.
53 State Papers, XVIII. pp. 728, 729.
54 State Papers, XVIII. pp. 749, 750. Affaires étrangères, 631 (bis) Angleterre, Talleyrand, à Sébastiani, 20 décembre, 1830.
55 State Papers, XVIII. pp. 759-773.
56 F.O. France 415, Stuart to Aberdeen, October 19, 1830.
57 Affaires étrangères, 631 (bis) Angleterre, Talleyrand à Maison, 7 novembre, 1830.
58 State Papers, XVII. p. 1242.
59 Affaires étrangères, 631 (bis) Angleterre, Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 27 novembre, 1830; Sébastiani à Talleyrand, 25 décembre, 1830. Affaires étrangères, 190 Belgique, Sébastiani à Bresson, 25 déc, 1830.
60 Affaires étrangères, 631 (bis) Angleterre, Sébastiani à Talleyrand, 2 décembre, 1830; Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 30 décembre, 1830.
61 F.O. France 416, Stuart to Palmerston, December 31, 1830; January 3, 1831.
62 Lord Lamington, In the Days of the Dandies, pp. 127, 128. Dictionary of National Biography, Ponsonby, John, Viscount (1770-1855).
63 Affaires étrangères, 187 Belgique, Bresson à Sébastiani, 19 décembre 1830; 190 Belgique, Bresson à Sébastiani, 8, 14, 18 janvier, 1831 (particulière et confidentielle).
64 Affaires étrangères, 631 (bis) and 632 Angleterre, Sébastiani à Talleyrand, 3, 10, 19 janvier, 1831; Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 7 janvier, 1831.
65 Affaires étrangères, 190 Belgique, Sébastiani à Bresson, 19 janvier, 1831.
66 Affaires étrangères, 632 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 17 janvier, 1831.
67 Affaires étrangères, 190 Belgique, Bresson à Sébastiani, 6 janvier, 1831.
68 Affaires étrangères, 187 Belgique, Bresson à Sébastiani, 6 décembre, 1830.
69 Affaires étrangères, 190 Belgique, Bresson à Sébastiani, 6 janvier, 1831.
70 Affaires étrangères, 190 Belgique, Bresson à Sébastiani, 17 janvier, 1831 (particulière); 18 janvier, 1831 (particulière et confidentielle).
71 F.O. France 426, Granville to Palmerston, January 21, 1831.
72 T. Raikes’ Journal, III. p. 182.
73 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, II. pp. 37-40; Palmerston to Granville, February 8, 1831.
74 F.O. France 426, Granville to Palmerston, January 14, 21, 22, 1831.
75 Affaires étrangères, 632 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 25 janvier, 1831.
76 T. Juste, Sylvain Van de Weyer, pp. 135-137 and notes.
77 Affaires étrangères, 190 Belgique, Sébastiani à Bresson, 19 janvier, 1831.
78 The leader of the Catholic party in Belgium.
79 Affaires étrangères, 190 Belgique, Bresson à Sébastiani, 21 janvier, 1831.
80 Affaires étrangères, 190 Belgique, Bresson à Sébastiani, 22, 24 janvier, 1831.
81 Affaires étrangères, 190 Belgique, Bresson à Sébastiani, 29 janvier, 1831.
82 Affaires étrangères, 190 Belgique, Lawoëstine à Sébastiani, 29 janvier, 1831.
83 F.O. Belgium 4, Ponsonby to Palmerston, February 4, 1831.
84 Affaires étrangères, 632 Angleterre, Sébastiani à Talleyrand, 2, 4, 5 février, 1831.
85 State Papers, XVIII. pp. 774-775.
86 Affaires étrangères, 632 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 7, 9, 10 février, 1831.
87 F.O. France 426, Granville to Palmerston, February 4, 9, 1831.
88 Affaires étrangères, 632 Angleterre, Sébastiani à Talleyrand, 8 février 1831.
89 F.O. France 424, Palmerston to Granville, February 8, 1831.
90 F.O. France 426 and 427, Granville to Palmerston, February 11, 12, 1831.
91 F.O. Belgium 4, Ponsonby to Palmerston. February 11, 1831.
92 F.O. France 424, Palmerston to Granville, February 25, 1831.
93 F.O. France 427, Granville to Palmerston, February 28, 1831.
94 Affaires étrangères, 190 Belgique, Bresson à Sébastiani, 12 février, 1831.
95 Affaires étrangères, 190 Belgique, Bresson à Sébastiani, 9 février, 1831.
96 Affaires étrangères, 190 Belgique, Sébastiani à Bresson, 12 février, 1831.
97 Affaires étrangères, 632 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 13 février, 1831.
98 The Comte de Chambord, the posthumous son of the Duc de Berri, in whose favour Charles X. and the Duc d’Angoulême had abdicated.
99 Affaires étrangères, 632 Angleterre, Sébastiani à Talleyrand, 27 février, 1831.
100 F.O. France 427, Granville to Palmerston, March 14, 1831.
101 Metternich, Mémoires, V. pp. 128-130; Metternich à Apponyi, 21 mars, 1831. H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, II. pp. 51-53, Palmerston to Granville, March 15, 1831.
102 H. Heine, Letters from Paris (translated by C. Leland), I. pp. 114, 115, 118.
103 Letters of Harriet, Countess Granville, II. p. 93, Lady Granville to Lady Carlisle, March 14, 1841.
104 Chateaubriand, Mémoires, IV. p. 451.
105 C. Greville, Journal, I. pp. 310-311.
106 F.O. France 427, Granville to Palmerston, February 21, 24, 1831.
107 Metternich, Memoires, V. pp. 157-161; Metternich à Apponyi, 16, 19 février, 1831.
108 Affaires étrangères, 632 Angleterre, Sébastiani à Talleyrand, Ier mars, 1831; Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 8, 24 mars, 1831. F.O. France 427 and 428, Granville to Palmerston, March 7, 21, 1831.
109 The Austrian ambassador at Rome.
110 Metternich, Memoires, V. p. 125, Metternich à Apponyi, 12 mars, 1831.
111 F.O. France 427, Granville to Palmerston, March 18, 1831.
112 F.O. France 428, Granville to Palmerston, March 28, 1831.
113 Louis Philippe evidently considered that the large majority of his subjects had no religion at all.
114 F.O. France 428, Granville to Palmerston, April 1, 1831.
115 F.O. France 427, Granville to Palmerston, March 14, 1831.
116 F.O. Russia 191, Heytesbury to Palmerston, March 21, 1831.
117 F.O. France 428, Granville to Palmerston, April 4, 1831.
118 Affaires étrangères, 682 Angleterre, Sébastiani à Talleyrand, 24 mars, 1831. F.O. France 428, Granville to Palmerston, March 25, 1831.
119 F.O. France 428, Granville to Palmerston, April 1, 1831.
120 Stockmar, Memoirs, I. pp. 80-127.
121 C. Greville, Journals (I), II. p. 133. Affaires étrangères, 632 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 4 avril, 1831.
122 Affaires étrangères, 632 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 28 mars, 1831.
123 F.O. France 424, Palmerston to Granville, March 18, April 1, 1831. F.O. France 428, Granville to Palmerston, April 1, 1831.
124 State Papers, XVIII. pp. 798-796. Affaires étrangères, 132 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 17 avril, 1831. F.O. France 424, Palmerston to Granville, April 17, 1831. F.O. France 428, Granville to Palmerston, April 22, 1831.
125 Affaires étrangères, 632 Angleterre, Sébastiani à Talleyrand, 12 août 1831. F.O. France 428, Granville to Palmerston, April 8, 11, 1831.
126 Affaires étrangères, 632 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 3 mai, 1831.
127 F.O. France 424, Palmerston to Granville, May 17, 1831.
128 F.O. France 424, Palmerston to Granville, June 7, 1831.
129 Affaires étrangères, 632 Angleterre, Sébastiani à Talleyrand, 9 juin, 1831.
130 F.O. France 429, Granville to Palmerston, June 10, 1831.
131 Affaires étrangères, 632 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 13, 15, and 22 juin, 1831; Sébastiani à Talleyrand, 25 juin, 1831.
132 State Papers, XVIII. pp. 802-806.
133 Stockmar, Memoirs, I. pp. 161-172.
134 Affaires étrangères, 632 Angleterre, Sébastiani à Talleyrand, 4 mars, 1831, 16 avril, 1831, 13 juin, 1831. Talleyrand à Sébastiani, June 16, 1831.
135 C. Greville, Journals, (I) II. p. 178.
136 State Papers, XVIII. pp. 807-817.
137 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, II. pp. 96-98, Palmerston to Granville, August 5, 1831. F.O. France 430, Granville to Palmerston, August 8, 1831.
138 Affaires étrangères, 634 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 15 août, 1831.
139 Stockmar, Memoirs, I. pp. 177-179. F.O. Belgium 6, Adair to Palmerston, August 22, 1831.
140 Affaires étrangères, 134 Angleterre, Sébastiani à Talleyrand 4 août, 1831. F.O. France 430, Granville to Palmerston, August 4, 1831.
141 Affaires étrangères, 634 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 7, 9 août, 1831.
142 C. Greville, Journals (I) II, pp. 178-179.
143 State Papers, XVIII. pp. 824-825.
144 F.O. France 430, Granville to Palmerston, August 5, 7, 13, 14, 15, 1831. F.O. Belgium 6, Adair to Palmerston, August 21, 1831.
145 Affaires étrangères, 634 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 11, 12, 15 août, 1831; Sébastiani à Talleyrand, 14, 15 août, 1831.
146 F.O. France 425, Palmerston to Granville, August 17, 1831.
147 State Papers, XVIII. pp. 830-831.
148 Affaires étrangères, 634 Angleterre, Louis Philippe à Talleyrand, Sébastiani à Talleyrand, 27 août, 1841.
149 F.O. France 425, Palmerston to Granville, August 31, September 5, 1831. Affaires étrangères, 634 Angleterre, Baudrand à Sébastiani, 31 août, 1831.
150 Affaires étrangères, 634 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 27 août, 1 septembre, 1831.
151 F.O. France 430, Granville to Palmerston, August 22, 1831. F.O. France 425, Palmerston to Granville, August 31, 1831. Affaires étrangères, 634 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 19 août, 1831; Sébastiani à Talleyrand, 22 août, 1831. Affaires étrangères, 192 Belgique, Sébastiani à La Tour-Maubourg, 15 août, 1831.
152 F.O. Belgium 6, Adair to Palmerston, August 21, 1831. Affaires étrangères, 192 Belgique, La Tour-Maubourg à Sébastiani, 20 août, 1831.
153 Affaires étrangères, 192 Belgique, Belliard à Sébastiani, 7, 9 août, 1831.
154 F.O. Belgium 6, Adair to Palmerston, August 11, 14, 1831.
155 F.O. Belgium 6, Adair to Palmerston, August 19, 22, 1831. Affaires étrangères, 192 Belgique, Belliard à Sébastiani, 19, 21 août; Meulinäer à Gérard, 22 août, 1831. Leopold à Gérard (undated) undertaking that troops left in Belgium will be the object of his minute attention and will be retained no longer than necessary.
156 F.O. Belgium 6, Palmerston to Adair, August 27, 1831; Adair to Palmerston, August 30, and September 6, 1831. Affaires étrangères, 192 Belgique, Belliard à Sébastiani, 1, 3, 8 septembre, 1831.
157 F.O. France 425, Palmerston to Granville, September 5, 1831.
158 F.O. Belgium 7, Adair to Palmerston, September 11, 1831.
159 F.O. France 431, Granville to Palmerston, September 10, 16, 1831.
160 The Times, September 30, 1831.
161 T. Raikes’ Journal, I. p. 137.
162 F.O. France 431, Granville to Palmerston, September 19, 21, 1831.
163 Affaires étrangères, 631 (bis) Angleterre, Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 21 décembre, 1830; Sébastiani à Talleyrand, 25 décembre, 1830; 3 janvier 1831.
164 Affaires étrangères, 632 Angleterre, Sébastiani à Talleyrand, 9 mars, 1831; Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 13, 25 mars, 1831.
165 F.O. Russia 191, Heytesbury to Palmerston, April 13, 30, 1831.
166 Affaires étrangères, 634 Angleterre, Sébastiani à Talleyrand, 7 juillet, 1831; Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 14, 20, 22 juillet, 4 septembre, 1831.
167 F.O. Russia 193, Heytesbury to Palmerston, October 8, 10, 1831; November 12, 18.
168 F.O. Russia 190, Palmerston to Heytesbury, November 23, 1831.
169 F.O. Russia 198 & 199, Heytesbury to Palmerston, December 18, 1831, January 2, 1832. Affaires étrangères, 635 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 19 novembre, 1831.
170 Stockmar, Memoirs, I. pp. 179-209.
171 As the system of the barrier fortresses was to be abandoned.
172 Affaires étrangères, 634 Angleterre, Sébastiani à Talleyrand, 13 septembre, 1831; Talleyrand à Sébastiani, septembre 29, 1831; 635 Angleterre, Sébastiani à Talleyrand, 4 octobre, 1831; Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 10, 12, 15, 17, 20 octobre, 1831; Sébastiani à Talleyrand 22 octobre, 1831, Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 16 novembre, 1831.
173 F.O. France 426, Palmerston to Granville, October 28, 1831; 431, Granville to Palmerston, September 26, 30, 1831.
174 Stockmar, Memoirs, I. pp. 216-218, 225, 230. H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, II. pp. 116-120; Palmerston to Granville, August 25, 1831.
175 F.O. Belgium 7, Palmerston to Adair (secret), November 16, 1831. Correspondence of Earl Grey with King William IV., I. p. 338, Grey to Taylor, August 26, 1831.
176 Stockmar, Memoirs, I. pp. 212, 219-221. Correspondence of Earl Grey with King William IV., I. pp. 341-342, Taylor to Grey, August 27, 1831.
177 Stockmar, Memoirs, I. pp. 222-225, and 231-232.
178 Affaires étrangères, 635 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 15 décembre, 1831. Affaires étrangères, 635 Angleterre, Sébastiani à Talleyrand 16, 19 décembre, 1831.
179 F.O. France 431, Granville to Palmerston, December 16, 1831.
180 Affaires étrangères, 635 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 22, 24, 25, 27, 30 décembre, 1831.
181 F.O. France 442, Granville to Palmerston, December 19, 1831.
182 F.O. France 432, Granville to Palmerston, December 23, 30, 1831. Affaires étrangères, 635 Angleterre, Sébastiani à Talleyrand, C. Périer à Talleyrand, 31 décembre, 1831.
183 F.O. Belgium 7, Adair to Palmerston, December 16, 1831. Affaires étrangères, 194 Belgique, Tiburce Sébastiani à Sébastiani, 12 décembre, 1831; Belliard à Sébastiani, 13 décembre, 1831.
184 Affaires étrangères, 194 Belgique, Belliard à Sébastiani, 23 décembre, 1831.
185 Stockmar, Memoirs, I. p. 234.
186 Affaires étrangères, 194 Belgique, Belliard à Sébastiani, 13, 18, 19 décembre, 1831. F.O. Belgium 7, Adair to Palmerston, December 20, 1831. Stockmar, Memoirs, I. pp. 225-230.
187 Stockmar, Memoirs, I. pp. 226-229. Metternich, Memoires, V. pp. 217-224, Metternich à Apponyi, Metternich à Ficquelmont, 27 décembre, 1831. F.O. Austria 234, Forbes to Palmerston, January 7 and 20, 1832. Affaires étrangères, 636 Angleterre, Talleyrand à C. Périer, 25 janvier, 1832.
188 Despatches and Memoranda of Duke of Wellington, VIII. pp. 277-279 (State of parties in the French Chamber). Heinrich Heine, Letters from Paris, translated by C. Leland, I. p. 125. “And should Lord Grey fall with him will fall Casimir Périer. Both keep themselves upright by their mutual tendency to tumble down, like two drunkards who remain standing by leaning one against the other.”
189 Affaires étrangères, 635 and 636 Angleterre, C. Périer à Talleyrand, 9, 11 janvier, 1832; Talleyrand à Périer, 23 janvier, 1832. Stockmar, Memoirs, I. pp. 231-233. F.O. France 444, Granville to Palmerston, January 27, 1832.
190 State Papers, XIX. pp. 92-93.
191 F.O. France 444, Granville to Palmerston, January 30, February 1, 13, March 2, 1832.
192 F.O. Rome 25, Freeborn to Bidwell, January 29, 1832.
193 F.O. France 445, Freeborn (British consul at Rome) to Granville, February 1, 1832; Granville to Palmerston, February 13, 1832. F.O. Austria 234, Forbes to Palmerston, February 6, 1832.
194 F.O. France 445, Granville to Palmerston, March 5, 1832. F.O. Austria 234, Forbes to Palmerston, February 14, 1832. F.O. Rome 25, Freeborn to Bidwell, February 1, 1832; Freeborn to Palmerston, February 18, 1832.
195 F.O. Austria 234, Forbes to Palmerston, February 11, 1832.
196 F.O. Russia 199, Heytesbury to Palmerston, March 14, 1832.
197 Affaires étrangères, 636 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 22, 23 mars, 1832.
198 Correspondence of Earl Grey with King William IV., II. pp. 351-355. The King to Grey, April 16, 1832, II. pp. 358-368. Grey to the King, April 17, 1832; Grey to Sir H. Taylor, April 17, 1832.
199 F.O. Austria 234, Lamb to Palmerston, April 25, 1832.
200 F.O. Tuscany 62, Palmerston to Seymour, February 20, 1832.
201 F.O. Tuscany 62, Palmerston to Seymour, March 7, 1832. F.O. France 445, Granville to Palmerston, March 14, 1832.
202 Affaires étrangères, 636 Angleterre, Talleyrand à C. Périer, 6 mars, 1832.
203 F.O. Austria 234, Lamb to Palmerston, March 1, 2, and 12, 1832. Affaires étrangères, 636 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 27 mars, 1832.
204 F.O. Russia 190 & 199, Palmerston to Heytesbury, November 23, 1831; Heytesbury to Palmerston, January 3, 1832. Stockmar, Memoirs, I. pp. 268-270. State Papers, XVIII. pp. 928-931.
205 F.O. Russia 199, Heytesbury to Palmerston, February 4, 1832. Correspondence of Earl Grey with King William IV., II. p. 215; Grey to Taylor, February 13, 1832.
206 F.O. Prussia 181, Chad to Palmerston, February 12, 13, 1832.
207 Russian plenipotentiary at the conference which was settling the affairs of Greece.
208 F.O. Austria 234, Lamb to Palmerston, February 25, 1832.
209 F.O. Austria 234, Lamb to Palmerston, March 12, 1832.
210 F.O. Austria 234, Lamb to Palmerston, March 1, 1832.
211 F.O. Prussia, 180, Palmerston to Chad, February 3, 1832.
212 F.O. France, 445, Granville to Palmerston, March 2, 1832.
213 F.O. Prussia 181, Chad to Palmerston, February 12, 1832.
214 F.O. Prussia 181, Chad to Palmerston, March 4, 1832.
215 F.O. Russia 199, Heytesbury to Palmerston, February 11, 19, 27, 1832.
216 F.O. Netherlands 180, Palmerston to Bagot, March 16, 1832.
217 F.O. Prussia 180, Chad to Palmerston, March 25, 1832.
218 F.O. Netherlands 181, Bagot to Palmerston, March 23, 1832.
219 F.O. Austria 234, Lamb to Palmerston, March 12, 1832.
220 Affaires étrangères, 636 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Sébastiani, 20 avril, 1832.
221 State Papers, XIX. pp. 95-97.
222 Stockmar, Memoirs, I. pp. 252-257.
223 F.O. France 442, Palmerston to Hamilton, May 8, 1832. State Papers, XIX. pp. 98-99.
224 F.O. Russia 199, Heytesbury to Palmerston, April 15, May 18, 1832.
225 Stockmar, Memoirs, I. pp. 258-259.
226 Correspondence of Earl Grey with King William IV., II. pp. 394-395.
227 Correspondence of Earl Grey with King William IV., II. pp. 351-355; the King to Grey, April 16, 1832.
228 Annual Register, 1832, p. 187.
229 H. Heine, Letters from Paris (translated by C. Leland), I. p. 2.
230 Metternich, Mémoires, V. p. 288; Metternich à Apponyi, 21 juin, 1832.
231 H. Heine, Letters from Paris (translated by C. Leland), I. p. 355.
232 State Papers, XIX. pp. 102-105. Stockmar, Memoirs, I. p. 262.
233 Stockmar, Memoirs, I. p. 243.
234 F.O. Russia 200, Palmerston to Durham, July 3, 1832.
235 F.O. Russia 200, Durham to Palmerston, July 18, 1832.
236 Ibid., July 18, 27, August 2, September 8, 12, 1832.
237 F.O. Russia 200, Durham to Palmerston, August 22, 1832.
238 Stockmar, Memoirs, I. pp. 277-278.
239 F.O. France 448, Granville to Palmerston, August 3, 6, 1832.
240 F.O. Belgium 13, Adair to Palmerston, September 7, 1832. F.O. France 448 & 449, Granville to Palmerston, August 27, 29, September 3, 1832.
241 F.O. France 449, Granville to Palmerston, September 18, 1832.
242 Stockmar, Memoirs, I. pp. 278-285.
243 State Papers, XIX. pp. 150-190.
244 F.O. France 447, Granville to Palmerston, June 29, 1832; D. de Dino Chronique, I. pp. 73-74.
245 F.O. France 449, Granville to Palmerston, September 28, 1832.
246 F.O. France 449, Granville to Palmerston, October 4, 1832.
247 Ibid., October 5, 1832.
248 Affaires étrangères, 639 Angleterre, Mareuil à Sébastiani, 8 octobre, 1832.
249 The Times, January 31, 1834. Leading article explaining its changed attitude in the Dutch-Belgian question and why it had supported the King of the Netherlands in 1830 and 1831.
250 C. Greville, Journals, III. p. 33.
251 Stockmar, Memoirs, I. p. 273.
252 F.O. France 449, Granville to Palmerston, October 19, 1832.
253 F.O. Austria 236, Lamb to Palmerston, November 24, 1832.
254 Metternich, Mémoires, V. pp. 397-406; Metternich à Schwartzenberg, 13 novembre, 1832; Metternich à Trauttmansdorff, 13 novembre, 1832.
255 Metternich, Mémoires, V. pp. 411-413; Metternich à Clam, 13 novembre, 1832.
256 F.O. France 449, Granville to Palmerston, October 8, 1832. F.O. Prussia 184, Minto to Palmerston, September 29, October 7, 13, 1832. Affaires étrangères, 639 Angleterre, Mareuil à Sébastiani, 11 octobre, 1832.
257 Affaires étrangères, 639 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Broglie, 18 octobre, 1832.
258 F.O. France 449, Granville to Palmerston, October 21, 22, 24, 1832.
259 State Papers, XIX. pp. 258-263.
260 F.O. Belgium 13, Adair to Palmerston, October 30, 1832.
261 F.O. France 443 and 450, Palmerston to Granville, November 20, 30, 1832; Granville to Palmerston, November 9, 22, December 7, 1832.
262 T. Raikes, Journal, I. pp. 88, 92, 93, 102, and 112. C. Greville, Journals, II. p. 329.
263 F.O. Prussia 184, Minto to Palmerston, October 18, 1832. F.O. France 449, Granville to Palmerston, October 29, 1832.
264 F.O. Prussia 184, Minto to Palmerston, November 5, 7, 21, 24, 28, 29, December 22, 1832.
265 Affaires étrangères, 639 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Broglie, 1 décembre, 1832.
266 F.O. France 465, Aston to Palmerston, May 3, 11, 1833. F.O. Netherlands 186, Jerningham to Palmerston, February 15, April 18, May 24, 1833.
267 State Papers, XX. pp. 282-286.
268 Metternich, Mémoires, V. pp. 406-411; Metternich à Trauttmansdorff, 13 novembre, 1832.
269 Minister to Louis XVIII. and Charles X.
270 C. A. Murray, Memoir of Mohammed Ali, pp. 31-35.
271 N. Senior, Conversations and Journals in Egypt and Malta, I. p. 27.
272 F.O. Turkey 213, Mandeville to Palmerston, January 26, 1832.
273 Commander-in-Chief and Minister of War.
274 High Admiral.
275 F.O. Turkey 210, S. Canning to Palmerston, March 7, 1832.
276 F.O. Turkey 211, S. Canning to Palmerston, May 17, 1832.
277 F.O. Turkey 213, Mandeville to Palmerston, October 27, 1832 (Report of Captain Maunsell, R.N., of H.M.S. Alfred).
278 F.O. Turkey 223 & 224, Mandeville to Palmerston, March 11, 1833 (Report of Mr. A. Pisani); Ponsonby to Palmerston, May 24, 1833 (Memorandum of Mr. Kennedy).
279 F.O. Turkey 211, S. Canning to Palmerston, May 17, 1832.
280 F.O. Turkey 212, S. Canning to Palmerston, August 7, 1832.
281 Minister for Foreign Affairs.
282 F.O. Turkey 212, S. Canning to Palmerston (cipher, separate and secret), August 9, 1832.
283 F.O. Turkey 213, Mandeville to Palmerston, October 18, 1832.
284 F.O. Turkey 213, Palmerston to Mandeville, December 5, 1832.
285 F.O. Turkey 213, Mandeville to Palmerston, December 28, 1832.
286 F.O. Turkey 212, Mandeville to Palmerston, December 31, 1832. S. Goriainow, Le Bosphore et les Dardanelles, pp. 30-31. F.O. Turkey 222, Mandeville to Palmerston (cipher), January 8, 1833. F.O. France 463, Granville to Palmerston, January 21, 28, 1833.
287 F.O. Turkey 211 and 212, S. Canning to Palmerston, May 17, 22, 1832. F.O. Turkey 213, Mandeville to Palmerston, September 26, October 26, 1832 (cipher).
288 F.O. France 463, Granville to Palmerston, January 21, 28, February 7, 1833. F.O. Turkey 227, Palmerston to Campbell, February 4, 1833.
289 S. Goriainow, Le Bosphore et les Dardanelles, pp. ix. 27, 48, 49, 50.
290 S. Goriainow, Le Bosphore et les Dardanelles, pp. 29-30.
291 On the Sea of Marmora.
292 F.O. Turkey 222, Mandeville to Palmerston, January 13, 26, 1833.
293 F.O. Turkey 222, Mandeville to Palmerston, January 28, February 3, 4, 1833. S. Goriainow, Le Bosphore et les Dardanelles, p. 31.
294 F.O. Turkey 222, Mandeville to Palmerston, February 15, 1833.
295 About 150 miles beyond Konieh, and 80 miles from Brusa.
296 F.O. Turkey 222, Mandeville to Palmerston, February 11, 23, 1833.
297 S. Goriainow, Le Bosphore et les Dardanelles, p. 32.
298 F.O. Turkey 222, Mandeville to Palmerston, February 23, 1833.
299 F.O. Turkey 228, Campbell to Palmerston, March 31, 1833.
300 F.O. Turkey 223 Mandeville to Palmerston, March 26, 27, 1833.
301 F.O. Turkey 223, Mandeville to Palmerston, March 31, 1833.
302 Ibid., April 14, 1833.
303 F.O. France 464, Granville to Palmerston, March 18, 22, 29, 1833.
304 F.O. Turkey 223, Mandeville to Palmerston, April 11, 1833.
305 Ibid., April 23, 1833.
306 Ibid., May 4, 1833.
307 F.O. Turkey 228, Campbell to Palmerston, May 2, 3, 7, 9, 13, 15, 1833.
308 S. Goriainow, Le Bosphore et les Dardanelles, pp. 33-37. F.O. Turkey, Ponsonby to Palmerston, May 22, June 7, July 7, 1833.
309 F.O. France 466, Granville to Palmerston, July 12, 1833. F.O. Turkey 224, Pisani to Ponsonby (secret and confidential), June 17, 1833; Ponsonby to Palmerston, June 22, 1833.
310 “Au besoin et d’après le principe de reciprocité.”
311 S. Goriainow, Le Bosphore et les Dardanelles, p. 41.
312 S. Goriainow, Le Bosphore et les Dardanelles, pp. 42-44.
313 F.O. France 466, Aston to Palmerston, August 2, 1833.
314 F.O. Turkey 221, Palmerston to Ponsonby, August 27, 1833.
315 F.O. Russia 208, Bligh to Palmerston, October 24, 1833.
316 Ibid., December 28, 1833.
317 F.O. Russia 207, Bligh to Palmerston, August 24, 1833. F.O. France 466, Aston to Palmerston, August 30, 1833.
318 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, II. pp. 165-166.
319 S. Goriainow, Le Bosphore et les Dardanelles, pp. 51-52.
320 F.O. Russia 208, Bligh to Palmerston, December 21, 1833 (confidential).
321 Matuszewic figures in the well-known picture, “The Melton Breakfast.”
322 F.O. Austria 243, Lamb to Palmerston, September 3, October 1, December 26, 1833.
323 F.O. France 481, Granville to Palmerston, February 3, 1834.
324 F.O. Turkey 221, Palmerston to Ponsonby, December 6, 1833.
325 Vide p. 75.
326 F.O. France 430, Granville to Palmerston, July 28, 1831. F.O. France 425, Palmerston to Granville, August 10, 1831.
327 F.O. Spain 403, Canning to Palmerston, January 22, 1833.
328 Ibid., March 20, 29, 1833.
329 Ibid., February 7, 1833 (most secret).
330 C. Napier, War in Portugal, I. pp. 160-161 and 176-206.
331 F.O. Portugal 398, Palmerston to Russell, August 7, 1833.
332 F.O. France 469, Granville to Palmerston, October 10, 1833.
333 F.O. Spain 412, Villiers to Palmerston, October 7, 15, 19, 24, 31, November 8, 23, December 8, 1833.
334 Ibid., October 27, 1833 (cypher). F.O. France 465, Granville to Palmerston, November 1, 15, 29, 1833.
335 F.O. France 468 & 480, Granville to Palmerston, December 16, 1833, January 17, March 14, 1834. Affaires étrangères, 643 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Broglie, 10 mars, 1834.
336 Affaires étrangères, 643 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Rigny, 13, 14 avril, 1834. Guizot, Mémoires, IV. pp. 86-92.
337 Affaires étrangères, 643 Angleterre, Rigny à Talleyrand, 17 avril, 1834.
338 About £1500 per annum.
339 T. Raikes, Journal, I. p. 106.
340 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, II. pp. 166-174 and 180-185.
341 F.O. Spain 694, Palmerston to Bulwer, August 22, 1846 (confidential).
342 F.O. France 467, Granville to Palmerston, September 13, 1833. Guizot, Mémoires, IV. pp. 57-74.
343 F.O. France 468, Granville to Palmerston, November 1, 1833.
344 F.O. Netherlands 206, Disbrowe to Palmerston, December 8, 1837 (most secret). Report of a conversation repeated to the British minister by the Carlist agent, Saint-Sylvain (Baron de Los Valles), in which Louis Philippe is supposed to have said, “Je préfère toujours les capuchons aux bonnets rouges.”
345 The Fueros of Biscay and Navarre overrode the general laws of Spain. So long as the system remained in force in these provinces the right of taxation, the levy of military forces, and all matters connected with land tenure, were vested in local legislative bodies.
346 F.O. Spain 439 and 440, Villiers to Wellington, February 11, 1835; Wellington to Villiers, February 17, 1835.
347 F.O. Spain 439, Wellington to Villiers, March 27, 1835. F.O. Spain 446, Wellington to Eliot, March 26, 1835 (secret).
348 F.O. France 501, Cowley to Wellington, April 3 (secret and confidential), 17, 20, 24 (separate and confidential), 1835. F.O. France 497, Wellington to Cowley, April 2, 1836. F.O. Spain 446, Eliot to Wellington, March 30, 1835 (private).
349 F.O. Spain 446, Eliot to Wellington, April 20, 28, 1835; Eliot to Palmerston, May 6, 1835.
350 F.O. Spain 439, Palmerston to Villiers, May 22, 1835.
351 F.O. France 502, Granville to Palmerston, June 8, 1835.
352 F.O. Spain 447, Palmerston to Wylde, July 13, 1835.
353 F.O. Spain 447, Wylde to Palmerston, August 2, 1835.
354 F.O. France 504, Granville to Palmerston, August 17, 1835.
355 F.O. France 503, Granville to Palmerston, July 17, August 10, 1835.
356 F.O. Portugal 436 & 439, Howard de W. to Palmerston, June 13, November 12, 21 (secret), December 13, 1835.
357 Revue Retrospective, p. 41. Marquise de Loulé, Subvention Accidentelle, 6000 francs.
358 F.O. Portugal 436, Howard de W. to Palmerston, June 23, 1835 (confidential), contains following enclosure:—
“Lisbon, June 22, 1835.
“My dear Lord,
“You may give Lord Palmerston the most positive assurance that I should resign my position as a minister to the crown the moment it is out of my power to prevent the marriage of the queen with any prince that would put an end to the relations existing between France and England.
“(Signed), Saldanha.”
359 F.O. France 501, Cowley to Palmerston, May 8, 1835 (separate and confidential).
360 F.O. Portugal 438, Howard de W. to Palmerston, October 23, 1835 (secret).
361 Guizot, Mémoires, IV. p. 146.
362 F.O. Spain 444, Villiers to Palmerston, September 15, 1835.
363 F.O. France 504, 505 and 517, Granville to Palmerston, August 21, October 5, 9, 19, 1835; Palmerston to Aston, August 30, 1836.
364 F.O. Spain 444, Villiers to Palmerston, September 15, 1835 (secret and confidential).
365 Secretary to the British Legation at Madrid.
366 F.O. Spain 445, Villiers to Palmerston, November 28, 1835, (most secret and confidential).
367 F.O. France 506, Granville to Palmerston, December 4, 1835 (private letter).
368 Guizot, Mémoires, IV. pp. 147-149 and 421-425; Broglie à Rayneval, 12, 19 décembre, 1835.
369 F.O. Spain 439, Palmerston to Villiers, December 21, 1835 (secret).
370 F.O. Spain 457, Villiers to Palmerston, January 2, 1836.
371 F.O. France 518 and 527, Granville to Palmerston, December 5, 1836; Palmerston to Granville, December 27, 1836.
372 Thureau Dangin, Monarchie de Juillet, II. p. 178 (note).
373 Metternich, Mémoires, VI. pp. 31-53 and 270.
374 Thureau Dangin, La Monarchie de Juillet, III. pp. 74-75.
375 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, II. pp. 221-223. Correspondence of Princess Lieven with Earl Grey, II., Princess Lieven to Grey, August 26, 1835. T. Raikes’ Journal, III. pp. 265-266. C. Greville, Journals (1), III. pp. 20, 314, 385, 386.
376 Affaires étrangères, 644 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Rigny, 16, 26 juin, 1834.
377 Affaires étrangères, 644 Angleterre, Talleyrand à Louis Philippe, 22 novembre, 1834. In this letter occurs the following sentence, “possibly the honour may be reserved for Wellington of arresting England on the path of decadence.”
378 F.O. Spain 447. Extract of a private letter from Colonel Wylde, dated Puente de la Reyna, August 8, 1835.
379 F.O. Spain 464, Wylde to Palmerston, February 12, 18, 1836 (confidential).
380 F.O. France 516, Palmerston to Granville, March 14, 1836.
381 F.O. France 520, Granville to Palmerston, March 18, 1836.
382 F.O. Spain 456, Palmerston to Villiers, June 1 (No. 44), August 22, 1836. F.O. France 59 and 525, Palmerston to Ashton, August 30, 1836; Granville to Palmerston, October 7, 1836.
383 F.O. Spain 464, Wylde to Palmerston, July 13, 16, 1836.
384 F.O. Spain 460, Villiers to Palmerston, July 24, 1836.
385 F.O. Spain 460, Villiers to Palmerston, August 6, 9, 13, 14, 16, 17, 1836.
386 The Duc d’Orléans married on May 30, 1837, the Princess Helena of Mecklenburg-Schwerin.
387 F.O. France 524, Aston to Palmerston, August 26, 1836.
388 F.O. France 525, Granville to Palmerston, September 23, 1836.
389 F.O. France 518, Palmerston to Granville, September 29, 1836.
390 F.O. France 564, Granville to Palmerston, October 26, 1836.
391 F.O. France 539, Granville to Palmerston, February 3, 1837 (confidential). H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, II. p. 243. H. Greville, Diary, I. p. 113. Malmesbury, Memoirs of an ex-Minister, I. p. 272. C. Greville, Journals (1), III. pp. 385-386.
392 F.O. France 542, Granville to Palmerston, July 3, 1837 (confidential).
393 F.O. Netherlands 206, Disbrowe to Palmerston, October 6, December 8, 1837 (most secret and confidential).
394 F.O. Netherlands. Disbrowe to Palmerston, December 8, 1837 (most secret).
395 A. S. Hume, Modern Spain, pp. 345-346.
396 Hubbard, Histoire de l’Espagne, IV. pp. 92-93.
397 F.O. Spain 485, Villiers to Palmerston, December 30, 1837. F.O. France 544, Granville to Palmerston, October 27, 30, 1837 (secret and confidential).
398 F.O. Spain 486, Wylde to Palmerston, December 10, 1837. F.O. Spain 485, Villiers to Palmerston, December 24, 1837.
399 F.O. Spain 503, Villiers to Palmerston, April 21, 1838 (secret).
400 F.O. Spain 499, Palmerston to Villiers, May 7, 1838.
401 F.O. France 356, Palmerston to Granville, May 7, 1838.
402 F.O. Spain 526 and 527, Clarendon to Palmerston, February 2, 1839; Southern to Palmerston, March 30, June 1, 1839.
403 F.O. France 561, Granville to Palmerston, May 14, 1838 (secret and confidential).
404 F.O. Spain 530, Southern to Palmerston, June 22, 1839.
405 F.O. Spain 504, Villiers to Palmerston, May 26, 1838 (cypher).
406 F.O. Spain 505, Villiers to Palmerston, June 16, 23, 30, July 7, 1838.
407 F.O. Spain 505 and 506, Villiers to Palmerston, June 9, 1838; Hervey to Palmerston, July 14, 1838.
408 Hubbard, Histoire de l’Espagne, IV. pp. 111-118.
409 C. Greville, Journals (2), I. p. 65.
410 F.O. Spain 526, Clarendon to Palmerston, February 27, March 7, 1839. Hubbard, Histoire de l’Espagne, IV. pp. 141-148.
411 Hubbard, Histoire de l’Espagne, IV. p. 151.
412 C. Greville, Journals (2), I. pp. 104-108.
413 F.O. France 583, Granville to Palmerston, June 10, 1839. F.O. Spain 530, Southern to Palmerston, June 15, 1839.
414 F.O. Spain 579 (supplementary), Palmerston to Wylde, August 10, 1839.
415 F.O. Spain 579 (supplementary), Wylde to Palmerston, August 26, 29, September 1, 1839.
416 F.O. Spain 534 and 535, Southern to Palmerston, October 19, 1839; Jerningham to Palmerston, November 25, 1839.
417 F.O. Spain 531, Southern to Palmerston, July 27, 1839.
418 F.O. Spain 535, Jerningham to Palmerston, December 7, 1839, January 4, 1840.
419 F.O. Spain 552, Aston to Palmerston, May 23, 30, June 8, 1840.
420 F.O. Spain 553, Aston to Palmerston, July 21, August 22, September 3, 1840. Hubbard, Histoire de l’Espagne, IV. pp. 228-229.
421 F.O. Spain 547, Palmerston to Aston, September 3, 1840 (confidential).
422 F.O. Spain 554 and 555, Aston to Palmerston, September 22, 1840; Scott to Palmerston, October 1, 1840; Aston to Palmerston, October 11, 1840.
423 Hubbard, Histoire de l’Espagne, IV. pp. 233-235.
424 F.O. Turkey 283, Campbell to Palmerston, August 23, 1836.
425 F.O. France 485 and 487, Granville to Palmerston, June 23, 1834; Aston to Palmerston, August 13, 1834, September 15, 1834. F.O. Turkey 234, Palmerston to Ponsonby, August 23, 1834.
426 F.O. Turkey 246, Campbell to Palmerston, September 4, 5, 1834 (secret and confidential).
427 F.O. Turkey 244, Palmerston to Campbell, October 26, 1834. F.O. France 488, Granville to Palmerston, October 27, 1834.
428 F.O. France 480 and 483, Granville to Palmerston, January 24, March 14, April 18, 1834.
429 Sir Stratford Canning, who had been created Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, was ambassador to the Porte at the time of the Crimean War. The negotiations are said to have been influenced by Nicholas’ dislike of him.
430 F.O. Russia 201 and 207, Palmerston to Bligh, October 27, 1832; Bligh to Palmerston, November 17, 1832; Palmerston to Bligh, December 14, 1832; Bligh to Palmerston, January 9, May 29, June 19, 1833 (the whole of this correspondence is in the form of private letters).
431 The following article appeared in The Times of May 28, 1834: “The recall of Prince Lieven, or rather of Madame la Princesse, is an event. We cannot say of Her Serene Highness that the petit nez retroussé has occasioned much mischief, whatever her organs of speech or her implements of writing may have done.... There never figured on the courtly stage a female intriguer more restless, more arrogant, more (politically and therefore we mean it not offensively) odious and insufferable than this supercilious ambassadress. She fancied herself a ‘power,’ she was, however, more frequently a dupe,” etc., etc.
432 E. Daudet, Une Vie d’Ambassadrice, pp. 170, 180-183.
433 F.O. Turkey 234, Palmerston to Ponsonby, March 10, 1834 (secret).
434 F.O. France 497, Wellington to Aston, March 17, 1835.
435 C. Greville, Journals (1), III. pp. 225-229.
436 F.O. Turkey 271, Palmerston to Ponsonby, June 20, 1836.
437 F.O. Turkey 274, Ponsonby to Palmerston, May 15, 1836.
438 F.O. Turkey 273, Ponsonby to Palmerston, March 14, 1836.
439 F.O. Russia 223, Durham to Palmerston, February 6, 1836, March 3, 1836 (confidential); cf. Barante, Souvenirs, V. pp. 277-278, 299-300, 346.
440 Vide p. 168.
441 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, II. p. 360, Palmerston to Melbourne, July 5, 1840.
442 F.O. France 520, Granville to Palmerston, February 26, 1836.
443 F.O. France 489, Granville to Wellington, December 12, 1834.
444 British chargé d’affaires in Paris.
445 F.O. France 523, Aston to Palmerston, July 25, 29, 1836 (private letter).
446 Lesseps, Ferdinand, Vicomte de, conceived in 1854 the great scheme of cutting the Suez Canal.
447 F.O. Turkey 284, Campbell to Palmerston, October 30, November 18, 1836.
448 F.O. Turkey 284 and 319, Campbell to Palmerston, December 20, 1836, January 21, 24, April 7, 11, 1837.
449 F.O. France 562, Granville to Palmerston, June 25, 1838.
450 F.O. Turkey 271 and 274, Ponsonby to Palmerston, April 8, 1836 (secret); Palmerston to Ponsonby, May 7, 1836 (secret). “His Majesty’s government do not expect that any communication which he (the Sultan’s agent) is to make will induce them to consider an attack upon Mehemet Ali, in the present relative strength of the two parties, as anything but an act of the most extreme impolicy.”
451 F.O. Turkey 271, Palmerston to Ponsonby, March 7, 1836 (private and confidential).
452 The Turkish Commander in Asia Minor.
453 F.O. Turkey 271, Palmerston to Ponsonby, March 29, 1836 (secret and confidential).
454 F.O. Turkey 342, Campbell to Palmerston, January 22, 1838.
455 The name given to the immunities and privileges granted in the sixteenth century to France, and gradually extended to other Powers.
456 F.O. Turkey 328, Palmerston to Ponsonby, February 6, 1838.
457 F.O. Turkey 332, Ponsonby to Palmerston, August 19, 1838.
458 On the subject of the alleged ill-treatment of the crew of a ship-wrecked vessel sailing under British colours.
459 F.O. Turkey 342, Campbell to Palmerston, January 16, 1838.
460 Ibid., March 27, 1838.
461 F.O. Turkey 343, Palmerston to Campbell, June 8, 1838; Campbell to Palmerston, June 9, September 1, 1838.
462 F.O. Turkey 342, Palmerston to Campbell, February 6, March 16, 1838; Campbell to Palmerston, April 3, 5, May 19, 21, 1838.
463 F.O. Turkey 342, Campbell to Palmerston, May 25, 1838.
464 F.O. France 557, Palmerston to Granville, July 3, 1838.
465 F.O. Turkey 343, Campbell to Palmerston, August 16, 24, September 5, 8, 1838.
466 F.O. Turkey 343, Campbell to Palmerston, September 28, 1838.
467 F.O. France 564, Granville to Palmerston, September 21, 28, October 5, 1838. F.O. Turkey 332, Ponsonby to Palmerston, October 29, 1838.
468 H. Rawlinson, Russia and England in the East, pp. 139-151.
469 Correspondence relating to Persia and Afghanistan, Palmerston to Clanricarde, October 26, 1838; Nesselrode à Pozzo, 20 octobre, 1838; Palmerston to Pozzo, December 20, 1838; Nesselrode à Pozzo, 20 janvier, 1839.
470 F.O. Russia 252, Clanricarde to Palmerston, May 25, 1839.
471 F.O. Turkey 274, Ponsonby to Palmerston, May 7, 1836.
472 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, II. pp. 291-294.
473 Lettres du Maréchal Moltke sur l’Orient, II. pp. 310-311.
474 Levant correspondence, Palmerston to Ponsonby, April 12, 1839. F.O. Turkey 355, Ponsonby to Palmerston, March 20, 23, 1839 (confidential).
475 F.O. Turkey 332, Ponsonby to Palmerston, September 5 (secret), October 3, 13, November 9, December 31, 1838.
476 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, II. pp. 267-269; Palmerston to Granville, June 8, 1838.
477 Levant correspondence, Reshid à Palmerston, 26 avril, 1839; Palmerston to Reshid, May 6, 1839; Ponsonby to Palmerston, April 6, 1839. F.O. Turkey 355, Ponsonby to Palmerston, April 22, 1839.
478 Thureau Dangin, Monarchie de Juillet, IV. p. 48.
479 Guizot, Mémoires, IV. Pièces Historiques, Bourqueney à Soult, 20 juin, 1839.
480 Levant correspondence, Palmerston to Ponsonby, July 18, 1839; Palmerston to Beauvale, July 23, 1839.
481 Levant correspondence, Campbell to Palmerston, May 19, 1839.
482 Ibid., June 14, 1839.
483 Ibid., June 16, 1839.
484 Levant correspondence, Ponsonby to Palmerston, July 3, 1839.
485 Ibid., July 8, 1839.
486 F.O. France 584, Granville to Palmerston, July 29, 1839.
487 Vice-Admiral.
488 F.O. Turkey 360, Ponsonby to Palmerston, November 27, 28, 30, December 3, 1839.
489 Revue des Deux Mondes, 1er août, 1852, L’Escadre de la Méditerranée. See also curious remarks of M. Thureau-Dangin, Monarchie de Juillet, IV. pp. 53-56.
490 Levant correspondence, Palmerston to Granville, July 30, 1839; Palmerston to Beauvale, August 1, 1839; Guizot, Mémoires, Pièces historiques, Bourqueney à Soult, 23 juillet, 1839.
491 F.O. Russia 243, Palmerston to Clanricarde, October 10, 1838.
492 Levant correspondence, Dalmatie à Bourqueney, 17 juin, 1839; Beauvale to Palmerston, June 14, 1839; Palmerston to Beauvale, June 28, 1839; Palmerston to Granville, June 29, 1839; Beauvale to Palmerston, June 30, 1839; W. Russell to Palmerston, July 6, 1839; Beauvale to Palmerston, July 10, 1839.
493 Ibid., Clanricarde to Palmerston, July 27, 1839; Nesselrode à Kisseleff, 15-27 juillet, 1839.
494 Ibid., Granville to Palmerston, July 30, 1839; Soult à Bourqueney, 26 juillet, 1839.
495 Ibid., Palmerston to Granville, July 30, 1839.
496 Levant correspondence, Ponsonby to Palmerston, July 21, 22, 1839.
497 Ibid., July 26, 1839.
498 Ibid., July 29, 1839.
499 Sir Frederick Lamb, created Baron Beauvale in 1839.
500 Thureau-Dangin, Monarchie de Juillet, IV. p. 58 (note).
501 Levant correspondence, Ponsonby to Palmerston, July 29, 1839.
502 L. Véron, Mémoires d’un Bourgeois de Paris, V. pp. 17, 19.
503 Levant correspondence, Palmerston to Beauvale, June 28, 1839.
504 Guizot, Mémoires, Pièces historiques, Soult à Bourqueney, 17 juin, 1839.
505 Levant correspondence, Granville to Palmerston, August 8, 9, 19, 1839.
506 Levant correspondence, Palmerston to Bulwer, August 20, 1839; Palmerston to Admiralty, August 24, 1839; Palmerston to Beauvale, August 25, 1839.
507 Ibid., Bulwer to Palmerston, August 26, 1839.
508 Ibid., August 30, 1839.
509 F.O. France 586, Bulwer to Palmerston, September 16, 1839 (secret and confidential).
510 F.O. Turkey 358, Stopford to Ponsonby, August 21, 1839.
511 F.O. Turkey 372, Palmerston to Campbell, August 13, and September 11, 1839 (separate).
512 F.O. Turkey 358, Ponsonby to Palmerston, September 10, 1839 (report of General Chrzanowski on battle of Nezib); also Ponsonby to Palmerston, July 29, 1839.
513 Lettres du Maréchal de Moltke sur l’Orient, p. 340.
514 F.O. Turkey 358, Ponsonby to Palmerston, August 12, 1839 (report of General Jochmus on battle of Nezib).
515 F.O. Turkey 357, Ponsonby to Palmerston, August 7, 1839 (enclosing Chrzanowski’s plan for bringing Mehemet Ali to reason).
516 Levant correspondence, Clanricarde to Palmerston, August 27, 28, 1839.
517 Ibid., Palmerston to Clanricarde, October 25, 1839.
518 S. Goriainow, Le Bosphore et les Dardanelles, pp. 52-82.
519 Levant correspondence, Dalmatie à Sébastiani, 26 septembre, 1839.
520 Ibid., Palmerston to Bulwer, September 28, 1839.
521 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, II. p. 348.
522 Levant correspondence, Palmerston to Clanricarde, October 25, 1839.
523 Guizot, Mémoires, IV. pp. 365-367.
524 F.O. France 586, Bulwer to Palmerston, September 13, 1839.
525 F.O. Turkey 372, Palmerston to Campbell, September 11, 1839 (separate).
526 F.O. France 587, Bulwer to Palmerston, October 4, 1839.
527 Guizot, Mémoires, IV. pp. 367-370.
528 Affaires étrangères, 654 Angleterre, Sébastiani à Soult, 5 janvier, 1840.
529 Ibid., 27 janvier, 1840.
530 Guizot, Mémoires, IV. pp. 369-375.
531 Vide p. 221.
532 F. Daudet, Une Vie d’Ambassadrice, pp. 236-239. The liaison of Princess Lieven with Guizot is the origin of Balzac’s story, Les Secrets de la Princesse de Cadignan. Guizot figures in the character of d’Arthez.
533 Guizot, Mémoires, V. p. 63.
534 Ibid., V. p. 64.
535 Guizot, Mémoires, V. Pièces historiques, Soult à Guizot, 19 février, 1840.
536 Affaires étrangères, 634 Angleterre, Thiers à Guizot, 12 mars, 1840.
537 Guizot, Mémoires, V. p, 207.
538 Guizot, Mémoires, V. p. 65.
539 Affaires étrangères, 654 Angleterre, Guizot à Thiers, 12, 16 mars, 1840.
540 Affaires étrangères, 654, 655 Angleterre, Guizot à Thiers, 13, 16 avril, 1840; Thiers à Guizot, 14, 20 avril, 1840.
541 Affaires étrangères, 655 Angleterre, Guizot à Thiers, 10 mai, 1840.
542 Guizot, Mémoires, V. pp. 61, 62.
543 Ellice, Edward (1781-1863) had been a member of Lord Grey’s government from 1830 to 1834.
544 Correspondence of Princess Lieven with Earl Grey, III.; P. Lieven to Grey, April 13, 1836; Grey to P. Lieven, May 6, and October 22, 1836.
545 Creevey Papers, II. p. 309.
546 Vide p. 53.
547 F.O. France 600, Palmerston to Granville, October, 1840 (private letter, part of which is given in Bulwer’s Life of Palmerston).
548 Duchesse de Dino, Chronique, III. p. 228.
549 Affaires étrangères, 655 Angleterre, Guizot à Thiers, 1 juin, 1840.
550 Metternich, Mémoires, VI. pp. 430-432, and 454-464.
551 Affaires étrangères, 655 Angleterre, Guizot à Thiers, 8 mai, 1, 9, 13 juin, 1840; Thiers à Guizot, 16 juin, 1840.
552 Levant correspondence, Campbell to Palmerston, August 7, 1839.
553 Levant correspondence, Campbell to Palmerston, September 2, 26, 1839; Campbell to Ponsonby, October 19, 1839; Young to Palmerston, October 16, 1839; Hodges to Palmerston, January 4, 13, 14, 16, 23, February 12, 1840.
554 Levant correspondence, Wagner to Koenigsmark, November 26, 1839.
555 F.O. Turkey 392, Ponsonby to Palmerston, March 3, 1840 (secret).
556 F.O. Russia 260, Clanricarde to Palmerston, February 24, May 23, 1840.
557 The despatches of the French consuls at this period are not available for inspection.
558 F.O. Turkey 359, 360, Ponsonby to Palmerston, October 30, November 24, December 18, 1839; F.O. Turkey 392, Ponsonby to Palmerston, January 28, 29, 1840. Levant correspondence, Ponsonby to Palmerston, November 13, 1839.
559 Coste (Jacques), 1798-1859, founder and manager of the Temps, the organ of the tiers parti. This venture proved a disastrous failure, and M. Coste in 1840 was in pecuniary difficulties. There are frequent allusions to his embarrassments in his correspondence with Fethi Ahmed Pasha.
560 F.O. Turkey 394, Ponsonby to Palmerston, May 29, 1840 (separate and confidential)—“Your Lordship knows the intimacy which exists between M. Coste and M. Thiers, and he (Coste) undoubtedly does speak (as he asserts) the sentiments of the President of the French ministry.” Lord Ponsonby goes on to state that the original letters have been in his hands. The copies transmitted contain many notes in Palmerston’s handwriting.
561 F.O. Turkey 395, Ponsonby to Palmerston, July 13, 1840 (separate and confidential).
562 F.O. Turkey 395, Ponsonby to Palmerston, July 30, 1840 (separate and confidential).
563 Vide p. 227.
564 F.O. Turkey 405, Hodges to Palmerston, June 17, 19, 1840.
565 Guizot, Mémoires, V. pp. 205, 206.
566 Levant correspondence, Hodges to Palmerston, June 16, 1840.
567 Affaires étrangères, 655 Angleterre, Guizot à Thiers, 11 juillet, 1840.
568 F.O. Turkey 394, Ponsonby to Palmerston, June 23, 1840.
569 Guizot, Mémoires, V. pp. 218-220.
570 Thureau-Dangin, La Monarchie de Juillet, IV. p. 221. H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, III. p. 432; Palmerston to Hobhouse, July 27, 1843.
571 C. Greville, Journals (2), I. pp. 308-309.
572 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, II. pp. 356-363; Palmerston to Melbourne, July 5, 6, 1840.
573 To the Cabinet minute submitting to the Queen the expediency of making the treaty, the dissent of Holland and Clarendon was appended. C. Greville, Journals (2), I. p. 304.
574 Levant correspondence, Part I. pp. 689-700.
575 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, II. pp. 426-433; Palmerston to Hobhouse, July 27, 1843.
576 Metternich, Mémoires, IV. p. 436; Metternich à Apponyi, 4 août, 1840.
577 Affaires étrangères, 655 Angleterre, Guizot à Thiers, 17 juillet, 1840. Guizot, Mémoires, V. pp. 220-228.
578 He had been transferred from Constantinople to Paris as secretary of embassy in 1839.
579 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, II. p. 315. Levant correspondence, Bulwer to Palmerston, July 20, 1840.
580 F.O. France 604, Bulwer to Palmerston, July 27, 1840 (most confidential).
581 Ibid., Granville to Palmerston, August 3, 1840 (confidential).
582 The Times, July 27, August 1, 3, 1840.
583 Ibid., August 7, 1840.
584 Affaires étrangères, 655 Angleterre, Thiers à Guizot (undated, probably, 21 juillet, 1840). Guizot, Mémoires, V. pp. 230-235.
585 C. Greville, Journals (2), I. p. 329.
586 Guizot, Mémoires, V. p. 271-272.
587 Affaires étrangères, 665 Angleterre, Louis Philippe au Roi des Belges, 13 août, 1840.
588 Affaires étrangères, 655 Angleterre, Bourqueney à Thiers, 8 août, 1840.
589 Affaires étrangères, 655 Angleterre, Guizot à Thiers, 21, 22 août, 1840. Guizot, Mémoires, V. 278-290.
590 Levant correspondence, Palmerston to Bulwer, August 31, 1840.
591 The Times, October 7, 1840.
592 Guizot, Mémoires, V. pp. 290-296.
593 Levant correspondence, Ponsonby to Palmerston, August 5, 8, 1840.
594 Admiralty (in letters) 5503 Syria, Palmerston to Admiralty, July 16, 17, 23, 1840 (secret).
595 C. Napier, War in Syria, I. p. 10.
596 Levant correspondence, Palmerston to Granville, December 10, 13, 1839, January 3, February 14, March 5, 17, 1840.
597 Admiralty (in letters), 5503 Syria, Palmerston to Admiralty, July 25, 1840 (secret).
598 Levant correspondence, Hodges to Palmerston, July 23, 1840.
599 Colonel Sèves.
600 C. Napier, War in Syria, I. pp. 29-49. Admiralty (in letters), 5503 Syria, Napier to Stopford, August 21, 1840.
601 Levant correspondence, Ponsonby to Palmerston, August 17, 1840.
602 F.O. Turkey 396, Ponsonby to Palmerston, August 19, 1840.
603 Levant correspondence, Ponsonby to Palmerston, August 22, 1840.
604 F.O. France 605, Bulwer to Palmerston, September 7, 1840.
605 Levant correspondence, Palmerston to Guizot, September 9, 1840.
606 H. Heine, Letters from Paris (translated by Leland), II. p. 160.
607 T. Raikes’ Journal, IV. p. 43.
608 H. Heine, Letters from Paris (translated by Leland), II. p. 160.
609 F.O. France 605, Bulwer to Palmerston, August 31, 1840. Thureau Dangin, Monarchie de Juillet, IV. pp. 242-243. The Times, September 1, 1840.
610 H. Heine, Letters from Paris (translated by Leland), II. p. 39. Letters of Queen Victoria, October 2, 1840 (I. K. Leopold to Queen Victoria).
611 H. Heine, Letters from Paris (translated by Leland), II. p. 141.
612 Levant correspondence, Hodges to Palmerston, August 24, 1840.
613 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, II. p. 324-327.
614 F.O. France 605, Bulwer to Palmerston, September 18, 1840 (private and confidential).
615 Affaires étrangères, 655 Angleterre, Guizot à Thiers, 20 septembre, 1840. Guizot, Mémoires, V. pp. 317-323.
616 S. Walpole, Life of Lord John Russell, I. pp. 347-348. C. Greville, Journals (2), I. p. 304.
617 Vide p. 265.
618 C. Greville, Journals (2), II. p. 106.
619 Melbourne Papers, pp. 472-473.
620 C. Greville, Journals (2), I. pp. 310-311, in particular, and Chapters VIII. and IX. in general.
621 The Times, December 1, 1840.
622 The Times, December 7, 1840.
623 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, II. pp. 343-344.
624 Melbourne Papers, II. p. 479.
625 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, II. p. 348.
626 Melbourne Papers, pp. 467-480. C. Greville, Journals (2), I. pp. 312-318.
627 C. Greville, Journals (2), I. p. 331.
628 The Princess Royal was born November 21, 1840.
629 S. Walpole, Life of Lord John Russell, I. pp, 352-353.
630 Levant correspondence, Palmerston to Granville, October 6, 1840.
631 C. Greville, Journals (2), I. pp. 324-327. S. Walpole, Life of Lord John Russell, p. 354. Melbourne Papers, pp. 483-484.
632 Levant correspondence, Schlemnitz to Palmerston, October 9, 1840; Brunnow to Palmerston, October 12, 1840; Neumann to Palmerston, October 12, 1840.
633 Levant correspondence, Ponsonby to Palmerston, September 10, 14, 1840; Hodges to Palmerston, September 22, 1840.
634 C. Napier, War in Syria, I. pp. 47-68.
635 H. Heine, Letters from Paris (translated by Leland), II. p. 49.
636 Memoirs of H. Reeve, I. p. 130.
637 Ibid., pp. 122-129.
638 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, II. pp. 333-334.
639 Letters of Queen Victoria, Palmerston to the Queen, October 11, 1840.
640 Levant correspondence, Palmerston to Granville, October 2, 1840.
641 S. Walpole, Life of Lord John Russell, I. pp. 354-357.
642 Letters of Queen Victoria, Melbourne to the Queen, October 9, 1840.
643 Levant correspondence, Thiers à Guizot, 3 octobre, 1840.
644 Ibid., 8 octobre, 1840.
645 L. Vérnon, Mémoires d’un Bourgeois de Paris, V. p. 27.
646 C. Greville, Journals (2), I. p. 337. Letters of Queen Victoria, Melbourne to the Queen, October 11, 1840.
647 Levant correspondence, Palmerston to Ponsonby, October 15, 1840; Palmerston to Granville, October 17, 1840.
648 Thureau-Dangin, La Monarchie de Juillet, IV. p. 343.
649 Levant correspondence, Palmerston to Granville, October 8, 1840.
650 F.O. France 606, Granville to Palmerston, October 12, 1840. Levant correspondence, Granville to Palmerston, October 12, 1840.
651 Admiralty (in letters) 5495, Martin to Stopford, April 26, 1840.
652 F.O. France 605, Bulwer to Palmerston, September 14, 1840 (confidential).
653 Vide p. 217.
654 F.O. Spain 555, Scott to Palmerston, October 23, 1840 (secret); Aston to Palmerston, November 7, 1840. Levant correspondence, Palmerston to Aston, October 15, 1840. H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, II. pp. 341-343.
655 Melbourne Papers, p. 487.
656 Guizot, Mémoires, IV. pp. 400-402. Thureau-Dangin, La Monarchie de Juillet, IV. pp. 344-346.
657 Vide pp. 269-273.
658 F.O. Sardinia 112, Abercromby to Palmerston, November 28, December 30, 1840. F.O. Sicily 169, Temple to Palmerston, September 16, 1840. Thureau-Dangin, Monarchie et Juillet, IV. pp. 274-275.
659 F.O. Austria 208, Beauvale to Palmerston, February 2, 5, 1841. F.O. Russia 271, Clanricarde to Palmerston, February 3, 1841.
660 “Sie sollen ihn nicht haben, den frien deutschen Rhein.”
661 Metternich, Mémoires, VI. p. 447.
662 Memoirs of H. Reeve, pp. 134-135. Melbourne Papers, p. 492. C. Greville, Journals (2), I. pp. 347-349.
663 Levant correspondence, Palmerston to Granville, November 2, 20, 1840; Granville to Palmerston, November 5, 1840.
664 Admiralty (in letters) 5503, Syria, Palmerston to Admiralty, October 5, 1840 (secret).
665 F.O. Turkey 397, Ponsonby to Palmerston, October 7, 1840 (confidential).
666 Levant correspondence, Palmerston to Admiralty, November 14, 1840.
667 Levant correspondence, Barrow to Leverson, December 15, 1840.
668 Ibid., Ponsonby to Palmerston, December 16, 1840 (enclosure I.); Napier to Ponsonby, December 14, 1840, “I was led to believe by letters which I had received from different members of the Government that they were most anxious to settle the Eastern question speedily.”
669 Ibid., Palmerston to Admiralty, December 15, 1840; Palmerston to Ponsonby, December 17, 1840.
670 Ibid., Ponsonby to Palmerston, December 8, 1840.
671 Admiralty (in letters) 5504, Syria, II., Stopford to Admiralty, December 10, 1840.
672 Levant correspondence, Ponsonby to Palmerston, December 16, 23, 1840.
673 Ibid., Palmerston to Ponsonby, October 15, 1840.
674 Ibid., Ponsonby to Palmerston, December 23, 1840.
675 Ibid., Palmerston to Ponsonby, December 17, 1840.
676 Levant correspondence, Ponsonby to Palmerston, January 10, 13, 1841.
677 Ibid., Barrow to Backhouse, February 1, 28, 1841.
678 F.O. Turkey 399, Ponsonby to Palmerston, December 13, 1840. F.O. Austria 208, Beauvale to Palmerston, March 5, 1841. Levant correspondence, Ponsonby to Palmerston, February 21, 1841. Admiralty (in letters) 5504, Syria, II., Backhouse to Admiralty, April 17, 1841.
679 Levant correspondence, Ponsonby to Palmerston, February 14, 15, 1841; Chekib Effendi to Palmerston, March 11, 1841.
680 Ibid., Granville to Palmerston, December 4, 1840.
681 F.O. France 607, Granville to Palmerston, November 27, 1840.
682 Guizot, Mémoires, VI. p. 78.
683 Vide p. 253.
684 S. Goriainow, Le Bosphore et les Dardanelles, p. 83.
685 Levant correspondence, Nesselrode to Brunnow, December 10, 22, 1840.
686 F.O. Russia 271, Clanricarde to Palmerston, January 18, 1841 (confidential).
687 Ibid., March 9, 1841 (confidential).
688 F.O. Russia 269, Palmerston to Clanricarde, January 11, 1841.
689 Among the despatches in vol. 653 Angleterre, is an extract from a letter from M. —— to M. Guizot, dated November 28, 1840; the writer gives the views of Melbourne, Russell and Lansdowne. He also speaks of a conversation with Esterhazy, and talks of an interview of two hours’ duration with Palmerston. The author of this communication was perhaps Ellice. The evidence of Greville’s Journal seems to make it very improbable that he was responsible for it. Nor can the authorship of it be imputed to Reeve.
690 Guizot, Mémoires, VI. pp. 49-50.
691 Levant correspondence, Palmerston to Ponsonby, January 29, 1841.
692 F.O. Austria 208, Beauvale to Palmerston, January 17, 1841.
693 Levant correspondence, Palmerston to Bloomfield, December 2, 1840.
694 Affaires étrangères, 657 Angleterre, Bourqueney à Guizot, 7 janvier, 1841 (confidentielle et réservée).
695 Levant correspondence, Palmerston to Ponsonby, March 16, 1841.
696 Ibid., Granville to Palmerston, March 12, 15, 1841.
697 Levant correspondence, Ponsonby to Palmerston, March 6, 9, 17, 27, 1841. Guizot, Mémoires, VI. pp. 95-98.
698 Ibid., Palmerston to Ponsonby, April 10, 1841.
699 Ibid., Palmerston to W. Russell, April 21, 1841.
700 Ibid., Beauvale to Ponsonby, April 19, 1841; Beauvale to Palmerston, April 22, 1841.
701 Levant correspondence, Ponsonby to Palmerston, March 27, 1841 (enclosures).
702 F.O. Turkey 427, Palmerston to Ponsonby, January 26, 1841.
703 Ibid., 433, Ponsonby to Palmerston, April 6, 1841 (confidential).
704 Levant correspondence, Palmerston to Ponsonby, April 10, 1841.
705 Levant correspondence, Beauvale to Palmerston, April 9, 14, 1841.
706 Ibid., Ponsonby to Palmerston, April 14, 1841.
707 Ibid., Ponsonby to Palmerston, May 12, 26, 1841.
708 Guizot, Mémoires, VI. pp. 111-112.
709 Levant correspondence, Ponsonby to Palmerston, June 21, 1841.
710 S. Walpole, History of England from 1815, IV. pp. 334-338.
711 Memoirs of Henry Reeve, p. 141.
712 C. Greville’s Journals (2), I, p. 356.
713 Jarnac, Lord Aberdeen, Revue des Deux Mondes, 15 juillet, 1860.
714 Vide p. 313.
715 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, II. pp. 376-383. Guizot, Mémoires, VI. pp. 130-145 and 412-417. In the speech complained of, Palmerston, besides denouncing the alleged cruelties committed by the French army, was so ill-advised as to draw a comparison between the tranquil condition of Afghanistan under a British military occupation and the disturbed state of Algeria. How spurious was the peace of which he boasted was proved, six months later, by the overwhelming disaster which overtook Elphinstone’s army.
716 Guizot, Mémoires, VI. pp. 220-241.
717 F.O. France 623, Bulwer to Palmerston, April 26, 1841.
718 F.O. Spain 509, Villiers to Palmerston, November 17, 1838 (secret).
719 Ibid., 510, Villiers to Palmerston, December 1, 1838 (secret).
720 Ibid., 500, Palmerston to Villiers, November 30, 1838 (secret).
721 F.O. France 580, Granville to Palmerston, March 1, 1839.
722 F.O. Spain 534, Southern to Palmerston, November 9, 1839 (cypher).
723 F.O. France 623, Bulwer to Palmerston, April 23 (private and confidential), 26, 1841. F.O. France 629, Bulwer to Aberdeen, October 18, 25, 1841 (confidential).
724 F.O. France 621, Aberdeen to Bulwer, October 22, 1841.
725 Ibid., 630, Bulwer to Aberdeen, November 8, 9, 1841 (private and confidential).
726 F.O. Spain 571, Aberdeen to Aston, November 18, 1841.
727 F.O. Austria 297, Aberdeen to Gordon, December 4, 1841.
728 F.O. France 630, Bulwer to Aberdeen, November 19, 1841; Cowley to Aberdeen, November 26, 1841.
729 Guizot, Mémoires, pp. 316, 334. C. Greville, Journals (2), II. pp. 73-75.
730 F.O. France 628, Bulwer to Aberdeen, September 17, 1841.
731 Ibid., 631 and 647, Cowley to Aberdeen, December 29, 1841, January 21, 1842 (secret and confidential).
732 Ibid., 630 and 631, Bulwer to Aberdeen, November 8, 1841 (private and confidential); Cowley to Aberdeen, December 3, 1841 (secret and confidential), December 6 and 24 (confidential).
733 F.O. Austria 304, Aberdeen to Gordon, March 16, 1842. Guizot, Mémoires, VIII. pp. 115-116.
734 F.O. Austria 304, Aberdeen to Gordon, April 26, 1842. Guizot, Mémoires, VIII. pp. 118-122.
735 F.O. France 631 and 649, Cowley to Aberdeen, December 6, 1841 (confidential); May 6, 1842 (confidential).
736 Ibid., 649, Cowley to Aberdeen, April 4, May 6, 1842 (confidential).
737 F.O. France 648 and 649, Cowley to Aberdeen, February 4, February 14, March 4, April 15, 1842.
738 Ibid., 649, Cowley to Aberdeen, May 13, 1842.
739 Ibid., 645, Aberdeen to Cowley, February 18, 1842.
740 Ibid., 653, Cowley to Aberdeen, December 2, 1842 (secret and confidential). General Atthalin’s intimacy with Mdme. Adelaïde, Louis Philippe’s sister and political confidant, was notorious. Madame Atthalin was one of the least offensive of the names applied to her by the legitimists. The story that she was secretly married to General Atthalin appears to be unfounded. F.O. Spain 604, Aston to Aberdeen, November 21, 1842.
741 Vide p. 227.
742 F.O. France 653 and 665, Cowley to Aberdeen, December 2 (secret and confidential), December 13 and 19, 1842 (secret and confidential), January 20 and 22 (secret and confidential), January 2 and 6 (confidential), January 30, 1843.
743 F.O. Spain 597, Aberdeen to Aston, December 27, 1842.
744 F.O. France 663, Aberdeen to Cowley, February 14, 1843.
745 F.O. France 666, Cowley to Aberdeen, March 6, 13, 31, 1843.
746 F.O. Spain 624, Aston to Aberdeen, March 6, 1843.
747 F.O. France 667, Cowley to Aberdeen, May 29 (secret and confidential), June 2, 1843 (confidential).
748 F.O. Spain 622, Aberdeen to Aston, June 7, 1843 (confidential).
749 F.O. France 668, Cowley to Aberdeen, July 3, 1843 (secret and confidential).
750 F.O. France 669, Cowley to Aberdeen, August 14, 1843 (secret and confidential).
751 Ibid., 670, Cowley to Aberdeen, September 11, 1843 (confidential). C. Greville, Journals (2), II. p. 200.
752 Letters of Queen Victoria, Vols. I. and II.
753 Guizot, Mémoires, VI. pp. 188-195.
754 F.O. France 664, Aberdeen to Cowley, December 15, 1843. Correspondence relating to the marriage of the Queen and Infanta of Spain presented to Parliament, 1847.
755 Philippe de Rohan-Chabot, Comte de Jarnac, First Secretary of the French embassy in London.
756 Jarnac, Lord Aberdeen, Revue des Deux Mondes, 15 juillet, 1860.
757 Letters of Queen Victoria, Aberdeen to Queen Victoria, December 1, 1843.
758 Ibid., Prince Albert to Peel, October 21, 1843.
759 Letters of Queen Victoria, Queen Victoria to King of the Belgians, December 12, 1843. Guizot, Mémoires, VIII. pp. 53-66. C. Greville, Journals (2), pp. 211-214.
760 F.O. Pacific Islands 26, Miller to Bidwell, September 17, 1844.
761 Guizot, Mémoires, VII. p. 56.
762 F.O. France 666 and 669, Cowley to Aberdeen, April 7, August 30, 1843. F.O. France 664, Aberdeen to Cowley, August 25, October 3, 1843.
763 F.O. Pacific Islands 27, Pritchard to Aberdeen, August 17, 1844.
764 Ibid., 26, Miller to Bidwell, September 17, 1844.
765 Ibid., 20, extract from a letter from Consul Pritchard, dated Sidney, January 3, 1843.
766 F.O. France 664, Aberdeen to Cowley, October 3, 1843 (enclosures).
767 F.O. Pacific Islands 20, Aberdeen to Pritchard, September 25, 1840.
768 F.O. France 695, Cowley to Aberdeen, April 14, 1844. Guizot, Mémoires, VIII. pp. 64-69.
769 F.O. France 693, Cowley to Aberdeen, February 19, 25, 1844.
770 F.O. Pacific Islands 27, Aberdeen to Pritchard, April 10, 1844.
771 F.O. France 696, Cowley to Aberdeen, May 20, 31, 1844 (secret and confidential). Letters of Queen Victoria, Queen Victoria to King of the Belgians, May 24, October 17, 1844.
772 Letters of Queen Victoria, Queen Victoria to King of the Belgians, June 4, 11, 1844. C. Greville, Journals (2), II. pp. 243-246.
773 Stockmar, Memoirs, II. pp. 106-110. T. Martin, Life of Prince Consort, I. pp. 215-219.
774 Malmesbury, Memoirs of an ex-Minister, I. p. 402.
775 F.O. France 697, Cowley to Aberdeen, June 3, 1844. Affaires étrangères, 663 Angleterre, Guizot à Sainte-Aulaire, 6 juin, 1844.
776 Affaires étrangères, 663 Angleterre, Guizot à Sainte-Aulaire, 13 juin, 1844. F.O. France 697, Cowley to Aberdeen, June 14, 1844.
777 Guizot, Mémoires, VII. pp. 52-59.
778 England asked that Tangier should be respected on the ground that all the European consuls resided there.
779 F.O. France 697, Cowley to Aberdeen, June 10, July 12, 15, 1844. Affaires étrangères, 663 Angleterre, Guizot à Sainte Aulaire, 13 juin, 1844; Jarnac à Guizot, 6 juillet, 1844.
780 Affaires étrangères, 664 Angleterre, Jarnac à Guizot, 1 août, 1844.
781 F.O. Pacific Islands 20 and 27, Pritchard to Aberdeen, November 10, 23, 1843, January 26, 1844.
782 Guizot, Mémoires, VII. pp. 74-82.
783 Affaires étrangères, 664 Angleterre, Jarnac à Guizot, 4 août, 1844.
784 F.O. France 699, Cowley to Aberdeen, August 2, 5, 1844 (secret and confidential).
785 Ibid., August 9, 1844 (secret and confidential).
786 Affaires étrangères, 664 Angleterre, Guizot à Jarnac, 8 août, 1844.
787 F.O. France 691, Aberdeen to Cowley, August 13, 1844.
788 Affaires étrangères, 664 Angleterre, Jarnac à Guizot, 22 août, 1844.
789 F.O. France 691, Aberdeen to Cowley, August 23, 1844.
790 Affaires étrangères, 664 Angleterre, Guizot à Jarnac, 15, 18 août, 1844.
791 The Times, August 21, 1844.
792 Guizot, Mémoires, VII. p. 97.
793 Affaires étrangères, 664 Angleterre, Jarnac à Louis Philippe, 14 août, 1844.
794 Ibid., 664 Angleterre, Guizot à Jarnac, 28 août, 1844.
795 Affaires étrangères, 664 Angleterre, Jarnac à Guizot, 10, 27 août, 1844.
796 F.O. France 691, Cowley to Aberdeen, August 28, 30, 1844 (secret and confidential).
797 Affaires étrangères, 664 Angleterre, Guizot à Jarnac, 29 août, 2 septembre, 1844; Jarnac à Guizot, 4 septembre, 1844. Guizot, Mémoires, VII. pp. 98-104.
798 Letters of Queen Victoria, Queen Victoria to King of the Belgians, September 15, 1844.
799 F.O. France 700, Cowley to Aberdeen, November 15, 1844 (confidential). Guizot, Mémoires, VIII. pp. 197-198.
800 Ibid., 724, Cowley to Aberdeen, May 2, 1845 (secret and confidential).
801 F.O. France 700, Cowley to Aberdeen, November 22 (confidential), December 13, 1844 (secret and confidential).
802 T. Martin, Life of the Prince Consort, I. pp. 349-350.
803 Guizot, Mémoires, VIII. p. 199.
804 F.O. Spain 651 and 652, Bulwer to Aberdeen, April 1, May 15, 1844 (private and confidential).
805 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, III. p. 213.
806 Guizot, Mémoires, VIII. pp. 160-161.
807 F.O. France 700, Cowley to Aberdeen, December 16, 1844 (secret and confidential).
808 Youngest son of Louis Philippe.
809 Guizot, Mémoires, VIII. pp. 211, 223, 224.
810 F.O. France 726, Cowley to Aberdeen, July 25, 1845 (confidential).
811 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, III. p. 215.
812 Letters of Queen Victoria, Aberdeen to Peel, September 8, 1845. T. Martin, Life of Prince Consort, I. p. 305. Guizot, Mémoires, VIII. pp. 225-227. F.O. France 728, Cowley to Aberdeen, October 6, 1845 (secret and confidential).
813 Guizot, in his detailed account of the Spanish marriages, makes no mention of the visit.
814 F.O. Spain 678, Bulwer to Aberdeen, October 9, 1845.
815 Ibid., October 30, 1845.
816 Ibid., October 10, 30, 1845 (cipher, confidential).
817 Revue retrospective, pp. 295, 296.
818 Guizot, Mémoires, VIII. pp. 227-234.
819 Ibid., pp. 228-235.
820 Correspondence relating to the marriages of the Queen and the Infanta of Spain, Aberdeen to Bulwer, November 17, 1845.
821 F.O. Spain 696, Bulwer to Aberdeen, February 28, 1846.
822 Guizot, Mémoires, VIII. pp. 251-255.
823 C. Greville, Journal (2), III. pp. 9 and 54. T. Martin, Life of Prince Consort, I. pp. 355-356.
824 F.O. Spain 696, Bulwer to Aberdeen, March 19, 1846.
825 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, III. p. 217.
826 F.O. Spain 698, Bulwer to Aberdeen, July 8, 1846.
827 Guizot, Mémoires, VIII. pp. 248-249.
828 It would be conveyed from the Spanish frontier by Chaptal’s system of telegraphy.
829 F.O. France 751, Cowley to Aberdeen, April 8, 1846 (private and confidential).
830 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, III. pp. 219-226. T. Martin, Life of Prince Consort, I. pp. 350-352. Guizot, Mémoires, VIII. pp. 261-264.
831 Practically the whole of the correspondence relating to this affair has been removed from the archives des affaires étrangères in Paris. But in the volume marked “828 Espagne” the following unsigned and undated note is to be found:—“In the question of the Spanish marriages there was a private correspondence between the King and M. Bresson, and also between the latter and M. Guizot. After the death of the ambassador the minutes of his letters and the original answers of the King and of the minister (Guizot) were handed over to M. Guizot by his widow, and were carried off by him in February, 1848. But it is certain that Madame Bresson retained improperly a copy of this correspondence which her husband had made, and which it was her duty to return to the Foreign Office.” (M. Bresson committed suicide at Naples in November, 1847.)
832 Letters of Queen Victoria, Memorandum by the Prince Albert, December 20, 1845.
833 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, III. pp. 192-193. C. Greville, Journals (2), II. p. 388. Guizot, Mémoires, VIII., pp. 279-282.
834 Correspondence relating to the Queen and Infanta of Spain, Aberdeen to Sotomayor, June 22, 1846.
835 Revue retrospective, pp. 52-53.
836 F.O. France 753, Cowley to Aberdeen, July 13, 1846 (private and confidential); Revue retrospective, p. 171.
837 Revue retrospective, p. 171.
838 Revue retrospective, pp. 170 and 181-182.
839 T. Martin, Life of Prince Consort, I. p. 352.
840 Revue retrospective, pp. 180-181, 196, 197; Guizot à Louis Philippe, 8 août, 1846:—“You can be quite happy about Coburg. No Coburg possible. Palmerston has had a long confidential talk on the subject with the Queen, Prince Albert and King Leopold. This news reaches me from an excellent quarter.”
841 Guizot, Mémoires, VIII. pp. 180-181.
842 General Narvaez.
843 Correspondence relating to the marriages of the Queen and Infanta of Spain, Palmerston to Bulwer, July 19, 1846.
844 Revue retrospective, pp. 180-181.
845 F.O. France 753, Cowley to Palmerston, July 27, 1846 (private and confidential).
846 Revue retrospective, pp. 182-185, 402-403.
847 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, III. pp. 264-276.
848 Correspondence relating to the marriages of the Queen and the Infanta of Spain, Palmerston to Bulwer, August 16, 1846.
849 F.O. Spain 698, Bulwer to Palmerston, July 19, 1846 (secret and confidential).
850 Ibid., August 4, 1846 (secret and confidential).
851 Ibid.
852 F.O. Spain 698, Bulwer to Palmerston, July 19, 1846 (secret and confidential).
853 Correspondence relating to the marriages of the Queen and the Infanta of Spain, Palmerston to Bulwer, August 22, 1846.
854 Guizot, Mémoires, VIII. p. 301.
855 F.O. Spain 698, Bulwer to Palmerston, August 22, 1846 (secret and confidential).
856 Correspondence relating to the marriages of the Queen and the Infanta of Spain, Bulwer to Palmerston, August 29, 1846.
857 Ibid., Normanby to Palmerston, September 1, 1846.
858 Letters of Queen Victoria, Queen of the French to Queen Victoria, September 8, 1846; Queen Victoria to Queen of the French, September 10, 1846.
859 Revue retrospective, pp. 324-326.
860 C. Greville, Journals (2), III. p. 10.
861 T. Martin, Life of Prince Consort, I. pp. 503-516.
862 Correspondence relating to the marriages of the Queen and the Infanta of Spain, Bulwer to Palmerston, October 11, 1846.
863 Ibid., Palmerston to Normanby, September 22, 1846; Palmerston to Bulwer, September 28, 1846.
864 Correspondence relating to the marriages of the Queen and the Infanta of Spain, Palmerston to Normanby, October 31, 1846, January 8, 1847.
865 C. Greville, Journals (2), III. p. 48.
866 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, III. p. 320.
867 T. Martin, Life of Prince Consort, I. p. 351. Stockmar, Memoirs, II. p. 156.
868 Vide p. 335.
869 Vide p. 343.
870 Vide p. 370.
871 Revue retrospective, pp. 52-53. Correspondence relating to the marriages of the Queen and Infanta of Spain, Palmerston to Bulwer, October 31, 1846, January 8, 1847.
872 This, in M. Thiers’ opinion, was Christina’s motive, vide L. Fagan, Life of Sir A. Panizzi, I. p. 228, Thiers to Panizzi, January 17, 1847.
873 Stockmar, Memoirs, II. pp. 134 and 197.
874 Revue retrospective, pp. 182-184.
875 Ibid., pp. 184-185.
876 F.O. Spain 694, Palmerston to Bulwer, August 22, 1846 (separate and confidential).
877 Revue retrospective, p. 197.
878 Ibid., p. 198.
879 R. Arnaud, Adelaïde d’Orléans, p. 348.
880 Thureau-Dangin, La Monarchie de Juillet, VI. pp. 220-221.
881 Letters of Queen Victoria, Aberdeen to Peel, September 8, 1845.
882 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, III. pp. 268-276. Correspondence relating to the marriages of the Queen and Infanta of Spain, Palmerston to Normanby, September 22, 1846.
883 Afterwards Commander-in-Chief of the Austrian army in Bohemia in the war with Prussia in 1866.
884 State Papers, XXXV. pp. 1069-1071.
885 Metternich, Mémoires, VII. p. 282.
886 F.O. France 757, Normanby to Palmerston, November 20, 1846.
887 State Papers, XXXV. pp. 1082-1095.
888 Thureau-Dangin, Monarchie de Juillet, VII. p. 276.
889 Correspondence relating to the affairs of Italy, Abercromby to Palmerston, January 12, 1847. Metternich, Mémoires, VII. pp. 228-245.
890 Correspondence relating to the affairs of Italy, Scarlett to Aberdeen, June 18, 1846; Hamilton to Aberdeen, June 30, 1846.
891 Correspondence relating to the affairs of Italy, Scarlett to Palmerston, April 17, 1847.
892 Thureau-Dangin, La Monarchie de Juillet, VII. pp. 230-231.
893 Correspondence relating to affairs of Italy, Cowley to Palmerston, July 17, 31, 1846.
894 Guizot, Mémoires, VIII. pp. 342-356.
895 F.O. France 778, Normanby to Palmerston, February 26, 1847 (private and confidential).
896 The despatches contained in F.O. Spain 720-727 afford abundant evidence of this.
897 H. Bulwer, Life of Palmerston, III. pp. 199-200.
898 Revue Retrospective. His name frequently occurs among those in receipt of secret service money. For his mission to Vienna, he appears to have received 10,000 francs.
899 Metternich, Mémoires, VIII. pp. 395-404; Thureau-Dangin, La Monarchie de Juillet, VII. pp. 239-240.
900 Ibid., pp. 388-404.
901 Ibid., pp. 404-405 (note), Guizot à Metternich, 7 novembre, 1847, “J’ai appris avec grand plaisir que la santé de Votre Altesse était excellente; J’en fais mon compliment a l’Europe.”
902 Metternich, Mémoires, VIII. pp. 228-229, Metternich à Buol, 29 mai, 1846.
903 Correspondence relating to the affairs of Italy, Abercromby to Palmerston, June 10, 1847; Hamilton to Palmerston July 20, 1847; Clinton Dawkins to Palmerston, July 17, 1847, Hamilton to Palmerston, July 25, 1847; Palmerston to Ponsonby, September 27, 1847.
904 Ferrara was in the Papal States, but Austria had the right of garrisoning la place de Ferrare.
905 Correspondence relating to the affairs of Italy, Hamilton to Palmerston, August 14, 1847.
906 Correspondence relating to the affairs of Italy, Abercromby to Palmerston, August 19, 1847.
907 Ibid., Abercromby to Palmerston, August 24, 1847.
908 Ibid., Metternich to Diedrichstein, August 2, 1847. In this despatch occurs the famous sentence, “Italy is a geographical expression.”
909 Ibid., Ponsonby to Palmerston, July 30, 1847.
910 Ibid., Palmerston to Ponsonby, August 12, 1847.
911 Correspondence relating to the affairs of Italy, Palmerston to Ponsonby, September 11, 1847.
912 A secretary of the British legation at Florence resided at Rome, and directed his reports to the minister at Florence.
913 Correspondence relating to the affairs of Italy, Normanby to Palmerston, April 19, 1847; Palmerston to Normanby, April 27, 1847; Normanby to Palmerston, April 30, 1847.
914 T. Martin, Life of the Prince Consort, I. pp. 428-434. Prince Albert’s Memorandum is dated, Ardverikie, August 29, 1847.
915 Correspondence relating to the affairs of Italy, Palmerston to Minto, September 18, 1847.
916 Guizot, Mémoires, VIII. pp. 434-435.
917 Correspondence relating to affairs of Switzerland, Cowley to Aberdeen, February 3, 21, 1845; Gordon to Aberdeen, February 19, 1845.
918 F.O. France 756, Normanby to Palmerston, October 23, 1846 (secret and confidential). Metternich, Mémoires, VII. pp. 178-180.
919 Metternich, Mémoires, VII. pp. 451-466.
920 Metternich, Mémoires, VII. pp. 335-336; Metternich à Apponyi, 20 juin, 1847.
921 G. Grote, Seven letters on the recent politics of Switzerland (originally published in Spectator), London, 1847.
922 G. Grote, Seven letters on the recent politics of Switzerland, pp. 173 and 181.
923 Correspondence relating to the affairs of Switzerland, Palmerston to Ponsonby, August 9, 17, 1847; Palmerston to Normanby, August 17, 1847.
924 Ibid., Minto to Palmerston, October 4, 1847; Peel to Palmerston, October 14, 1847.
925 Correspondence relating to the affairs of Switzerland, Palmerston to Minto, September 18, 1847.
926 Mrs. Rosslynn Wemyss, Memoirs and letters of Sir R. Morier, I. p. 38.
927 Correspondence relating to the affairs of Switzerland, Morier to Aberdeen, June 4, November 25, 1844.
928 Mrs. Rosslynn Wemyss, Memoirs and letters of Sir R. Morier, p. 53.
929 Correspondence relating to the affairs of Switzerland, Morier to Palmerston, February 18, 1847 (enclosure).
930 Ibid., Minto to Palmerston, October 4, 1847; Palmerston to Minto, October 22, 1847.
931 Correspondence relating to the affairs of Switzerland, Palmerston to Peel, October 29, 1847; Peel to Palmerston, November 4, 6, 1847.
932 Ibid., Guizot à Broglie, 4 novembre, 1847.
933 Correspondence relating to the affairs of Switzerland, Palmerston to Normanby, November 16, 1847.
934 Ibid., Normanby to Palmerston, November 18, 1847; Palmerston to Normanby, November 19, 1847; Broglie à Guizot, 20 novembre, 1847; Guizot à Broglie, 19 novembre, 1847; Howard to Palmerston, November 21, 1847; Palmerston to Broglie, November 26, 1847; Howard to Palmerston, November 22, 1847; Metternich, Mémoires, VII. pp. 493-502.
935 F.O. France 783, Normanby to Palmerston, November 6 (cypher), 8, 1847 (private and confidential). Guizot, Mémoires, VIII. pp. 468-502.
936 Thureau-Dangin, La Monarchie de Juillet, VII. pp. 186-198.
937 Cambridge Modern History, XI. p. 250.
938 Mrs. Rosslynn Wemyss, Memoirs and letters of Sir R. Morier, I. p. 38.
939 Guizot, Mémoires, VIII. pp. 506-508.
940 One private letter was certainly written by Palmerston to Peel. It is dated November 17, 1847, marked private, and begins—“My dear Sir.” Peel is asked to ascertain privately, “throwing out the idea as his own,” in what light the Diet would regard the proposal of mediation which Palmerston informs him, in confidence, he has just sent to Paris. He then proceeds to warn him to be on his guard against M. de Bois-le-Comte. “Keep well with him,” he says, “but it is well that you should know he is one of the most artful, cunning and intriguing of the French diplomatists.” (F.O. Switzerland 92).
941 C. Greville, Journals (2), I. p. 364 (note).
942 F.O. Switzerland 94, Peel to Palmerston, November 6, 1847.
943 Correspondence relating to the affairs of Switzerland, Palmerston to S. Canning, November 27, December 1, 1847.
944 Correspondence relating to the affairs of Switzerland, Hervey to Palmerston, December 3, 1847.
945 Ibid., Peel to Palmerston, December 7, 1847; Canning to Palmerston, December 8, 11, 1847.
946 Correspondence relating to the affairs of Italy, Minto to Palmerston, October 29, 1847
947 Ibid., Minto to Palmerston, October 5, November 9, 1847.
948 Ibid., Metternich to Diedrichstein, December 14, 1847.
949 Metternich, Mémoires, VII. p. 476.
950 Metternich, Mémoires, VII. pp. 513-530.
951 As a result of the conference at Laybach in 1821 Austria received a mandate to intervene at Naples and to abolish the constitution wrung from Ferdinand. The congress of Verona in 1822 preceded a French intervention in Spain for the purpose of restoring the absolute rule of Ferdinand VII.
952 Thureau-Dangin, La Monarchie de Juillet, VII. p. 210.
953 Guizot, Mémoires, VIII. pp. 513-515. Metternich, Mémoires, VII. pp. 563, 564.
954 Notably the trial and conviction of MM. Teste and de Cubières, ex-ministers, for fraud in connection with a mining concession and the murder of the Duchesse de Choiseuil-Praslin by her husband. The Duke, a peer of France, took poison in prison. The Duchess was the daughter of Marshal Sébastiani.
955 F.O. France 781 Normanby to Palmerston, July 30, 1847 (private and confidential).
956 Stockmar, Memoirs, II. p. 203.
957 F.O. France 781, Normanby to Palmerston, July 30, 1847 (private and confidential).
958 E. Regnault, Histoire de huit ans, III. pp. 308-309. Thureau-Dangin, La Monarchie de Juillet, VII. pp. 232-294.
959 F.O. France 700, Cowley to Aberdeen, December 23, 1844 (private and confidential). C. Greville, Journals (2), II. p. 267.
960 L. Fagan, Life of Sir A. Panizzi, I. pp. 253-254.
961 Letters of Queen Victoria, Palmerston to Melbourne, December 26, 1845.
962 C. Greville, Journals (2), III. p. 40, also pp. 16-49.
963 L. Fagan, Life of Sir A. Panizzi, I. pp. 208-248.
964 E. Regnault, Histoire de huit ans, III. pp. 190-198.
965 Thureau-Dangin, La Monarchie de Juillet, VII. pp. 115-148.
966 E. Regnault, Histoire de huit ans, III. p. 304.