Chapter XIX
Of the great veneration in which the Indians held Guarnacaba122 when he lived123 and of that in which they hold him now, after death. And how, through the disunion of the Indians, the Spaniards entered Cuzco, and of the fidelity of the new cacique Guarnacaba124 to the Christians.
The city of Cuzco is the head and principal province of all the others, and from here to the beach of San Mateo and, in the other direction, to beyond the province of Collao, which is entirely a land of arrow-using savages, all is subject to one single lord who was Atabalipa, and, before him, to the other by-gone lords, and at present the lord of all is this son of Guarnacaba. This Guarnacaba, who was so renowned and feared, and is so even to this day, although he is dead, was very much beloved by his vassals, and subjected great provinces, and made them his tributaries. He was well obeyed and almost worshipped, and his body is in the city of Cuzco, quite whole, enveloped in rich cloths and lacking only the tip of the nose. There are other images of plaster of clay which have only the hair and nails which were cut off in life and the clothes that were worn, and these images are as much venerated by those people as if they were their gods. Frequently they take the [body] out into the plaza with music and dancing, and they always stay close to it, day and night, driving away the flies. When some important lords come to see the cacique, they go first to salute these figures, and they then go to the cacique and hold, with him, so many ceremonies that it would be a great prolixity to describe them. So many people assemble at these feasts, which are held in that plaza, that their number exceeds one hundred thousand souls. It turned out to be fortunate that they [the Spaniards] had made that son of Guarnacaba lord, because all the caciques and lords of the land and of remote provinces came to serve him and, out of respect for him, to yield obedience to the Emperor. The conquerors passed through great trials, because all the land is the most mountainous and roughest that can be traversed on horseback, and it may be believed that, had it not been for the discord which existed between the people of Quito and those of Cuzco and its neighbourhood, the Spaniards would never have entered Cuzco, nor would there have been enough of them to get beyond Xauxa, and in order to enter they would have had to go in a force of five hundred, and, to maintain themselves, they would have needed many more, because the land is so large and so rough that there are mountains and passes that ten men could defend against ten thousand. And the Governor never thought of being able to go with less than five hundred Christians to conquer, pacify, and make a tributary of it. But as he learned of the great disunion that existed between the people of that land [Cuzco] and those of Quito, it was proposed that he should go with the few Christians that he had to deliver them from subjection and servitude, and to put a stop to the mischief and wrongs that those of Quito were doing in that land, and Our Lord saw fit to favor him [in it]. Nor would the Governor ever have ventured to make so long and toilsome a journey in this great undertaking had it not been for the great confidence which he had in all the Spaniards of his company through having tried them out and having learned that they were dextrous and skilled in so many conquests and accustomed to these lands and to the toils of war. All of this they showed themselves to be in this journey through rains and snows, in swimming across many rivers, in crossing great mountain chains and in sleeping many nights in the open air without water to drink and without anything on which to feed, and always, day and night, having to be armed and on guard, in going, at the end of the war, to reduce many caciques and lands which had rebelled, and in going from Xauxa to Cuzco, on which journey they suffered, with their governor, so many trials and on which they so often placed their lives in peril in rivers and mountains where many horses were killed by falling headlong. This son of Guarnacaba has much friendship and concord with the Christians, and for this reason, in order to preserve him in the lordship, the Spaniards put themselves to infinite pains and likewise bore themselves in all these undertakings so valorously, and suffered so much, just as other Spaniards have been able to do in the service of the Emperor, that, as a result, the very Spaniards who have found themselves in this undertaking, marvel at what they have done when once more they set themselves to think upon it, and they do not know how they come to be alive as they have been able to suffer so many trials and such prolonged hunger. But they hold that all [their troubles] were put to a good use, and they would again offer themselves, were it necessary, to enter upon the greatest wearinesses for the conversion of those people and the exaltation of our holy catholic faith. Of the greatness and situation of the aforesaid land, I omit to speak, and it only remains to give thanks and praises to Our Lord because, so obviously, he has wished to guide with his hand the affairs of H. M. and of these kingdoms which, by his divine providence, have been illumined and directed upon the true road of salvation. May he bend his infinite goodness so that henceforth the [kingdoms] may go from good to better by the intercession of his blessed Mother, the advocate of all our steps who directs them to a good end.
This relation was finished in the city of Xauxa on the 15th day of the month of July, 1534. And I, Pero Sancho, Scrivener general of these kingdoms of New Castile and secretary of the governor Francisco Pizarro, by his order and that of the officials of H. M. wrote it just as things happened, and when it was finished I read it in the presence of the governor and of the officials of H. M., and, as it was all true, they said governor and officials of H. M. sign it with their hand.
Francisco Pizarro
Alvaro Riquelme.Antonio Navarro.
Garcia de Salcedo
By order of the Governor and Officials.Sancho
Notes
1 The modern Cajamarca; called by the Indians Casamarca.
2 Properly Atahualpa.
3 Thus the original. Something is lacking to complete the sense.—Note by Icazbalceta.
4 The peso is about an ounce.
5 Jauja.
6 Properly Challcuchima or Calicuchima. This remarkable Indian general was a son of Epiclachima, younger brother of Cacha, last Caran Scyri of Quito. Cacha was conquered by Huayna Capac about 1487, and Calicuchima entered the service of Atahualpa who was his kinsman through Paccha his cousin, Huayna Capac’s wife. (Velasco.)
7 Something lacking in the text.
8 Caribes, in Spanish, sometimes means the Carib people; here, simply savages.
9 In the text of Ramusio, Se gli diede una storta col mangano al collo.
10 This name is, of course, an error.
11 Gucunacaba is Huayna Capac. He left three legitimate sons beside Huascar, viz., Manco, Paullu, and Titu Atauchi. I do not know which of them was Sancho’s “Atabalipa” number two. See Sarmiento, 1907, p. xvii.
12 Cuzcos = Incas.
13 Probably Huascar.
14 Huamachuco.
15 Andamarca.
16 Huaylas.
17 Cajatambo.
18 Icazbalceta suggests that this place is Cajamarquilla. I do not agree with this opinion, because Cajamarquilla had long been in ruins when the Spaniards arrived. (Cf. Hodge, 1897, pp. 304 ff.) It was probably Chacamarca, (see below).
19 San Miguel de Piura.
20 San Miguel was founded first at another site which, on being found to be unhealthy, was deserted; San Miguel was soon refounded at Piura. (Cf. Prescott, Bk. III, Cap. III, Moses, 1914, vol. I, p. 99.) It is possible that the “captain” mentioned here was no other than Sebastian de Belalcazar or Benalcazar who later conquered Quito. (Cf. Moses, 1914, I, p. 106.)
21 This is obviously a mistake.
22 Descriptions of Inca bridges will be found at:
Garcilasso, 1859, I, pp. 253 ff., 260.
Cieza de Leon, 1864, pp. 314-315.
Joyce, 1912, pp. 142-143.
Beuchat, 1912, pp. 608, 650.
Pinkerton, 1808-1814, XIV, p. 530. (Picture.)
23 Pachacamac has often been described. See especially Uhle, 1903; and Estete, 1872; and Markham, 1912, pp. 232 ff.
24 Cajatambo.
25 Pambo = Pombo = Pumpu.
26 It is impossible to tell what the correct names of these personages may have been.
27 Pombo = Pambo = Pumpu.
28 Chacamarca. See Raimondi’s map, 1875.
29 The Spanish here is very prolix. I have given an approximate and shorter phraseology.
30 This may be the “Tice” mentioned in Section II, under another name. But all Sancho’s proper names are in great confusion.
31 It is barely possible that “Aticoc” may be an attempt at Titu Atauchi.
32 The candor or barefacedness with which the secretary, Sancho, confesses and even applauds the bad faith of Pizarro in various places in this narrative, which he wrote by order of Pizarro, is worthy of admiration.—Note by Icazbalceta.
33 The original: che haurebbe dato rame che i Capitani etc., soldati fossero venuti alla pase. The significance of the word rame is obscure; as at times it means money, whence comes the vulgar phrase questo sa di rame, in order to indicate that a thing is dear, it appeared to me that I might adopt the interpretation which I give, although I am not satisfied with it.—Note by Icazbalceta. The present translator has translated the Spanish as given by Icazbalceta.
34 The original; veduto appears to me an error for venuto.—Icazbalceta.
35 Inca “roads” were designed for foot traffic, and steps were the means used for going up slopes.
36 Parcostambo.
37 Vilcas.
38 All within the parentheses is a reconstruction of the evident sense rather than a translation.
39 Cf. Bandelier, 1910, p. 61.
40 Serrata means either espesura [thicket] or angostura [cleft].
41 Quizquiz, like Chalicuchima, had been a general of Atahualpa before the coming of the Spaniards. He fought long against the invaders, but at length his unavailing efforts caused him to be murdered by his own followers. See Garcilasso, II, p. 509; Sarmiento, 171-173; Cieza de Leon, Chr., Pt. II, pp. 164 and 227; Markham, 1912, pp. 247-251.
42 Andahuaylas.
43 Curamba.
44 Andahuaylas.
45 Vilcas.
46 Curamba is the correct form for Airamba (given above).
47 Vilcas, sometimes called Vilcashuaman, was a part of the territory controlled by the Chanca before they were made subjects to Cuzco. The conquest of the Chanca may have begun in the time of Rocca, but it had its culmination in that of Viracocha. Tupac Yupanqui built numerous temples and palaces there, and the region round about Vilcas was traversed by important roads or trails. It is a place that is mentioned by nearly all the early writers. Cf. Garcilasso, I, pp. 324-326, II, p. 58; Cieza de Leon, I, 312-315, II, 150-154; Joyce, 1912, p. 107; Markham, 1912, p. 178.
48 Sancho is vague in his use of the words caballo and ligero caballo. The latter means “light horse” or “light-armed cavalry.” But he uses the word caballo when he means caballero. In the present instance he really means caballo.
49 The veracity of this story is certainly open to question.
50 Here the text says caballos, although it is plain that caballeros is the word intended.
51 See Squier, 1877, p. 177; Cieza, Tr. p. 355; Velasco, 1840, p. 22; Joyce, 1912, pp. 210-212.
52 This speech can hardly be regarded as verbatim, of course.
53 Sancho’s imagination was drawn upon throughout this section.
54 Limatambo (correctly, Rimactampu).
55 Xaquixaguana or Sacsahuana.
56 The text has: “y que riendo el Gobernador partirse sin aguardar a que pasaran los indios amigos,...”
57 tuvieron tiempo de retraerse al monte really means, “they had time to withdraw to the mountain,” but the obvious sense is better preserved in the translation I have given.
58 Possibly this means Huascar, whom Atahualpa had caused to be put to death.
59 In Spanish they always say “el Cuzco.” I believe that the reason for this is that “Cuzco” comes from a Quichua word meaning “navel.” If this is so, “el Cuzco” has the significance of “the Navel” (of the World). In English, of course, we use the word simply as a place-name.
60 The official designation of the Emperor was: S. C. C. M., or Sagrada Cesarea Catolica Majestad.
61 The modern village of Limatambo. When I was there the fine walls so often spoken of were in a bad condition from neglect on the part of the natives. Yet, in spite of the refuse piled around them and the throngs of pigs all about, one could see that the masonry was of the finest Cyclopean type. Cf. Squier, 1877, p. 535; Markham, 1912, pp. 286 and 319; Cieza, Tr., p. 320; Sarmiento, pp. 119 and 209. Garcilasso tells us that it was founded by Manco Capac and that it was the place where Viracocha waited for the Chanca. Garcilasso, I, p. 80, and II, p. 52.
62 Now called Zurite. It was the site of a palace of Viracocha, who added it to his realm once more by a victory (won by Pachacutec) over the Chanca. Cf. Sarmiento, p. 85; Garcilasso, I, p. 53; Cieza, Chr., p. 128; The “Finca de los Andenes” is doubtless the site of the palace.
63 The truth of this statement is very questionable.
64 Valverde.
65 Pachacamac.
66 In the days before the Incas the Creator-God (under the names of Pachacamac, Viracocha, Irma, etc.) was worshipped without idols. He was conceived as being superior to all other gods and as being invisible. To judge from all accounts, his cult, at this stage, was an advanced type of religion. Later, however, the custom of having idols sprang up. As their attributes were the same, there can be but little doubt that Pachacamac and Viracocha were the same deity. Pachacamac’s chief shrine was on the coast, at Pachacamac. Inca Pachacutec conquered Cuismancu, lord of Pachacamac, about 1410, and built a Sun Temple there. The chief temple to Viracocha was at Cacha south of Cuzco, and it was probably erected by the Inca Viracocha to celebrate his defeat of the Chanca confederacy. Both these temples (under Inca influence) had idols. Cf. Blas Valera, 1879, pp. 137-140; Sarmiento, pp. 28-29; Garcilasso, II, pp. 69, 185-193, 428, 460; Cieza, Tr., pp. 161-163, 251-254; Cobo, 1892, III, pp. 320-323; Uhle, 1903; Markham, 1912, pp. 41, 97, 181, 233-234; Joyce, 1912, pp. 150-152; Beuchat, 1912, pp. 615-616.
67 Another obvious fabrication.
68 Huayna Capac, ruled ca. 1500-1525.
69 This was Manco Inca, a son of Huayna Capac by his third wife. Manco died in 1544, leaving a grand-daughter, Coya Beatriz, who married Don Martin Garcia Loyola. Their daughter, Lorenza, became Marquesa de Oropesa.—Note by Sir C. R. M. Cf. Garcilasso, II, pp. 352 and 526.
70 A half-brother only.
71 The story of Manco Inca is one of the most pathetic in South American history. Although our author describes some of the events in the young Inca’s life, I will give a brief résumé of it here.
Manco was “crowned” with the borla or fringe on March 24, 1534, at Cuzco. To please him, Almagro the elder killed his two brothers (who might have become his rivals) in order to get Manco on his side in the quarrel which he had with the Pizarros as to which ought to control Cuzco. After Almagro went to Chile, the Villac Umu (High Priest) urged his brother Manco to rise in revolt against the Spaniards, who were divided among themselves. On April 18, 1536, Manco revolted at Yucay. He laid siege to Cuzco with a very large force and attacked the small Spanish garrison mercilessly, setting fire to the roofs of houses by means of arrows tipped with blazing tow and otherwise harassing them. The Inca and his forces were, for a time, successful. They captured the great fortress of Sacsahuaman, which was, however, retaken by Juan Pizarro and Gonzalo Pizarro. Disheartened by this, the Inca retired to the fortress of Ollantaytampu, where he successfully combatted the attempts of Hernando Pizarro to capture him. Later, Manco was forced by Orgoñez to withdraw to the mountainous region of Vilcapampa. The last Inca capital was set up at Viticos, and there Manco held his court for several years. He often raided the Spanish travellers between Cuzco and Lima. His court became a place of refuge for all Spaniards who fell out with their fellows. One of these refugees, Gomez Perez, either killed Manco himself in a brawl over a game of quoits or helped to kill him as the result of a plot. The Inca, at all events, was murdered by Spaniards whom he had befriended. That was in 1544. In 1911 Professor Hiram Bingham visited Vitcos the situation of which is clearly shown on the map, dated 1907, that accompanies Sir Clements Markham’s translation of Sarmiento and Ocampo (Hakluyt, 2d Series, no. XXII, p. 203). Professor Bingham’s description of the site is adequate, and, I think, unique.
At about the same time as the siege of Cuzco, another Inca force, led by Titu Yupanqui, marched on the newly founded Spanish capital (the Ciudad de los Reyes or Lima). It was driven off by the Marques Francisco Pizarro.
A brother of Manco, Paullu, was christened under the name of Don Cristoval Paullu. He lived in the Colcampata palace (which had been the great Pachacutec’s), and the small church of San Cristoval was built near at hand for his use. He died about 1550, being survived by Sayri Tupac, Cusi Titu Yupanqui, and two other children of Manco (who all lived on at Viticos) and by his own sons Carlos and Felipe. It was on the occasion of a particular request made by the Viceroy, Don Andres Hurtado de Mendoza, Marqués de Cañete, that Sayri Tupac’s aunt, Princess Beatriz, successfully urged him to come and live in Cuzco. Sayri Tupac died in 1560. Cf. Cieza, Tr., pp. 304-307; Garcilasso, II, pp. 104-105, 526; Titu Cusi Yupanqui, apud Cieza’s “War of Quito,” pp. 164-166; Montesinos, 1906, I, pp. 88-93; Cobo, 1892, III, pp. 203-210; Markham, 1892, pp. 93-96; Markham, 1912, pp. 254-259; Appleton’s Cyclopaedia, 1888, IV, pp. 186 and 682; Cabildos de Lima, I, pp. 1 ff.; Bingham, 1912, entire.
72 Manco Inca.
73 Contrast this version with that given by Prescott in Book III, Chapter 10. It is hardly necessary to say that Prescott’s is the correct one.
74 Here, it is not difficult to read between the lines and see what sort of treatment Manco got.
75 Vicente de Valverde.
76 An involved and unimportant clause here.
77 This is all for the benefit of the Emperor, whose policy it was to deal fairly by his new subjects.
78 Vilcas.
79 I do not know who is meant by this name.
80 Llamas.
81 Possibly these figures were the embalmed bodies of the coyacuna or “queens” which, according to Garcilasso, were placed in Curicancha—the Sun Temple.
82 en su mismo ser.
83 Casa really means house.
84 “Che vi corcorsero assai in tre anni,” says the original, which can only be translated as I have done it above. But when the secretary wrote his relation, no such three years had gone by since the foundation of Cuzco, but only four months, so it is necessary to suppose that the Italian translator did not understand his original well, or that it is an interpolation made later on.—Note by Icazbalceta.
85 The civilized inhabitants of the Chilca region came originally from the interior, probably from the Yauyos region. This event occurred, presumably, somewhere about 800-900 of our era, for, by the time the Incas were founding Cuzco (ca. 1100), they found themselves strong enough to make raids into the interior. Joyce points out that these raids may have occurred even earlier, at a time when the Tiahuanacu empire still flourished. At any rate, there was an important contact with the interior cultures at an early date. The Chincha also were constantly at war with the Chimu, Chuquimancu and Cuismancu who each ruled large and civilized coast states. The Chincha were conquered by the Inca either in the reign of Pachacutec or in that of Tupac Yupanqui (more probably the former) somewhere about 1450. According to Estete, their ruler (under Inca tutelage) in the time of the Conquest was Tamviambea. The cultural development of the Chincha was, artistically speaking, not so high as that of the Chimu. It was, however, in pre-Inca times, relatively complex. They practised trephining successfully (an art derived from their Yauyu ancestors), and they also frequently indulged in the anterio-posterior type of cranial deformation. Their general physical condition was good. They numbered about 25,000. Cf. Cieza, Tr., p. 228; Garcilasso, II, pp. 146-149; Joyce, 1912, pp. 95, 187; Markham, 1912, pp. 237-239; Tello, 1912; Hrdlicka, 1914, pp. 22-24; Lafone-Quevedo, 1912, p. 115.
86 This may have been the chief Taurichumbi mentioned by Estete. Cf. Markham, 1912, p. 239.
87 This was before Alvarado and Pizarro met and came to an agreement.
88 Possibly Riobamba, Tumebamba, or some other place in the “Kingdom” of Quito.
89 Probably Saña.
90 Properly Colla-suyu and Cunti-suyu, i.e. the Southern province and the Western province of Ttahuan-tin-suyu.
91 Jauja (or Xauxa) was the predecessor of la Ciudad de los Reyes. A letter to Charles V, dated July 20, 1534, describes it thus: “Esta Cibdad es la mexor y mayor quen la Tierra se ha vista, e aun en Indias; e decimos a Vuestra Magestad ques tan hermosa e de tan buenos edyficios quen España seria muy de ver; tiene las calles por mucho concierto empedradas de guixas pequenas; todas las mas de las casas son de señores prencipales fechas de canteria; esta en una ladera de un cerro, en el qual sobrel pueblo esta una fortaleza muy bien obrada de canteria tan de ver, que por españoles que an andado Reinos extranos, dizen no aber visto otro edyficio igual al della;...” Cf. Cabildos, III, pp. 4-5.
92 The Italian is: “Il quale tuttavia piu veniua ponendo amore a gli Spagnuoli.”—Note by Icazbalceta.
93 Huanuco.
94 Pachacamac.
95 Prescott places the total at 500 of which 230 were cavalry. Cf. Prescott, Bk. III, Cap. 9.
96 It seems to me that, even in the days of the Chimu and the Inca, the poorer people must have lived in this sort of hut-like houses, and that only the great dwelt in the “palaces” whose ruins are so remarkable. Such a state of things would explain the apparent impossibility of a large population existing in the dwellings we now see. Cf. Hodge, 1897.
97 This montaña is to-day the richest and most valuable part of Peru.
98 According to Garcilasso, Lib. II, Cap. 11, the Peruvian empire was divided into four parts, Cuzco being considered the centre. They called the northern part Chinchasuya, the southern Coyasuya, the western Cuntisuya, and the eastern Antisuyu.—Note by Icazbalceta.
99 Lake Titicaca contains several islands, notably Titicaca and Coati.
100 An obscure passage translated merely in most general terms.
101 Agras I take to mean fields from its similarity to the Latin word, ager.
102 Llamas.
103 At this point Ramusio gives a fanciful view of the city of Cuzco, which has no real interest whatever.—Note by Icazbalceta.
104 Cacique is really a West Indies word. The early Spanish writers are wont to apply it to any sort of native official. Here, no doubt, the correct term would be the Quichua word Curaca. Officials thus designated under the Inca dominion were the hereditary chiefs of formerly independent tribes and territories—roughly analogous to the mediatized princes of Europe. Though made vassals of the Inca, the curacas were often continued in the command of their former subjects and were intrusted with the governorship of provinces over which they were formerly sovereigns. The curacas ranked immediately below the Inca caste, and ruled what was known as a hunu. Sometimes a curaca was made an Inca-by-privilege as a reward of services.
105 Huayna Capac.
106 The marble was really granite. No marble was used by the Incas.
107 This reference to windows is important. At the outset we must remind ourselves that Sancho may have confused windows and niches. It is entirely possible, however, that windows may formerly have been present in those walls of Sacsahuaman. As is well known, windows and niches were distinguishing features of Inca architecture during the later period of that dynasty. Sites like Pissac, Limatambo, Yucay, Quente, Vilcabamba (alias Machu Pichu, a post-conquest site in part), and Huaman-marca in the Amaybamba Valley all present one or both of these features, and all present unmistakable signs of recent construction, say from the reign of Viracocha (circa 1425-50) onward. The importance of this mention of windows (or niches) lies in this: It gives strong evidence in support of my belief that the walls of Sacsahuaman which are toward Cuzco were of Inca construction. Garcilasso (II, pp. 305 ff.) attempts to give the credit for the whole of Sacsahuaman to Inca Yupanqui, and ignores the fact that the cyclopean walls on the north side of the hill undoubtedly date, as do “the seats of the Inca” close at hand, from the days of Tiahuanaco. When we see the statement made that the fortress of Sacsahuaman was of Inca construction we must remember that really only the southern walls and a few buildings behind them were built under the Incas.
108 That is, the joints do not come above one another, but are alternated, as in brick-work.
109 There are really six walls on the south and three on the north. Cf. Garcilasso, II, 305.
110 This is a poor attempt to describe the entrant and re-entrant angles that make the cyclopean walls so remarkable from a military point of view. See the plan by Squier and Davis, Garcilasso, II, p. 305.
111 Orejon, lit. “large-ear”; i.e. a member of the Inca clan privileged to distend his ears by means of ear-plugs. This myth of the founding of Cuzco by a man from the sea is not found elsewhere.
112 Llamas.
113 Titicaca.
114 Cobo describes the Temple of the Sun on Titicaca and that of the Moon on Coati as being, together, the third most important sanctuary in the Inca dominion. The other two, of course, were the temples in Cuzco and Pachacamac. For a detailed description of the temples in Lake Titicaca see Cobo, IV, pp. 54-63 and Bandelier, 1910. The structures at that point are all of late-Inca construction and seem to have been built after the Inca conceived the idea of making himself out to be the “Son of the Sun.” They were perhaps built with a view to lending colour to the myth.
115 Correctly, Chuqui-apu.
116 The original una seriola is a word whose meaning I have not been able to find. It is found again a little below. The method the Indians had for washing the earth and getting the gold can be seen in Oviedo, Historia General de las Indias, Parte I, lib. 6, Cap. 8.—Note by Icazbalceta.
117 Huayna Capac.
118 A braza is six feet.
119 It says this in the original, but it is an error, for it will be seen that the number must have been much greater.—Note by Icazbalceta.
120 As the text of this passage is obscure I give it here: ... profundos como de la altura de un hombre, en cuanto pueda el de abajo dar la tierra al de arriba; y cuando los cavan tanto que ya el de arriba no puede alcanzarla, lo dejan asi, y se van a hacer otros pozos...
121 Here is another rather obscure passage: “... pero e pui ricche... sono le prime che non hanno caricho da lauar la terra & per rispetto del freddo & delle mine que vi e non lo cauano. &c.” Oviedo (Hist. General, Parte I, lib. 6, Cap. 8); Acosta (Hist. nat. y mor. de las Ind., lib. 4, Cap. 4); y Garcilasso (Com. Real., Parte I, lib. 8, Cap. 24) distinguish three sorts of gold mines. In the first class are counted those which produce pure gold in rather large grains, so that they can be collected without further operations. These are, perhaps, the sort that the secretary Sancho says are the richest, although he has not spoken of them before. In the second class are included those which produce gold in dust or in very small grains mixed with earth which it is necessary to remove by means of washing, and these are those which Sancho mentions. The third class of mines, which this man does not mention, are those which yield gold mingled with stones and other metals, just as silver is commonly found. These mines, although at times very rich, failed to be worked because of the expenses which labour caused.—Note by Icazbalceta.
122 Huayna Capac.
123 The text says vino—“came.” I think, however, that it must be a misprint for vivo—“lived.”
124 This means, of course, Manco Inca.