The Tenth Part [X. 424.]
Contayning the Third Booke, of My Third Travailes
[X. 425.]
Now swolne ambition, bred from curious toile
Invites my feet, to tread parch’d Æthiops Soile,
To sight great Prester Jehan, and his Empire;
That mighty King, their Prince, their Priest, their Sire;
Their Lawes, Religion, Manners, Life and frame,
And Amais, mount-rais’d, Library of Fame.
Well, I am sped, bids Englands Court adiew,
And by the way the Hiberne bounds I view;
In whose defects, the truth like Razor sharpe
Shall sadly tune, my new-string’d Irish Harpe:
Then scud I France, and crossed the Pyrheneise
At the Columbian heights, which threat the skies;
And coasting Pampelon, I trac’d all Spaine,
From Behobia, to Jubile Taure againe.
Then rest’d at Malaga, where I was shent
And taken for a Spie, crush’d, rackt, and rent.
Where ah! (when Treason tride) by fals position;
They wrest’d on me their lawlesse Inquisition:
Which after Tortures, Hunger, Vermine gnashes,
Condemn’d me quick, stake-bound, to burn in ashes:
Gods Providence comes in, and I’me discovered
By Merchants meanes, by Aston last delivered:
Where noble Maunsell, Generall of that Fleete,
That I was rack’t for; did kind Halkins greete
With strict command, to send me home for Court,
To show King James, my torments, pangs, and tort:
Loe I am come, to Bath I’me sent, and more
Mine hoplesse life, made Worlds my sight deplore;
Which here I’le sing, in Tragicke tune to all
That love the Truth, and looke for Babels fall.
But now having finished the two Descriptions, of my first and second adventures; it rests now most necessary, to relate the meritorious designe, and miserable effect of my third Voyage. After I had (I say) by the great Providence of God, escaped infinite dangers, by Seas suffering thrice shipwracke, by Land, in Woods and on Mountaynes often invaded; by ravenous Beasts, crawling and venemous Wormes daily incombred; by home-bred Robbers, and remote Savages; five times stripd to the skin; excessive fastidiousnesse, unspeakable adversities, parching heates, scorching drouth, intollerable distresses of hunger, imprisonments, and cold; yet all these almost incredible sufferings past, could never abate the flame of mine austiere affection conceived; but ambitious curiosity, exposing me to a third Voyage, I may say as Æneas did in his penetentiall mood:
O socii neque enim ignari sumus ante malorum,
O passi graviora, dabit Deus his quoque finem.
[X. 426.]
O Socials! we’re not ignorant of losses;
O suffrings sad, God too, will end these crosses.
But to observe a methodicall order, I thinke it best to show the unacquainted Reader, a reasonable satisfaction for undertaking this third, and almost invincible attempt.
First, the most speciall and urgent cause, proceeded from a necessary good (the necessity of knowledge) in the requisite perfection, of Europes full and spacious sight, the ancient Tierce, and now most Christian world; wanting formerly no part thereof unseene, as well under the Turke as Christian, except Ireland and the halfe of Spaine.
Certaine approved reasons.
The second cause was mooved, from a more insatiate content, that when I had, and having compassed all Europe, my Resolution, was to borrow a larger dimmense of ground in Affricke then formerly I had done in twice before, even to Æthiopia, Prester Jehans Dominions. For the same effect, and a greater impression to my Resolution, I set Pen to Paper, drawing from the distaffe of the Retractable Muses, a Poeticall Pamphelet; Dedicated to themselves, to their profound Apollo, his then hopefull Heire, and diverse Noble Peeres of both Kingdomes.
[X. 427.]
The matchlesse Lord Cichester for vertue, wisdome, & valour.
And having from a Royall favour obtayned his Majesties Letters and Seales of safe Conduct, and Regall recommendation, to all Kings, Princes and Dukes, &c. I in all obsequious humility, bad farewell, to this sequestrate and most auspicuous Monarchy; and arriving at Dublin in Ireland, August the two and twenty, one thousand sixe hundred and nineteene, I saluted the Right Honorable Sir Oliver St Johns late Lord Grandison, and then Lord Deputy there, from whom for regard and singular courtesies, I was greatly obliged: So was I also to many of the English Nobility and Knight hood there: who through the whole Countrey where ever I came intertayned mee kindly, sending Guides with mee from place to place; yea, and sometimes safe-guards also; beside in their houses great good-cheere and welcome: But in speciall a dutifull remembrance I owe, to the memory of that sometimes judicious and Religious Lord Arthur, late Lord Cichester, Baron of Belfast, &c. Who in his time for Vertue, Wisedome, and Valour, wore the Dyademe of Love, and Garland of true Noblenesse: Of whom, and for whose losse, if I should more praise, and longer lament, my Inke would turne to brinish teares, and I to helpelesse sorrow: But leaving him who lived in goodnesse here, and now in glory for ever, I celebrate these Lines, to his eternall Fame.
If ever Bounty shin’d in loyall Brest?
If ever Judgment, flow’d from generous mouth?
If ever Vice-Roy, rul’d this Kingdome best?
If ever Valour, honour’d hopefull youth?
If ever Wisdome, Astreas worth possest?
If ever Vertue, was inclin’d to rueth?
If ever Justice, enormities redrest?
If ever Patron, paterne was of truth?
Then noble Cichester, the Heavens assigne,
These gifts (thy honour’d parts) were truely thine.
[X. 428.]
And now after a generall surveigh of the whole Kingdome, (the North-west part of Canoch excepted) accomplished: from the 1. of September til the last of February; I found the goodnesse of the Soyle, more then answerable to mine expectation, the defect only remayning (not speaking of our Collonies) in the people, and from them, in the bosome of two gracelesse sisters, Ignorance and Sluggishnesse.
The foure Provinces of Ireland.
This Kingdome is divided in foure Provinces, although some allude five, that is, Easterne and Westerne Maith, but they are understood to be annexed to Leinster: Their names are these, Leinster, Munster, Ulster, and Canoch: The South-most whereof, is Munster a soile (and so is Leinster in most parts) nothing inferiour, if seasonably manured, to the best grounds in England. The Iland lyeth almost in a Rotundo, being every way spacious; the greatest River whereof is Shannon, whose course, amounteth to eight score miles, inclosing within it many little Iles.
And this I dare avow, there are moe Rivers, Lakes, Brookes, Strands, Quagmires, Bogs, and Marishes, in this Countrey, then in all Christendome besides; for Travalling there in the Winter, all my dayly solace, was sincke down comfort; whiles Boggy-plunging deepes kissing my horse belly; whiles over-mired Saddle, Body, and all; and often or ever set a swimming, in great danger, both I, and my Guides of our Lives: That for cloudy and fountayne-bred perils, I was never before reducted to such a floting Laborinth. Considering that in five moneths space, I quite spoyled sixe horses, and my selfe as tyred as the worst of them.
[X. 429.]
And now I call to memory (not without derision) though I conceale the particular place and Prelate; it was my Fortune in the County of Dunagale, to bee joviall with a Bishop at his Table, where after diverse Discourses, my ghostly Father grew offended with mee, for tearming of his Wife Mistresse: which, when understood, I both called her Madame, and Lady Bishop: Whereupon he grew more incensed; and leaving him unsatisfied; resolve me Lector? if it be the Custome heere or not? and if, amends shall repay over-sight, a ghostly Wife, shall be still Madam Lady with me; if not, mine observed manner shall be Mistresse.
The ignorant and sluggish life of the common Irish.
But now to come to my punctuall Discourse of Ireland; true it is, to make a fit comparison, the Barbarian Moore, the Moorish Spaniard, the Turke, and the Irish-man, are the least industrious, and most sluggish livers under the Sunne, for the vulgar Irish I protest, live more miserably in their brutish fashion, then the undaunted, or untamed Arabian, the Divelish-idolatrous Turcoman, or the Moone-worshipping Caramines: showing thereby a greater necessity they have to live, then any pleasure they have, or can have in their living.
There Fabrickes are advanced three or foure yardes high, Pavillion-like incircling, erected in a singular Frame, of smoake-torne straw, greene long prick’d truff, and Raine-dropping watles. Their several Roomes of Palatiat divisions, as Chambers, Halls, Parlors, Kitchins, Barnes, and Stables, are all inclosed in one, and that one (perhaps) in the midst of a Mire; where, when in foule weather, scarcely can they finde a drye part, whereupon to Repose, their cloud-baptized heads. Their shirts be woven, of the wooll or Linnen of their owne nature, and their penurious foode semblable, to their ruvid condition.
[X. 430.]
And lastly, these onely titular Christians, are so ignorant in their superstitious profession of Popery, that neither they, nor the greatest part of their Priests know, or understand, what the mistery of the Masse is, which they dayly see, and the other celebrat, nor what the name of Jesus is, either in his divine, or humane nature: Aske him of his Religion? he replyeth, what his father, his great grand-father were, that will he be also: And hundreds of better then the common sort, have demanded mee, if Jerusalem, and Christs sepulcher were in Ireland, and if the Holy Land was contiguat with Saint Patrickes purgatory.
A foolish and superstitious errour.
They also at the sight of each new Moone, (I speake it credibly) bequeath their Cattell to her protection, obnixiously imploring the pale Lady of the night, that shee will leave their Bestiall in as good plight, as shee found them: And if sicke, scabbed, or sore, they solicitat her mayden-fac’d Majesty to restore them to their health, in which absurdity, they far surmount the silly Sabuncks, and Garolinean Moores of Lybia: Indeed of all things (besides their ignorance) I onely lamented their heavie bondage under three kind of Masters; the Land-lord for his Rent, the Minister for his Tythes, and the Romish Priest for his Fees: And remarke when their owne Irish Rent masters have any voyage for Dublin, or peradventure superspended at home in feasting of strangers, then must these poore ones be taxed and afflicted with the supply of the devasted provision of their prodigall houses; otherwise in supporting their superfluous charges for Dublin.
O? what a slavish servitude doe these silly wretches indure, the most part of whom in all their lives, have never third part food, Natures clothing, nor a secure shelter for the Winter cold.
The miserable sight whereof, and their sad sounding groanes, have often drawne a sorrowful remorse from my humane compassion.
[X. 431.]
As for their Gentry such as are brought up here at London, learne to become a great deale more civill, than these who are brought up at home, after their owne rude and accustomable manner: And this I observed, in my traversing the whole Kingdome, I never saw one, or other, neither could move any of that selfe Nation, to pledge or present his Majesties health; but as many other healths as you list; they will both fasten, and receive from you, till they fall in the muddy hotch potch of their dead Grandfathers understanding: Indeed for entertainment of strangers they are freely disposed, and there Gentlemen of any good sort, reserve ever in their houses, Spanish Sack, and Irish Uscova, and will be as tipsy with their wives, their Priests, and their friends, as though they were naturaly infeft, in the eleven royall Tavernes of Naples.
Two intollerable abuses in Ireland.
And now amongst many, there are two intollerable abuses of protections in that Kingdome: The one of Theeves and Woodcarnes, the other of Priests and Papists: I discourse of these corruptions now, as I found them then.
The first is prejudiciall to all Christian civillnesse tranquill government, and a great discouragment for our collonizd plantators there, belonging to both soyles of this Iland, being dayly molested, and nightly incombered with these blood-sucking Rebells.
[X. 432.]
The filthy corruption of Irish Priests and Wood-Carnes, theevish Rebells.
And notwithstanding of their barbarous crueltie, ever executed at all advantages, with slaughter and murder upon the Scots and English dwellers there; yet they have and find at their owne wills Symonaicall protections, for lesser or longer times; ever as the confused disposers, have their law-sold hands, filled with the bloody bribes of slaughtered lives, high-way, and house-robbed people: And then thereafter their ill got meanes being spent, like unto dogs, they returne backe to their former vomit; so jugling with their in, and outgoings, like to the restlesse Ocean, that they cannot, nor never did, become true subjects to our King, nor faithfull friends to their Countrey: Unlesse by extremity of Justice, the one still hanged before the other, the remanent by the gallowes may examplifie amendment, contrarywise that Land shall never be quiet: for these villanous Woodcarnes are but the Hounds of their hunting Priests, against what faction soever, their malicious malignity is intended: Partly for intertaynement, partly for particular splenes, and lastly, for a general disturbance of the Countrey, for the Priests greater security and stay.
The other abuse is, their Libertinous Masses, the redresse whereof, I first to the Heavens, and then to my Prince bequeath: whose Sabboth recusant mony, whereof they bragge (as they say) in derision of our luke-warme dispensation, tendeth to none other purpose, but to obumbrat the true light of the Gospell, and to feed their absurd, and almost irrevocable ignorance.
And neverthelesse at their dayly meetings (experience taught mee) there was never a more repining people against our Prince and Church as they be: for in this presumption a twofold cause arriseth, want of zeale, and Church discipline in our part, and the officious nine penny Masse on their part: yea, all, and each of them, so exacted and compounded with at higher or lower rates, as the officers in this nature please.
[X. 433.]
The distribution whereof I nowaies paralell to the sleight concaviating veynes of the earth, nor the sole supply of high-rising Atlas, neither to invelope the Perpendiculars of long-reaching Caucasus: howsoever tect-demolished Churches, unpassable Bridges, indigent Schollers, and distressed Families be supported there-with, I am as cleare of it as they, although I smart by the contrary confusion.
A bad and uncivill Husbandry in Ireland.
But leaving this and observing my Method, I remember I saw in Irelands North-parts, two remarkable sights: The one was their manner of Tillage, Ploughes drawne by Horse-tayles, wanting garnishing, they are only fastned, with straw, or wooden Ropes to their bare Rumps, marching all side for side, three or foure in a Ranke, and as many men hanging by the ends of that untoward Labour. It is as bad a Husbandry I say, as ever I found among the wildest Savages alive; for the Caramins, who understand not the civill forme of Agriculture; yet they delve, hollow, and turne over the ground, with manuall and Wooden instruments: but they the Irish have thousands of both Kingdomes daily labouring beside them; yet they can not learne, because they wil not learne, to use garnishing, so obstinate they are in their barbarous consuetude, unlesse punishment and penalties were inflicted; and yet most of them are content to pay twenty shillings a yeare, before they wil change their Custome.
Northerne Irish women giving sucke to their Babes behind their shoulders.
The other as goodly sight I saw, was women travayling the way, or toyling at home, carry their Infants about their neckes, and laying the dugges over their shoulders, would give sucke to the Babes behinde their backes, without taking them in their armes: Such kind of breasts, me thinketh were very fit, to be made money bags for East or West-Indian Merchants, being more then halfe a yard long, and as wel wrought, as any Tanner, in the like charge, could ever mollifie such Leather.
[X. 434.]
As for any other customes they have, to avoyd prolixitie I spare; onely, before my pen flee over Seas, I would gladly shake hands with some of our Churchmen there, for better are the wounds of a friend, than the sweet smiles of a flatterer, for love and trueth can not dissemble.
Many dissembling impudents intrude themselves in this high calling of God, who are not truely, neither worthily thereunto called; the ground here arrising either from a carnall or carelesse presumption, otherwise from needy greed, and lacke of bodily maintenance.
An Ecclesiasticke corruption in unlawfull Preachers.
Such is now the corruption of time, that I know here even Mechanick men admitted in the place of Pastors: yea, and rude bred Souldiers whose education was at the Musket mouth, are become there, both Lybian grave, and unlearned Church-men: Nay; besides them professed; indeed professed Schollers: whose warbling mouthes ingorged with spoonefuls of bruised Latine, seldome or never expressed, unlesse the force of quaffing, spew it forth from their empty sculles: Such I say, interclude their doctrine, betweene the thatch and the Church-wall tops; and yet their smallest stipends shall amount to one, two, three, or foure hundred pounds a yeare.
Whereupon you may demand mee, how spend they, or how deserve they this? I answer, their deserts are nought, and the fruite thereof as naughtily spent: for Sermons and Prayers they never have any, neither never preached any, nor can preach.
[X. 435.]
And although some could, as perhaps they seeming would, they shall have no Auditour (as they say) but bare walles, the plants of their Parishes, being the rootes of mere Irish. As concerning their cariage, in spending such sacrilegious fees, the course is thus.
The Alehouse is their Church, the Irish Priests their Consorts, their Auditors be fill and fetch more, their Text Spanish Sacke, their Prayers carrousing, their singing of Psalmes the whiffing of Tobacco, their last blessing Aqua vitæ, and all their doctrine, sound drunkenesse.
A flattering covenant twixt Ministers and Masse Priests.
And whensoever these parties meete, their parting is Dane-like from a Dutch Pot, and the Minister stil purse bearer defrayeth all charges for the Priest: Arguments of Religion, like Podolian Polonians they succumbe; their conference onely pleading mutuall forbearance; the Minister affrayed of the Priests Wood-Carnes, and the Priests as fearefull of the Ministers apprehending, or denoting them; contracting thereby a Gibeonized covenant, yea, and for more submissions sake, hee will give way to the Priest to mumble Masse in his Church, where hee in all his life made never Prayer nor Sermon.
Loe there are some of the abuses of our late weake, and stragling Ecclesiasticks there, and the soule-sunke sorrow of godlesse Epicures and Hypocrites.
To all which, and much more have I beene an occular Testator, and sometimes a constrayned consociat to their companeonry; yet not so much inforced, as desirous to know the behaviour and conversation of such mercenary Jebusites.
[X. 436.]
Great God amend it, for it is great pitty to behold it, and if it continue so still, as when I saw them last; O farre better it were! that these ill bestowed Tythes, and Church-wall Rents, were distributed to the poore, and needy, than to suffocate the swine-fed bellies of such idle and prophane Parasits.
And here another generall abuse, I observed that whensoever any Irish dye, the friend of the defunct (besides other fees) paying twenty shillings to the English Curat, shall get the corpes of the disceased to be buryed within the Church, yea often, even under the Pulpit foote: And for lucre interred in Gods Sanctuary when dead, who when alive would never approach, nor enter the gates of Sion; to worshipe the Lord, nor conforme themselves to true Religion.
Truely such and the like abuses, and evill examples of lewd lives, have beene the greatest hinderance of that Lands conversion; for such like wolves have beene from time to time, but stumbling blocks before them; regarding more their owne sensuall and licentious ends, than the glory of God, in converting of one soule unto his Church.
Ministeriall offices strangely abused.
[X. 437.]
Now as concerning the conscionable carriage of the Hybernian Clergy, aske mee, and there my reply: As many of them (for the most part) as are Protestant Ministers, have their Wives, children, and servants invested Papists; and many of these Church-men at the houre of their death (like dogges) returne backe to their former vomit: Witnesse the late Viccar of Calin (belonging to the late and last, Richard, Earle of Desmond,) who being on death bed, and having two hundred pounds a yeare; finding him selfe to forsake both life and stipend, send straight for a Romish Priest, and received the Papall Sacrament: Confessing freely in my audience, that hee had beene a Romane Catholick all his life, dissembling onely with his Religion, for the better maintaining of his wife and children. And being brought to his buriall place, hee was interred in the Church, with the which hee had played the Ruffian all his life; being openly carryed at mid-day with Jesuits, Priests, and Friers of his owne Nation, and after a contemptible manner in derision of our profession, and Lawes of the Kingdome.
Infinite moe examples of this kind could I recite, and the like resemblances of some being alive; but I respectively suspend (wishing a reformation of such deformation) and so concludeth this Clergicall corruption there. Yet I would not have the Reader to thinke that I condemne all our Clergie there, no God forbid, for I know there are many sound and Religious Preachers of both Kingdomes among them, who make conscience of their calling, and live as Lanthorns to uncapable ignorants, and to those stragling Stoicks I complayne of, condemnatory Judges; for it is a grievous thing to see incapable men, to jugle with the high mysteries of mans salvation.
My departure from Ireland to France.
And now after the fastidious ending of a tempestuous raine-sacking toyle, I imbarked at Yoghall in Munster, February 27. 1620. in a little French Pinke bound for St. Mallo in Bretagne. Where, when transported, I set face to Paris, where I found the workes of two scelerat and perverst Authors: the one of which had disdainefully wrot against the life and raigne of Queene Elizabeth of sempiternall renowne: the other ignominiously, upon the death of our late Queene Anne of ever blessed memory. The circumstances whereof, I will not avouch, since Malaga detaineth the notes of their abjured names, and perfidiat paines.
[X. 438.]
A just reward (may I say) refounded, upon these fond conceites, you have of the fantasticke French: Especially these superstitious straglers heere; who, when they have sucked the milke of their selfe ends, and your lavish Liberalities without desert; returne a kicke with their heeles (like to the Colt of an Asse) in your teeth agayne. And there your meritorious thankes, and their shamefull slaunders, in acquittance of your vayne Expence.
The fantastick foolery of the French.
Tell me, if you be tyed like Apes to imitate their ever-changing humours? and can you draw from them (in any Art or cariage) a greater draught, then they draw from the Italian, for first they be Imitators; next, Mutators; thirdly, Temptators; and lastly, your Plantators, in all the varieties of vanity. Have you a desire to learne modestly to Daunce, skilfully to Fence, dexteriously to manage Great Horses, view Forraine sights, learne Languages, Humane policies, and the like conducements:
Then rather reach, the Fountaine, whence they flow,
Whence Science, Arts, and Practise lively grow;
Than sucke the streames, of separate distasts,
He well derives, his labour never wasts;
Fond Fooles affect, what foolery Fooles effect,
The sequell sight, than sense, doth more infect.
Besides these two infamous Authors, what hath Edee, the Idea of a Knave, (and Gentle man of the French Privy Chamber) done; who like a Wood weather cocke, and giddy headed Foole, (full of deficient Vapours) hath shamefully stayned with his shamelesse Pen, the light of this Kingdome, which now I omit to avouch till a fitter time.
[X. 439.]
Thus, they fondly Write, thus they pratle, thus they sing, thus they Daunce, thus they brangle, thus they dally in capritziat humours, and thus they vary, in the fleering conceite of sa, sa, sa, sa, sa, far beyond the inconstancy of all female inconstancies.
Certaine caveats for strangers, that goe to France.
But to conclude this Epitome of France, three things I wish the way-faring man to prevent there: First, the eating of Victuals, and drinking of Wine without price making; least (when he hath done) for the stridor of his teeth his charges be redoubled. Next to choose his lodging (if it fall out in any way-standing Taverne) far from palludiat Ditches, least the vehemency of chirking frogs, vexe the wish’d-for Repose of his fatigated body, and cast him in a vigilant perplexity.
And lastly, unlesse earely hee would arise, I never wish him to lye neere the fore-streetes of a Towne; because of the disturbant clamours of the Peasant samboies or nayle-woodden shoes: whose noyse like an æquivox, resembleth the clashing armour of Armies; or the clangour of the Ulyssen-tumbling Horse to fatall Troy.
But now to my purpose, leaving Paris behind me, I arrived at Pau in Bearne. This Province is a principality of it selfe, anciently annexed to the Kingdom of Navarre: lying betweene the higher Gascony of Guyan, and the Pyrhenei Mountaynes of Baske, bordering with the North parts of Navarre: Both of which, belongeth to the French King, except a little of Baske toward the Columbian Alpes, and that the Spaniard commandeth.
Pau is the Justice seate of Bearne, having a goodly Castle, situate on an artificiall Rocke; and in this place was that Martial Henry du Burbone la Quatriesme borne, than King of Navarre.
[X. 440.]
Here be the finest Gardens in Christendome, the Gardens of Pretolino (5. miles from Florence) only excepted. Yet for faire Arbors, spacious over-siling walkes, and incorporate Trees of interchanging growths, it surpasseth Pretolino: but the other for the variety of fructiferous Trees, rare and admirable ponds, artificial fountaynes; Diana, and her Allabaster Nymphly-portrayed trayne, the counter-banding force of Agvadotti, and the exquisite banqueting Roome, contrived among sounding unseene waters, in forme of Gargantus body, it much excelleth Pau.
Biscai in Spayne is a scurrile Countrey.
Hence, I discended the River of Orthes to Baion, and crossing the River Behobia, which divideth France and Spaine, I entered in Biscai June 19. 1620. This is a Mountaynous and invincible Countrey, (of which Victoria is the chiefe City) being a barren and almost unprofitable Soyle. The speciall commodities whereof, are Sheep, Woole as soft as silke, Goates, and excellent good Iron: Cornes they have none, or little at all, neither wine, but what is brought from Navarre in Pelagoes or Swineskins, carried on Mulets backes.
Leaving Biscai, I entred Navarre, and came to Pampelona its Metropolitane Citty: Here I found the poorest Viceroy (nomen sine re) with the least meanes to maintaine him, that ever the World affoorded such a stile. Navarre is but a little Kingdome, amounting in length (with the South Pendicles of the high Pirhenese) to twenty three leagues: That is, betweene Porto di St. Joanne in Baske, and Grono upon the River Hebro, dividing the old Castilia and Navarre. In breadth it extendeth to seaventeene Leagues, that is betweene Varen in Biscai, and Terrafranca in Arragon: The soyle is indifferent fertile of Cornes and Wines. From thence I set East-ward to Syragusa, the Capitall Seate of Arragon.
[X. 441.]
Arragon, hath Navarre to the West, South Valentia Kingdome, East, and South-east Catalogna; and on the North the Alpes Pyrhenese. It is an auncient and famous Kingdome, under whose Jurisdiction, were both the petty Kingdomes of Valentia, & Barselona: And not long ago traduced to the Castilian King by marriage. For although Castilia hath the language, they have the lineall dissent of the Romans; the Inhabitants whereof being instinctively endued with all humane affabilities. From thence returning through the old Castilia, or Kingdome of Burgos, in the way to St. Iago of Compostella in Galitia: It was my fortune, at St. Domingo to enter the Towne-Church: accompanied with two French Puppies, mindfull to shew me a miraculous matter.
A leying miracle.
Where, when come, I espied over my head opposit to the great Altar, two milke white Hennes, enraveled in an iron Cage, on the inner side of the Porches Promontore. And demanding why they were kept? Or what they signified? Certaine Spaniards replyed come along with us, and you shall see the Storie, and being brought to the (Choro) it was drawne thereon as followeth. The father and the sonne, two Burboneons of France; going in Pilgrimage to St. James, it was their lot to lodge here in an Inne: Where supper ended, and reckoning payed, the Host perceiving their denariat charge, he entered their Chamber, when they were a sleepe, and in bed, conveying his owne purse in the young mans Budget.
To morrow earely; the two innocent Pilgrimes, footing the hard bruising way, were quickly over-hied by the Justice; where the Host making search for his purse, found it in the sonnes bagge. Whereupon instantly, and in the same place hee was hanged, and left hanging there, seazing on their money be a sententiall forfeiture.
[X. 442.]
A damnable delusion of a divellish miracle.
The sorrowfull Father (notwithstanding) continued his Pilgrimage to Compostella. Where, when come, and devotion made, our Lady of Mount Serata appeared to him saying: Thy prayers are heard, and thy groanes have pierced my heart, arise, and returne to Saint Domingo for thy sonne liveth. And hee accordingly returned, found it so, and the sonne-hanged Monster, after 30. dayes absence, spoke thus from the Gallowes, Father, goe to our Host, and shew him I live, then speedily returne. By which direction the old man entred the Towne, and finding the Host at Table, in breaking up of two roasted Pullets, told him, and sayd: My sonne liveth, come and see. To which the smiling Host replyed, he is as surely alive on the Gallowes, as these two Pullets be alive in the dish. At which protestation, the two fire-scorched fowles leapt out suddainly alive, with heads, wings, feathers, and feet, and kekling, tooke flight thrice about the Table. The which amazing sight, made the astonished Host to confesse his guiltines; and the other relieved from the rope, he was hung up in his place, allotting his house for an Hospitality to Pilgrimes for ever.
[X. 443.]
There are still two Hennes reserved here, in memory of this miracle, and aye changed, as they grow fat for the Priests chops, being freely given to the place. And I dare swearing say, these Priests eate fatter Hennes, than Don Phillipo him selfe, they being fed by the peoples devotion, at their enterance to the morning and evening sacrifices, and are tearmed holy Hennes. Infinite paper could I blot, with relating the like absurdities, and miraculous lies of the Romane Church, but leaving them till a fitter occasion, I proceed. From thence traversing a great part of the higher Asturia, I entred in Galitia, and found the Countrey so barren, the people so poore, and victuals so scarce, that this importunate inforcement, withdrew me from S. Jacques, to Portugale: Where I found little better, or lesser reliefe, their soyles being absolute sterile, desartuous, and mountainous.
The Kingdome of Portugale.
Portugale was formerly called Lusitania, and Hispania, ulteriora: It is in length 320. miles, large 68. and sometimes under: In the Moorish domination it was divided in two Kingdomes, the one reserveth the name of all; the other was called Agarbas: A word Arabick that signifieth the part Occidentall: And were divided with the River Guadion, and the two Castles Odebera, and Aleotino: Agarbas was toward the South, & Portugale Northward.
Portugale is now confined on the South, and South-East with Andolusia: West and South-West, the maine Ocean. Galitia to the North: And Eastward the old and new Castilia. After twenty dayes fastidious climbing in this Kingdome, I returned to Salamancha in Castilia Vecchia; the Sacerdotall University of Spaine, whence springeth these Flockes of Studientes, that over-swarme the whole land with rogueries, robberies, and begging. From thence traversing the Alpes of Siera de Caderama, (which divide the two Castilias) I discended the South side of the mountaines, and arrived at the Escurial; where then late King Phillip the third, had his residence.
The palace of Escuriall.
[X. 444.]
Escurial is rather a Monastery than Palace.
This Pallace standeth alone, and founded upon the skirt of a perpendicular hill of Caderama, squared out from a devalling steepnesse, having a large prospect Southwardly towards the Evenise mountaines beyond Toledo. This palatiat cloyster is quadrangled foure stories high, the uppermost whereof, is window-set in the blew tecture: The stone worke below, having three rankes of larger windowes, incircling the whole quadrangles, and French-like high rigged. At every spacious squadrat corner, there is an high Turret erected, above the coverture, whose tops beare each of them a golden Globe. In the middle court standeth a round incorporate Church, arising outward in a rotundo, with a wide leaden top, and on each side thereof a squadrat Steeple, higher then the round, making a goodly shew. It hath neither outward walles nor gates, but the two selfe doores of the eleven incloystered petty Courts, save onely some office houses without, and they stand alone by the hill broken side. I may rather tearme it a Monastery, then a Kingly Pallace, having a hundred and fifty Monkes, Chartuzians, of St. Hieronimoes order living within it; the King onely remaining in a private corner, at his comming thither. Nay at that instant, he was so private that before I saw his face, I could not beleeve, that the Patrone of so great a Monarchy, could be so quiet; yea, as quiet as a Countrey Baron is with us, and had lived so nine weekes before. The house it selfe I confesse, excelleth in beauty, that Constantinopolitan Seralia, of the great Turke: though not in divisions, and ground distances, yet for a maine incorporate house, and was builded by King Philip the second, standing seven leagues from Madrile, to which I arrived.
[X. 445.]
Here is the residence of the Court though formerly at Valladoli: Madrid or Madrile, is the Center or middle part of Spaine, situate in the Kingdome of Toledo, the new Castilia. And distant from Lisbone in Portugale Westward one hundred leagues: From Sevilia in Andoluzia ninety leagues: From Grenada Southward, sixty eight leagues: Barselona in Catalogna, East, South-eastward one hundred leagues: From Valentia fifty leagues: From Siragusa in Arragon Eastward fifty three leagues: From Saint Sebastian in Biscai North-westward seventy leagues: And from Pampelona in Navarre, North-eastward, forty nine leagues. Spaine generally, is a masse of mountaines, a barren ill manured soyle: Neither well inhabited nor populous: Yea, so desartuous that in the very heart of Spaine, I have gone eighteene leagues, (two dayes journey) unseeing house or Village, except two Ventas, Tavernes. And commonly eight leagues without any house: Villages be so farre distant, the Rockie Seraes or Alpes so innumerable.
It is miserable travelling in Spaine.
It is miserable travelling, lesse profitable, in these ten Provinces, or petty Kingdomes, hard lodging and poore, great scarcity of beds and deare: And no ready drest diet, unlesse you buy it raw; and cause dresse, or dresse it your selfe, buying first in one place your fire, your meate from the Butcher, your bread from the Baker, your Wine from the Taverne, your Fruites, Oyle, and Hearbes from the Botega, carying all to the last place, your bed-lodging: Thus must the weary Stranger toile, or else fast: And in infinite places for Gold nor money can have no victuals; but restrained to a relenting jejunation. The high-minded Spaniard and their high topped mountaines, have an infused contention together. The one through arrogant ambition, would invade the whole earth to inlarge his dominions: The other by a steepe swolne hight, seeme to threaten the Heavens to pull down Jupiter from his throne. And as I take it, the Spaniard being of a low stature, borroweth his high-minded breast from the high topped mountaines, for the one in quality, and the other in quantity, be extraordinarily infounded.
[X. 446.]
The long captivity of the Spaniards under the Mores.
Certaine it is, as the Spaniard in all things standeth mainely upon his reputation (but never to avouch it with single combat) so he vaunteth not a little of his antiquity, deriving his pedegree from Tubal, the Nephew of Noe. But (especially as they draw it) how often hath the Line of Tubal, beene bastarded, degenerated, and quite expelled, by invasions of Phænicians, oppressions of the Greekes, incursiones of the Carthaginians, the Conquest and planting of Provinces, and Colonies of the Romanes, the general deluge of the Gothes, Hunnes, and Vandales: and lastly, by the long and intolerable Tyranny of the Moores, whose slavish yoake and bondage in 800. yeares, hee could scarcely shake off; his owne Histories beare sufficient testimony and Record. Then it is manifest, that this mixture of Nations, must of necessity make a compounded Nature, such as having affinity with many, have no perfection in any one.
Their Manners are conformable to their discent, and their conditionall Vertues semblable to their last and longest Conquerors, of whom they retayne the truest stampe.
The most penurious Peasants in the World be heere, whose Quotidian moanes, might draw teares from stones. Their Villages stand as wast like as the Sabunck, Garamont, or Arabian Pavilleons, wanting Gardens, Hedges, Closses, Barnes, or Backe-sides: This sluggish and idle husbandry, being a natural instinct of their neighbour or paternal Moores.
As for industrious Artes, Inventions, and Vertues, they are as dull thereof, as their late Predecessours: and truely I confesse for the Spanish Nunne, she is more holy then the Italian; the former are onely Reserved to the Friers, and Priests: The latter being more Noble, have most affinity with Gentle-men. The Spaniard is of a spare dyet and temperate, if at his owne cost he spend; but if given Gratis, he hath the longest Tuskes that ever stroke at Table.
[X. 447.]
After a doubtfull and dangerous departure from Madrid (as Sir Walter Aston his Majesties Ambassador can testifie with his Followers, as some of his people have already here done the same,) being the drift of my owne Country-men, I came to Toledo twelve Leagues distant from thence: This Citty is situate on a ragged Rocke upon the River Tagus, being an Arch-bishops seate, the Primat and Metropolitan Sea of all Spaine: Yet a miserably impoverished and deformed place.
Naked ambition conferred upon poore Toledo.
And although the Spaniard, of all Townes in Spaine, braggeth most of Toledo, it is neyther (doubtlesse I know) for beauty, bounds, nor Wealth, if not for the Intrado belongeth to it, amounting yearely (as they affirme) to 200000 Duckats; for there is no other Episcopal Seate, in all Castilia, or Kingdome of Toledo. Giving backe to Toledo, I crossed the crossing Siera de Morada, (which divideth the Kingdome of Grenada, from the Mansha of the new Castilia) and arrived at Grenada, the Capital of Andolusia.
Here had the Moores their last residence in Spaine, and was magnanimously recovered, Anno 1499. yeares, by Ferdinando the Castilian King, and his wife Isabella. It standeth at the foote of Siera de Nevada (the Snowy Alpes,) who reserve continually Snow on their tops, and partly inclosed betweene two Snow-melting Rivers. In this Citty is the principall Seate, and Colledge of Justice, of all South Spaine: As Valladoli is for the North of Spaine, the high Court of Madrid having Prerogative over both.
[X. 448.]
It hath a spacious and strong Castle, which was builded by the Moores, and indeede a Kingly mansion: Where I saw the Hals and Bed-Chambers of the Moorish Kings, most exquisitly, over-siled, and indented with Mosaicall worke; excelling farre any moderne industry whatsoever.
The Emperour Charles the fift, and King of Spaine; after his returne from that misfortunate voyage of Algier, left a monument here, never likely to have beene accomplished, that is, the foundation of an admirable worke advanced two stories high: without it is quadrangled, and within round; having two degrees of incircling promontores, supported by Marble pillars, and Allabaster arches.
Mr. Woodson a London Merchant.
Being dismissed here, it was my fortune at Antecara to encounter with a Merchant, (M. Woodson a Londoner,) newly come from Venice, and bound to Malaga. With whom desirously accompanied, the day following being Sunday, with sore travayle wee came within night to Malaga, and thereafter parting to our severall Lodgings, the next morning I addressed my selfe to the shoare side; where I had notice given me, of a French ship belonging to Tolon in Provance, that was lying in the Mould, and shortly bound for Alexandria: And finding that Transportation most convenient for my designe (my safest course lying through Ægypt and the Red Sea, for Prester Jehans Dominions and Court) I presently made bargaine with the Ships-master, for my passage and Victuals.
[X. 449.]
Malaga affrighted with the English Fleet.
And now attending my departure thence, uppon the fift day after my comming hither Anno 1620. October 27. the English Fleete that went agaynst the Pyrats of Algier, gave Anchor at mid-night in the Roade: Whose suddaine comming, yeelded no small feare to the affrighted Towne, mistaking them for Turkes; for the two Castle-bells Ringing backe-ward, the thundring Drums resounding, and the Towne all the latter night in Armes, bred such disturbant despaire to their families, and distraction to themselves, that their wives and children fled to the higher Castle without the Towne; and I a stayd Consort with the Defendants till day light. But morning come, and the English Colours discovered, Don Jaspar Ruiz de Peredas the Governour, went aboord of the English Generall Sir Robert Maunsell; where after congratulating complements, he being returned a shoare, dismissed the Burgers and their Armes. In that afternoone, and the day following beeing Satturday, there came hundreds a shoare of my speciall friends, and olde familiars, Londoners, and Courtiers, with whom desirously met, we were joviall together, till Sunday morning: where then I went aboord of the Lyon, his Majesties ship, and saluted the Generall, who kindly intertained mee to the next day, that the Fleete was divided in three Squaders, and he under Sayle, and then unhappily came I a shoare in a Fisher boate, to my deare bought destruction, beeing sore agaynst the Generals will, but that I should have gone with him to Algier: Save onely that my Linnen, Letters, and Sacket was lying in my hostery, and so could not go: but what shal I say?
Quod fortuna dedit, nemo tollere potest.
And so now followeth the sorrowfull Relations of my Tragicall sufferings, which as briefly as I may, I shall succinctly avouch, although the larger, the better to be understood.
Sad soule mixe truth, with grave and prompe discourse
Let passiones be, this Tragicke stile must rest
On Faith and Patience, Columnes of secourse,
Which underprop’d my sufferings here exprest:
Lord weigh my words, with wisdome, give me grace
In all this Worke, to give thy glory place.
[X. 450.]
I was no sooner entred the Towne, and drawing up a private way to my lodging, to shunne company and acquaintance, for that night was I to have imbarked for Alexandria, but I was suddenly surprised in that narrow depopulated street, with nine Alguozilos, Sergeants, who inclosing mee on both sides layd violent hands on mee, wrapping me up in a blacke frizado cloake, and gripping my throat to stop my crying, they carryed me on their armes to the governours house, and inclosed me in a low Parlour.
A sad request to a mercilesse Governour.
To which when the Governour came, for I was acquainted with him before I sadly spoke, saying, My most noble Governour, and worthy Lord, I humbly beseech your goodnes to shew me, for what offence or cause, I am thus violently brought before you, knowing that in me, and from my carriage, there is no injury committed. Whereat, without answer, and shaking his head, he caused inclose mee in a little Cabinet within the Parlour, till he went for Masse, commanding them with all possible dilligence to fetch hither, the Captaine of the Towne Don Francesco, di Cordova, the Alcade major, and the States Scrivan, enjoyning them to conceale my apprehending till further tryal under the paine of death.
At last he from the Masse, and they come hither, the Sergeants were dismissed, the doores made fast, and I was brought forth before these foure Cavalliers, all placed in chayres, and the Scrivan-table set, with pen and paper to write my confession. Where after long silence, the Governour asked mee of my Nation, and how long, and how often I had beene out of my Country: and whether I was bound? and how long I had beene in Spaine.
To whom I punctually returned my dividuat answers:
[X. 451.]
Whereupon being inclosed in my former Cabinet, within a while Don Francesco entred my roome, demanding mee if I had beene in Civilia, or was come from it; and clapping my cheeks with a Judas-smile made this entreaty. My deare brother, and gallant Companion, confesse freely that you have beene in Civilia, for your countenance bewrayeth, there are some hidden purposes in the closet of your breast; and Para fuyr mas malo, you had best in time relate to mee the trueth.
A tyrannical constrayned Oath.
Whereat I saying no, as truth acquired, he went back, resolving them of my stiffe denyall, and they therewith incensed, I was invited to their former presence, and maine accusations ensuing. First the Governour made me sweare and hold up my hand, that I should tell the particular trueth of every thing hee was to demand of mee; which indeed I did according to my knowledge.
Then he inquired if the English Generall, was a Duke, or great Signior, and what could be the reason, that he refused to come a shoare there; for that was the first impression of their false conceived jealousie. Next; he asked mee, if I knew his name, and the other Captaines and what their names were? and what their intention was? or if I had knowne of their comming abroad, or preparation for it, before my departure from England.
[X. 452.]
The Scrivan writing downe meanewhile every word he spoke and what I answered: well; to all the former particulars giving condigne satisfaction, and to the last, denying that I knew of the forth comming of the fleet, they all foure gave a shout in the contrary. Whereupon the Governour swearing, cursed and said, thou leyest like a Villane, thou art a spy and a traytor, and camest directly from England of purpose to Spaine; and hath beene lying nine moneths in Sivilia, getting sure intelligence, when the Spanish Navy was looked for from the Indies; and that thou expressely heere, came to meete with the English Armado, (knowing of their dyet) to give them credible knowledge thereof: And that by thy information, they might the more readily compasse their endes, and thus thy treachery and subtilty, hath beene imployed.
The English acquaintaynce, my greatest hinderance.
Whereat I being astonished, and seriously answering for the intention of the English Fleete, and my owne innocency concerning them: He threatning sayd, I was seene familiar a Boord and a shoare, with the whole Captaines, and knowne to be of their speciall acquaintance: besides three hundred other Gentle-men, and Mariners with whom, and they with thee, were so inward, that it far exceeded the kindnes of accidentall meeting.
All this we saw, and hourely remarked (sayd hee) and thou art newly come from the Generall, when thou wast taken, where consulting with their Counsell of Warre this morning, (concerning what they assigned thee to accomplish) thou hast delivered thy opinion, and the expectation of Sivilia, touching the returne of his Majesties Armado di Plato; and therefore thou art a Spiono, a Traytor, and a scelerate Velacco: for wee are not ignorant (sayd he) of the burning of St. Thome in the West Indies; for there and then, wee had a certaine evidence of the English infidelity, and treacherous exploytes in time of Peace: Wherefore these Lutheranes and Sonnes of the Divell, ought not from us good Catholickes to receive no credit.
[X. 453.]
Whereupon I besought him, to send for some sufficient English Factors, there sojourning, who would testifie the contrary in my behalfe, their Countrey, and their Fleete, but that he would not, for my being discovered. At last seeing his damnable opinion, and to cleare my selfe of such false imputations: I requested him to send a Sergeant to my Posado or Lodging for my Clogbag, where hee should see a more evident Testimony of my carriage and honest purpose, and thereupon the approbation of my Prince.
His Majesties Letters and Seales misregarded.
This demaund liked him well, thinking thereby to finde out all the secrets and practises of my Negotiation with the English Fleete: Whereupon forthwith, and with close Circumspection he had it brought unto him, my hostage House not knowing where I was. The Clogbag I opened my selfe, and showing him his Majesties Letters in parchment, and under his Hand and Seale, dated at Theobals 1619. July 17. and compiled and wrot by M. Thomas Red, then Secretary for the Latine Tongue, done in my behalfe, and my intended Resolution for Æthiopia, the Kings safe Conduct he mis-regarded, giving it neyther Respect nor trust.
After which, I show’d him divers Patents, Seales, and the great Seale of Jerusalem, Pasports, and my Booke of Armes, called Liber amicorum, wherein, I had the hand-writs, and Armes of sundry Kings, Dukes, Princes, Vice-Royes, Marquesses, Earles, Lords, and Governors, &c. done in Prose and Verse, in Greeke, Latine, or their maternall tongues, being as propitious pledges of their favour, in commendation of me, and of my Travailes.
[X. 454.]
But all these would not satisfie him, nay, rather confirming a greater jealousie of his former suspition: whereupon misconstruing all, they seased absolutely upon my Clog-bag, viewing, and detayning all I had at their pleasure; including me the third time. This done, and within night, beeing Represented againe, the Governour commaunded me to subscribe my Confession, which I voluntarily obeyed; though they still urged me further and further to confesse. Meanewhile these foure Complices consulting about my Imprisonment, the Alcalde or chiefe Justice would have had me along with him to the Town Jayle, but the Corrigidor refused saying, Para non star visto con sus Pesanos: That hee may not bee seene by his Country-men, it behoveth me to have a care of his concealement: and I warrant you (sayd he) I shal lodge him well enough.
An injust robbery by unjust Judges.
Upon the knowledge of this, that I was secretly to be incarcerate in the Governours Palace, entred the M. Sergeant, and begged my mony, and Lycence to search it: and liberty granted hee found in my pockets eleaven Philippoes or Ducatons; and then uncloathing me before their eyes, even to my shirt, and searching my breeches, he found in my Doublet necke, fast shut betweene two Canvesses, 137. double peeces of gold. Whereat the Corrigidor arose and counting my gold, being 548. duccats, he sayd to the Sergeant, cloath him againe, and inclose him there in the Cabinet till after Supper. Meanewhile the Sergeant got the 11. duccatons of Silver; and my gold, which was to take me for Æthiopia, the Governour seased upon; giving afterwards 200. Crownes of it to supply the new layd Foundation of a Capuschine Monastery there, reserving the rest (being 348. duccats) for his owne avaricious ends.
[X. 455.]
And here is the embleme of my misery.
[X. 456.]
This done, and mid-night come, the Sergeant and two Turkish slaves releasing mee from the inferiour Roome, brought mee through certayne ascending passages, to a chamber, in a sequestrate side of the Palace, toward the Garden, and right above his Summer Kitchen: Where there, and then, the Sergeants, and the two slaves, thrust on every ancle an heavy bolt, my legs being put to the full stride, by a mayne gad of iron far above a yard long, upon the endes of which the two bolts depended, that were fastned about my legs. Insomuch, that I could never sit up, nor walke, nor stand, nor turne me; but lay continually on my backe, the irons being thrice heavier then my body.
A miserable & helplesse Lamentation.
Whereupon beholding my inevitable misery, and such monster-made irons my sighing soule deplored thus: Alas Sergeant, and you two Slaves, remarke in me the just Judgements of God; and loe how the Heavens have reducted me to this meritorious reward, and truely deserved; for I have dearely and truly bought it; that I whose legges and feete the whole Universe could scarcely contayne, now these bolts and irons keepe them fast, in a body length, of a stone-paved Floore. O foolish pride, O suppressing ambition! and vaporous curiosity! woe worth the fury of your aspiring vanities; you have taken mee over the face of the earth, and now left me in a Dungeon hole: My soule, O my soule is leager unto this Proverbe, Man proposeth, and God disposeth: O happy had I beene, thrice happy in a Shepheards life.
Thus, and more lamenting the destiny of nature, they left mee with solacious words, and straight returned againe with Victuals; being a pound of boyl’d Mutton, a wheat bread, and a small Pint of Wine: which was the first, the best, and the last of this kinde, that ever I got in that woefull Mansion. The Sergeant leaving me (never seeing him more, till a more unwelcomed sight) hee directed the Slaves, that after I had contented my discontented appetite, they should locke the doore, and carry the keyes to Areta, a Spaniard and keeper of the silver plate.
[X. 457.]
A little while after he was gone, the other Drudge left me also, who was newly turned Christian: where being alone with Hazier the naturall Turke, who was to attend me, feede me, and keepe me, lying nightly a constrayned Centinell, without the doore of my imprisonment; hee demanded me for what cause I was committed, and what malefact I was guilty of? to whom I answered, onely for a naked suspition, mistaking the honorable intention of the English Armado, I am as a spy apprehended, and falsely accused.
The mourning of Hazier a Turkish slave.
Whereupon the silly Slave falling downe on his knees, held up his hands, crying, Hermano, Hermano, es muy grand menester, par a tomar pacenza, &c. Brother, Brother, it is much needfull for you to take all in patience, for it is impossible now you can escape, some fearefull tryall, and thereupon a horrible punishment even unto death; and alasse to relieve you, if I durst, (as I dare not under death) to discover you to your Countrey-men, I would doe it upon my knees, and leaving me with a weeping good night, he made fast the doore, and transported the keyes, as he was directed.
The day following the Governour entered my Prison alone, intreating me to confesse that I was a spy, and he would be my friend, and procure my pardon, neither should I lacke (interim) any needfull thing: But I still attesting my innocency, hee wrathfully swore I should see his face no more, till grievous torments should make me doe it; and leaving mee in a rage, he observed too well his condition.
[X. 458.]
But withall in my audience, he commanded Areta, that none should come neare mee except the slave, nor no food should be given mee but three ounces of moosted browne bread, every second day, and a Fuleto or English Pint of water, neither any bed, pillow, or coverlet to be allowed mee: And close up sayd he, this window in his roome, with lyme and stone, stop the holes of the doore with double Matts, hanging another locking to it; and to withdraw all visible and sensible comfort from him, let no tongue, nor feet be heard neare him, till I have my designes accomplished: And thou Hazier I charge thee, at thy incommings to have no conference with him, nor at thy out-goings abroad to discover him to the English Factors, as thou wilt answer upon thy life, and the highest torments can be devised.
These directions delivered, and alas too accessary to me in the performance: my roome was made a darke-drawne Dungeon, my belly the anatomy of mercilesse hunger, my comfortlesse hearing, the receptacle of sounding Bells, my eye wanting light, a loathsome languishing in despaire, and my ground lying body, the woefull mirrour of misfortunes: every houre wishing anothers comming, every day the night, and every night the morning.
A speedy expedition for a mercilesse mischeife.
[X. 459.]
And now being every second or third day attended with the twinckling of an eye, and my sustenance agreeable to my attendance, my body grew exceeding debile and infirme; insomuch that the Governour (after his answers receaved from Madrile) made haste to put in execution, his bloody and mercilesse purpose before Christmas Holy-dayes: least ere the expiring of the twelfth day, I should be utterly famished, and unable to undergoe my tryall, without present perishing, yet unknowne to me, save onely in this knowledge, that I was confident to dye a fearefull and unacquainted death: for it is a current custome with the Spaniard, that if a stranger be apprehended upon any suspicion, he is never brought to open tryall, and common Jayle, but clapd up in a Dungeon, and there tortured, impoysoned, or starved to death: Such meritorious deeds, accompany these onely titular Christians: for the Spaniard accounteth it more to be called a Christian, than either to beleeve what hee professeth, or to conforme him selfe to the life of Christianity: yea, I sparingly avouch it, hee is the worst and baddest creature of the Christian name; having no more Religion (and lesse respective to devotion) than an externall presumptuous show; which perfiteth this ancient Proverbe, The Spaniard; est bonus Catholicus, sed malus Christianus.
In end, by Gods permission, the scourge of my fiery tryall approaching; upon the forty seventh day after my first imprisonment, and five dayes before Christmas; about two a clocke in the morning, I heard the noyse of a Coach in the fore-street, marvelling much what it might meane.
My transportation from prison to the fields to be racked.
Within a pretty while I heard the locks of my Prison-doore in opening; whereupon bequeathing my soule to God, I humbly implored his gracious mercie and pardon for my sinnes: for neither in the former night nor this, could I get any sleepe, such was the force of gnawing hunger, and the portending heavinesse of my presaging soule.
Meanewhile the former nine Sergeants, accompanied with the Scrivan, entered the roome without word speaking, and carrying mee thence, with irons and all, on their armes through the house, to the street, they layd mee on my backe in the Coach: where two of them sat up beside mee, (the rest using great silence) went softly along by the Coach side.
[X. 460.]
Then Baptista the Coach-man, an Indian Negro droving out at the Sea-gate, the way of the shoare-side, I was brought Westward almost a league from the Towne, to a Vine-presse house, standing alone amongst Vineyards, where they inclosed mee in a roome till day light, for hither was the Racke brought the night before, and privately placed in the ende of a Trance.
And all this secresie was used, that neyther English, French, or Flemings, should see or get any knowledge of my Tryall, my grievous Tortures, and dreadfull dispatch, because of their treacherous and cruel proceedings.
A stranger ought not to be accused with strangers without an Interpreter.
At the breach of day the Governour, Don Francesco, and the Alcalde, came foorth in another Coach: where when arrived, and I invited to their presence, I pleaded for a Trench man, being against their Law, to accuse or condemne a Stranger, without a sufficient Interpreter. The which they absolutely refused, neyther would they suffer or grant mee an Appellation to Madrid.
And now after long and new Examinations, from morning to darke night, they finding my first and second Confession so runne in one, that the Governour swore, I had learned the Arte of Memory: Saying further, is it possible hee can in such distresse, and so long a time, observe so strictly in every manner the poynts of his first Confession, and I so often shifting him too and fro.
Well, the Governours interrogation and my Confession being mutually subscribed: He and Don Francesco besought me earnestly to acknowledge and confesse my guiltinesse in time: if not, he would deliver me in the Alcaldes hands there present: Saying moreover, thou art as yet in my power, and I may spare or pardon thee; providing thou wilt confesse thy selfe a Spie, and a Traytour against our Nation.
[X. 461.]
But finding mee stand fast to the marke of my spotlesse innocency, he, invective, and malicious hee, after many tremenduous threatnings, commanded the Scrivan to draw up a Warrant for the chiefe Justice: And done, he set his hand to it, and taking me by the hand, delivered me and the Warrant in the Alcalde Majors hands, to cause mee bee Tortured, broken, and cruelly Tormented.
A mercilesse hurt, before they begun to Racke mee.
Whence being carried along on the Sergeants armes, to the end of a Trance or stone Gallery, where the Pottaro or Racke was placed: The Encarnador or Tormentor, begunne to disburden me of my irons, which beeing very hard inbolted he could not Ram-verse the Wedges for a long time: Whereat the Chiefe Justice being offended, the malicious Villaine with the Hammer which he had in his hand, stroake away above an inch of my left heele with the Bolt. Whereupon I grievously groaning, beeing exceeding faint, and without my three ounces of bread, and a little Water for three dayes together: The Alcalde sayd, O Traytor all this is nothing, but the earnest of a greater bargaine you have in hand.
Now the irons being dissolved, and my Torments approaching, I fell prostrate on my knees, crying to the Heavens:
O Great and Gracious GOD, it is truely knowne to thy all-seeing Eye, that I am innocent of these false and fearefull accusations, and since therefore it is thy Good will and pleasure, that I must suffer now by the scelerate hands of mercilesse men: Lord furnish mee, with Courage, Strength, and Patience least by an impatient Minde, and feebling Spirit, I become my owne Murtherer, in Confessing my selfe guilty of Death, to shunne present punishment. And according to the Multitude of thy Mercies, O Lord, bee mercifull to my sinfull soule, and that for Jesus thy Sonne and my Redeemer his sake.
[x. 462.]
After this, the Alcalde, and Scrivan, being both chaire-set, the one to examine, the other to write downe my Confession and Tortures: I was by the Executioner stripped to the skin, brought to the Racke, and then mounted by him on the top of it: Where eftsoones I was hung by the bare shoulders, with two small Cords, which went under both mine armes, running on two Rings of iron that were fixed in the Wall above my head.
The hammes and lids of my knees were both broken.
Thus being hoysed, to the appoynted height, the Tormentor discended below, and drawing downe my Legs, through the two sides of the three-planked Racke, hee tyed a Cord about each of my ancles: And then ascending upon the Racke, hee drew the Cords upward, and bending forward with maine force, my two knees, against the two plankes; the sinewes of my hammes burst a sunder, and the lids of my knees beeing crushed, and the Cords made fast, I hung so demayned, for a large houre.
[X. 453.]
At last the Encarnador, informing the Governor, that I had the marke of Jerusalem on my right arme, joyned with the name and Crowne of King James, and done upon the Holy Grave. The Corrigidor came out of his adjoyning stance, and gave direction, to teare a sunder, the name, and Crowne (as hee sayd) of that Hereticke King, and arch-enemy to the Holy Catholicke Church: Then the Tormentor, laying the right arme above the left, and the Crowne upmost, did cast a Cord over both armes, seaven distant times: And then lying downe upon his backe, and setting both his feete on my hollow-pinched belly, he charged; and drew violently with his hands, making my Wombe support the force of his feete, till the seaven severall Cords combind in one place of my arme, (and cutting the Crowne, sinewes, and flesh to the bare bones) did pull in my fingers close to the palme of my hands: the left hand of which is Lame so still, and will be for ever.
O cruell and inhumane murder.
Now mine eyes begun to startle, my mouth to foame and froath, and my teeth to chatter like to the doubling of Drummers stickes. O strange inhumanity of Men-monster Manglers! surpassing the limits of their nationall Law; three score Tortures beeing the tryall of Treason, which I had, and was to indure: yet thus to inflict a seaven-fold surplussage of more intolerable cruelties: And notwithstanding of my shivering lippes, in this fiery passion, my vehement groaning, and blood-springing fonts, from armes, broake sinewes, hammes, and knees; yea, and my depending weight on flesh-cutting Cords; yet they stroke mee on the face with Cudgels, to abate and cease the thundring noyse of my wrestling voyce.
At last being loosed from these Pinnacles of paine, I was hand-fast set on the floore, with this their incessant imploration: Confesse, confesse, confesse in time, for thine inevitable torments ensue: where finding nothing from me, but still innocent, O I am innocent, O Jesus! the Lambe of God have mercy upon mee, and strengthen mee with patience, to undergoe this barbarous murder.
Here begun my mayne tortures.
Then by command of the Justice, was my trembling body layd above, and along upon the face of the Racke, with my head downe-ward, inclosed within a circled hole, my belly upmost, and my heeles upward toward the top of the Racke: my legs and armes being drawne a sunder, were fastned with pinnes and Cords, to both sides of the outward plankes; for now was I to receive my maine torments.
[X. 464.]
Loe here is the manner how I was mainly Racked.
[X. 465.]
Now what a Pottaro or Racke is (for it stood by the wall declining downe-ward) it is made of three plankes of Timber, the upmost end whereof is larger then a ful stride; the lower end being narrow, and the three planks joyning together, are made conformable to a Mans shoulders: in the downe-most end of the middle planke there was a hole, wherein my head was layd: in length it is longer than a man, being interlaced with small cords from planke to planke, which divided my supported thighes from the middle plank: Through the sides of which exteriour planks there were three distant holes in every one of them; the use wherefore you shall presently heare.
The manner how my body was first fastned to the Racke before my tortures were inflicted.
Now the Alcalde giving commission, the executioner layd first a cord over the calfe of my leg, then another on the middle of my thigh, and the third cord over the great of my arme; which was severally done, on both sides of my body receaving the ends of the cords, from these sixe severall places through the holes made in the outward planks, which were fastned to pinnes, and the pinnes made fast with a device: for he was to charge on the out side of the planks, with as many pinnes, as there were holes and cords; the cords being first laid meet to my skin: And on every one of these sixe parts of my body, I was to receave seven severall tortures: each torture consisting of three winding throwes, of every pinne; which amounted to twenty one throwes, in every one of these sixe parts.
Then the Tormentor having charged the first passage about my body (making fast by a device each torture as they were multiplied) he went to an earthen Jarre standing full of water, a little beneath my head: from whence carrying a pot full of water; in the bottome whereof, there was an incised hole, which being stopd by his thumb, till it came to my mouth, hee did powre it in my bellie; the measure being a Spanish Sombre, which is an English Potle: The first and second services I gladly receaved, such was the scorching drouth of my tormenting payne, and likewise I had drunke none for three dayes before.
[X. 466.]
But afterward, at the third charge, perceiving these measures of water to be inflicted upon me as tortures, O strangling tortures! I closed my lips, gaine-standing that eager crudelity.
A cruelty beyond cruelties.
Whereat the Alcalde inraging, set my teeth asunder with a payre of iron cadges, detayning them there, at every severall turne, both mainely and manually; whereupon my hunger-clungd bellie waxing great, grew Drum-like imbolstered: for it being a suffocating payne, in regard of my head hanging downeward, and the water reingorging it selfe in my throat with a strugling force; it strangled and swallowed up my breath from youling and groaning.
And now to prevent my renewing griefe (for presently my heart fayleth and forsaketh me) I will onely briefly avouch, that betweene each one of these seven circular charges, I was aye reexamined, each examination continuing halfe an houre; each halfe houre a hell of infernall paine, and betweene each torment, a long distance of life quelling time.
A hellish and insupportable payne.
Thus lay I sixe houres upon the Racke, betweene foure a clocke afternoone, and ten a clocke at night, having had inflicted upon me three score seven torments: Neverthelesse they continued me a large halfe houre (after all my tortures) at the full bending; where my body being all begored with blood, and cut through in every part, to the crushed and bruised bones, I pittifully remayned, stil roaring, howling, foaming, bellowing, and gnashing my teeth, with insupportable cryes, before the pinnes were undone, and my body loosed.
True it is, it passeth the capacity of man, either sensibly to conceave, or I patiently to expresse the intollerable anxiety of mind, and affliction of body in that dreadfull time I sustayned.
[X. 467.]
At last my head being by their armes advanced, and my body taken from the Rack, the water regushed abundantly from my mouth; then they recloathing my broken, bloody, and cold trembling body, being all this time starke naked, I fell twice in a sounding trance: which they againe refreshed with a little Wine, and two warme Egges, not for charity done, but that I should be reserved to further punishment; and if it were not too truely knowne these sufferings to be of trueth, it would almost seeme incredible to many, that a man being brought so low, with starving hunger, and extreame cruelties, could have subsisted any longer reserving life.
A lamentable remembrance of inhumane cruelty.
And now at last they charged my broken legs, with my former eye-frighting irons, and done, I was lamentably carryed on their armes to the Coach, being after mid-night, and secretly transported to my former Dungeon without any knowledge of the Towne, save onely these my lawlesse, and mercilesse Tormentors: where, when come, I was layd with my head and my heeles alike high, on my former stones.
A dreadfull affrighting for more tortures.
The latter end of this woefull night poore mourning Hazier the Turke, was set to keepe me, and on the morrow, the Governour entred my roome threatning me still with moe tortures to confesse, and so caused he every morning long before day, his Coach to be rumbled at his gate, and about me where I lay, a great noyse of tongues, and opening of doores: and all this they did of purpose to affright and distract me, and to make me beleeve I was going to be rackt againe, to make me confesse an untrueth; still thus they continued every day of five dayes till Christmas.
[X. 468.]
Upon Christmas day Mariana the Ladies Gentlewoman got permission to visit me, and with her licence, she brought abundance of teares presenting me also with a dish of Honey and Sugar, some confections, and Rasins in a great plenty to my no small comfort, besides using many sweet speeches for consolations sake.
Alas too good newes not to have been true.
Shee gone, and the next morning of Saint Johns day come, long ere day the Towne was in Armes, the Bells ringing backward, the people shouting, and Drummes beating; whereat my soule was over-joyed, thinking that the Moores had seazed upon all: And in the after noone the Turke comming to me with bread and water, being by chance the second day, I asked him what the fray was? who replyed, be of good courage, I hope in God and Mahomet, that you and I ere long shall be set at liberty; for your Countrey-men, the English Armado, and mine the Moores, are joyned together, and comming to sacke Malaga: And this morning Post came from Allagant to premonish the Governour thereof; whereupon he and the Towne have instantly pulled downe, all the Cowper shops, and dwelling houses that were builded without by the shoare side, adjoyning to the Townes Wall: But yet sayd he it is no matter, the Towne may easily be surprised, and I hope we shall be merry in Algier, for there is above a hundred sayle seene comming hither; and therewith kissing my cheeke, hee kindly left mee.
Indeed, as for such newes from Allagant; the detriment of twenty eight houses, the shoare-planted Cannon, the suspicion they had of the English, and the Towne foure dayes in Armes were all true, save onely the confederacy of the English with the Moores, that was false.
[X. 469.]
Witnesse Sir Richard Halkins, and the Captaines of his Squader, who a little after Christmas, comming to the Road, went to the Governour to cleere himselfe, and the Fleete of that absurd imputation layde to their charge. The twelfth day of Christmasse expired, they beganne to threaten me on still with moe Tortures, even till Candlemasse: In all which comfortlesse time, I was miserably afflicted with the beastly plague of gnawing Vermin, which lay crawling in lumps, within, without, and about my body: yea, hanging in clusters about my beard, my lips, my nostriles, and my eye-browes, almost inclosing my sight.
No payne so grievous, as a lame man to be still tormented with gnawing vermine.
And for a greater satisfaction to their mercilesse mindes, the Governour caused Areta, his silver plate keeper, to gather and swipe the Vermine upon me twice in eight dayes, which tormented me to the death, beeing a perpetuall punishment; for mine armes being broake, my hands lucken and sticking fast to the palmes of both hands, by reason of the shrunke sinewes; I was unable to lift mine armes, or stir my fingers, much-lesse to avoyde the filthy Vermine: neyther could my legges and feete performe it beeing impotent in all. Yet I acknowledge the poore Infidell, some few times, and when opportunity served, would steale the keyes from Areta, and about mid-night would enter my Roome, with stickes and burning oyle, and sweeping them together in heapes, would burne the greatest part, to my great Releafe; or doubtlesse I had beene miserably eaten up, and devoured by them.
[X. 470.]
And now some eight dayes before Candlemasse, the slave informed me that an English Seminary Priest, borne in London, and belonging to the Bishops Colledge of Malaga; and a Scottish Cowper, named Alexander Ley, borne in Dunbar, and there married; were in Translating all my Bookes and Observations out of English, in the Spanish tongue, bringing every other day numbers of wrot Papers to the Governour, and for their paines had thirty duccats allowed, and that they were saying, I was an Arch-Hereticke to the Pope and the Virgin Mary.
Having redounded him concealed thankes, I was assured of their bloody Inquisition, preparing my selfe in God, with Faith, and Patience to Receive and gane-stand it: for my spirituall Resolution, was surely founded, being sightlesse of company, and humane faces, I had intirely the light of my Soule celebrate to God Almighty.
A politick enquiry of a damnable inquisition.
And hereupon the second day after Candlemas, the Governour, the Inquisitor a Canonicall Priest, entered my Dungeon, accompanied with two Jesuites, one of which was Predicator, and Superiour of the Tiatinean Colledge of Malaga: Where being Chaire set, Candle-lighted, and doore locked; the Inquisitor after diverse frivolous questions, demaunded me if I was a Romane Catholicke, and acknowledged the Popes Supremacy. To whom I answered, I was neyther the one, nor did the other. And what power (sayd I,) have you to challenge me of my Religion, since it is a chiefe Article, of the former concluded peace, that none of our Kings subjects should be troubled by your Inquisition; but as you have murdered me for alledged Treason; so you meane to Martyre me for Religion.
[X. 471.]
And you Governour, as you have Tortured and hunger-starved this helplesse body, consumed with cold and vermine to the last of my life; the Almighty God who revealeth the secrets of all things (although I bee never relieved) will certainely discover it, to my Countrey and to the World. And is this the best of your good deeds? you repay to our mercifull King, who then being onely King of Scotland, in the time of your just over-throw of Eighty Eight, gave secourse to thousands of your Shipwracked people for many moneths; and in the end, caused transport them safely to their desired Ports. Leaving to the Worlds memory an eternall stampe of Christian Bounty, Mercy, and royall Charity, and your acquittance to him, is an imputation of Treachery to his Fleete, detayning and mis-regarding his Letters and Seales, and now imposing to a tormented Innocent, your lawlesse Inquisition.
To which the Governour answered, all that was true, but it was done more through feare then love, and therefore deserved the lesser thankes; but (interim) wee will follow the utter-most of our ends. And the Jesuite Predicator to confirme his words, sayd, there was no faith to be kept with Heretickes, which directly or indirectly is the sublime policy of Conquerours, which our mighty and invincible Nation evermore taketh notice of and observeth.
A damnable Inquisitor applying false attributs to our blessed Lady.
[X. 472.]
Then the Inquisitor arrising, expressed himselfe thus: Behold the powerfull majesty of Gods mother, Commaunder of her Sonne, equall to the Father, Wife to the Holy Ghost, Queene of Heaven, Protector of Angels, and sole Gubernatrix of the earth, &c. How thou being first taken as a Spye, accused for Treachery, and innocently Tortured (as we acknowledge we were better informed lately from Madrile of the English intention) yet it was her power, her Divine power, which brought these judgements upon thee; in that thou hast wrot calumniously against her blessed miracles of Loretta: and against his Holinesse, the great Agent, and Christs Viccar on earth: Therefore thou hast justly fallen into our hands, by her speciall appointment; thy Bookes and papers, are miraculously Translated by her speciall providence with thy owne Countrey-men: wherefore thou maist clearely see, the impenetrable Misteries of our glorious Lady in punishing her offenders: and for a humble satisfaction, Repent thee of thy wickednesse, and be converted to the Holy mother Church. And after many such like exhortations of all the foure, the Inquisitor assigned me eight dayes for my Conversion: Saying, that hee, and the Tiatines would twice a day visite mee in that time, intreating me to be advised againe the next morning, of these doubts and difficulties that withstood my Conscience.
A Sicophaniticall Oration from a jugling Jebusite.
Then in leaving mee, the Jesuite Predicator making a a Crosse upon my crossed breast, sayd, My sonne, beholde you deserve to be burnt quicke, but by the grace of our Lady of Loretta, whom you have blasphemed, wee will both save your Soule and Body: Spewing forth also this Fæminine Latine; Nam mansueta et misericordiosa est Ecclesia, O Ecclesia Romana! extra quem non est salus: They gone and I alone, all this night, was I instant with my God, imploring his Grace, to Rectifie my thoughts, illuminate my understanding, confirme my confidence, beatifie my memory, to sanctifie my knowledge, to expell the servile feare of Death, and to save my soule, from the intangling corruption of any private ends, illusions, or mundane Respects whatsoever.
[X. 473.]
The next morning, the three Ecclesiastickes returned, and being placed with Chaires and Candles, the Inquisitor made interrogation, of what difficulties, errors, or mis-beliefe I had. To whom ingenuously I answered I had none, neyther any difficulty, errour, nor mis-beliefe; but was confident in the promises of Jesus Christ, and assuredly believed his Revealed will in the Gospell, professed in the Reformed Catholicke Church; which being confirmed by Grace, I had the infallible assurance in my Soule, of the true Christian Faith.
The fury of a mad inquisitor to have almost slain me.
To these words, he answered, thou art no Christian, but an absurd Hereticke, and without Conversion, a member of perdition. Whereupon I replied, Reverend Sir, the nature of Charity and Religion, doe not consist in opprobious speeches; wherefore if you would convert me (as you say) convince mee by Argument: if not, all your threatenings of fire, Death, nor Torments, shall make me shrinke from the truth of Gods Word in Sacred Scriptures. Whereupon the mad Inquisitor clapd mee on the face with his foote, abusing me with many Raylings, and if the jesuites had not intercepted him, he had stobbed me with a knife; where, when dismissed, I never saw him more.
The third day insuing (and having broake their promise) the two Jesuites returned, and after a frowning silence, the Superiour asked me of my Resolution: I told him I was Resolved already, unlesse hee could show me good Reasons in the contrary. Whereupon having past with me some few superficial Arguments of their seaven Sacraments, Intercession, Transubstantiation, Images, Purgatory, Miracles, Merit, &c. he begun to brag of their Church her Antiquity, Universality, and Uniformity. Auncient no (sayd I) for the Profession of my Faith, hath beene ever since the first time of the Apostles; And Christ had ever his owne Church (howsoever obscure) in the greatest time of your darknesse.
[X. 474.]
So Rome foure hundred yeares and upward, was the true Church; but afterward falling in apostacy by meanes of her corrupt leaders, wee have left her in nothing, but what shee hath left her former selfe. Universall no; although shee assumeth a Catholicke name, was not the Church in the East, a greater Church than yours in the West for hundreds of yeares, and I pray you what are now the Orientall Churches in Asia, (besides the Greeks) and the Æthiopian Affricans that doe not so much as know, or heare of your Pope, far lesse his profession.
The Romish Church falls short of true antiquity, universality, and uniformity.
With no small adoe, Boniface the third, obtained of Phocas the Emperour to be called universall Bishop: which was asisted afterward by Puppin the French King, and ratified by Paleologus, the father of Constantine who lost Constantinople: And what long contraversies about this new power, was betweene your Popes, and the counsells of Carthage, Calcedon, Ephesus, Alexandria, and Nice. Uniformable no; some of your Priests give the Sacrament onely in Bread, for reall flesh and blood, some in Wine without Bread, and some in both.
The Bavarians in their owne language sing the Psalmes in prose at their Masses, and not else where done: The second Commandement goeth current amongst some of your Catholicks in France, yet not in Bretagne, nor Provance; so doth it in Austria and Bavaria, but not in Italy and Spaine.
It is most evident, what your former Popes have confirmed, the succeeding Popes have disanulled, and dayly doe, as their present lives, and your auncient Histories beare a true record.
[X. 475.]
And was there not at one time, three Popes in three severall places? and oftentimes two at once: One professing one Heresie, and another Atheisme: What mutinies and malice, are dayly among your Monasteries, each envying anothers priviledge, anothers preferment, anothers wealth: And your order (father) by all the other Monasticks, is hated and vilipended to death; besides diversities of Doctrine, betweene your professors and the Dominicans: and hundreds of like disunities you have both in ceremony and order which now I suspend: So I pray you (father) where your uniformity, much lesse your universality, and worst of all your antiquity.
The Jesuits last allurements for my conversion to their sect.
Having thus concluded, the fiery fac’d Jesuits, with boisterous menacings left mee; and the eight day thereafter, being the last day of their Inquisition, they returned againe, in a more milder disposition: where after divers arguments on both sides, the two Jesuits with teares distilling from their eyes, solidly protested, they were sorry from their heart, for that terrible death I was to undergo, and above all the loosing of my soule: And falling downe on their knees, cryed, convert, convert, O deare brother! for our blessed Ladies sake convert: To whom I replyed, that neither death nor fire I feared; for I was resolved for both, yet thinking my selfe unworthy to suffer for Christ and the Gospells sake, considering my vildnesse and my owne unworthinesse: yet the Spirit of God assureth my faith, it is his divine pleasure it should be so that I must suffer. Wherefore if I should divert, trust mee not, for I would but dissemble with you (through feare, flattery, or force) to shunne present death.
[X. 476.]
Whereupon they called the Governour, and after their privy consulting, hee thus spoke; Deare brother, my greatest desire is, to have thee a good Christian, a Romane Catholick, to which if thy conscience will yeeld, I will shew thee as great courtesie, as thou hast receaved cruelty: for pitty it were, that such an invincible spirit, and endued with so many good parts, should perish in both worlds for ever. Plucke up thy heart, and let the love of our blessed Lady enter in thy soule: Let not thy former sufferings dismay thee, (for thy sores being yet greene and curable) I shall transport thee to a fine Chamber, and there thou shalst have all needfull things for the recovery of thy health and strength. Thy money and Patents shall be refounded, but thy hereticall Bookes are already burned: And lastly sayd he, I will send thee with my owne Servant to Court, Counsel, and King, with letters from the holy Inquisition, and from mee, faithfully promising thou shalt enjoy a Pension of three hundred Duccats a yeare.
A condemnatory sentence to death by the Inquisition.
[X. 477.]
But having satisfied his bewitching policy with a Christian constancy; they all three left mee in a thundering rage; vowing, I should that night have the first seale of my long sorrowes: And directing their course to the Bishop and Inquisitor (for the Governour had wrested the Inquisition upon mee, to free him of his former aspersion layd upon the English Fleet, and my tryall therefore, converting it all to matters of Religion) the Inquisition (I say) sat forthwith, where first I was condemned to receave that night eleven strangling torments in my Dungeon: and then after Easter Holy dayes, I should be transported privatly to Grenada, and there about mid-night to be burnt body and bones into ashes, and my ashes to be flung into the ayre: Well, that same night the Scrivan, Sergeants, and the young English Priest entered my melancholly staunce: where the Priest in the English tongue urging mee all that he could (though little it was hee could doe) and unprevailing, I was disburdened of mine irones, unclothed to my skin, set on my knees and held up fast with their hands: where instantly setting my teeth asunder with iron Cadges, they filled my belly full of water, even gorgeing to my throat: Then with a garter they bound fast my throat, till the white of mine eye turned upward; and being laid on my side, I was by two Sergeants tumbled to and fro seven times through the roome; even till I was almost strangled: This done, they fastned a small cord about each one of my great toes, and hoysing me therewith to the roofe of a high loft (for the cords runne on two rings of iron fastned above) they cut the garter, and there I hung, with my head downward, in my tormented weight, till all the gushing water dissolved: This done, I was let downe from the loft, quite senslesse, lying a long time cold dead among their hands: whereof the Governour being informed, came running up stayres, crying, Is he dead, O fie villanes goe fetch me Wine, which they powred in my mouth, regayning thereby a slender sparke of breath.
A Turkish slaves charity in the bowels of compassion.
These strangling torments ended, and I reclothed, and fast bolted againe they left mee lying on the cold floore praysing my God, and singing of a Psalme. The next morning the pittifull Turke visiting mee with bread and water, brought me also secretly in his shirt sleeve, two handfull of Rasins and figges, laying them on the floore amongst the crawling vermine, for having no use of armes nor hands, I was constrayned by hunger and impotency of time, to licke one up with another with my tongue: This charity of figs the slave did once every weeke or fortnight, or else I had long or then famished.
After which sorrowfull distresse, and inhumane usage, the eye-melting Turke taking displeasure, fell five dayes sicke, and bedfast: but the house Spaniards understanding his disease made him beleeve I was a Divell, a Sorcerer, a Nigromancer, and a blasphemous miscreant, against their Pope, their Lady, and their Church; giving him such a distast, that for thirty dayes, he never durst looke me in the face, being affraid of witchcraft.
[X. 478.]
The deceitfulness of female inconstancies.
All this time of his absence, one Ellinor the Cooke, an Indian Negro woman, attended mee, for she being a Christian drudge, had more liberty to visit mee, than the slavish Infidell: who certainly (under God) prolonged then my languishing life, conveighing me for foure weekes space, once a day some lesse or more nourishment, and in her pocket a bottle glasse of Wine. Being no wayes semblable to the soule betraying teares of her Crocodilean sex which the Spanish Proverbe prettily avoucheth: las mugeres, engannan a los hombres, dellas lastimandoles, con sus lagrimas fingidas; dellas hallagandoles, con Palabras lesongeras: to wit, Women deceave men, some of them, grieving them with their fayned teares, and other fawning on them with flattering words. But;
[X. 479.]
Kind Ellenor though blacke by nature borne,
Made bounty (not her beauty) to adorne
Her new chang’d Pagan life (though vail’d by night
Of Romish shades) to shine on mee more bright,
Then Sun scorched Æthiope beames; Art-glancing spangles:
Or that Ægyptian Bird, mans sight intangles
With rarest colours: for her loving sight
Though black as pitch, gave me transparent light:
Food, and stolne-food, though little, yet enough;
(The finer soile, the ebber tilles the Plough,)
Second with Wine, a mutchkin, thrice a weeke
Pack’d in her pocket, for it might not speeke:
Thus Females have extreames, and two we see,
Eyther too wicked, or too good they be;
For being good no Creature can excell them,
And being bad, no ill can paralell them:
But sure this gift, from course of nature came,
Rais’d up by Heaven to be my nursing Dame;
For she a Savage bred, yet shew more Love
And humane pitty, then desert could moove:
Wherein shee stain’d the Spaniards; they did nought
But what revenge, on slaughter’d sorrow wrought:
Thus, they who turn’d her, went themselves astray,
And shee though ignorant, trac’d the Christian way:
For which great God reward her make her Soule
As white within, as she without is foule;
And if I might, as reason knowes I would
Her love, and praise, my deeds should crowne with gold.
An impatient man in trouble is a triple torture.
Now about the middle of Lent, Hazier, my former Friend, was appoynted to attend me agayne, suspecting Ellenors compassion; but as my miseries were multiplied, my Patience in God was redoubled: For men are rather killed with the impatience they have in adversity, then adversity it selfe: And of all men, that man is most unhappy, to whom God in his troubles hath not given Patience; for as the violent enemy of age is griefe, so is the mindes impatiency, the arch-corruptor of all our troubles: But indeede in the weakenesse of judgement, when men seeme lost by long affliction to themselves, then they are often and ever neerest to God: for who would have thought, that I who had seene so many sects and varieties of Religion, dispersed over the face of the earth, could have stucke fast to any religion at all; Travailers being reputed to be Ubique et omnibus parati. But I will tell thee Christian, it was the grace of God in me, and not mine: For as fire lying hid under ashes, and touch’d will flame; so I seeming to my selfe carelesse of Christianity, then God pricking my Conscience made tryall of my Faith: For Christ forbid, that every Shippe which coasteth the rockey shoare, should leave her ruines there.
[X. 480.]
Gods great mercy in my first discovery by a stranger.
This I speake not for any selfe-prayse, but to glorifie God, and to condemne the rash censures of opinion, and with Phocion, I mistrust my selfe, because of popular applause: Erubuit quasi peccasset quod placuerit: But now to abbreviate a thousand Circumstances of my Lamentable sufferings, which this Volume may not suffer to containe: By Gods great providence, about a fortnight before Easter, Anno 1621. there came a Spanish Cavaliere of Grenada to Malaga, whom the Governour one night invited to Supper, being of old acquaintance: where after Supper to intertayne Discourse, the Governour related and disclosed to the stranger (God working thereby my discovery and deliverance) all the proceedings and causes of my first apprehending, my Confessions, Torments, starvings, their mistaking of the English Fleete, and finally the wresting of the Inquisition upon me, and their Condemnatory Sentence seeming also much to Lament my mis-fortunes, and praysing my Travailes and Deserts.
Now all this while, the Gentlemans servant, a Flandrish Fleming, standing at his Maisters backe, and adhering to all the Governours Relations, was astonished, to heare of a sakelesse Stranger, to have indured, and to indure such damnable Murther and Cruelty. Whereupon, the Discourse ending and mid-night past, the stranger returned to his Lodging; where the Fleming having bedded his Maister, and himselfe also in another Roome, he could not sleepe all that night, and if hee slumbered, still hee thought hee saw a man Torturing, and burning in the fire: which hee confessed to M. Wilds when morning came.
[X. 481.]
Well, he longed for day, and it being come, and hee cloathed, hee quietly left his Lodging, inquiring for an English Factor, and comming to the House of M. Richard Wilds, the chiefe English Consull: Hee told him all what hee heard the Governour tell his Master, but could not tell my name: only Maister Wilds conjectur’d it was I, because of the others report of a Traveller, and of his first and former acquaintance with me there.
These are the English Factors which first wrought my reliefe.
Whereupon the Fleming being dismissed, he straight sent for the other English Factors, Mr. Richard Busbitche, Mr. John Corney, Mr. Hanger, Mr. Stanton, Mr. Cooke, Mr. Rowley, and Mr. Woodson: where advising with them, what was best to be done for my reliefe; they sent letters away immediatly with all post dilligence, to Sir Walter Aston, his Majesties Ambassadour lying at Madrile: Upon which hee mediating with the King and Counsell of Spaine, obtained a strait warrant to command the Governour of Malaga, to deliver mee over in the English hands: which being come, to their great disliking, I was released on Easter-satturday before midnight, and carryed uppon Hazier the slaves backe to Master Busbitches house, where I was carefully attended till day light.
I durst not stay a shoare for feare of the Inquisition.
[X. 482.]
Meanewhile (by great fortune) there being a Squader of his Majesties Ships lying in the Road, Sir Richard Halkins came earely a shoare, accompanied with a strong trayne, and receaved mee from the Merchants: Whence I was carryed on mens armes in a payre of blanquets, to the Vangard his Majesties ship. And three dayes thereafter, I was transported to a ship bound for England, the Fleets victualler, named the goodwill of Harwich; by direction of the Generall Sir Robert Maunsell: where being well placed, and charge given by Sir Richard Halkins to the ships master William Westerdale, for his carefulnes toward the preservation of my life, which then was brought so low & miserable. The foresaid Merchants sent mee from shoare (besides the ships victuals) a sute of Spanish apparrell, twelve Hennes, a barrell of Wine, a basket full of Egges, two Roves of Figges and Rasins, two hundred Orenges and Lemmons, eight pounds of Sugar, a number of excellent good Bread, and two hundred Realls in Silver and Gold; besides two double Pistolls Sir Richard Halkins sent mee as a token of his love.
Religious Sir Richard Halkins my speciall friend.
The kindnesses of whom to bury in oblivion, were in me the very shame of ingratitude, I being then a lost man and hopelesse of life, which argued in them a greater singularitie of kindnesse and compassion. Yet I remember for all my lamenes and distraction, I intreated Sir Richard Halkins to goe a shoare to the Governour, and demand him for my gold, my eight Patents, my Booke of Armes, and his Majesties Letters and Seales; the which he willingly obeyed, (being accompanied with Captaine Cave, and Captaine Raymond) but could obtaine nothing at all, save blandements and leying excuses.
And now on the twelfth day of our lying in the Road, our ship weighing her Anchors, and hoysing her Sailes, wee passed through the straits of Gibelterre, or fretum Herculeum; for this was the furthest Land that Hercules could attayne unto; which made him erect a Pillar, and indent thereon, nil ultra; but when Charles the fift, returned from that untoward voyage of Algier, hee caused to set up in the same place, Plus ultra.
[X. 483.]
Here in this Channell, I remarked a perpetuall current; flowing from the Ocean to the Mediterrene Sea without any regresse: which indeed is admirable the Mediterranean Seas being hembd in, and environed with the mayne Continent of South Europe; the North and North west coasts of Asia, and the Northerne parts of Affricke; save onely the narrow passage of Hellespont, which from Mare Propontis bendeth his course to Mare Euxinum: And yet the Euxine, or blacke Sea, hath no affinity with any other moving waters, being likewise incompassed with the mayne continent: And from it also runneth a continuall current, through Bosphorus Thraicus, to the Mediterraneum.
The strait of Gibelterre five leagues broad.
This narrow Sea on Affricke, or side of Fez, consisteth betweene Cap di Sprat, and the Promontore of Sewty, and upon the coast of Spayne, betweene Cap de Trafolger, and the butting forehead-land of Gibelterre, or Jubile Tauro; the passage being five leagues broad, and nine in length.
And to be briefe, upon the fifty day after my departure from Malaga, I arrived at Datford upon Thames; whence the next morning I was carried to Theoballs on a feather-bed, and brought to the privy Gallery, for the Kings comming from Parke. Witnesse all the Court of England, even from the King to the Kitchin, what a martyrd anatomy I was, at then of me their first sight; and what small hope was either expected of my life or recovery.
[X. 484.]
Where, when immediatly having made my most humble and grievous complaints unto his sacred Majesty, his gracious consideration (in the meane time) was such, for the recovery of my health, that I was twice sent to the Bath at the charges of his Royall love, during the space of twenty seven weekes, where by the Divine providence, and his Princely clemency, I have recovered for the time in a large measure, the health and strength of my body, although my left Arme, and crushed bones be incurable.
A false promise unperformed.
Meane while, in the first Weeke of my Arrivall in England, I was conveyed from Theobalds (by his Majesties direction) to Don Diego Surmento de Gundamore, the Spanish Ambassadour, then Resident in Holborne. Where he votally undertooke, before then the two Lord Marquesses, Hammilton and Buckingham, (confirming it the day following to his Majesty at Greenewich) that after a condigne tryall had from Spaine, concerning my grievances: I should have all my money, Cloathes, Observations, Testimoniall Patents, and his Majesties Seales restored me agayne, with a thousand pound sterling also, (beeing modified by his Royall pleasure) of the Governour of Malagaes meanes, for the maintayning of my Lame and Racked body.
A single combat betweene a Spanish Earle and a Scottish Traveller.
[X. 485.]
These promises were made the sixt of June 1621. and were to be performed againe Michaelmasse day insuing: But this day come, hee continued his drifts to the Prima vera; and it also arrived, he deferred time, with new protestations, onely to Easter or Pascua: And that Season come, he turned my Pascua to Prison: For a little before his departure (seeing his policy too strong for mine oppressed patience) I told him flatly in his face, from the griefe of my soule, what he was, and what he went about; which afterward proved true: Whereupon in the Chamber of Presence, before the Emperours Ambassadour, and diverse Knights and Gentle-men, his Majesties servants: he rashly adventured the credite of Leager honour, in a single Combat against me a retorted Plaintive: Where indeed his Fistula was contra-banded with a fist, and for Victory, favour lent him authority; because of my Commitment, for I lay nine Weekes incarcerate in the Marshall-Sea at Southwarke: Whence I returned with more credite, then hee left England with honesty; beeing both Vanquish’d and Victor. And my Muse left to mourne for my Liberty, deplored thus.
Low levell’d lie, my lofty staring aymes,
Low droupes the flight, of my swift wing’d designe;
Low bowes that top, whose hight true merit claimes:
Low head-long fals the scope of my Engine:
Low turnes my round, harsh grow the sacred nine;
Low sinke my joyes, pale griefe, converts in care:
Low lurkes Ambition, in this breast of mine:
Low stoupe these smiles, that Fortune wont to share;
Low rest my drifts, my curious Travailes rare:
Low scude the limits, of my high-bred thought:
Low plunge my hopes, in darke deepes of despaire;
Low I o’erthrowne, with crosses low am brought:
Low live I here, in sad restraint and strife:
Low then the lower of the lowest life:
Low as I am, I’le lowly Sacrifice:
Low deep fetch’d sighes, to heaven on my low Knees.
A false aspersion laid on me by Papists.
But I remember in the aforesayd time of this my imprisonment, there were two Papists my Countrey-men, who wrot to me a Letter; not like to a familiar Epistle of Cicero: No, but they would have fastned an untruth upon me; affirming that I was a Romane Catholicke in my heart; and that they would justifie it, that I received the Sacrament at Rome, in the first yeare that Paulus (Burgesius) Papa Quintus, came to his triple Crowne: to whom in a true and Christian defence, my serious and approbable reply was thus:
[X. 486.]
[X. 487.]
[X. 488.]
This is your Papall marke,
that as you runne astray,
You eyther would, or needes will have,
Christs Flocke to loose their way:
Can you avouch this point,
and dare you blaze your shame,
Thus Painter-like to portray’d so,
a figure for a name:
Shall Symbolizing I,
by Paragraphs defind,
In Paradoxicke passages,
Equivocate my minde.
No tincture shall ingrosse,
my Senses so delude,
To maculate my Splendant path,
with positives intrude:
In this Aversion I,
I more then Victor live,
Let Crittickes sterne aspersions spew,
this project I’le Atchieve:
My words shall Seale the truth,
my heart reserves the stamp,
Wherein my Characters of Faith,
as zealous shall incampe:
That desuetude of Soule,
I never did imbrace,
Nor shall; nor did, God is my Judge,
Such was his Heavenly grace:
No secondary meane,
shall aggrevate my hope,
The auncient Rule of Primacy,
shall be my moderne scope:
Can such occurrents stand,
as ominous in me,
When you detract and falsly wrest,
the truth in perjury:
It is your lineall straine,
Collusions to induct,
With Misticke Contradictories,
your implies you Construct:
No inference can prye,
nor strange illation proove,
In your exorbitanting braines,
my period I did moove:
This microcosmos mine,
such imputation scornes;
And turnes this grim demoniat spight,
on your Hell-forked hornes.
My name you presse to staine,
by base abortive leyes,
To circumcise my recent fame,
with sharpe edg’d Calumnies:
And labour to depresse,
that Confluence I have
From Heaven ascrib’d, confirmed by Grace,
the pledge my Spirit doth crave:
That strife can not avayle,
I so assume the right;
Your doubled darkned eies perceive,
I triumph in the light:
It’s not your bloody Priests,
nor Tortures can prevaile,
I past your Purgatory ones,
the rest must you impale.
For what by dread or straine,
you can not worke nor do,
You wrest, you leye, you paint, you faine,
and add illusions too:
These Latent Forgeries,
annexed to your Faith,
As pendicles precipitate,
inhaunce your Soules to death:
With shrew’d Acerbious speech,
you Anathematize
My will Reciprocall to yours,
such guile you Moralize:
But this reflexing heart,
in a transparent flame,
Can by experience conster well,
your Churches Sire and Dame:
No Tort I introduct,
to damnifie your Sexe,
Whose empty Sculles (illuding feare)
your selves perverstly vexe:
I Organize the Truth,
you Allegate the Sense,
Disbending cominous defects,
in your absurd pretence:
Your immateriall proofes,
I wish you would detect,
My Processe craves Sedulity,
for what you Gulles Suspect.
[X. 489.]
After this, their sequell answere being mortified, and I set at liberty by a just favour of the Privy Councell, my formalists durst never attempt any further dispute with me, neither any passing countenance in our rancounters: But what shall I say concerning my grievances, Sed qui Patitur vincit: Since there is no helpe or Redresse to bee had for wrongs past, no, neither (alasse) for any present in either meane, or mighty falls: for when the Starres of great states, decline under the selfe-same constellation of my sorrowes, and made the deplored for spectacles, of the inconstancy of fortune; what shall I then in a privat life, and publicke pilgrimage expect, but the common calamity of this age, and the irrevocable redresse of my miseries sustayned, for this Crowne and Kingdome of England, which shall be presently cleared: yet would to God, I might doe, as Xerxes the Persian King did, that when the Greekes had taken Sardis, the Metropole of Lydia, he commanded one of his servants to stand before him everyday at dinner, and cry aloud, saying; the Grecians have taken Sardis: whereby he was never at quiet, till it was recovered.
Incompatible griefe without deserved reliefe.
So would I, oppressed I, by mighty powers; (though not a King, yet the faythfull subject of a King) cry dayly from the heart-broken sorrow of my incompatible injuries; O barbarous, and inhumane Malaga! when shall my soule be revenged on thy cruell murther, and when shall mine eyes see thy mercilesse destruction? But tush, what dreame I? now a dayes griefe can find no reliefe, far lesse compassion, and meaner revenge, and so farewell satisfaction, when flattering feare dare challenge obsequiousnesse, to the alteration of any thing.
[X. 490.]
A direction for Certificats by the Lord Keeper.
But afterward when death, Heavens fatall messenger, and enemy to nature, had darted King James of matchlesse memory; who sometimes (besides my soveraigne) in some respects, and for the former cause, was a father to me; then was I forcibly (I say) constrayned to preferre a bill of grievance to the upper house of Parliament Anno 1626. which I dayly followed 17. weekes: Well; my grievances were heard and considered, and thereupon an order graunted me (bearing the Lords reference and pleasure concerning my suite) unto Sir Thomas Coventrey, Lord keeper of Englands great Seale; and through whose office my businesse should have passed: which order was delivered unto him, by Mr. James Maxwell Knight of the blacke Rode, and one of his Majesties Bed-chamber, in behalfe of the Lords of the upper house: The order thus being reserved then with the Lord-keeper for a moneth, hee appointed me to fetch him (because of a Warrant to his State office) the Certificats of Sir Walter Aston, Sir Robert Maunsell, and Sir Thomas Button, to cleare my sufferings, and the causes wherefore: which I gladly obeyed, and brought all their three Certificates unto him: yea, and Sir Walter Aston, (besides his hand-writ) spoke seriously face to face with him thereanent.
Meane-while the house breaking up abruptly (because of soveraigne disliking) their order for my suite could take none effect as then, nor yet since, in regard it was no Session Parliament; and so my order and reliefe lyeth suspended till some hapy time.
But now to confound the calumnious and vituperious Papists, the miscreant and miserable Atheists, the peevish and selfe-opiniating Puritanes, the faithles misbeleeving Mungrells of true Religion, and of this trueth: And the very objections have beene sayd sometimes in my face, by irreligious and disdainefull Nullifidians: who have sayd and thought that I could neither be so constant, nor they so cruell: I thinke it not amisse, to set downe verbally one of their Certificats here, being all of one style, and to one purpose; and thus it followeth.
[X. 491.]
To the Right Honorable, Sir Thomas Coventry Knight, Lord Keeper of the great Seale of England, &c.
[X. 492.]
May it please your Honour: I have taken boldnesse to certifie your good Lordship, of the trueth concerning the grievous sufferings of this heavily injured man, William Lithgow: true it is, that this bearer, being bound for Alexandria in Egypt, having with him Letters of safe Conduct, under the Hand and Seale of his late Majesty King James of blessed memory; ran-countred with us, and our Fleete at Malaga: Whereof I was imployed as Vice-Admirall against the Pyrats of Algier; where he repayring a Boord of us, and frequenting our Company a shoare, was presently (after we had set Sayle) apprehended by Command of the Governour and Magistrates there as a Spie; whom they suspected, had of purpose beene left behind by our Generall, and us of the Counsell of Warre, for the Discovery of that place, and other adjacent parts: Whereupon beeing secretly imprisoned in the Governours Palace; and after serious examination of our intention; hee was without any cause done, or offered by him, most unjustly put to the cruell Racke and tortures; besides all other his unspeakable miseries, which for a long time he sustained thereafter: whereof I was credibly and infallibly informed by M. Richard Wilds, to whom he was first discovered, and by other English Factors of good note then resident there: in my repayring diverse times to the Roade of that towne with my Squadron of shippes, during the time of his long imprisonment, and after his deliverance. And afterward the Governour there beeing better informed of our loyall proceedings in those parts, and to colour their former cruelties, and suspition had of us, hee did wrest the Inquisition upon him, where being condemned to Death, he had doubtlesse undergone (as I was likewise truely informed by the afore-said Merchants) the finall Sentence of their Inquisition: if it had not beene, for the Religious care, and speedy prevention of Sir Walter Aston, then Leiger Ambassadour there: By whose earnest mediation he being delivered, and afterwards sent home by direction of Sir Robert Maunsell Generall: I now commend his grievous and lamentable cause, unto your Lordshippes tender and Religious Consideration. Resting,
Your Lordships to Command,
to serve You:
From Fulham this tenth
of July. 1626.
Sir Thomas Button.
[X. 493.]
Gods miraculous mercy in my deliverances.
And now to conclude this Tragicall discourse, the Religious eye, may perceive Gods compassionate love, foure wayes here extended. First, his powerfull providence in my long and admirable preservation in Prison: hunger, Vermine, and Tortures, being my comfortlesse Companions. Secondly, the pittifull kindnesse of his All-seeing Eye, in the miraculous Wonder of my Discovery, when the perverted policy of subtile Serpents, had sceleratly suggested my concealement. Thirdly, his unspeakable mercy in my unlooked-for deliverance, beeing by hopelesse me, not thought, nor sought; and yet by his munificence was wrought. And lastly, his gracious goodnesse, in the recovery (after some large measure) of my health and use of body againe; all prayse and glory be to his infinite Majesty therefore.
[X. 494.]
The kindnes I received from the illustrious Lord the Marques of Hammilton.
And finally, merit beeing masked, with the darkenesse of ingratitude, and the morning Spring-tide of 1627. come: I set face from Court for Scotland, suiting my discontents, with a pedestriall Progresse, and my feete with the palludiat way; where fixing mine eyes on Edenbrugh, and prosecuting the Tennor of a Regall Commission (which partly beeing some where obeyed, and other-where suspended) it gave mee a large sight of the whole Kingdome, both Continent, and Iles. The particular Description whereof, in all parts, and of all places, besides Ports and Rivers: I must referre to the owne Volume already perfected, Intitulated Lithgowes Surveigh of Scotland: which this Worke may not Containe, nor time suffer to publish till a fitter occasion. Only Commenting a little upon some generalls. I hasten to be at Finis. Traversing the Westerne Iles (whose inhabitants, like to as many Bulwarkes, are abler and apter to preserve and defend, their libertie and Precincts from incursive invasions; then any neede of Forts or Fortified places they have, or can be required there: Such is the desperate courage of these awfull Hebridians:) I arrived (I say) at the Ile of Arrane, Anno 1628. where for certayne dayes, in the Castle of Braidwicke, I was kindly intertayned, by the illustrious Lord, James Marquesse of Hammilton, Earle of Arrane and Cambridge, &c.
Whom GOD may strengthen, with the liveliest Heart,
And fearelesse Minde, of all, e’vr fac’d that Art
For Bohems Queene: Heavens prosper His intent!
With Glorious Successe, and a Brave event:
That by a King beene Sped, for a Kings Sake,
To helpe a King; all Three from Him may take
Auspicuous Service, Friendship, Faithfull Love,
’Gainst whom, and his, no time can breach improove.
Let then (great God) blest Sparkes of Favour fall
On his Designes, and Theirs, our Friends, and All;
And Angels Guard Him, let Thy Mighty hand
(Partition-like) ’twixt Him, and dangers stand:
That Martiall ends, and Victory may Crowne
His happy Hopes, his Life, with Love Renowne.
[X. 495.]
This Ile of Arrane, is thirty miles long, eight in breadth, and distant from the Maine, twenty foure miles; beeing sur-clouded with Goatfield Hill: which with wide-eyes, over-looketh our Westerne Continent, and the Northerne Countrey of Ireland: bringing also to sight in a cleare Summers day, the Ile of Manne, and the higher Coast of Cumberland: A larger prospect no Mountaine in the World can show, poynting out three Kingdomes at one sight: Neither any like Ile or braver Gentry, for good Archers, and hill-hovering Hunters. Having agayne re-shoared the Maine, I coasted Galloway even to the Mould that butteth into the Sea, with a large Promontore, being the South-most part of the Kingdome. And thence footing all that large Countrey to Dumfries, and so to Carlile: I found heere in Galloway in diverse Rode-way Innes, as good Cheare, Hospitality, and Serviceable attendance, as though I had beene ingrafted in Lombardy or Naples.
The nobility and commodities of Galloway excell in goodnesse.
The Wooll of which Countrey, is nothing inferiour to that in Biscai of Spaine: providing they had skill, to fine, Spin, Weave, and labour it as they should. Nay, the Calabrian silke, had never a better luster, and softer gripe, then I have seene and touched this growing wooll there on Sheepes backes: the Mutton whereof excelleth in sweetnesse. So this Country aboundeth in Bestiall, especially in little Horses, which for mettall and Riding, may rather be tearmed bastard Barbs, then Gallowedian Nagges.
[X. 496.]
Scotland is 120. miles longer than England.
Likewise their Nobility and Gentry are as courteous, and every way generously disposed, as eyther discretion would wish, and honour Command: that (Cunningham being excepted, which may bee called the Accademy of Religion, for a sanctified Clergy, and a godly people) certainly Galloway is become more civill of late, then any Maritine Country, bordering with the Westerne Sea. But now to observe my former Summary condition, the length of the Kingdome lyeth South and North: That is, betweene Dungsby head in Cathnes, and the afore-sayde Mould of Galloway; beeing distant per rectam lineam, which my weary feet troad over from poynt to poynt (the way of Lochreall, Carrick, Kyle, Aire, Glasgow, Stirveling, St. Johns Towne, Stormount, the Blair of Atholl, the Bra of Mar, Badeynoh, Innernes, Rosse, Sutherland, and so to the North Promontore of Cathnes) extending to three hundred twenty miles: which I reckon to be foure hundred and fifty English miles: Confounding hereby the ignorant presumption of blind Cosmographers, who in their Mappes make England longer than Scotland; when contrariwise Scotland out strippeth the other in length, a hundred and twenty miles. The breadth whereof I grant is narrower than England; yet extending betweene the extremities of both Coasts in divers parts to threescore, fourscore, and a hundred of our miles: But because of the Sea ingulfing the Land, and cutting it in so many Angles, making great Lakes, Bayes, and dangerous Firths, on both sides of the Kingdome, the true breadth thereof can not justly be conjectured, nor soundly set downe.
Our chiefest fresh water Lakes are these, Lochlomond, contayning twenty foure Iles, and in length as many miles: divers whereof are inriched with Woods, Deere, and other Bestiall: The large and long Lake of Loch-Tay, in Atholl, the Mother and Godmother of Headstrong Tay, the greatest River in the Kingdome: And Lochnes, in the higher parts of Murray, the River whereof (that graceth the pleasant and commodious situation of Innernes) no frost can freize: The propriety of which water will quickly melt and dissolve any hard congealed lumps of frozen Ice, be it on Man or Beast, stone or timber.
[X. 497.]
The chiefest Rivers are Clyde, Tay, Tweed, Forth, Dee, Spay, Nith, Nesse, and Dingwells flood-ingorging Lake, that confirmeth Porta salutis; being all of them, where they returne their tributs to their father Ocean portable; and as it were resting places for turmoyled seas and ships: And the principall Townes are Edenbrugh, Perth, Glasgow, Dundie, Abirdene, St. Andrewes, Aire, Stirveling, Lithgow, Dumfries, Innernes, Elgin, Minros, Jedbrugh, Hadington, Leith, &c. and for antiquity, old Lanerk, &c.
Cliddisdale is the Paradice of Scotland.
So the most delicious soiles of the Kingdome are these following: first, the bounds of Clyde, or Cliddisdale, betweene Lanerk and Dunbertan, distanced twenty sixe miles; and thence downeward to Rossay that kisseth the devulgements of the River: the beginning whereof is at Arick stone sixteene miles above Lanerk, whose course contendeth for threescore miles: All which, being the best mixed Countrey for Cornes, Meeds, Pastorage, Woods, Parks, Orchards, Castles, Pallaces, divers kinds of Coale, and earth-fewell, that our included Albion produceth: And may justly be surnamed the Paradice of Scotland: Besides, it is adorned on both borders along, with the greatest Peeres, and Nobility in the Kingdome: The Duke of Lennox, the Marques of Hammilton, the Earle of Angus, the Earle of Argyle, and the Earles of Glencairne, Wigton, and Abircorne.
And for Lord Barons, Semple, Rosse, Blantyre, and Dalliell: The chiefest Gentry whereof are the Knights and Lairds of Luce, Skellmurelie, Blakhall, Greenock, Newwark, Houston, Pook-maxwell, Sir George Elpingston of Blythswood, Minto, Cambusnethen, Calderwood, the two Knights of Lieye, and Castel-hill, Sir James Lokharts elder & yonger, Lamington, Westraw, his Majesties Gentleman Sewer, Blakwood, Cobinton, Stanebyres, and Corhous, &c. All which in each degree, as they illuminat the soyle with grandure, so the soyle reflecteth on them againe with beauty, bounty, and riches.
[X. 498.]
But least I partiall prove, because my breath
First sprung from Lanerk, so my christian faith;
Where thence (O natall place) my soule did coyle,
Blood, sprit, and sense, flesh, birth, life, love, and soyle;
I’le leave Clydes fragrant fields, resplendant banks,
Bedeckt with Silvans, stately beauteous ranks
Of Pandedalian sparks; which lend the sight
Of variable colours, best Natures light;
And close these silver shades, that dazeling bloome
Mongst thickest Groaves, with many brae-fac’d broome;
Strict in the records of eternall fame,
For sight, for gaine, for birth, for noble name.
Carse and Murray two pleasant Soyles.
And now the second soyle for pleasure, is the platformd Carse of Gowry, twelve miles long (Wheat, Rye, Cornes, Fruit yards, being its onely commodity) which I may tearme for its levelld face, to be the Garden of Angus; yea, the Diamond-plot of Tay, or rather the youngest Sister of matchlesse Piemont: The Inhabitants being onely defective in affablenesse, and communicating courtesies of naturall things, whence sprung this Proverbe, The kearlles of the Carse.
The third, and beautifull soyle, is the delectable planure of Murray, thirty miles long, and sixe in breadth: whose comely grounds, inriched with Cornes, Plantings, Pastorage, stately dwellings, overfaced with a generous Octavian Gentrye, and topped with a Noble Earle, its chiefest Patrone; it may be surstyled, a second Lombardy, or pleasant Meaddow of the North.
[X. 499.]
Neither may I (abandoning eye-pleasing grounds) seclude here that sudaick bottome, reaching thirty miles twixt Perth and Minros; involving the halfe of Angus, within a fruitfull, populous, and nobilitat planure, the heart whereof saluting Glames, kisseth Cowper: So likewise, as thrice divided Louthiane, is a girnell of graine, for forrane Nations; and Fiffe twixt Carraill and Largo, the Ceren trenches of a Royall Camp, the incircling coast a nest of Corporations; and Meandring Forth from tip-toed Snadoun, the prospicuous mirrour for matchlesse Majesty: Even so is melting Tweed, and weeping Tiviot, the Ægyptian Strands, that irriguat the fertile fields, which imbolster both bosomes, sending their bordering breath of dayly necessaries to strengthen the life of Barwick.
The Nobility and Gentry of Scotland, are the best house-keepers, and generous Gentlemen in the World.
Now as for the Nobility and Gentry of the Kingdome; certainely, as they are generous, manly, and full of courage; so are they courteous, discreet, learned Schollers, well read in best Histories, delicatly linguishd, the most part of them, being brought up in France or Italy: That for a generall compleat worthinesse, I never found their matches amongst the best people of forrane Nations: being also good house-keepers, affable to strangers, and full of Hospitality.
And in a word the Seas of Scotland, and the Iles abound plentifully in all kind of Fishes, the Rivers are ingorged with Salmond, the high-landish mountaines overcled with Firre-trees, infinite Deere, and all sorts of other Bestiall, the Valleyes full of Pasture, and Wild fowle; the low layd Playnes inriched with beds of grayne; Justice all where administred, Lawes obeyed, malefactors punished, Oppressors curbed, the Clergy religious, the people sincere Professors, and the Country peaceable to all men.
[X. 500.]
Prodigall and superfluous posting from Scotland to Court.
The chiefest commodities whereof, transported beyond sea, are these, Wheat, Cornes, Hides, Skins, Tallow, Yearn, Linnen, Salt, Coale, Herrings, Salmond, Wooll, Keilling, Ling, Turbet and Seaths. And last, and worst, all the Gold of the Kingdome, is daily Transported away with superfluous posting for Court. Whence they never returne any thing, save spend all, End all, then farewell Fortune: So that numbers of our Nobility and Gentry now, become with idle projects, downe-drawers of destruction, upon their owne neckes, their children, and their estates: and posting Postilions by dissolute courses, to inrich Strangers, leave themselves deservingly desolate, of Lands, Meanes, and Honesty for ever. Doing even with their former Vertue, long continuance, and memory of their noble Ancestors, as M. Knoxe did with our glorious Churches of Abbocies, and Monasteries (which were the greatest beauty of the Kingdome,) knocking all down to desolation; leaving nought to be seene of admirable Edifices, but like to the Ruines of Troy, Tyrus, and Thebes, lumpes of Wals, and heapes of stones.
So do our ignoble Gallants (though nobly borne) swallow up the honour of their famous Predecessours, with posting foolery, boy-winding Hornes, cormandizing Gluttony, Lust, and vaine Apparrell; making a Transmigration of perpetuity to their present Belly, and Backe. O lashivious ends: which I have condignely sisted, in my last Worke Intitulated Scotlands welcome to King Charles: with all the abuses and grievances of the whole Kingdome besides.
[X. 501.]
A dutifull remembrance of two Noble persons.
But now leaving Prodigalls to their Purgatoriall Postings, I come to Trace through Rosse, Sutherland, and Cathnes: Soiles so abundant in all things, fit to illustrate greatnesse, Resplendour Gentry, and succour Commons; that their fertile goodnesse far exceeded my expectation, and the affability of the better sort my deservings: beeing all of them the best, and most bountifull Christmasse-keepers (the Greekes excepted) that ever I saw in the Christian World: Whose continuall incorporate Feastings one with another, beginning at Saint Andrewes day, never end til Shrovetide: which Ravished me, to behold, such great and daily cheare, familiar fellow-ship, and joviall chearefulnesse; that me thought the whole Winter there, seemed to me, but the Jubilee of one day. And now beeing arrived at Maii, to imbarke for Orknay, sight, time, and duty, command me to celebrate these following Lines, to gratifie the kindnesse of that noble Lord, George Earle of Cathnes, with his Honorable Cousing, and first Accadent of his House, the Right worshipful Sir William Sinclair of Catboll Knight, Laird of Maii.
[X. 502.]
[X. 503.]
Sir William Sinclairs Motto.
[X. 504.]
Sir! sighting now thy Selfe, and Pallace Faire,
I find a novelty, and that most rare,
The time though cold and stormy, sharper Sun,
And far to Summer, scarce the Spring begun;
Yet with good lucke, in Februar, Saturnes prey
Have I not sought, and found out Fruitfull May,
Flank’d with the Marine Coast, prospective stands,
Right opposite to the Orcade Iles and Lands:
Where I for floures, ingorg’d strong grapes of Spaine,
And liquor’d French, both Red and white amaine:
Which Pallace doth containe, two foure-squar’d Courts,
Graft with brave Works, where th’ Art-drawne pensile sports
On Hals, high Chambers, Galleries, office Bowres,
Cells, Roomes, and Turrets, Plat-formes, stately Towres:
Where greene-fac’d gardens, set at Floraes feet,
Make Natures beauty, quicke Appelles greet:
All which surveigh’d, at last the mid-most gate
Design’d to me, the Armes of that great state,
The Earles of Cathnes; to whose praise inbag’d,
My Muse must mount, and here’s my pen incadg’d:
First then their Armes, a Crosse, did me produce
Limbd like a Scallet, trac’d with fleur du Luce;
The Lyon, red, and rag’d, two times divided
From coyne to coyne, as Heraulds have decyded:
The third joynd Staunce denotes to me a Galley,
That on their sea-rapt foes, dare make assailley:
The fourth a gallant Ship, pust with taunt saile
Gainst them, their Ocean dare, or Coast assaile:
On whose bent Creist, a Pelican doth sit
An Embleme, for like love, drawne wondrous fit:
Who as shee feeds her young, with her heart blood
Denotes these Lords, to theirs, like kind, like good:
Whose best Supporters, guard both Sea, and Land,
Two sterne drawne Griffons, in their strength to stand:
Their Dictum beares this verdict, for Heavens Ode
Ascribd this clause; commit thy worke to God:
O sacred Motto! Bishop Sinclairs straine,
Who turnd Fiffes Lord, on Scotlands foes agayne:
Loe! here’s the Armes of Cathnes, here’s the Stock!
On which branch’d-boughes relye, as on a Rocke.
But further in, I found like Armes more patent;
To kind Sir William, and his line as latent;
The Primier Accade, of that noble race
Who for his vertue, may reclayme the place;
Whose Armes, with tongue and buckle, now they make
Fast crosse, signe ty’d, for a faire Lesslyes sake.
The Lyon hunts o’re Land, the Ship, the Sea,
The ragged Crosse can scale high walles wee see;
The wing-layd Galley, with her factious oares
Both Havens and Floods command, and circling shoares:
The feathred Griffon flees, O grim-limbd beast!
That winging Sea and Land, upholds this Creist:
But for the Pelicans, life-sprung kind Story,
Makes honour sing, Virtute, et Amore.
Nay, not by blood, as she her selfe can do,
But by her paterne, feeding younglings too;
For which this Patrones Crescent stands so stay,
That neither Spight, nor Tempest, can shake Maii:
Whose Cutchions cleave so fast, to top, and side,
Portends to mee, his Armes shall ever bide.
So Murckles Armes are so, except the Rose
Spred on the Crosse, which Bothwels Armes disclose;
Whose Uterine blood he is, and present Brother
To Cathnes Lord; all three sprung from one Mother.
Bothwels prime Heretrix, plight to Hepburnes Race,
From whom Religious Murckles Rose I trace,
This Countries instant Shrieve: whose Vertue rais’d
His honoured worth, his godly life more prais’d.
But now to rouze their Rootes, and how they Sprung,
See how Antiquity, Times triumph Sung.
This Scallet, worth them blanch’d, for endeavour
And Service done, to Englands Conquerour;
With whom from France, they first to Britaine came,
Sprung from a Towne St. Claire, now turn’d their name.
Whose Predecessours, by their Val’rous hand,
Wonne endlesse Fame, twice in the Holy Land:
Where in that Christian Warre, their blood beene lost,
They loath’d of Gaule, and sought our Albion Coast.
Themselves to Scotland came, in Cammoires Raigne
With good Queene Margret, and her English traine.
The Ship from Orknay Sayl’d, now rul’d by Charles,
Whereof they Sinclairs, long time, had beene Earles.
Whose Lord then William, was by Scotlands King,
(Call’d Robert Second, First, whence Stewarts spring)
Sent with his second Sonne, to France, cross’d James
Who eighteene yeares, liv’d Captivate at Thames.
This Prisner last turn’d King, call’d James the First,
Who Sinclairs Credit, kept in Honours thirst:
The Galley was the Badge of Cathnes Lords,
As Malcome Cammoirs raigne at length Records:
Which was to Magnus given, for Service done,
Against Mackbaith, usurper of his Crowne.
The Lyon came, by an Heretrix to passe,
By Marriage; whose Sire, was surnam’d Dowglas.
Where after him, the Sinclair now Record,
Was Shirefe of Dumfreis, and Nidsdales Lord:
Whose wife was Neece, to good King James the Third;
Who for exchange, ’twixt Wicke and Southerne Nidde
Did Lands incambiat: whence this Cathnes Soile
Stands fast for them, the rest, their Friends recoile.
Then Circle-bounded Cathnes, Sinclairs ground,
Which Pentland Firth invirones, Orknayes sound;
Whose top is Dunkanes Bay, the Roote the Ord;
Long may it long, stand fast for their true Lord:
And as long too, Heavens grant what I require,
The Race of Maii, may in that Stocke aspire;
Till my Age may last, Times glasse be runne,
For Earths last darke Ecclipse, of no more Sunne.
[X. 505.]
Forsaking Cathnes, I imbraced the trembling Surges (at Dungsby) of strugling Neptune, which ingorgeth Pentland or Pitland Firth with nine contrarious Tides: each Tide over-thwarting another with repugnant courses, have such violent streames, and combustious waves, that if these dangerous Births be not rightly taken in passing over, the Passengers shall quickely loose sight of life and land for ever: yea, and one of these tides so forcible, at the backe of Stromaii, that it will carry any Vessell backward, in despight of the winds, the length of its rapinous current.
A dangerous place in Pentland Firth.
This dreadfull Firth is in breadth betweene the Continent of Cathnes, and the Ile of South Rannald-shaw in Orknay twelve miles: And I denote this credibly, in a part of the North-west end of this Gulfe, there is a certaine place of sea, where these destracted tydes make their rancountering Randevouze, that whirleth ever about: cutting in the middle circle a devalling hole, with which if either Ship or Boat shall happen to encroach, they must quickly either throw over some thing into it, as a Barrell, a piece of timber, and such like, or that fatall Euripus shall then suddenly become their swallowing Sepulcher. A custome which these bordering Cathenians and Orcadians have ever heretofore observed.
[X. 506.]
Arriv’d at South Rannaldshaw an Ile of five miles long, and thwarting the Ile of Burray, I sighted Kirkwall, the Metropole of Pomonia, the mayne Land of Orknay, and the onely Mistresse of all the circumjacent Iles being thirty in number. The chiefest whereof (besides this tract of ground, in length twenty sixe, and broad five, sixe and seven miles) are the Iles of Sanda, Westra, and Stronza: Kirkwall it selfe is adorned with the stately and magnifick Church of St. Magnus built by the Danes, whose Signiory with the Iles lately it was; but indeed for the time present, more beautified with the godly life of a most venerable and religious Bishop Mr. George Grahame: whom now I may tearme (Soveraignity excepted) to be the Father of the Countries government, then an Ecclesiasticke Prelat: The Inhabitants being left void of a Governour, or solid Patrone, are just become like to a broken battell, a scattered people without a head: having but a Burges Shreive to administer Justice, and he too an Aliene to them, and a Resider in Edenburgh: So that in most differences, and questions of importance, the Plaintives are inforced to implore the Bishop for their Judge, and hee, the adverse Party for redresse.
Zetland mightily impoverished by corrupt governement.
But the more remote parts of this auncient little Kingdome, as Zetland, and the adjacent Iles there; have found such a sting of deoccular government within these few yeares; that these once happy Iles, which long agoe my feet traded over, are Metamorphosed in the Anatomy of succourlesse oppression, and the felicity of the Inhabitants, reinvolved within the closet of a Cittadinean cluster.
But now referring the whole particulars, and dividuall descriptions of these Septentrion Iles, the mayne Continent, and the Gigantick Hebridian Iles, to my aforesayd worke to be published, intitulated Lithgows surveigh of Scotland, I send this generall verdict to the World:
Now having seene most part of thy selfe glore
Great Kingdomes, Ilands, stately Courts, rich Townes,
Most gorgeous showes, pomp-glory deckt renownes,
Hearbagious fields, the Pelage-beating shoare
Propitious Princes, Prelats, potent Crownes:
Smoake shadow’d times, curst Churles, Misers, Clownes.
Impregnate Forts, devalling floods, and more
Earth-gazing heights, Vayle-curling Plaines in store:
Court-rising honours, throwne on envies frownes;
Worme-vestur’d workes, Enamild Arts, wits lore:
Masse-marbled Mansions, Mineralls, coynd Ore,
State-superficiall showes, swift-glyding Moones:
I loath thy sight, pale streames, staine wattry eyne,
Whose glorious shades evanish, no more seene.
[X. 507.]
And now to conclude, as a Painter, may spoyle a Picture, but not the face; so may some Stoicall Reader misconster and misconceave some parts of this eye-set History, though not able to marre the trueth of it: yet howsoever, here is the just relation of nineteene yeares travells, perfited in three deare-bought voyages: The generall computation of which dimmensious spaces, in my goings, traversings, and returnings, through Kingdomes, Continents, and Ilands, which my paynefull feet traced over (besides my passages of Seas and Rivers) amounteth to thirty six thousand and odde miles, which draweth neare to twice the circumference of the whole Earth. And so farewell.
FINIS