The Massacre of St Bartholomew

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Footnotes:

1 In judging these and other great historical criminals, we must bear in mind the age in which they lived. To borrow the language of Mr. Hepworth Dixon in his eloquent vindication of Lord Bacon: “The cry of pain, the gasp of death, were no such shocks to the gentle heart as they would be in a softer time. Men had been hardened in the [martyrs’] fire. Minds were infected by the atrocities of [Huguenot] plots. The ballads sung in the streets were steeped in blood.” In such times of frenzy even the merciful become cruel.

2 Hist. of Popes, i. 120 (Mrs. Austin’s).

3 From a sermon quoted by Sismondi, Hist. des Français.

4 Mém. de l’Acad. Stanislas, Nancy, 1862, p. 369.

5 Here are some of the objects once preserved in the cathedral of Clermont:—“Imprimis de umbilico Filii Dei cum quinque unguibus de sinistra manu; præpucium ipsius cum duabus unguibus de dextra manu, et de pannis quibas fuit involutus, et undecimam partem sudarii quod fuit ante oculos ejus cum sanguine ipsius, et de tunica, et de barba, et de capillis, et de præcincto ejus cum sanguine et tres ungues ejus ex recisione manus dexteræ et partem spinæ coronæ, et de pane quem ipse benedixit, et ex spongia ejus, et ex virgis quibus cæsus fuit, et de capillis Beatæ Mariæ tres et brachiale ejus, et de vestimento ipsius cum lacte.”—Baluze, ii. p. 39; Dulaure, Descript. Auvergne, p. 197.

6 Réponse à quelque apologie, etc. 1558, fol. 2.

7 “De plano, sine strepitu et figura judicii, prout in similibus consuevit.”—Isambert: Recueil des Lois Fr. t. xii. p. 231.

8 Florimond de Rémond: Histoire de la naissance, etc. de l’hérésie de ce siècle, bk. vii. p. 931.

9 Beza: Hist. Eccles. liv. i. For this “Affair of the Placards” see Merle d’Aubigné: Reform. in time of Calvin, vol. iii. bk. iv. ch. 9 to 12. A passage like this must have been as offensive as it was unjustifiable: “Nous ne voulons croire à vos idoles, à vos lieux nouveaux et nouveaux Christs, qui se laissent manger aux bêtes et à vous pareillement, qui êtes pires que bêtes, en vos badinages lequels vous faites à l’entour de votre dieu de pâte duquel vous vous jouez comme un chat d’une souris,” etc.

10 Eustathius de Knobelsdorff to George Cassander, in Illustr. et Clar. Viror. Epist. Selectæ., Lugd. Bat. 1617, quoted in Baum: Leben Beza’s.

11 Hist. des guerres dans le Venaissin, etc. i. p. 39. Published anonymously, but the author was Father Justin, a Capuchin monk. See also Muston: Israël des Alpes, 1851.

12 Bossuet (Hist. des Variations, liv. xi. § 143) acknowledges their piety, but calls it “feigned,” and ascribes their virtues to the inspiration of the devil.

13 Cabasse: Hist. Parl. Provence.

14 Il n’existe plus rien du bourg florissant de Mérindol. Lacretelle: Guerres de Rél. i. p. 31.

15 Mezeray, iii. p. 1034.

16 Some years ago a cave in a wild and almost inaccessible valley of the Maritime Alps, near the village of Castiglione, was pointed out to me as one of these places of refuge. It could be reached only by a rope, and consisted of at least three chambers, one below the other. In the Vivarrais there are many such caverns.

17 Bouche calls them, “plutôt ignorans que rebelles,” and adds, “On trouve dans l’histoire des nations les plus fanatiques et les plus sauvages peu d’exemples d’une atrocité pareille.”—Essai sur l’Hist. de Provence, ii. p. 83. See Papon, Hist. de Provence, for a less favorable account of the Vaudois.

18 Viros et morte peremptos
Indigna, raptasque soluto crine puellas,
Et late miseris subjecta incendia vicis.

L’Hôpital, De Causa Merindoli.

19 All the papers connected with this inquiry have perished. One of the accused was the famous sea-captain Baron de la Garde, the same who disputed the command of the Channel against Henry VIII., and occupied the Isle of Wight in 1533. In the religious wars he sided with the Huguenots.

20 Capefigue: Hist. de la Réforme, ch. xvi.

21 Non ego sum qui, ut quisque a nobis opinione dissentit, statim eum odio habeam.

22 In a poem composed at this time, he says, with more of Pagan stoicism than Christian fortitude—
Sus, mon esprit, montrez vous de tel cœur,
 Votre assurance au besoin soit connue;
Tout gentil cœur, tout constant belliqueur,
 Jusqu’à la mort sa force a maintenue.

23 Imberdis: Hist. Guerres Civ. 8vo. Moulins, 1840.

24 A curious apology has been made for Francis I. Mezeray, answering an Italian writer, who had insinuated that the king had permitted the spread of heresy by taking no heed of it, says:—“Quoi donc, faire six ou sept rigoureux édits pour l’étouffer, convoquer plusieurs fois le clergé, assembler un concile provincial, dépêcher à toute heure des ambassades vers tous les princes de la chrétienté pour en assembler un général, brûler les hérétiques par douzaines, les envoyer aux galères par centaines, et les bannir par milliers: est-ce là permettre, ou n’y prendre pas garde,” etc. ii. p. 1038.

25 P. Castellani Vita, auct. P. Gallandio, 8vo. 1674.

26 Petri Paschalii Histor. Fragm. Dupuy MSS. Raumer: Hist. 16th and 17th Centuries, i. 261.

27 Matteo Dandolo in 1542 and Lorenzo Contarini in 1551 describe Henry in nearly the same terms. See Alberi: Relazioni degli Ambas. Veneti. (8vo. Firenze.) Ser. I. vol. iv. 1860, pp. 27 and 60.

28 M. Capefigue has attempted this in his one-sided fashion; but Alberi extols her as a model of almost every Christian virtue.

29 Sismondi says she was only 13, but from her birth, 13th April, 1519, to her wedding-day is 14½ years.

30 “Li occhi grossi proprj alla casa de’ Medici.” Suriano. On the ceiling of a room in the château of Tanlay, between Tonnerre and Moutbard, which once belonged to the Chatillons, there was (and probably still is) a figure of Catherine as Juno, with two faces: one, masculine and sinister, the other with a remarkable sweetness and dignity of expression. In the gallery at Eu there were two portraits (probably copies) representing her as exceedingly fair: in one, the hair was of a reddish tinge; in the other, the eyebrows were light and the eyes hazel.

31 Giovanni Soranzo, 14th August, 1557. Relazioni, p. 8.

32 “Non si troveria persona che non si lasciasse cavare del sangue per fargli avere un figlio.”—Matt. Dandolo.

33 His tomb, by Jean Goujon, is in Rouen cathedral.

34 Brantome describes her at the age of sixty-five as being “so lovely that the most insensible person could not look upon her without emotion;” and ascribes her beauty to a bouillon she took every morning composed of “or potable et autres drogues que je ne sais pas.” De Thou says she made Henry constant to her “philtris et magicis (ut creditur) artibus.” A hideous story of her bathing in blood to preserve her beauty is told of “cette Hérodias” in the Mélange critique de Littérature, ii. p. 113. At Dijon there is a three-quarter portrait of her entirely undraped. The form is exceedingly lovely, the face a long oval, the eyes dark, eyebrows delicate, hair a bright auburn, and complexion fair.

35 They were the emblems of mourning which widows in those days never put off.

36 “Particolarmente la dispensazione delli benefici ecclesiastici è in man sua.”—Soranzo.

37 “Il quale l’ha amata, ed ama e godi cosi vecchia come è.” L. Contarini (1551): Relazioni Veneti, iv. 1860, p. 78; Baschet: La Diplomatie vénitienne, p. 432. G. Soranzo (1558) writes to the same effect; but M. Cavalli is of quite a contrary opinion. “Questo amore non sia lascivo, ma come materno filiale.”—Raumer, i. p. 259.

38 The pope significantly sent her a pearl necklace shortly after Henry’s accession. The French have recently erected a statue to her memory. It is painful to see a noble nation so deficient in self-respect as to make idols of the mistresses of their sovereigns—Agnes Sorel, Diana, Gabrielle d’Estrées, and others.

39 “Au col de sa jument.”—Gargantua, liv. i. ch. 17.

40 “Il ne savait ni lire ni écrire.”—Marsollier: Hist. duc de Bouillon, i. 7 (Paris, 1719).

41 He was named Anne, after his godmother Anne of Brittany. He had four sons and five daughters; his sister Louisa, a widow, married Gaspard de Coligny, the father of the Admiral. Louisa’s first husband was the Marshal de Maille, and her daughter Dame de Roye was mother of the Dame de Rove who married Condé.

42 These “crescents,” so often found interlaced with H, are supposed to be the device of Diana of Poitiers; I am more inclined to regard them as a fanciful C, to indicate Catherine.

43 Félibien: Hist. de la Ville de Paris, tom. ii. liv. xx. p. 1031 (fol. 1725).

44 Félibien, tom. v. p. 378.

45 The intellect of the day was on the side of the Reform: “Peintres, orlogiers, imagiers, orfèvres, libraires, imprimeurs, et autres, qui en leurs métiers, ont quelque noblesse d’esprit.”—Flor. de Remond, an unimpeachable witness.

46 Bras de Bourgueville: Recherches sur Caen, 2^e partie, p. 162; Cte Hector de la Ferrière-Percy: Hist. du Canton d’Athis. 8vo. Paris, 1858.

47 Montluc says the nobles adopted the Reform out of a spirit of opposition. “Il n’était fils de bonne maison qui ne voulut goûter de cette réforme nouvelle.”

48 About the same time another edict forbade the faithful to send money to Rome.—Lacretelle.

49 On the 19th June, 1551, the papal nuncio represented to the king that he “must forbid the printing and circulation of all heretical books.... If your majesty fail to punish these damnable writers, the evil may proceed so far as to defy all remedy.”—Raumer, i. 262. The severities of the Chateaubriant edict proving ineffectual, it was declared by another edict (27th May, 1558), that the illegal printing of any book on religion would be punished by “confiscation de corps et de biens.”

50 Matthew Ory, of the order of Preaching Friars, had been invited from Italy by Cardinal de Tournon, and by letters patent of Francis I. (30th May, 1536) permitted to exercise the office of inquisitor at Lyons, in which post he was confirmed by the edict of Henry II. (22d June, 1550).

51 On this point see the continuation of Longueval’s Hist. Eglise Gall. by J. M. Prat (4to, 1847), t. xix. p. 96.

52 “L’autorité et souveraineté tant du roi que de sa couronne serait grandement diminuée quand les sujets naturels du roi seraient prévenus et entrepris par un official ou inquisiteur.”—Hist. des Martyrs. f. 463.

53 Minute of Secretary Ribier, p. 677; Sismondi, xviii. p. 59. See also Belcarius: Rer. Gall. Comment. p. 868.

54 “Existimant omnis publicæ cladis, omnis popularis incommodi Christianos esse causam. Si Tiberis ascendit in mœnia, si Nilus non ascendit in arva, sicœlum stetit, si terra movet, si fames, si lues, statim—Christianos ad leonem!”—Tertullian, Apol. c. 40.

55 Pasquier: Lettres, p. 195 (ed. Arras. 1598) says it happened in August, three days after the battle of St. Laurent, before the walls of St. Quentin, which was taken six weeks later. But these letters were written for effect—many of them some time after the events they record. Drion (Chronol.) says “May.”

56 Her favorite, Madame de Crussol, Duchess of Usez, held the Reformed opinions.

57 Bonnet: Lettres de Calvin, ii. 125, note. Letter from Fr. Morel. The prisoners were 120 to 130 in number.

58 Raynald: Ann. Eccles. ad an. 1557; Sarpi: Concil. Trent, lib. v. No. 33.

59 “Aut integras urbes absumere aut veritati locum aliquem concedere.”—Baum: Leben Beza’s, i. p. 453.

60 Florimond de Remond: Hist. des Martyrs, fol. 395.

61 Strada: De Bello Belg. dec. i. lib. 3.

62 Marot translated fifty, Beza the remainder.

63 Somewhat later (in 1561) the Sorbonne formally declared the singing of Psalms not contrary to the Catholic faith.

64 The Pré aux Clercs exists no longer, not even in name. It was a pleasant meadow on the banks of the Seine, between the abbey of St. Germain des Prés and the Invalides.

65 Hist. Heres. f. 1033.

66 “Criant par dépit comme crieurs d’oublies.”—MS. de Médicis.

67 This probably is what the English commissioner alludes to, when writing in January, 1559, he says: “There was an appointment made between the late pope, the King of Spain, and the French king, for the joining of their forces together for the suppression of religion.”—Forbes: Full View of the Public Transactions in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, i. p. 196 (fol. Lond. 1740).

68 Vauvilliers, i. p. 89.

69 During the period embraced in this volume there were only eight Parliaments, those of Paris, Toulouse, Grenoble, Bordeaux, Dijon, Rouen, Aix, Rennes.

70 La vraie Hist. de la Proc. contre Du Bourg.: Mém. de Condé, i. 220.

71 Mem. de Vieilleville, p. 705 (Panthéon Litt.)

72 The date is uncertain; some give the 10th March, but the discussion did not begin until the 26th April. Felice says the 10th August, which must be a misprint.

73 Throckmorton to Queen, 19th June, 1559, gives an account of this remarkable sitting, in which the Cardinal of Lorraine displayed his usual violence of language. Forbes: Full View, i. p. 126.

74 Abbé Caveyrac says: “It was his fixed intention to destroy the Protestants.”—Apologie de Louis XIV. p. 33.

75 Groen van Prinsterer: Archives, Ser. I. 1841, vol. i. p. 34. The plot was first made known in the Apology published by the Prince of Orange. Alva said that Henry had made peace, “para que el quedasse la mano libera para remediar lo.”—Gachard, ii. p. 181; Raynald: Ann. Eccles.

76 Du Puis, a Jacobite priest, asserted “qu’à leur prêche les femmes s’abandonnaient,” etc. See Flocquet: Hist. parl. de Normandie, ii. p. 365.

77 This organization was to a great extent the work of a gentleman of Maine, by name La Ferrière, who had removed to Paris to escape religious surveillance (1555).

78 Calvin: Serm. sur Timothée, p. 65 (4to 1563).

79 Alva to Philip: Journ. des Savants, 1857, p. 171.

80 Art de vérifier les dates. Other authorities give June 21 and 24.

81 Throckmorton to Council, 1st July, 1559; Forbes, i. 151; Lettere dei Principi (14th July, 1559), iii. 196. Montgomery escaped to England, where he embraced the Reformed doctrines.

82 Some authorities state that, though Henry lingered eleven days, he never recovered either speech or reason. In the Chanson de Montgommery (1574) we read that he “prononça à voix haute, Que n’avais nullement vers lui commis la faute.”

83 Mezeray, ii. 1137. Claude Haton charges the Protestants with trying to kill Henry in 1558, considering him “le tyran persécuteur de l’église de Jésus Christ.”

84 Gail: Tableaux chronologiques, p. 96 (8vo. Paris, 1819); also Brantome.

85 This discipline was in reality the work of Coligny.

86 Claude Haton.

87 Aubespine: Doc. Hist. François II., tom. ii. p. 428.

88 Born 20th January, 1544, N.S. The medals say he was crowned on the 17th, Mezeray the 19th, and De Thou the 20th Sept., 1559. Such are the discrepancies continually to be met with even in trivial matters.

89 Card. Santa Croce writes: “La Regina di Scotia un giorno gli disse che non sarebbe mai altro che figlia di un mercante.”

90 Le Plat, v. p. 517.

91 “Pulchro aspectu, procera statura, facie oblonga [the true Lorraine face], fronte ampla et eminente.” Gallia purpurata. Beza said: “Had I the cardinal’s eloquence, I should hope to convert half France.”

92 Auberi: Hist. Card. Richelieu, i. liv. ii. p. 87 (ed. 1666).

93 “Me participem fecit, ut tentationum ct passionum quibus per tot annos quotidie moriebatur, omni hora de vita periclitabatur... tam parum timidus quam nimium esse putabatur.” Bayle, sub voce.

94 “Licenziosissimo per natura... ingordizia inestimabile... gran duplicità.” Relazioni d. Amb. Ven. (ed. Alberi), p. 441.

95 9th April, 1561. MS. in Rouen Library; Leber, bundle B, No. 5720. On the other side, see the “Supplication,” etc., reprinted in Bouillé: Hist. Guise, p. 77.

96 Micheli speaks of the “odio universale conceputo contro di lui per i molti effetti d’offesa che mostrò verso ognuno mentre nel governo ebbe l’autorità.”

97 In the museum of Orleans there is a striking portrait of the cardinal and of his nephew, Henry, the hero of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew.

98 He was born in 1518, and in 1548 married the heiress of Navarre (born 1528), whose dowry consisted of the principality of Béarn and the counties of Armagnac, Albret, Bigorre, Foix, and Comminges. Upper Navarre had been seized by Spain.

99 Marc Duval’s engraving of the three brothers is well known, and has often been copied. In the Lenoir Collection (now belonging to the Duke of Sutherland) there is a painting of the three brothers; and, if I am correctly informed, there are other portraits at Knowle Park.

100 Brantome quotes an Italian saying: “Dio me guarda del bel gigneto del Principe (di Condé) e dell’ animo e stecco dell’ Amiraglio.” There was another saying: “Défiez-vous du cure-dents de l’Amiral, du non du Connétable, et du oui de Catherine.”

101 Mr. Crowe, who seems to have taken his history of this period from Davila, calls Coligny “a man of bold and imposing character,” and says that he and Andelot were the inspiring causes of the religious wars. So far as the admiral is concerned, this is quite contrary to the fact.

102 Rer. Scot. Hist. lib. xvi. p. 567 (ed. 1668).

103 Lippomano in Baschet, p. 494; Throckmorton to Queen, 13th July, 1560, in Forbes, i. p. 159.

104 Throckmorton says that the cardinal took pattern from the proclamations and injunctions of Pole and Bonner. Forbes, i. p. 161 and 233.

105 Regnier de la Planche, p. 227.

106 December 12th, 1559. This same Stuart claimed Queen Mary’s protection as a blood-relation. He made the constable prisoner at Dreux, mortally wounded him at St. Denis, and being taken at Jarnac, fighting on the Huguenot side, was murdered by permission, if not by order, of Henry of Anjou. Claude Haton has a story that he was hanged at Paris in July, 1569. He was in the Amboise plot, and escaped by flight.

107 Authors differ as to the day of his death; the dates given are 20th November; 20th, 21st, 22d, and 23d December. “Duodecimo kal. Januarii,” says Belcarius, p. 921.

108 Mezeray, Abrégé Chron. He appears to be copying Regnier de la Planche.

109 Hist. de l’Hérésie, p. 865.

110 Hist. des Perséc. de l’Église de Paris, p. lxiv.

111 Hist. État de France sous François II. (8vo. 1576). This work is generally ascribed to La Planche, but if so, he would hardly sneer at himself (p. 404) as “plus politique que religieux.” It was probably written by Jean de Serres, author of the Commentarii de Statu Religionis.

112 “Certains garnements n’avaient plutôt crié: Au luthérien, au christandin—qu’ils ne fussent non seulement quittes de leurs dettes.” Regnier de la Planche.

113 Forbes, i. p. 262.

114 Ibid., p. 292.

115 The Défense contre les Tyrans of Hubert Languet treats of the limits of obedience to kings, of the causes which justify arming, and when foreign aid may be sought. Davila confesses that the Protestants were forced to measures of self-defense, “per liberarsi della durezza della condizione presente.”

116 Barthold: Deutschland und die Huguenotten, i. p. 262.

117 The “mute chief” was certainly Condé. Belcaire calls him “ducem ἀνώνυμον.”

118 “At si viribus superiores fuissent, haud dubium quin utrumque [of the Guises] immaniter trucidaverint, quibus Franciscum Stuardumque reginam addidissent, aut saltem hanc ad Elizabetham Angliæ reginam, æmulam et ejus conjurationis consciam, (?) misissent.” Belcarius: Rer. Gall. Comment. There is not the slightest ground for supposing Elizabeth knew any thing of the Amboise plot.

119 “The French king removeth hence toward Amboise the 5th February.” Killigrew to Queen, 28th Jan. 1560; Forbes, i. pp. 315, 320. “The 23d, the French king arrived, which was two days sooner than he was looked for.” Forbes, i. p. 334.

120 Of this Des Avenelles there are very contradictory accounts. He was rewarded with a judicial appointment in Lorraine, and De Thou adds that he remained a Protestant until death.

121 Throckmorton to Cecil, 7th March; Forbes, i. 353.

122 “Il s’en trouvait en la rivière tantôt 6, 8, 10, 12, 15 attachés à desperches.... Les rues d’Amboise étaient coulantes de sang, et tapissées de corps morts, si qu’on ne pouvait durer par la ville pour la puanteur et infection.” Regnier de la Planche, p. 257; Montfauçon: Monuments de la Monarchie Fr. v. p. 81; Forbes, i. 378.

123 This poisoned ball, says Brantome, was of mixed metal, so hard that no armor could resist it.

124 See a plate in De Leone Belg., representing the execution of Villemangis.

125 Throckmorton, writing to the Lords of the Council on the 21st March, speaks of the general pardon offered the insurgents if they should disperse quietly, and goes on to say: “Although things be thus calmed, yet the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorraine live still in marvelous great fear, and know not whom they may well trust.” Forbes, i.

126 Las nous estions du temps que la fureur françoise
Commença nos malheurs au tumulte d’Amboise,
Nous en avons l’horreur encor peinte en nos cœurs,
Malheureuse aux vaincus, dommageable aux vainqueurs.

Jean Vauquelin de la Fresnaye: Les Foresteries.

127 Taillandier: Nouv. Recherches sur de l’Hopital, p. 273 (Paris, 1861). “Les Huguenots de religion, pour ne pouvoir supporter plus la rigueur et cruauté exercées à l’encontre d’eux; et les Huguenots d’état, pour ne plus comporter l’usurpation faite par lesdits de Guise.” Commentaires, p. 63. This is what Regnier de la Planche told the queen-mother.

128 There has been much dispute about the origin of this word, but it probably came from Geneva, where the citizens had long been divided into two politico-religious parties, known as the Mamelukes and Huguenots. Merle d’Aubigné: Reformation in Time of Calvin, vol. i. p. 118.

129 Claude repeats all the popular scandals against the Protestants, but he speaks generally, refraining from charging with such infamies those of his own town (Provins), whom he knew from personal observation.

130 See note at end of chapter.

[131] “Pauperculus librarius.” De Thou.

132 Regnier de la Planche: De l’Estat de France, pp. 312, 313 (Coll. du Panthéon).

133 Wright’s Elizabeth, i. p. 33.

134 Aubespine Correspondence, pp. 431, 433, 434, 442, 501.

135 The instructions were signed by the King and Catherine, Guise, Montmorency, the Cardinal of Lorraine, L’Hopital, and Charles of Bourbon. See Le Plat, v. p. 561.

136 Aubespine: Corresp. 12th April, 1560, pp. 342, 361.

137 Ibid. 1st October, 1560.

138 Ibid. p. 655.

139 Aubespine: Corresp. 14th October, 1560.

140 Regnier de la Planche, p. 290.

141 “Quand un homme ayant mauvaise opinion faisait l’amende honorable, et prononçait les mots d’icelle, il ne changeait pour cela son cœur, l’opinion se muant par oraisons à Dieu, parole, et raison persuadée.” Commentaires, p. 73 verso.

142 Commentaires, p. 101 verso. Regnier assigns the duke’s retort to his brother the Cardinal. See also Mignet, Journal des Savants, 1859, p. 25; Bouillé: Hist. Guise, ii. p. 86.

143 “Sans être perpétuellement damné.” Mayer, États gén. x. 296.

144 Baschet, p. 506.

145 Mayer: Coll. États gén. x. p. 310.

146 Letter of Francis II. to Anthony, April 15: Colbert, MSS. vol. xxviii.

147 Castelnau in his Mémoires says, that the queen-mother assured them they might come “without fear,” and would be as safe in Orleans as in their own houses. Both stories may be true, and this is not the only time when her public and private opinions were at variance.

148 Voltaire: Essai sur les Guerres civiles.

149 Comment. de l’Estat, p. 112. Regnier adds: “Dont il (the cardinal) fut tellement contristé qu’il n’eut recours qu’ á ses larmes.”

150 Hardwicke: State Papers, i. p. 129; Letter to the Queen, 17th of November, 1560.

151 The duke and the cardinal openly boasted that, at two blows, they would cut off the heads of heresy and rebellion. Davila, liv. ii.

152 “Seria mas acertado castigar poco á poco los culpados que prender tantos de un golpe.” Simancas Archives: Journ. des Savants, 1839, p. 39.

153 I give this incident as I find it, but hold it to be a fiction. It is inconsistent with the king’s character and the state of his health at the time.

154 Throckmorton to Chamberlayne, 21st November, 1560; Wright’s Elizabeth, i. p. 57.

155 Vie de Coligny, p. 221.

156 Calvin to Sturm, 16th Dec. 1560. Bonnet: Lettres de Calvin.

157 “Non minus fœdo quam inexpectato mortis genere sustulit. Mortuo nullus, ut regi, honos habitus.... Lutherano more sepultus Lutheranorum hostis.” Beza to Bullinger, 22d Jan. 1561; Baum’s Theodor Beza, ii. p. 18, Suppl.

158 Paris: Cabinet historique, ii. p. 57.

159 The following were the twelve leading provinces: Normandy, governed by the Dauphin; Brittany, by the Duke of Etampes; Gascony, by the King of Navarre; Languedoc and the Isle of France, by Constable Montmorency; Provence, by the Count of Tende; Dauphiny and Champagne, by Guise; Lyonnais and the Bourbonnais, by Marshal St. André; Burgundy, by the Duke of Nevers; and Picardy, by Coligny.

160 Mém. de Marguérite de Valois, p. 18.

161 There were rewards for killing these beasts: 5 sols for a wolf, 10 sols for a she-wolf. MS. penes auct.

162 Du Tillet: Recueil des Roys, ii p. 192; Chronique (4to. 1618).

163 MS. penes auct.

164 S’il lui reste encor de sa pauvre cueillette,
Quelque petit amas que sa femme discrette
Aura par un long temps, pour l’aider en saison,
Reservé chichement au coin de sa maison,
Le soldat lui survient, pire que n’est l’orage.

Le Contr’ Empire des Sciences. Lyon, 1599.

165 “Un douzième de la prisaie du produit.” Monteil MSS. i. 250.

166 MS. penes auct.

167 From a list of delicacies supplied in December, 1578, to the wife of Charles de Vienne, Governor of Burgundy, when in childbed, we learn that a Mayence ham cost 50 sols, Italian sausages 15 sols a lb., olives 12 sols, an ounce of musk 18 crowns of the sun, fine white sugar 23 sols a lb., inferior sort 22 sols, dried currants 12 sols, and preserved pears 3 sols. At Mende, in 1568, a quintal of hay at 20 sols, and of straw at 8 sols, were reckoned very dear; the horse-soldier’s pay being arranged on the supposition that he could get those quantities of hay and straw for 8 and 4 sols, and a setier of oats for 25. (L’Abbé Bosse: Le Gevaudan pendant la dernière Guerre civile. Mende, 1864.) At Toulouse a soldier’s food cost 4 sols a day, probably equivalent to rather more than 20 sols or a franc now. About this time the salary of a president in the Toulouse Parliament was 100 sols a day, and of his huissier or beadle 30 sols.

168 “Sans ce grain (le sarrasin) qui nous est venu depuis 60 ans, les pauvres gens auraient beaucoup á souffrir.” Contes d’Eutrapel.

169 “Celui-là même que nous avons en délices ès jours maigres.” Bélon: Observations, etc. 1563.

170 Champier wonders how people could eat such an insect.

171 Without going to the Pyrenees, or even to Burgundy, the English traveler may still see relics of the old time in the high cap of the Normande bonne and in the dress of the fishing-classes in the Pas de Calais, where the girl who ventures to wear a bonnet is looked upon as lost.

172 The Ordonnance of Orleans (1560) forbids the “manans et habitans de nos villages toutes sortes de dorures sur plomb, fer, ou bois.”

173 St. Allais: Ancienne France, i. 558, gives extracts from the edicts of 1561.

174 Qui vit jamais porter bas des chausses de soye
De 8 ou 10 escus, au lieu d’avoir du pain
Pour les pauvres....
... On eust veu femme
Porter dessus son ventre un miroir en l’église.

Artus Desiré: Le Dèsordre de France. Paris, 1577.

175 De Thou describes his mother “in equo post tergum sessoris domestici tapeti et stapedæ insidens.”

176 Corrozet: Antiquités de Paris, p. 210 (ed. 1577).

177 Calculating the actual value of the livre tournois at francs 4·50, according to the quantity of corn it represented, on the average of frs. 31·71 the setier.

178 In 1540 the marc d’or (= 8 onces, or 244·75 grammes) was worth £165 7s. 6d. of our money; in 1561 it had risen to £185, and in 1573 to £200.

179 The sol par livre seems to have been the constitutional tax, which Francis raised to two sols. The Traicté des Aydes, by L. du Crot, may be consulted with advantage.

180 Francis I. took away the silver rails that had been set by Louis XI. round the tomb of St. Martin of Tours.

181 Du Crot: Traicté des Aydes, ad fin.

182 The salt tax, oppressive enough by itself, was made more so by the way in which it was levied. It sometimes reached 25 sols the pound, and purchasers were forced to buy a certain quantity, and renew their store every three months, whether it was consumed or not. Bernard Palissy gives a curious account of the working of this tax.

183 A relic of this custom still exists in the practice of closing Temple Bar on the accession of a new sovereign.

184 “Sono stati forzati ad abbandonnar il paesi.” Relazione, iii. (Ser. I.) p. 423. Du Crot confirms this: Traicté des Aydes, p. 114.

185 La Noue sets it down at twenty million francs.

186 Mém de Condé, tom. vi. p. 603 (Collect. Michaud).

187 “Fas esse interficere... nisi obedire evangelio Calviniano.” De justa Reipubl. Christi in Regis Auctorit. 386 recto. See Labitte: Démoc. de la Ligue, p. li.

188 Arcère: Hist. Rochelle (4to. 1756), i. p. 333.

189 “Il prete francese [non] molto libidinoso e inclinato solo al vizio della crapula (gluttony).” The sense requires the addition of the negative non.

190 Révue rétrospective, i. 1833.

191 Démonomanie, p. 152. This man, according to Mezeray, gave Charles the names of 1200 of his associates. In Bodin and L’Estoile the numbers are set down at 30,000 and 3000; Boguet says “trois cents mil.”

192 The following title of a libelous pamphlet throws a curious light upon the subject in the text: Les Sorcelleries de Henri de Valois, et les Oblations qu’il faisoit au Diable dans le Bois de Vincennes, avec la Figure des Démons d’Argent doré auxquels il faisoit Offrande, et lesquels se voyent encore en ceste Ville. Paris, 1589.

193 Le lion jeune le vieux surmontera;
 En champ bellique par singulier duel,
Dans cage d’or les yeux lui crèvera,
 Deux plaies une, puis mourir, mort cruelle.

194 Isambert: Anciennes Lois Franç, xiv. p. 71; Ordonnance of Orleans, January, 1560.

195 Gregorius: Tertia Syntag. Juris Univ. Pars, lib. 74, c. 21. The evidence would hardly satisfy an English jury.

196 Gregorius: Tertia Syntag. Juris Univ. Pars, lib. 74, c. 21.

197 Coryat, Crudities, p. 8.

198 Joannes Millæus: Praxis Criminis persequendi (fol. Paris, 1541), contains well-executed plates representing various kinds of torture.

199 Claude Haton, ii. 704.

200 Giovanni Soranzo (1558) says 400,000 or more.

201 Corrozet (dd. 1568) says: “... Cette ville est de unze portes.... Lequel enclos sept lieues lors contient.” See also Tommaseo, p. 43; Coryat’s Crudities, p. 17.

202 Brun and Hogenburg: Théâtre des principales Villes.

203 Mém. de Vieilleville (Panthéon Litt.), 1836, p. 510.

204 Miror et innumeras forma præstante puellas,
Tam lascivo habitu cultas, adeoque facetas
Ut Priamum aut veterem succendere Nestora possint.

La Fleur des Antiquitez, Paris, 1533.

205 Marino Giustiniano in Tommaseo.

206 C’est la déduction du sumptueux ordre de Rouen, etc. Small 4to. Rouen, 1551.

207 Favin: Hist. de Navarre, an. 1565; Godefroy: Cérémonial de France, i. p. 909; Aubigné: Hist. liv. iv. ch. 5; Popelinière, i. liv. 10; Abel Jouan: Voyage de Charles IX.

208 Et ainsi Dijon a le bruit
D’être l’une, sans point de tache,
Des plus belles villes qu’on sache.

Blason et Louenge de la noble Ville de Dyjon.

209 Régistres du Conseil de Toulon, B, No. 10, fol. 247.

210 A General Hist. of France, by John de Serres (Serranus). Fol. Lond. 1624, p. 692.

211 Beza had a favorable opinion of the boy-king, but not of the mother: “De rege optimam spem esse, et hoc tibi, ut certissimum, confirmo. Sed puer est et matrem habet.” Beza to Haller, 24th January, 1561, in Baum’s Beza, ii. p. 25, App.

212 Baschet, p. 510.

213 Aubespine Négotiations, p. 781. The translation of this unctuous letter is from Miss Freer’s Elizabeth of Valois, i. p. 230.

214 Walsingham describes her as “naturally timid;” Travannes (Mém. ii. 256): “ambitieuse et craintive;” Suriano: “timida e irresoluta;” and again, “per paura di se stessa;” and Languet (Epist. i. 41): “Regina, ut est mulier, territa.”

215 Baschet, p. 518.

216 The chief members of this council were Anthony of Navarre; the Cardinals of Bourbon, Lorraine, Tournon, Guise, and Chatillon; the Prince of Roche-sur-Yon; the Dukes of Guise and Aumale, the Chancellor, Marshals St. André and Brissac, with the Bishops of Orleans, Valence, and Amiens. Condé could not act, being in prison.

217 The lawyers and parliaments were always jealous of the States-General. Pasquier, who was a “parliamentarian,” calls the appeal to the Three Estates a “vieille folie courant en l’esprit français.”

218 F. Bourquelot: Hist. de Provins, ii. p. 132. An ordonnance of 1565 throws a curious light on the morals of the clergy:—“Ad instantiam promotoris inhibitum fuit omnibus et singulis hujus ecclesiæ [St. Quiriace at Provins], canonicis, capellariis, vicariis, et aliis habituatis (?) ne, quovis quæsito colore, audeant mulieres scandalosas de lapsu et incontinentia carnis, quovis modo suspectas, in eorum domos claustrales introducere vel intromittere, et si quas habeant, illico et incontinenti ejiciant et expellant, sub pœna excommunicationis et amendæ summæ decem librarum et amplius.”

219 On the calculation that a livre would purchase as much in 1560 as twelve francs would now, the debt was equivalent to twenty millions sterling.

220 MSS. L’Ordre et Séance, etc.

221 “Ipsius audaciam nobilitas et plebs magno cum fremitu repulissent.” Beza to Bullinger; Baum’s Beza, ii. p. 20, App.

222 “Habere quædam in mandatis quæ contra ipsum card. promere jubebantur.” Thuanus, v. lib. 27, p. 14 (Paris, 1609).

223 The assembly acted up to this principle by ordering (7th January) the release of all prisoners confined on account of religion; but it was done secretly “for fear of scandal.”

224 The language of their cahiers was more moderate than Quentin’s speech; but in the text they have, for obvious reasons, been treated as one document.

225 “Ut auferatur malum de medio nostri.”

226 Lobineau, Hist. Bretagne, ii. 280; Bertrand d’Argentré to the Duke of Estampes.

227 Chantonnay to Catherine, 22d April, 1561; Mém de Condé, ii. p. 6.

228 It is hinted in a contemporary letter, that many feared to speak their minds lest they should be treated like Du Bourg. Languet disapproves of the Edict of July, and says of Catherine: “Non mihi videtur caute egisse.” Lib. ii. Ep. liv. p. 137.

229 Mém. de Castelnau; see also Mignet, Journ. des Savants, 1847, pp. 651–659. In a letter (dated 1565) Castelnau says of Elizabeth: “Je ne la vis jamais plus belle ni plus jolie, et vous promets qu’il y a telle fille de quinze ans, qui pense être belle, qui n’en approche point. Au reste, elle a de grandes et rares vertus, et un grand royaume” (no doubt in his eyes her greatest virtue).

230 “Elle leur donne à entendre qu’elle veut faire instruire le roi son fils en leur religion.” Discours Merveilleux, p. xxi. On this matter we may suppose the writer of that scurrilous pamphlet to be well informed, though we may doubt Catherine’s sincerity. See also Agrippa d’Aubigné (liv. iv. ch. 3) on the “langage de Canaan” the queen employed in her conversations with the Protestant pastors. Sec also Laboureur (i. p. 283), where she is described as “infected with this venom.”

231 Chantonnay advised that the heretics should be punished, Catherine replied: “Il n’était pas possible, vu le grand nombre... sans ruiner toute chose et exciter une guerre civile.” Lett. of 8th January, 1561; Mém. de Condé, ii. p. 601.

232 Mém. de Condé, ii. p. 11.

233 “Vestido como putas.” Chantonnay to Philip II., 28th October, 1561; Simancas Archives: Journal des Savans, 1859, p. 159.

234 In 1561, Micheli, the Venetian embassador, says that three-fourths of the kingdom are filled with heresy. They met and preached without any regard to the royal prohibition; and he notes it as very remarkable, that “priests, monks, and nuns, and even bishops, and many of the most distinguished prelates, had caught the infection.... Excepting the common herd, all have fallen away.”

235 The queen-mother was specially excepted.

236 There were actually six confederates, the three others being Cardinal Tournon, Marshal Brissac, and M. de Montpensier. Chantonnay to Philip II., 9th April, 1561; Bouillé, ii. 132.

237 “Tous articles... soient décidés et résolus par la seule parole de Dieu.” Bibl. Impér. 8927, États de Pontoise.

238 “Audio Reginam curasse scribi formam emendationis ecclesiarum.” Languet (11th December, 1561), Epist. ii. 184. Also Chantonnay (22d January, 1561): “Aussi verrez-vous un discours que l’on sème faussement avoir été envoyé par la Reine au Pape.” He hints that it was written by Montluc, Bishop of Valence, “pour (sous prétexte de piété) semer la fausse doctrine.” Mém. de Condé, ii. 20.

239 Alberi: Vita di Caterina de’ Medici (Firenze, 1838), p. 291. See also letter in Bayle’s Dictionary, art. Marot, dated 26th August, 1559.

240 Calvin writes to P. Martyr: “Audio quidem Regis matrem ita esse tui audiendi cupidam.” 17th August, 1561. Baum’s Theodor Beza, ii. p. 40, App. Peter Martyr, who had a great reputation for eloquence, waited upon Catherine as soon as he reached Paris. After a long and friendly interview she dismissed him saying: “Quod deinceps sæpius mecum sed secreto colloqui vellet.” P. Martyr Senatui Turicensi, 12th September, 1561. Ibid. p. 63.

241 Bèze à M. d’Espeville, 25th August, 1561; Baum’s Theodor Beza, ii. p. 45, Append. There is a Latin copy of this letter which differs in several respects from the French.

242 Beza tells us that his escort numbered a hundred horsemen, and that the Duke of Guise received him “vultu quam maximè potuit ad humanitatem composito.” Beza Calvino, 12th September, 1561, Baum. ii. p. 60, App.

243 Chantonnay’s dispatch confirms this. He says that the king and the chancellor “ne bougeraient de là, que l’on n’eut trouvé ordre pour apaiser les tumultes de ce royaume.” Mém. de Condé, ii. 16.

244 Some historians reckon twelve ministers and a score of lay delegates; but the difference is unimportant. Besides Beza and Peter Martyr there were present Viret, Marlorat and Jean Malo, ex-priests, Reimond, and others.

245 Beza afterward found it necessary to explain himself more fully upon this point in a letter to the queen-mother: “Il y a grande différence de dire que Jésus-Christ est présent en la Sainte Cène, en tant qu’il nous y donne veritablement son corps et son sang; et de dire que son corps et son sang sont conjoints avec le pain et le vin. J’ai confessé le premier, j’ai nié le dernier.”

246 “Adeo exasperati atque exacerbati sunt, ut proruperint: Blasphemavit, blasphemavit Deum!” Struckius ad Hubertum, 18th September, 1561; Baum ii. p. 66, App. Catherine, writing to the Bishop of Rennes, embassador to the emperor, complains of Beza’s speech: “Etant enfin tombé sur le fait de la Cène il s’oublia en une comparaison si absurde et tant offensive des oreilles de l’assistance, que peu s’en fallut que je ne lui imposasse silence.” (14th September, 1561.)

247 “Ut saltem æquiores nobis fiant.” Beza Calvino, 27th September, 1561.

248 His orthodoxy was suspected. “Homo quidem doctus, sed nullius religionis, ut verè dicam ἄθεος.” Belcarius: Rer. Gall. Comment. p. 937. “Il cancelliere che è scoperto nemico della religione cattolica.” Tommaseo, i. 530.

249 De Lisle to the king, 6th November, 1561. Mém pour le Concile de Trente (4to ed.), p. 110.

250 “Una gran parte del popolo crede a costoro talmente che col mezzo loro si potranno ridurre alla via buona, come che altrimente siano per diventare Anabatisti o peggio.” Santa Croce to Cardinal Borromeo.

251 Vie de Coligny, p. 242; La Noue, p. 350 (Engl. transl.). Pasquier writes of 8000 and 9000 assembling in October, and of an “incredible concourse.” Lettres, p. 233. Languet speaks of 12,000 to 13,000 present at a sermon in Orleans (Arcana Secreta, Ep. lv.); in Ep. lxii. he describes a meeting at which he was present: “non ducenti aut trecenti, sed duo, tria, et interdum novem aut decem millia... hodie vero existimo non pauciores 15,000 interfuisse.” p. 155.

252 After the massacre of Vassy (February, 1562), Condé offered the queen-mother the support of 2150 Reformed churches. Montfauçon, Monumens de la Monarchie, fol. 1733, v. p. 109. In 1598, the date of the Edict of Nantes, it was calculated that there were in France 694 public chapels and 257 private, over which 2800 ministers and 400 curates presided. There were 274,000 families, making about 1,250,000 souls, and of those families 2468 were noble. In 1561 there may have been 250,000 more.

253 “Maxima nobilium parte ad eos accedente adeo ut cœtus Calvinistarum magna frequentia omnibus prope et nobilissimis quidem regni urbibus habebantur palam.” Eytzinger: Leo Belg. p. 25 (anno 1560).

254 Beza Calvino, 23d October, 1561; in Baum: Leben Bezas, p. 210.

255 Castelnau, p. 68.

256 Baum (30th October, 1561), p. 117. Languet writes (26th October, 1561). “Dummodo non plures quam 200 conveniant, et sine armis.” Arc. Secr. ii. p. 153.

257 “Admodum severe nunc exequuntur edictum de usu armorum interdicto.” Languet (26th October, 1561): Arc. Secr. ii. p. 153. The Huguenots were allowed to retain their arms: “Sotto pretesto che non avrebbe a seguir qualche seditione... gli Ugonotti la portassero per sicurtà sua.” Barbaro: Relazione, 1564.

258 “Calvinistis infestissimo doctore.” Sanctesius: Resp. ad Apolog. Bezæ (ap. Lannoium, Hist. Gym. Navarræ, p. 770).

259 Sermon cath. sur les Dimanches, ii. p. 25. This sermon, though actually of a later date, is a fair specimen of the style of the day.

260 Sanctesius: Ad Edicta vet. princ. de Licentia Sect. 1561.

261 Complainte apologétique au Roi, p. 288.

262 Thierry: Recueil des Monumens inéd. de l’Hist. du Tiers État, ii. p. 683 (4to. Paris).

263 Thierry: Tiers État, ii. p. 712.

264 “Nostros potius quam adversarios metuo.” (4th Nov. 1561). Baum’s Beza.

265 “Me non minus severe in rabiosos istos impetus vindicaturum.” Ibid. ii. Anhang, 129.

266 This was Pierre Craon, called Nez d’Argent, because he had lost his nose in a drunken brawl, and it was replaced by one of silver. He was at one time Professor of Humanity at Rheims, but resigned his chair on turning Protestant, and removed to Paris. The children used to sing a song about him. He was “fort renommé en science,” and worked quite a revolution in pronunciation and orthography, sounding c like ch, and substituting k for c in calendrier, Catherine, etc. He also introduced parentheses, commas, accents, diphthongs, and apostrophes. One account says he was hanged in December, 1561. See Jean Lefèvre: Hist. des Troubles, i. p. 140.

267 Arrêt du Parlement; Archives curieuses, tom. iv.; Histoire véritable (a Huguenot account): ibid. p. 49–75.

268 “Un altro simile spettacolo.” Lett. to Card. Borromeo.

269 Forbes, ii. pp. 337–338.

270 Davila: Hist. Guerres civiles de France, I. p. 78 (4to. Paris, 1657).

271 Psalm xci. (Vulgate, xc.): “Non timebis ab incursu et dæmonio meridiano.”

272 Beza Calvino, 6th January, 1562. Baum. App. The Posidonius of the text is evidently the admiral.

273 See Varillas, i. p. 121; Gacon: Cour de Cath. d. Méd.

274 “A rigidioribus pontificiis accusatur Lutheranismi... jam pulchre simulet... videatur non multum a nostris dissentire.” Languet, Epist. 44, lib. 2. p. 112; 45, p. 116; 63, p. 159 (26th November, 1561).

275 The original report of the Saverne Conference is given in the Bulletin de l’Hist. Prot. Français, iv. p. 184.

276 It is hardly necessary to caution the reader against accepting these numbers literally.

277 A print in Montfauçon, which has been often copied, represents the duke himself stabbing a woman.

278 There are many contemporary and contradictory accounts of the Vassy massacre. Description du Saccagement exercé cruellement en la Ville de Vassy. Caen, 1562; Discours au Vrai de ce qui est dernièrement advenu à Vassi. Paris, 1562. This account says that the duke heard mass at Dampmartin, and then went on to Vassy, where he alighted at the convent. The Discours entier de la Persecution... en la Ville de Vassy, le 1 mars 1562, says that the duke was disturbed at mass by the singing of the Huguenots [who were outside the walls], and that on his sending to desire them to “wait until mass was over, when they might sing till they burst,” they sang all the louder. See also Alberi: Vita di Caterina de Medici, p. 92, note. Dr. Lingard asserts that Brantome was present at the massacre, but the abbé says plainly, “Je n’y étais pas.” The account in the text is substantially Davila’s; the duke’s own statement is in Castelnau.

279 The duke afterward attempted to justify himself on the ground that the Protestants had begun the attack; but it is not probable that a body of unarmed persons, including many women and children, would have provoked an armed body of men commanded by one of the first soldiers in France. If what Davila says is true, the duke did not regret this opportunity of showing how much he detested the January edict (liv. iii.).

280 Ste Croix, 15th March, 1562; Cimber, vi. 51.

281 “Magnifico apparatu,” says Eytzinger; “with 2000 gentlemen and 3000 horses,” says Brulart. The date is uncertain, the authorities giving 15th, 16th, and 20th March.

282 Monceaux was an undefended country-house, 1½ leag. S.W. of St. Denis, and ¾ leag. E. of Neuilly.

283 Letter of 12th April, 1562; Mém. de Condé, ii. 53.

284 La Noue: Politicke Discourses, Lond. 1587. This translation preserves much of the spirit of the original French.

285 Luillier to Lymoges, 20th April, 1562. Paris: Cabinet Historique, ii. p. 291.

286 In spite of the disarming edicts, the arms had not been given up, the Huguenots retaining theirs in some districts. Accordingly, on 28th April, 1562, the king wrote to De la Mothe Gondrin, ordering the arms to be restored to the Catholics, “pour leur sûreté et conservation, leur défendant néanmoins très-expressement, de par moy, de n’en mal user, et de n’entreprendre aucune chose de mauvais, sous peine d’être punis et châtiés exemplairement.” Ordinances and letters of Charles IX. in Archives of Lyons.

287 This statement, if correct, must be the number on paper merely, and even then it would be one in four of the whole population of Paris.

288 From the Enqueste sur la Profession religieuse de noble homme Jehan de Montruillon, 1570, it would appear, that the certificate required to be signed by the parish priest and his curate, the church-wardens and sexton, the district judges and others. It states that the bearer attends mass and confession, that he is married, and that his children were christened in the parish church.

289 “Ut occidendorum penuria interficiendi finem fecerit.” Eytzinger: Leo Belg. p. 31.

290 It may be objected that, as some of the cases cited in the text occurred after Condé’s revolt, they can not be used to justify it. They are introduced to show the state of public feeling at the time.

291 See also letter to church of Blois, 18th September, 1557.

292 “Nobis bellum non esse bonæ voluntatis, ut pax, sed necessitatis... necessitas quæ nos premit nullam patitur legem contra naturam.”

293 The reformer Brentius was at one time a decided advocate of the principle of non-resistance; but as he grew older, and witnessed the terrible persecutions of the emperor, he altered his mind, and contended that the subordinate powers, as being also of God, were called upon to resist the higher powers, if they should turn their swords against the people of God.

294 “Fuerunt aliqui, qui maluerint, plagas accipere quam stringere gladios, ego non fui in ea sententia.” Epist. ii. 149 (12th October, 1562).

295 Trebutien: Caen, Précis de son Histoire; also, Recherches et Antiquités de Caen.

296 Talcy (dép. Loir et Cher) is on the right bank of the Loire, not far from Beaugency. One room in the chateau is still called the “chambre de Médicis.” There is a tradition that the Bartholomew Massacre was planned here. It is now in the possession of a Protestant; but, owing to frequent alteration, little remains of the original building, except the donjon and a tower or two.

297 This edict is computed to have caused the death of 50,000 persons. Jean de Serres (Engl. transl.), p. 703; Mém. de Condé; Brulart’s Journal (13th June, 1562); Gacon, i. 58. Castelnau speaks of the “licence débordée de mal faire.”

298 Medicis MSS.

299 Claude Haton reckons that 800 or 900 heretics were killed in Paris in June, 1562, and adds: “God knows that many porters and rag-gatherers were made rich, and many Huguenots poor.”

300 The Pincourt or Paincourt of the plans. It was in the Faubourg St. Jacques, beyond the walls, and on the road to Ménilmontant. The Rue Popincourt forms the chief communication between the Rue Ménilmontant and the Faubourg St. Antoine.

301 Les Tragiques: Les Fers, p. 226 (ed. Jannet, Paris, 1857).

302 Pasquier: Lettres, p. 272; Bayle, sub voce “Lorraine.”

303 Revue Retrospective, v. p. 81.

304 Sommaire des Choses accordées entre les Ducs de Guise, de Montmorenci et Marèchal Saint-André. Capefigue recognizes the authenticity of this atrocious document.

305 Chaloner writes from Madrid (1st May, 1562): “They devise how the Guisians may be assisted, for... the prevailment of that side importeth them as the ball of their eyes.” Haines: State Papers, p. 382.

306 Throckmorton writes: “The Pope hath lent 100,000 crowns, and doth monthly pay besides 6000 soldiers.” Forbes: State Papers, ii. p. 4.

307 Forbes: State Papers, ii. pp. 16–20, 22–25.

308 Ibid. p. 54; see Latin version of letter, pp. 55–57.

309 The popular tradition says that Chassebœuf was hanged after the St. Bartholomew, by order of Henry of Guise.

310 In order to disappoint the enemy, the clergy often appropriated the church treasures, and thus the circulating medium of the kingdom was quadrupled. Brantome declares that “there was now in France more millions of gold than there had previously been livres of silver.”

311 Paris: Cab. Hist. vi. p. 205. Perissin’s vigorous engraving, “Le massacre fait à Tours par la populace, 1562,” represents dead bodies lying naked on the river bank gnawed by dogs and birds; men in boats braining with clubs such as tried to save themselves by swimming, soldiers shooting at them in the water; men tied to trees and disemboweled, etc.

312 Vie de Coligny, p. 269.

313 For an English account of the siege, see Forbes: State Papers, pp. 117–127.

314 La Poupelière, whom some writers have confounded with the historian, La Popelinière, says: “En tous les rencontres de ceux de la religion, il a fait piller, ne laissant que les murailles et que les terres qui ne se pouvaient emporter.” Canton d’Athis, p. 44.

315 Cf. De Bras de Bourgeville, a contemporary. Mém. de l’Acad. de Caen, 1852.

316 “Par l’oreille, l’épaule, et l’œil Dieu a mis trois rois au cercueil;” meaning Francis II., Navarre, and Henry II.

317 Jean de Troyes, abbot of Gastines, and Sapin, a councillor of parliament. The life of a third, Odo de Selves, was spared, but he died a few days after of fright.

318 “Errants et vacables par les champs.” Floquet: Hist. du Parl. de Norm. ii. p. 408. The Registres of the Hôtel-de-Ville of Rouen (4th Nov., 1562) contain a conciliatory letter from Catherine worthy of more attention than it has hitherto received.

319 Castelnau, p. 125; Throckmorton to Queen, 3d January, 1563, in Forbes, State Papers, pp. 251, 263, 276.

320 “The cavalry left their ranks, thinking it no shame to enrich themselves with the spoils of the Papists.” Vie de Coligny, p. 277.

321 Montaigne, liv. i. ch. xlv. (De la Battaille de Dreux), highly extols this movement, comparing it with that where Philopœmen defeated Machanidas.

322 Damville was the constable’s second son.

323 “The constable, so hated by the Reformed, had met with the same fate, but for the interference of a gentleman named Vesines, who showed them the baseness of the act.” Vie de Coligny, p. 277.

324 “Ita tantæ pugnæ exitum moderatus est Deus, neutra uti pars victa aut victrix dici possit.” Eytzinger, p. 43; Throckmorton’s letter in Forbes, p. 251; and Andelot’s on p. 263.

325 Paré: Œuvres, p. 796 (fol. Lyons, 1641). La Noue estimates the killed alone at 9000; but nothing can be more hap-hazard than the way in which writers of the period speak of numbers. Jean de Serres says the prince lost about 2200 foot and 150 horse. 800 gentlemen alone were killed. Forbes, p. 276. Beza speaks of 150 horse killed and taken; but on the enemy’s side “infinita sunt vulnera et cædes maxima.” Walsingham reckons the admiral’s force after the battle as 5000 horse and 2000 foot, while Guise had 3000 horse and 16,000 foot. Forbes, p. 259. Coligny writes to Elizabeth: “Notre cavalerie est intacte.”

326 Martin thinks the account of the Bishop of Riez “evidemment arrangé, surtout en ce qui regarde Vassi.” Hist. France, ix. p. 152, note.

327 Forbes, p. 277.

328 Ibid. pp. 339 and 343.

329 Schardius redivivus (fol. 1673): Responsio, iii. p. 113; Epistola, iii. 119.

330 Labitte, p. 15.

331 Paris: Cab. Hist. ii. p. 289; iii. p. 48; Vie de Coligny, p. 289; Recueil des Chants Hist. Paris, 1842.

332 Wright’s Elizabeth, i. 125.

333 Letter dated 29th March, 1563.

334 Correro, the Venetian embassador, writes: “Come cominciorno a rubare, rovinare e ammazzare, usando mille crudeltà, questo fu avvertimento alle povere gente, che da loro istessi cominciorno a dire: Ma che religione è questa? Costoro che fanno professione d’intender meglio l’evangelio di nissuno altra, e dove trovano mai che Cristo comandasse che se pigliasse la robba del prossimo e si ammazzasse il compagno? E con simili considerazioni si frenevano, ne piu si precipitavano come prima.” Tommaseo, ii. p. 118.

335 Jean de Serres puts a similar reply into the mouth of the Duke of Guise, when a complaint was made to him that, in these “uncivil tumults” many Catholics were slain: “There is no remedy,” he made answer; “we have too much people in France. I will deal so as victuals shall be good cheap.” Hist. p. 703 (transl.).

336 The particulars of this plot are given in a letter from Claude of Lorraine to Damville, the date of which has been fraudulently altered from 1563 to 1560. See Vauvilliers, i. 315. Tavannes says the plot was concocted at Trent by the cardinal, and Lestoile dates the League from this period.

337 Blaise de Montluc: Commentaires (Panthéon Littéraire, Paris, 1836). His shattered monument may still be seen at Estillac near Agen. The warrior, armed from head to foot, lies bare-headed on a marble slab, his arms crossed over his breast; his features are coarse and bold, his beard and mustache thick and long.

338 The Abbé Caveyrac in his Apology for Louis XIV. (note, p. 7) says of the subsequent recantation of this blood-thirsty renegade, that “he returned sincerely to God.” Let us hope he did, but on better grounds than Caveyrac’s word for it.

339 Le Baron de Chapuys-Montlaville: Hist. de Dauphiné, ii. p. 358 (8vo. Paris, 1829).

340 “Ruboribus interfusa, ut lutum sanguine maceratum.” Thuanus: De Vita sua, lib. i. p. 1165.

341 Archives curieuses, iii. 227; Varillas: Hist. Charles IX. (Cologne, 1684).

342 Discours de ce qui a été faict ès villes de Vallence et Lyon. 1562. A party pamphlet to be read with great caution.

343 In one of these convents was found “La machination écrite et signée faisant rôles des maisons des évangelistes et de toutes autres personnes (qui n’avaient point de maison), pour les mettre à mort, hommes, femmes et enfants, dans le 4 du dit mois de Mai.” This “machination” had no existence but in the imagination of the writer.

344 Pilot: Occupation de Grenoble par les Protestants.

345 Arcère: Hist. de la Ville de Rochelle, i. p. 358 (4to. Rochelle, 1756); Vincent: Recherches sur les commencements de Rochelle: “La maladie d’abattre les images était quasi universelle.”

346 One George Bosquet wrote a justification of this massacre: “Hugoneorum heret. Tolosæ conjur. profligatio memoriæ posita,” which was condemned by the council as a defamatory libel (18th June, 1563).

347 Imberdis, p. 3.

348 Jean de Serres (Serranus) adds that in the following year, 1563, a troop of fifty horse surprised the town, tied Ralet to the top of his house, and fired at him until they killed him (p. 701).

349 Vitet: Hist. Dieppe, p. 77. (Paris, 1844.)

350 De Bras: Antiquités de Caen, p. 170.

351 The whole of this frightful catalogue will be found in the “Théâtre des cruautés des hérétiques de notre temps, 1588.” Reprinted in the Archives curieuses de France (Cimber and Danjou), tom. vi. series 1. p. 299. See also in the same collection, chap. xiv. of the Discours sur le Saccagement des Églises, etc. en 1562, by Claude de Sainctes, and the Vrai Tocsain. We must not accept for truth all recorded by this writer, but after the most ample deduction from his narrative there remains much to lament and condemn.

352 Wright’s Elizabeth, i. 118.

353 Ibid. i. 131.

354 This letter was partly the composition of L’Hopital, and was written by Montaigne, the essayist, at that time one of the royal secretaries.

355 Langueti Epist. ii. 281, (20th January, 1564): “Se enim satis expertum quantum malorum.... Reginam nihil jam minus cogitare quam....”

356 Instructions dated 1562, in Le Plat, v. pp. 151, 155.

357 See a remarkable dispatch on this subject in the Rouen Library, Leber, Bundle D, No. 5725.

358 A portrait of Alva, by Titian, is at Warwick Castle.

359 See Freer: Elizabeth de Valois, ii. ch. 2. In this chapter we prefer to call the queen by her Spanish name, Isabella.

360 Per il gran caldo. Li Grandissimi Apparati, etc. Padova, 1565.

361 Walsingham to Smith, 14th September, 1572. Digges: Compleat Ambassador, p. 241.

362 The attendants of the court were so numerous, that they could not be accommodated in the town, but had to lodge in the adjacent villages or live in tents pitched in the surrounding fields.

363 Abel Jouan: Voyage de Charles IX., printed by Baschi, Baron d’Aubais, in his Pièces fugitives pour servir à l’histoire de France. 4to. Paris, 1759. See also Mém. de Marguerite.

364 Recueil des choses notables qui ont esté faites à Bayonne, etc. 8vo. Paris, 1566; Li Grandissimi Apparati e Reali Trionfi fatti nella città di Baiona. 8vo. Padova, 1565.

365 Raumer: Illustrations, i. p. 121.

366 Papiers d’État de Granvelle, ix. p. 298. 4to. Paris, 1852, ed. Weiss.

367 “Che a loro sono occorse questi ruine per non aver voluto creder e far quello che lui più di 8 anni li avvisò,” etc. 7th May, 1568.

368 Davila gives the same idea in different words: lib. iii. Mathieu (Hist. France, i. 283) says his authority was Calignon, a Catholic, whose Memoirs were published by Gomberville in his Supplement to the Memoirs of Nevers.

369 Baschet: La Diplomatie Vénitienne, p. 522. Paris, 1862.

370 It is clear from Alva’s letters first published in the Papiers d’Etat du Cardinal Granvelle, ix. pp. 281–330, that the general belief in a league to exterminate the Huguenots is erroneous, although Adriani (Storia Fiorent.) says expressly that Catherine had agreed upon what they called “Sicilian Vespers,” and that the king was to retire to the strong castle of Moulins in the Bourbonnais, where he would be safe. But Adriani is the only person who ever saw the MSS. in which he professed to read this. De Thou evidently did not believe the story (ii. 377, scribunt is his word); and Castelnau (liv. vi. ch. 1) implies as much.

371 Monitorium et Citatio in Mém. de Condé. 4to. 1743. The French protest and remonstrance are in the same collection. A remarkable memoir by Bapt. Dumesnil is given in Bouchel: Bibl. du Droit Franç. p. 549; and Preuves des lib. Egl. Gall. chap. iv. No. 27.

372 The cardinal had occasioned great scandal by taking a wife and calling her Countess of Beauvais, after his diocese.

373 Some authorities give “Paris,” for even in a matter which ought to be well known do the contemporary accounts differ.

374 Paris: Cab. Hist. iii. p. 56.

375 “Qu’il n’avait fait, ni fait faire l’homicide, et qu’il ne l’avait approuvé ni approuvait.” Brulart’s Journal, 29th January, 1566. This is hardly consistent with what he wrote at the time of the murder: supra, p. 222.

376 Jean de Serres.

377 Lettres, liv. v. lett. 3.

378 Remonstrance envoyée au Roi par la Noblesse de la R. R. du Maine. 1565.

379 Cimber, vi. 309; Discours des troubles (5th June, 1566).

380 This was said in the hearing of L’Hopital. Davila, i. 163 (Fr. transl.).

381 “Il y sera comme s’il était mort.” Archives de l’Empire, Papiers Simancas, carton B. In reading Catherine’s letters to her daughter we must not forget that they were to be seen by Philip also, and that she could not be truthful, even when writing to her own children.

382 Brantome speaks in rapture of this “gentille et gaillarde armée,” which was accompanied by “quatre cents courtisanes à cheval, belles et braves comme princesses, et huit cents à pied, bien en point aussi.”

383 Had Coligny’s proposal to stop Alva’s march been adopted, France might have been saved much misery; for among other things it would have satisfied the craving for war felt by that restless nation: “A quoi (sc. la guerre) la plûpart étaient portés par le génie de la nation, qui ne saurait demeurer en repos.” Vie de Coligny, p. 319.

384 Schardius: De Rebus gest. sub. Maximil. ii. 64.

385 Bouillon: Mém. i. p. 21.

386 Capefigue: La Réforme, ch. xxxii., gives the text of the “Instruction à M. Feuquières.” La Noue speaks of “certain intercepted letters coming from Spain,” p. 389 (Engl. transl.).

387 La Noue, p. 390 (Engl. transl.); De Thou, liv. xlii.

388 La Popelinière, xiii. 81.

389 Alva to king, 28th June, 1567: “Es increible el contentamiente con que estan los catolicos de Francia de ver pasar estas fuerzas de VM. en Flandres, que les paresce ser esta su redempcion; y así me dijo un secretario del Card. de Lorena... que el Card. su amo y toda la casa de Guisa estavan resueltos como las fuerzas de VM. estuviesen en Flandres, irse ellos á la corte, donde entien que esto les hará tan gran sombra que serán vistos diferentemente de como lo han sido hasta aqui.” Navarrete: Docum. ined. vi. 371.

390 “Certo sciverunt Pontif. Rom. et reliquos principes... constituisse jam tentare Galliam... conduxit itaque rex ad eam rem perficiendam xx. signa Helvetiorum.”—To the same purport writes Castelnau, 383.

391 “Habillé en ménagier faisant ses vendanges.” Pasquier, Lettres, ii. 117 (ed. 1723).

392 La Noue, p. 395 (Engl. transl.).

393 Had the Huguenots succeeded, they would have burned Paris. For the proofs of such an improbable story see Hist. relig. pol. etc. de la Comp. de Jésus, by J. Crétineau-Joly (3 éd. Paris, 1859), ii. ch. ii. p. 85.

394 Gachard: Corresp. Philippe II., tom. i. p. 593.

395 “Car tant plus de morts, moeingz d’ennemys.” Letter of 8th October, 1567. Livre du Roy. Grenoble MS. Gordes proving too merciful in carrying out these harsh instructions, the cruel and intemperate Maugiron was appointed his colleague.

396 As crowds of American ladies are reported to have gone out to witness the first battle of Bull Run.

397 The Huguenots adopted white, the king’s color, to indicate their loyalty; their opponents chose red, the emblem of Spain.

398 One account says that the constable was really killed by “un autre Ecossais,” who shot him in the loins.

399 “Expetebat pacem, et ob eam rem adduxerant eum in suspicionem apud vulgus ii qui sperant se ex calamitatibus publicis aucturos suas opes et suam potentiam.... Fuit amans patriæ et moderatior,” etc. Languet, Epist. i. 33

400 “Edoctus suo malo... omnino hoc incumbit ut Edictum ubique mandetur executioni.” Languet, Epist. ii. 357.

401 Borrel: Hist. de l’Église Réf. de Nimes, 12mo. Toulouse, 1856, p. 51.

402 Baragnon: Hist. de Nimes, tom. ii.; an anonymous Histoire de la Ville de Nimes, 8vo. Amsterd. 1767.

403 Charronet: Les Guerres de Religion dans les Hautes Alpes, p. 50. (8vo. Gap, 1863).

404 “Ce qui restait du pillage des Huguenots était repillé par les Catholiques.” Castelnau.

405 “Discours des Raisons,” etc., in Anc. Collect. Mém. France, xlviii. p. 224.

406 La Noue, p. 409.

407 Longjumeau is about four leagues south of Paris, on the old coach-road to Orleans.

408 Mezeray: Abrégé, iii. p. 1051. Montluc says: “Le prince et l’amiral firent un pas de clerc, car ils avaient l’avantage des jeux.” Comment.

409 Memoirs of Gaspar de Coligny (Edin. 1844), p. 116.

410 Die Menschen verwilderten mit den Ländern.

411 Archives of Tours. Luzarche (Victor): Lettres historiques, p. 81 (Tours, 1861).

412 Archives of Tours. Luzarche (Victor): Lettres historiques, p. 89 (Tours, 1861).

413 Languet, i. 58.

414 “Reclamarunt autem quantum potuerunt legati pontif. Rom. et reg. Hisp. immo aiunt eos Regi minitatos esse bellum, si hæreticis pacem concederet, sed Regem ita respondisse ut eos terruerit.” Languet, i. 62.

415 Gachard: Corresp. de Philippe II., vol. i. p. 609 (4to. Bruxelles, 1848).

416 Archives of Provins: Registres de Baptême. Charronnet: Guerres de Religion, p. 60. Comptes consulaires de Gap. 1569.

417 Claude Haton, p. 534.

418 Thierry: Tiers-État, ii. 726.

419 Laderchii Ann. Eccles. xxiii. 125, in Sismondi, xix. p. 21.

420 Journal de Lestoile. The Orange Societies were originally bound by a similar oath to “pay allegiance to the king and his successors so long as they support the Protestant ascendancy.” The loyal Catholics threatened to shut up Charles in a convent, and put another in his place, if he tried to protect the Huguenots. De Thou, v. p. 516.

421 Dom Vaissette: Hist. Languedoc, tome v. p. 216, note.

422 On the vaulted ceiling of the Tour de la Ligue is a striking fresco representing Condé as Mars, Biragne as Vulcan, Catherine as Juno, Margaret of Valois as a Muse, with other well-known historic characters.

423 Of this passage, Jean de la Haize, orator of La Rochelle, said: “La faveur du ciel s’étant déclarée si miraculeusement pour votre conservation, que la délivrance des enfans d’Israël par la Mer Rouge n’est point plus admirable et extraordinaire.” Second Discours bref, in Arcère, i. p. 369, note. Villegomblain (Mém. i. p. 16), says they crossed “near Les Rosiers,” four leagues below Saumur, which must be a mistake. A spot just above Cosne was pointed out to me by a lineal descendant of one of the sharers of this flight.

424 In the Cotton MSS. (Caligula E, vi. fol. 90) there is an inventory of jewels and trinkets mortgaged to Elizabeth by Joan of Navarre, Condé, and the admiral, 12th June, 1569.

425 Champernon married a daughter of the famous Count of Montgomery.

426 Raleigh’s Works, vi. pp. 157–158, 211.

427 Mezeray describes the frost of 1570–71 as lasting three months, during which the fruit-trees, even in Languedoc, were frozen down to their roots. In March, 1572, Smith, the English embassador, writes from Blois, complaining of “thirty days’ continued frost and snow.”

428 Leicester to Randolph (March 13), blames Condé’s “overmuch rashness,” and says his arm was broken by a shot. Wright’s Elizabeth, i. 313.

429 Champollion-Figéac: Documents hist. inédits, iv. p. 486 (4to. Paris, 1848).

430 When Charles heard the news of Condé’s death “surgit e lecto, properat ad summam ædem, alta voce depromit canticum Te Deum, jubet campanas omnes solenniter pulsari.”

431 One of the medals struck at Rome to commemorate this victory represents the pope and cardinals kneeling and receiving from heaven an answer to their prayers: the inscription is from the Te Deum: “Fecit potentiam in brachio suo; dispersit superbos.” Bonanni: Numism. Pontif. Rom. No. 14 (2 vols. fol. Romæ, 1699).

432 Catena, Vita di Pio V. p. 85. He wrote to Catherine to fight the enemies of God “ad internecionem usque;” and to Anjou to show himself “omnibus inexorabilem.” He describes Coligny as “exsecrandum illum ac detestabilem hominem, si modo homo appellandus est.” See also No. xi. to Charles (6th March, 1569), in Potter’s Lettres de Pio V. (8vo. Paris, 1826), where “punire hæreticos eorumque duces omni severitate” will hardly support the writer in the Dublin Review (October, 1865), who contends that the Church exulted over the St. Bartholomew massacre, not because the victims were heretics, but because they were rebels. In the prayer ordered by Clement IX. to be read on 1st May, Pius V. is described as elect “ad conterendos ecclesiæ hostes.”

433 “Death or Victory” had been Henry’s motto in certain court masques, until Catherine, whose curiosity was piqued by the three Greek initials he used, ordered him to discontinue them.

434 Some years ago there was in the cabinet of Alfred de Vigny, the author of Cinq Mars, a portrait, by an unknown painter, of Prince Henry, when not more than three years old. It was full of character and life.

435 Sir James Stephen says that Andelot was slain at Moncontour. Lectures, Hist. France, ii. p. 123. He died at Saintes, 27th May; Moncontour was fought 3d October.

436 D’Acier was ransomed for 10,000 crowns, on hearing of which the pope wrote angrily to Count Santa Fiore, “che non avesse il comandamento di lui osservato d’ammazzar subito qualunque heretico gli fosse venuto alle mani.” Catena: Vita Pio V.

437 Simancas Archives, Bouillé, ii. 448.

438 Henry of Nassau had left his studies to join his brothers: “dantem operam literis Argentorati fratres secum abduxerunt.” Languet: Epist. Secr. i. 117.

439 Raleigh: Hist. World, bk. v. ch. ii. sec. 8, p. 356 (fol. 1614).

440 Mém. de Perussis in Aubais, p. 106. The furniture and valuables—sculptures by Goujon, and pictures by Italian artists—filled 80 wagons, and produced 400,000 dollars by public auction in Paris.

441 Epist. Pii papæ V. Edid. Gouban, Antwp. 1640: “Nihil est eâ misericordià crudelius.” Lib. iii. ep. 45, Octob. 20.

442 Hist. France (Le Fère and Piguerre), fol. 1581, p. 119, b.

443 De Thou. v. p. 610.

444 Villegomblain: Mém. des Troubles, i. 255.

445 Gilbert de Voisins: Traité de Géognosie.

446 Weld’s Auvergne and Piedmont contains an interesting and picturesque description of a portion of this district.

447 Henry and the Prince of Condé had each a regiment at the head of which they made their apprenticeship in arms.

448 Matthieu, i. liv. v. p. 327.

449 Chatillon-sur-Loing (not sur-Loire), is in Loiret, five leagues S.E. of Montargis, and 16 leagues E. of Orleans, on the left bank of the Loing.

450 Simancas Archives: Bouillé, ii. p. 454.

451 Le Pipre: Abrégé chron. de la Maison du Roi, p. 30. (4to. ed.).

452 See also J. Rondinelli: Oratio in exequiis Karoli IX. Florentiæ, 1574.

453 Walsingham to Leicester, 29th August, 1570.

454 Digges: Compleat Ambassador, p. 7.

455 Ad Camer. p. 132. “Omnes affirmant esse eximiæ voluntatis regem; sed potentes sunt factiones eorum qui pacem improbant... omnia sunt hic tranquilla, nec dubitat quisquam regem esse pacis cupidissimum.” p. 136.

456 Baschet, p. 252.

457 “Nullam luci cum tenebris communionem, nullamque catholicis cum hæ. reticis... compositionem esse posse.” Letter of 29th January, 1570, Potter.

458 Tours Archives. Luzarche: Lettres historiques (1861), p. 129.

459 “Voyant maintenant les affaires de mon royaume réduites au bon état qu’elles sont (Dieu merci), après qu’il lui a plu pacifier des troubles qui y étaient.” MSS. Bibl. Imp. in Soldan: Frankreich und die Bartholomæusnacht.

460 Bouillé, ii. 456, note. See also État de France, i. 12 b (ed. 1579). Le Tocsain, p. 93 (ed. 1579).

461 “Non sine magna procerum indignatione.” Elsewhere he is described as a “monstrum nulla virtute redemptum.”

462 “Miroir de la Justice divine.” L’Estoile.

463 Davila, i. p. 500.

464 He was made Duke of Nevers after his marriage with Henrietta of Nevers, sister of Catherine of Cleves, the widow of Prince Porcien. Henrietta was the eldest daughter of the Duke of Nevers and Margaret of Bourbon, sister to Anthony of Navarre. Maria, the youngest daughter, married Henry of Condé in 1572.

465 Capefigue.

466 He is reported to have spent several hours at his forge on the very eve of the massacre.

467 Under date 22d March, 1751, Smith writes to Burghley from Blois: “Inordinate hunting, so early in the morning and so late at night, without sparing frost, snow, or rain, and in so despotic a manner as makes her (Catherine) and those that love him to be often in great fear.”

468 “Sanguineum reddebat in feras, non in homines.” Raumer (i. p. 271) suggests the omission of non, as being at variance with history.

469 The Archives curieuses (viii.) contain a statement of the sums paid by the king for the animals thus slain.

470 Recueil de ce qui a été faict à l’entrée, etc., in the Library of Ste. Geneviève.

471 Hist. de France (by Le Fère de Laval and Piguerre), fol. 1581. Mém. État de France, i. 40.

472 Charronet, p. 65.

473 A “chanson” of this period strikingly prefigures the massacre of 1572. Here is one verse:
Nos capitaines, corporiaux,
Ont des corselets tout nouveaux
 Et des cousteaux
Pour Huguenots egorgetter
 Et une escharpe rouge
Que tous voulons porter, etc.

Le Roux de Lincy, ii. 295.

In another chanson (No. xvii.) Coligny is threatened:

Pendu à une potence,
Paissant de sa chair et peau
 Le corbeau.

474 “There were men near to his sovereign (Charles IX.) who wished to bring him up in the Reformed religion; but he (Philip) would anticipate them, and embroil all the world beforehand.” Letter in Le Plat: Mon. Hist. Concil. Trident. Collect. v. p. 571 (4to. Lovain, 1781–1787).

475 Walsingham, 25th June, 1571.

476 “Che ’l Francese sia quasi necessitato desiderare la guerra con Spagnuoli.” Tommaseo: Relations Vénitiennes, ii. p. 171.

477 Walsingham to Leicester, 5th March, 1572; Digges, p. 49.

478 Alberi: Vita di Caterina de’ Medici.

479 Walsingham (6th August, 1571) gives an account of this interview from the report of the prince himself. Digges, p. 174. The État de France (i. 44.) says Catherine was present, which is a mistake.

480 Walsingham to Burleigh, 12th August, 1571. “Galli apud Hispanos in tantum suspicionem vivere.” Schardius Rediv. iv. p. 177.

481 Walsingham to Leicester (22d April, 1571) shows Teligny’s footing with the king. The embassador hints at opposition to the war against Spain lest it should give the management to other hands and parties.

482 After Teligny’s murder she married William of Orange. The present Count of Paris is descended from Louisa of Coligny, through his mother Helena of Mecklenburg.

483 She admired in Coligny “un assortiment rare de vertus et de talens qui lui rendaient la haute idée de l’ancien héroïsme.” Arcère: Hist. Rochelle (4to. 1756), i. p. 392. In order to prevent the marriage, the nuncio Salviati proposed her assassination: “Le remède serait de se débarrasser, par tous les moyens possibles, de cette méchante fiancée.” Coquerel: La Sainte-Barthélemy (Paris, 1859), p. 27, note.

484 Digges, p. 122. Walsingham to Burghley, 12th August, 1571.

485 About this time Catherine wrote to La Mothe-Fénelon: “L’amiral est ici avec nous, qui ne désire rien plus que d’aider en tout ce qu’il peut... comme aussi à s’employer en toutes choses concernant le bien du service du roi comme son fidèle sujet.” 27th September, 1571.

486 Fénelon to the king, 30th September, 1571, repeating Walsingham’s dispatch to his own government.

487 Mém. of Coligny. Translated by D. D. Scott (12mo. Edinburgh, 1844).

488 Fénelon’s Dispatches, October, 1571.

489 “La maison de Montmorency étaient ceux qui en avaient porté les premières paroles.” Mém. de Marguerite.

490 Chantonnay’s letter of 23d May, 1562; also hinted at in Aubespine, p. 844.

491 Walsingham to Leicester, 17th February, 1571.

492 He was married 17th September, 1570.

493 Popelinière, ii. fol. 44 b.

494 Charles to De Ferrals, 5th October, 1571. “The most eminent and faithful of my servants agree with me that, in the present condition of my kingdom, this marriage is the best means of ending all troubles.” Raumer, i. 277. The correspondence in Digges is to the same effect.

495 Walsingham writes 16th August: “The queen-mother had provided both jewels and wedding.” Digges, p. 135.

496 Le Tocsain (ed. 1579), p. 77.

497 “Linerolles, who by the house of Guise and the rest of the Spanish faction was made an instrument to dissuade his master....” (8th December, 1571.) “Linerolles, the chief dissuader of the marriage.” 31st December, 1571, in Digges. For another account see Freer’s Henry III. i. p. 72. Sorbin (Le vray Resveille-Matin) says he was killed at Bourgueil, not at Blois.

498 “Toutes marques, vestiges, et monumens des dites exécutions, etc.... ordonnons le tout estre osté et effacé.”

499 Felibien, ii. p. 1112.

500 There is a letter from Charles to Marshal Cossé (6th November, 1571): “Je veux que vous fassiez ôter la pyramide, et que vous me fassiez obéir, car le temps est venu qu’il le faut faire.” Soldan, ii. p. 423.

501 It stood here until destroyed in the Revolution.

502 Anquetil, Peyrat, and others say May, but Sir Thomas Smith, writing from Blois, 3d March, 1572, says: “This day the Queen of Navarre is looked for;” and Walsingham (29th March) reports an interview with her at Blois. Charles writes to Fénelon (8th March) that the Queen of Navarre arrived eight or nine days ago.

503 L’Estoile (Journ. Henri III.) and Sully both give the same story, evidently from common gossip.

504 The whole tenor of Charles’s letter to Fénelon (8th March, 1572) is in contradiction to the story given in the text. He says: “My aunt shows a good disposition to conclude the marriage.... There is a very good appearance of it.”

505 Lettres du Card. d’Ossat (fol. Paris, 1641), Lettre 185, p. 426. The Edinburgh reviewer (June, 1826) pressed this very unfairly against Dr. Lingard. The “enemies” might have been Spain. Catena, who had been secretary to the cardinal, speaks out more distinctly, but his report will not bear examination: “Io voglio punir questi malvaggi e felloni, facendogli tagliar tutti a pezzi, o non esser re, perdendo affatto la corona.” Vita del Papa Pio V. p. 196 (Roma, 1647).

506 Davila, liv. v.; Capilupi: Lo Stratagema; and De Thou give this story, but the latter does not believe it. Ant. Gabut (Vita Pii V.) gives the inscription on the ring which Charles sent to Alessandrino after the death of Pius V.: “Non minus hæc solida est pietas, ne solvi.” In the Mém. Etat de France, the legate “s’en allait bien content.” I. 150.

507 Digges, 3d March, 1572, p. 193.

508 “Il est du tout impossible de l’y disposer si chaudement.” L. Paris: Cab. Hist. ii. p. 231.

509 Soldan treats it as a fable, note 142.

510 Mackintosh: Hist. England, iii. Appendix D. Raumer, i. p. 281. After a description of the admiral’s murder and the massacre, the king “hopes that now the holy father will make no more difficulties about the dispensation.”

511 “Con alcuni particolari che io porto, de’ quali ragguaglierò N. S^ne a bocca, posso dire di non partirmi affatto male expedito.” Letter to Rusticucci (6th March, 1572), in Lettere del Sr. Ch. Alessandrino, quoted by Ranke, Franz. Gesch. bk. iv. ch. 3.

512 Her description of Catherine’s facility of lying is short and graphic: “Elle me le renie comme beau meurtre et me rit au nez.”

513 Baschet, p. 488.

514 Walsingham to Burghley, 29th March, 1572; Digges.

515 “Capitis sui jacturam facturum esse” Gabut: Vita Pii V. in Acta Sanctorum (Maii), I. cap. v. § 240 (fol. Antverp. 1580).

516 Journal de L’Estoile, p. 73. The words are rather different in the Reveille-Matin, but the sense is the same.

517 Grabut, Vita Pii V. cap. v. § 244. If Charles was not misleading the pope, these “designs” may have been the Flemish war.

518 Bouillé: Hist. Guise, ii. 492.

519 Claude Haton: Mém. ii. p. 663.

520 This is clear from her despairing language to Fénelon: “Vous êtes sur le point de perdre un tel royaume et grandeur pour mes enfans... nous pourrions avoir ce royaume entre les mains d’un de nos enfans.” 2d February, 1571, Corresp. diplom. Paris, 1840–41, ed. by Teulet.

521 The nuncio promised him 100,000 crowns. Walsingham to Cecil, 8th February, 1572, in Wright’s Elizabeth, p. 386. See also letter of 17th February, in Digges, p. 43.

522 Charles, writing to Fénelon (19th Jan. 1572), mentions a discussion about inserting the words “of attacks under pretext of religion,” and what Walsingham had said on the matter about a general Protestant Confederation. See Digges, pp. 169–173.

523 There is abundant evidence in the Fénelon correspondence. On the 20th March, 1572, Charles writes that Queen Mary “had exhorted the Duke of Alva to hasten to send ships to Scotland to seize her son,” and that “she would commit herself to the King of Spain.” He bids Fénelon tell her to write no more such ciphers, and “de se départir de telles pratiques et menées.” Walsingham’s correspondence shows that Spain, Guise, the pope, and others were conspiring to prevent Elizabeth from helping Flanders by an invasion of Ireland, “to which the king was not privy.” Digges, p. 36 (Letter of 8th February), p. 38.

524 Charles to Fénelon, 20th March, 1572: “We are in great hope of the marriage (of Alençon).... If it be accomplished, I shall not be ungrateful.”

525 Raumer, i. 196.

526 Simancas Archives. Paris: Cab. Hist. iii. 67.

527 Gachard: Bull. Acad. Brux. xvi. 1849 (pte. 1).

528 Simancas Archives. Paris: Cab. Hist. iii. 67.

529 “Quelque bon jeu.” Bouillé.

530 Gachard: Corresp. de Philippe II. 4to. Bruxelles, 1848, t. ii. p. 269.

531 Ellis’s Letters, p. 10; see also pp. 16 and 18.

532 Mém. de Duplessis-Mornay, Paris, 1824.

533 Walsingham to Burghley, 18th July, 1572. Grotius, Ann. p. 37, says 5000 foot and 500 horse.

534 Alva’s letters of 13th and 21st June, and 18th July.

535 The Grand Seignor heard of the proposed Flemish war, and offered to help Charles with two galleys and some troops. Sully: Mém. i. p. 15 (Engl. ed.).

536 Baschet, p. 540: “La guerra per quattro o sei di continui fu tenuta deliberata.” Tommaseo: Relations Vénitiennes, ii. p. 171.

537 “Tuttavia ne far ogni maggiore istanza.” See also his letters dated 20th and 23d August. Alberi: Vita di Caterina de Medici, 4to. Florence, 1838.

538 Digges, p. 231.

539 Letter to Burghley. Digges, pp. 231–234.

540 Sir Thomas Smith writes 22d August: “There is no revocation (recall of troops) done nor meant.” Digges, p. 237.

541 The Memoirs of Tavannes put this beyond a doubt.

542 Digges, p. 234.

543 Favyn says 10th June; an inscription in the État de France gives Idus Junii (13th).

544 Letter to Mdlle. de Guillerville, 12 June, 1572; Paris. Cab. Hist. ii. p. 227. Sir H. Norris testifies to the unhealthiness of Paris: he took a house beyond the walls, “to be out of the corrupt air of the town, which surely is such as none other to be compared to Paris.” Wright: Elizabeth, i. 306. See also Coryat: Crudities.

545 Mdlle. Vauvilliers, whose conscientious biography of Joan of Navarre is marred by the absence of dates and authorities, says that an autopsy was several times ordered, but never made (iii. p. 194). On the other hand, the Chronologie Novennaire expressly states that Caillard, her physician, and Desnœuds, her surgeon, dissected the queen’s brain, which they found in a sound state. On her death, see Villegomblain: Mém. des Troubles, i. 259; Bury: Hist. Henri IV. (4to. Paris, 1765); Favyn: Hist. Navarre, p. 863 (fol. Paris, 1612).

546 Lettres missives de Henri IV. i. p. 31. Collect. des Doc. Hist. France.

547 Matthieu, I. liv. vi. p. 343. A long list of these warnings will be found in the Reveille-Matin.

548 “Non solo con le parole ma con gli effetti;” and Michieli adds, “quanto agli effetti, quello che è poi seguito contra gli Ugonotti.”

549 Michieli: Relazione; Baschet. Salviati wrote (24th August): “Quando scrissi ai giorni passati che l’ammiraglio s’avanza troppo, e che gli darebbero sù l’unghe (a rap on the knuckles), già mi era accorto che non lo volevano più tollerare.” Walsingham was quite of Coligny’s opinion about the war.

550 Tavannes says: “There was no other resolution for the massacre than what the admiral and his adherents occasioned.”

551 Grabut says the marriage took place, “Gregorii XIII. permissu.” Acta Sanctorum.

552 “Lunedì (25 Agosto) la corte se ritira a Fontanablo, dove la regina farà il suo parto.” Petrucci, letter 20th August. On the 23d, giving Duke Cosmo an account of the attempt on the admiral’s life, he says: “Si pensava che la corte partisse martedì prossimo” (26th August).

553 Davila says that when she was asked whether she would take Henry for her husband, she made no reply, and that Charles with his own hand bent her head as if to nod assent. Margaret is silent on the matter.

554 Charles IX. to Ferrails, 24th August: “All my subjects have exhibited the greatest joy and contentment” at the marriage. It is clear from this letter that the dispensation had not arrived. Raumer, i. 281.

555 This is in direct contradiction to Tavannes, who says: “il continue ses audaces, importune, se fâche, menace de partir,” etc. P. 416.

556 We abridge rather than translate Anjou’s narrative, whose authenticity is doubtful. It will not bear minute comparison with other statements of indisputable truthfulness.

557 See Salviati’s letter of 24th August. Mackintosh: Hist. England. Anjou does not mention the presence of the duke at this meeting.

558 “Maurevers et non pas Maurevel,” according to the Art de Vérifier, but erroneously; he is also called Moruel, Montravel, Maurevert, and Moureveil. His real name was Louvier, sire de Maurevert en Brie. For his murderous services he was rewarded with two good abbeys. L’Estoile’s Journal. He accompanied Marshal de Retz on his embassy to England in 1573, and on his arriving at Greenwich, where the court was staying, he was recognized by a page, and pointed out as “the admiral’s murderer!” A shout of execration was raised, he was chased by the rabble, and never dared show himself again. Etat de France, ii. 217. He was killed in 1583, in the Rue St. Honoré, by young Arthur Mouy, who was immediately after shot by one of the guards who always attended the tueur du roi. Villegomblain, Mém. p. 144. Journal du Règne de Henri III. p. 71, ed. Cologne, 1672. This last epithet could hardly have been earned by the commission of one murder—that of Mouy. At the siege of Rochelle, none of the principal officers would associate with him, and he was sent to an isolated post. See Bouillon’s Memoirs, p. 14.

559 Some writers have supposed that through her daughter Margaret, Catherine discovered a scheme concerted between Charles and Coligny to banish both her and the Guises from court; and that a common danger made her combine with Duke Henry to crush the Huguenots, trusting to find the means afterward of counterbalancing the house of Lorraine.

560 It was the hotel of the Counts of Ponthieu; and in the 18th century became an inn, under the title, “Hotel de Lisieux.” Hommes illustres de la France, 1747.

561 He left with a “sad and dejected countenance,” says the Reveille-Matin: “Si facesse pallido e restasse smarrito oltro modo, e senza dir parola si ritirasse.” Giovanni Michieli, Relazioni, November, 1572.

562 Letter of Petrucci, 23d August. Archiveo Mediceo.

563 Cimber, vii. p. 211.

564 Michieli, the Venetian embassador, says that Guise had nothing to do with it (Baschet: Relazioni, p. 551), and adds that on Friday night the queen and Anjou told Charles of the plot.

565 The Neustadt letter has “Brüdern und Mütter.” Archiv. f. Geschichte, etc. xvii. 1826 p. 278 (8vo. Wien). This periodical contains a curious letter from an eye-witness of the massacre addressed to L. Gruter, bishop of Wiener-Neustadt, entitled Relation der franz. auff St. Bartholomäi Tag vorgegangenen erschröcklischen Execution über die Hugenoten, 1572, den 24 Augusti, anno 1572.

566 With a few verbal changes, the account of this interview is taken from Golding’s Life of Jasper Coligny. London, 1576.

567 La Chapelle des Ursins made the same reproach to Catherine, July, 1572. St. Foix: Hist. Ordre Saint-Esprit, i. p. 203.

568 “So ime auf den Füss trette, wolle er demsellben auf die Versen tretten.” Neustadt Letter, p. 278.

569 “Hic regi in arcano quædam a Colinio insinuata divulgatum est; alii tamen negant et secretum hoc de industria a regina impeditum, ne....” De Thou.

570 This is from Anjou’s narrative; but whether proceeding from him, or De Retz (as some think), there are no means of testing it.

571 “Il avait alentour de lui neuf médecins et onze chirurgiens.” Mém. de l’État de France, ii. 31 b.

572 La Noue.

573 The Hôtel de Clisson, afterward de la Miséricorde, was purchased by the Duchess of Guise in 1553. The old gate-way forms the entrance to the modern École des Chartes.

574 “Le malheur avait voulu que Maurevel avait failli son coup.” Mém. de Marguerite.

575 “Se l’archibugiata ammazava subito l’ammiraglio, non mi risolvo a credere che si fosse a un pezzo.” Salviati’s letter of August 24.

576 This meeting is not mentioned in Anjou’s narrative; but there must have been some such preliminary consultation between the conspirators.

577 Catherine afterward asserted that she had desired the death of six men only: “Reginam dictitare se tantum sex hominum interfectorum sanguinem in suam conscientiam recipere.” Serranus: Status Reipubl. x. 29.

578 It is stated in the Neustadt letter that the Swiss soldiers of Navarre mounted guard inside the house, while the French guard were posted outside, immediately after the king’s visit on Friday, and that the pass-word was very strict, in order to prevent any fresh attempt on the admiral’s life. Archiv. für Geschichte, etc. xvii. 1826, p. 278.

579 Paris: Cabinet Hist. ii. 259.

580 Archives de Mons.

581 Digges, p. 254.

582 Brantome calls De Retz the first and principal adviser of the deed; Davila says that he obtained the king’s consent to the massacre; and Margaret states that the queen-mother sent him to Charles between nine and ten o’clock at night, “because he (De Retz) had more influence with him,” and that he justified his mother and Anjou for trying to get rid of that pest “the admiral.” Tavannes partly supports these statements. I give the preference (reluctantly) to Anjou’s narrative, because it removes much of the confusion which would otherwise envelop the remainder of this eventful day.

583 On this Menselius remarks, that if the account be true, “Ipse (Anjou) cum matre minime cædis detestandæ particeps habendus esset, sed solus rex Carolus eandem animo concessisset.” Bibliotheca Historica, vii. pars 2^a, p. 213. Lipsiæ, 1795. Few will agree with the conclusion.

584 Juan de Olaegni says that Marcel, “cabeça de los vezinos,” was sent for, but the city registers say Le Charron. Gachard: Particularités inédites in Bull. Acad. Sci. Bruxelles, xvi. 1849, p. 235. If the “au soir bien tard” of Anjou’s narrative means “late in the afternoon,” there were probably two meetings, at the latter of which Marcel was present.

585 “Envoiez et portez... de fort grand matin.” Registres in Cimber’s Archives Curieuses.

586 Réveille-Matin. Margaret, writing twenty-four years after the event, says that Henry, by the king’s advice, had invited them to the Louvre, where they would be safer in case of tumult. I give the preference to her statement.

587 Mr. Froude (x. 397) writes Malin, which is probably a misprint.

588 Favyn (Hist. Navarre, p. 867) says that after supper, “about eleven o’clock,” the king went down to his forge with Navarre, Condé, and others, where they all worked as usual, until between one and two, when the tocsin was rung.

589 The Réveille-Matin and the Mém. État de France say, “attended only by a fille-de-chambre.”

590 “Ainsi que le jour commençait à poindre.” Now as the sun rose that day at five o’clock, this would make it a little after four, which does not harmonize with other statements.

591 We must remember that Anjou is vindicating himself, and that his narrative, like the confession of a criminal, endeavors to extenuate his crime.

592 According to Burg, he, Koch, and Grunenfelder were the admiral’s murderers; he does not mention Dianowitz. “At unus [M.K.] e tribus audacior bipenni (i. e., halberd) ilium miserum transfixit, tertio ipse [C.B.] eum graviter percussit, itaque septimo tactus tandem (mirum!) in caminum cecidit.” Letter of August 26, from Joachim Opserus, then at the College of Clermont, to the Abbot of St. Gall. Archives de l’Hist. Suisse, Zürich, ii. 1827. The Neustadt letter does not corroborate this account.

593 The Neustadt letter says the admiral was in bed, pretending to be asleep: “Danach wider zu Beth gelegt, und schlaffendt angenomen, dan er woll gedacht es wurde ime ietzo gelten.” P. 279.

594 A similar story—too well founded on the traditions of Würtemberg to admit of doubt—is told of the reformer Brenz (Brentius); but in his case the period during which the hen supplied him with food was eight days.

595 “Tened piedad de la vejez,” writes Olaegui.

596 Beza: Mors Ciceronis.

597 Juan de Olaegui says that Guise “le dió un pistoletazo en la cabeza,” and then flung him from the window. This is probably the pistol-shot which so alarmed the royal murderers at the Louvre, though another report (Alva’s Bulletin) says it was fired at the body as it lay dead in the court-yard. The Neustadt letter represents Coligny as struggling vigorously against four Swiss soldiers (das irer vier kümmerlich ime bezwingen mögten), and that a French soldier killed him by shooting him in the mouth. Behm was rewarded with the hand of a natural daughter of Cardinal Lorraine, and Philip II. gave him 6000 scudi (ostensibly as a dowry) for his life. See Petrucci’s letter (September 16, 1572), in Alberi, Vita di Caterina, p. 149. In 1575 he was captured by the Huguenots near Jarnac, as he was returning from Spain, and put to death.

598 Alva’s Bulletin. Tavannes says: “embrasse la fenêtre;” Serranus: “brachio fenestræ columnam complectitur, ibi acceptis aliquot vulneribus.”

599 It is uncertain to whom the disgrace of this last indignity attaches, some imputing the cowardly act to Angoulême. Alva, who was instructed by Gomicourt, says Guise did it; so also the Journal de Henri III.: “Le roi donna un coup de pied... ainsi que le Duc de Guise en avait donné au feu amiral,” p. 118. (Cologne, 1672.)

600 The Neustadt letter says it was cut off for the sake of the reward: “damit noch 2000 Kronen zu gewinnen.” Alva says: “la mettant au bout de son épée, la portait par la ville, criant, Voilà la tête d’un méchant.” Bulletin, p. 563. He adds the body was torn in pieces by the mob, so that “jamais on n’en sût recouvrer pièce.” At the time Gomicourt wrote to Alva, it was not known what had become of it.

601 Malgaigne, the latest biographer of Paré, does not believe the tradition that the great surgeon was specially saved from massacre, and denies that he was a Huguenot.

602 Some writers make him two or three years younger.

603 De Civilibus Galliæ dissentionibus, lib. 2, Nos. 39 and 52, apud Martene, Veter. Script. tom. v. 1459. Jacques Coppier, in a versified pamphlet on the massacre, called the Déluge des Huguenots, calls the admiral “Ce grand Caspar au curedent.”

604 Harleian MSS. No. 1625. In the Complainte et Regretz du G. de C. (Paris, 1572) the dead admiral is supposed to express his regret: “J’ai honni ma maison en trahissant la France—Et ruiné les miens par mon outrecuidance.” See also another abusive pamphlet: Le Discours sur la Mort du G. de C., Paris.

605 Coryat (p. 16) describes it as “the fairest gallows” he ever saw. It was on a hill, and consisted of fourteen pillars of freestone, and was “made in the time of the Guisian massacre to hang the admiral.” In this he is wrong; other authorities reckon sixteen pillars on a stone platform, tied together by two rows of beams. The bodies were left a prey to beasts and birds; and the bones fell into a charnel where the filth of the streets was shot. Le Gibet de M. by Firmin-Maillard, 18mo. Paris, 1863; Des Anciennes fourches patibulaires de M., by M. de la Villegille, Paris, 1836.

606 “After the massacre his body was exposed with the eternal tooth-pick in his mouth.” Edinb. Review, cxxiv. 1866, p. 369. This is a mistake, the body was headless.

607 “Graveolentiam scilicet hostilium cadaverum, quibusvis odoribus et pigmentis esse sibi fragrantiorem.”

608 Even Brantome is disgusted: he says the smell is certainly not sweet; “point bonne, et la parole aussi mauvaise.”

609 The Neustadt letter says that Teligny offered to ransom his life for 1000 crowns, which the captain agreed to accept if Guise would permit him. “I am a poor fellow, and 1000 will be of great use to me.”—“You are a fool,” answered the duke; “don’t you think the king will reward you better?” Teligny and his wife were poniarded. Teligny’s wife was not killed; she afterward married William of Orange.

610 At furiis agitata novis regina superba
Signa cani properat, venturæ nuncia cædis,
Ne regis mutata loco sententia cedat.
Tragica historia de miseranda laniena, by R. Fresner, Emdæ, 1583.

611 The tower on the Quai de l’Horloge, pointed out to strangers as that from which the signal was given, is of later date.

612 “Á las iij horas de la mañana.” Olaegui. Beza’s account would place it a little later. “C’était au point du jour.” Mém. de l’État de France, i. 217.

613 Jean de Gorris, years after his conversion, was so terrified at seeing his litter surrounded by soldiers, whom he imagined about to repeat the heresies of the Saint Bartholomew, that he was struck with paralysis.

614 The sun rose at 5h. 6m. on August 24.

615 There are great difficulties in fixing the time of this murderous scene. Davila and the Neustadt letter (p. 272) place it before the ringing of the tocsin, that is to say, before day-light; while it is hard to believe that Margaret could be mistaken, or that the murders were committed after the tocsin. Probably it was a little after four o’clock, as from an experiment made last 24th August, it would not have been possible to distinguish the king’s features earlier.

616 The Neustadt letter says the night was far advanced (folgentz spädt in der Nacht) when the king sent for Henry, after which the Duke of Bouillon posted the soldiers told off to murder the Huguenot gentlemen.

617 Margaret says thirty or forty, which is more probable.

618 French history has an unfortunate habit of repeating itself in its worst characteristics:—“He is at the outer gate, conducted into a howling sea; forth under an arch of wild sabres, axes, and pikes; and sinks hewn asunder. And another sinks, and another, and there forms a piled heap of corpses, and the kennels were red.” Carlyle: French Revolution (September 4–6, 1792), pt. 3, bk. 1.

619 Etat de Fr. i. 209 b; at ii. 25. Henry of Navarre is said to have witnessed the murders.

620 Discours simple et véritable, p. 36. Only two days before this, Charles and De Pilles had bathed together in the Seine, the latter holding the king’s chin and teaching him how to swim. Brantome: Hom. Ill. x. p. 193.

621 De Furoribus Gallicis; Réveille-Matin, etc.

622 “Non sine magno et effuso risu.” Serranus.

623 The name of this individual is not of importance; but he is called Lerac by Brantome, and Teyran by Mongez. Hist. Marg. de Valois. He was probably Gabriel de Levis, Viscount of Léran, the “Leiranus” of De Thou, and Leyran of Laval and Piguerre.

624 Some accounts place this scene on the 26th, after Charles returned from the lit de justice. Did he threaten them twice? A similar threat is recorded on September 9, when Elizabeth his queen intervened with tears.

625 The same figure is used by the author of the Illustre Orbandole, où Hist. de Châlons-sur-Saone. Lyon, 1672, b. 1, pt. 2, p. 10. “Une saignée fut si sagement ordonnée pour éteindre la chaleur d’une fièvre que des remèdes plus doux n’avait (sic) fait qu’irriter.”

626 Cimber, Arch. Cur. vii. 217, Registres. Réveille-Matin, 64. Mezeray, iii. p. 258. Mém. État de France, i. 216.

627 Comptes de l’Hotel-de-Ville, Félibien, ii. 1121.

628 Bussy thus effectually gained his suit about the earldom of Renel. “Hérite-t-on, Seigneur, de ceux qu’on assassine?”

629 Comme les autres Pluviaut
A, faute de vin, bu de l’eau.

630 It is written Odet Petit in Duplessis-Mornay’s Memoirs.

631 Supra, p. 343.

632 Pasquier, Lettres, p. 363. Some Englishmen are reported to have defended themselves successfully.

633 In a receipt for his stipend (penes auct.) dated 1563, he is called “Seigneur de la Ramée,” and a “noble et scientifique personne.”

634 There is a picture by Robert Fleury, exhibited about 1840, in which Ramus is represented sitting up in a bed on the floor, while his servant listens anxiously at the door.

635 Chronographia, p. 776, fol. Paris, 1600.

636 “Nobis vel potius reip. satis pœnarum dedit.” In the dedication of his “Comparison between Plato and Aristotle,” published in January, 1573, Charpentier compliments the Cardinal of Lorraine on the “brilliant and sweet day that shone over France in the month of August last.” Dorat says of Ramus punningly: “Maximum ramum maxima furca decet.”

637 Claude Haton says he was killed “more than a week after the declaration,” as he was riding to his court.

638 Now the Quai de la Mégisserie, between the Pont Neuf and the Pont au Change.

639 Jacques Coppier jests on the bodies “envoyés à Rouen sans bateau.” Another writer thus plays on the memorable mot of Charles IX.:
Cumque tuæ passim submersa cadavera plebis
 Volvat in æquoreas Sequana tristis aquas,
Tu pisces illis vesci, qui mandere pisces
 Noluerint, Roma præcipiente, refers.
Illustr. aliquot Germ. Carm. lib. de immani laniena. Vilnæ, 1573, p. 8.

A pamphleteer declares:

Ha! vous serez ingrats, poissons, vous auriez tort,
Si ne les recevez, du moins, après la mort,
Puisque tant ils vous ont donné de courtoisie,
De ne vouloir jamais vous manger en leur vie.
Discours sur les Guerres intestines; par I. T., Paris, 1572.

640 Agrippa d’Aubigné gives us the sequel of this man’s history. He assumed a hermit’s frock, and murdered the passengers he lured to his hermitage, “so unquenchable was his thirst for blood.” He met his tardy reward on the gibbet.

641 Journ. de Henri III., i. p. 32 (anno 1574).

642 Le Tocsain, p. 145 (Rheims, 1579).

643 Fronde says hastily, that the story rests only on the “worthless authority of Brantome.” Hist. Engl. x. 406. Now Brantome was a terrible gossip, but what could induce him to coin such a detestable story? Smedley (Prot. Ref. France, ii. 367) also says, “the fact is not mentioned by D’Aubigné,” which a subsequent note will show to be a mistake. Mezeray (Abrégé, 1665) says: “Le roy... tâchait de les canarder;” Bossuet: “Le roi qui les tirait par les fenêtres.” The Réveille-Matin, published in 1574, mentions it: so that the story was at least contemporaneous.

644 Mém. État de France, i. 1579 (2d ed.), 212 b.

645 “De laquelle ce prince giboyait de la fenêtre,” ed. 1626, p. 548. In his poem of Les Tragiques he refers to the same report, using the same characteristic expression:
Ce roy, non juste roy, mais juste harquebusier,
Giboyait aux passans trop tardif à noyer,
Vantant ses coups heureux.

Les Fers, p. 240.

This paints the king firing on the yet living bodies as they floated down the river. Agrippa is not an authority for the fact; but it is something to show that the report existed so early. I am told that a plate of the time represents this window as walled up. If this be true, why was it closed?

646 Du Cerceau farther tells us that, at the time when the first part of his work appeared, the great gallery intended to unite the Louvre with the Tuileries had been begun.

647 The time was about five, which gave him two hours’ start of Guise.

648 Memoirs of Sully (transl.), 4to. London, 1761, p. 27.

649 Mém. et Corresp. de Duplessis-Mornay (8vo. Paris, 1824–34), i. p. 45. He escaped to Rye, which, after suffering from a severe pestilence, had been “replenished by the French, who sheltered themselves here from the great massacre...; so that, in 1582, were found inhabiting here 1534 persons of that nation.” Jeake (Sam.): Charters of the Cinque Ports (Lond. 1728), p. 108.

650 Granvelle, hearing that L’Hopital and his wife were murdered, writes exultingly, and hopes that Catherine will soon be disposed of. See Michelet: La Ligue, p. 475.

651 Mém. authentiques de Jacques Nompar de Caumont: ed. by Marquis de la Grange, 8vo. Paris, 1843. Voltaire in his poetry adopts Mezeray’s account, that the father and his two sons lay in the same bed; that two were killed, and the third saved as by a miracle: but in his notes to the Henriade accepts the true version. De Thou and Sismondi also adopt the erroneous story.

652 Mezeray says that he saved “more than 100 Huguenots.” Abrégé, v. 157.

653 Burghley to Walsingham in Digges, September 9, 1572.

654 To them of the Castle of Edinburgh, August 25, at noon. MSS. Mary Q. of Scots, Record Office.

655 Ad Annam Æstensem.

656 Mezeray, who half believes in the miracle, tries to account for it on natural causes: “On pourrait dire que la cause qui avait excité dans les esprits ce violent et extraordinaire accès de fureur, était aussi celle qui avait échauffé cet arbre, soit qu’elle procédât de la terre, soit qu’elle vînt de quelque influence des astres.” Abrégé, iii. 1085. Favyn (Hist. Navarre), then a boy six years old, was taken to see the thorn. His memory must have been very strong to retain the circumstances he records.

657 Henault, Abrégé, p. 443.

658 Sully, Mém. i. p. 30.

659 Charles reminds us of Nero after his mother’s murder: “modo per silentium defixus, sæpius pavore exsurgens, et mentis inops lucem opperiens tanquam exitium allaturam.” Tacitus, Annal. xiv. 10.

660 Agr. d’Aubigné (Hist. Univ.) heard the story from Henry himself.

661 De Statu Religionis, iv. 33. Guise also said “qu’on avait fait plus qu’il ne voulait... qu’il n’en voulait qu’à l’amiral.” Mélanges: Journ. de Leipsic (June, 1693), p. 293. This is confirmed by a sort of newsletter from Paris, preserved in the Record Office (MSS. France, September, 1572.) “For the admiral’s death he was glad; but he thought for the rest that the king had put such to death as, if it pleased him, might have done good service.”

662 The Catholics condemned “non tanto il fatto quanto il modo e la maniera del fare... chiamano questa via di procedere con assoluta potestà, senza via di giudizio, via di tirannide, attribuendolo alla regina come Italiana.” Baschet: Relazioni, p. 295.

663 Corresp. de Charles IX. et de Mandelot, p. 39. Mém. de l’État de France, f. 215. Recueil de Lettres, etc., ed. by Merlet.

664 “Lasché la main à MM. de Guise.” Fénelon Corresp. See also Revue Rétrosp. v. 1834, p. 358, Charles to Matignon, August 26.

665 “Nous préservant de leurs mains.” Cath. to Philip, August 25. Simancas Papers (Bibl. Nat.), B, No. 144.

666 See the “Official Declaration.”

667 “Ces grimaces n’imposèrent à personne,” says Bossuet. Montluc disbelieved the story; “Je sais bien ce que j’en crus.”

668 Discours sur les Causes de l’Exécution, etc. Rouen, 1572.

669 In a circular to the churches dispatched in his name on the 23d, Coligny really used this phrase, but it was to quiet, not to excite them.

670 This was the meeting at which Bouchavannes played the spy.

671 Eytzinger got his information from a pamphlet, probably the royal justification, published at Paris, “cui lector tantum fidei tribuat quantum volet,” which is pretty plain, considering he was a Catholic. Leo Belg. p. 127.

672 Félibien, a Benedictine monk, evidently disapproves of the “discours sur lequel il ne nous appartient pas de porter notre jugement” (ii. 1122).

673 It is said in the Mém. de l’État de France, that one Rouillard was killed “at the instigation of the first president,” a statement we gladly believe unfounded.

674 Statius: Silv. v. 2, l. 88.

675 Others call him Bishop of Orleans.

676 An account of this violation of asylum must have been reported by Walsingham, but I have sought for it in vain. Sir Philip Sydney was then in Paris: Charles had appointed him one of his gentlemen of the bed-chamber only a few days before.

677 Tacitus: Agricola. Choisnin in his Mémoires describes the king and Anjou as “marris de ce que les exécuteurs n’étaient assez cruels.”

678 Walsingham to Smith, November 1, 1572. Digges, p. 278.

679 The cost of this banquet is given by Sauvai, iii. 368.

680 The Bull (6 Kal. November, 1572) was never registered in Parliament. I may add that Sureau, unable to stifle his conscience, fled to Germany, recanted, and died neglected by all.

681 Digges, p. 267. Letter to Smith, October 8. On September 7 he had written, “that there is a compact to destroy all persons that be of the religion.” Archæologia, xxii. 1829, p. 325.

682 See Martyrologue, respecting Orleans, p. 712 recto; respecting Bourges, 724 recto; respecting Bordeaux, “il n’entendait pas que cette exécution passât outre et s’étendît plus avant que Paris,” p. 730 recto.

683 It is given in Olagharray, p. 628, and the Réveille-Matin.

684 Vita di C. de’ Medici, p. 155.

685 Tom. vi. lib. 52, p. 421.

686 Paris: Cabinet Hist. ii. 258.

687 Raumer, i. 282.

688 Revue rétrospect. v. (1834) p. 359.

689 Raumer: Hist. 16th and 17th Cent., Letter 31.

690 When the Duke of Alençon revolted against Henry III., and the city rose in arms, Matignon was sent to reduce it, and as soon as the Protestants saw his banners, they opened the gates to him. Odolant Desnos: Mém. Hist. d’Alençon, ii. p. 285 (8vo. Alençon, 1787).

691 The account in the État de France varies from that in the text.

692 There is a curious story of an apothecary who discovered that the fat of the bodies was valuable and would fetch a high price, and of a general scramble for the bodies in the river, which were dragged out, that the fat might be extracted and sold. Mém. État de France, i. 263 b.

693 “In one day,” says one account, which is not probable. A contemporary brochure more moderately sets down the total at 1800. Massacre de ceux de la Rel. 1572: Mém. État de France.

694 De Thou says that the Huguenots who fled to the Celestine monastery were killed; but Golnitz affirms the contrary: “In hanc evangelicorum truculentam necem noluisse etiam consentire dicuntur canonici in æde Cœlestinorum.” Ulysses, p. 331. So also Mém. État de France, i. 260 b.

695 Ten leaves, probably containing an account of the massacre, are suspiciously torn out of the Actes Consulaires of the city. The Catholic historian says briefly: “Huit jours après, le même massacre fut fait à Lyon; je n’ai rien à dire là-dessus.” An expressive silence! Montfalcon, Hist. Lyon, ii. p. 685.

696 The order for the massacre was transmitted by Sorbin, the king’s preacher. The author of the Martyrologue says the murders began without orders. P. 712, recto.

697 See Martin: Hist. France, t. ix. p. 337, note.

698 “Ne voulait que aulcune chose fust attentée ni innovée contre l’édict de la paix.” Registre des Conseils, iv. p. 137. See also the Registre du Parlement for 1572. “Questi ordini (says Homero Tortora) non giunsero a tempo in molti luoghi per che la fama che vola per tutto il reame di quanto era avvenuto a Parigi invita cattolici di molte città a fare il medesimo.” Ist. di Francia, 4to. Venezia, 1619.

699 Memoirs of Latomy, MSS. The autograph copy differs materially from the printed text, which is of little value. Jacques Gâches, a Huguenot, has left memoirs, portions of which would repay publication.

700 Félice in a paragraph of a few lines manages to include almost as many mistakes. The arrests did not take place on August 31; the number of victims was not 300, and d’Affis gave no order for their execution. The magistrates, having no regular police or armed force at their disposal, were unable to resist the mob and the soldiers. Archives of Toulouse, ad ann.

701 This curious story will be found in the Dulaure MSS., preserved in the public library of Clermont-Ferrand. This (to say nothing of the instances already given) disposes of Capefigue’s “inability to find any proof of orders issued by the king to massacre in the provinces.” Hist. de la Réforme, iii. p. 229, note.

702 Capefigue says the letter is a forgery of the age of Louis XIV.; but it is published by Agrippa d’Aubigné in 1618. Adiram d’Aspremonte, Vicomte d’Orte (as he is sometimes called), was a cruel man, cruel to both parties. Even Charles IX. was forced to write to him in 1574, and tell him to be more moderate.

703 The bishop is said to have been in Paris at this time with the court as almoner. This, if true, is fatal to the correctness of the anecdote. I do not lay much stress upon the language of his epitaph: “Contre lesquels [the Huguenots] il ne faisait pas faute de se montrer.”

704 De Thou, tom. vi. p. 432 (4to ed.). See also, La Virotte: Annales d’Arnay, 8vo. 1837.

705 Journal of Mallet and Vautier, Esprit de la Ligue, ii. p. 51 (Paris, 1808).

706 Long: Guerres de Religion dans le Dauphiné. De Thou (vi. 428) says Gordes excused himself on the ground that the Huguenots were too strong.

707 Chorier: Hist. Dauphiné, fol. ii. p. 647.

708 Long. The historian gives a circular (December 6, 1572), in which Gordes exhorts the Huguenots to return to the Romish religion, “parceque le roi s’est résolu à n’en endurer autre.”

709 Borrel: Hist. Église Réf. de Nimes, 8vo. Toulouse, 1856.

710 To them of the Castle. Record Office, MS. Queen of Scots. He writes at noon on the 25th.

711 “Seint pleiben bey 1000 Personen und sonst gemeiner Personen über 5000 welche meisten theills ebendig, theils todt ins Wasser geworffen, theils heuffig in Campo Clericorum vergraben worden.”

712 “Plus de 7000 personnes bien connues, sans autres jetées dans la rivière qui ne furent connues.” P. 679.

713 See note to M. Ath. Coquerel’s monograph, “La St.-Barthélemy,” in the Nouvelle Revue de Théologie.

714 In the Mém. État de France (vol. i.) the names of nearly eight hundred victims all over the kingdom are given. See also ii. 20 and 25.

715 Bonanni: Numism. Pontif. i. 336. Mezeray, iii. 256. Abrégé, iii. 1082.

716 “Fu il sacco e la preda grandissima per due milioni d’oro.” Baschet, p. 549. It is evident that these are mere guesses.

717 “Il faut juger un temps d’après son esprit, ses émotions et ses mœurs.” Gachard.

718 “Ut porci cecidere proci.” Exulting over Coligny, he says, with a coarse play upon words:
Parte sacerdotes solitus mutare pudenda,
 Cuncta pudenda gerens, nulla pudenda gerit.

719 The year before (1572) he published a Chant d’Allégresse sur la Mort de Coligny, with the motto of Judas: “He went to his own.”

720 He charges Beza with giving orders “qu’on coupast τὰ αἰδοῖα aux prestres et aux moynes, ajoutant qu’il en vouloit remplir un puy.” From the date of the letter (September 15), some are of opinion that it must have been written before the massacre. Portès’s answer is given in vol. ii. of the Mém. État de France.

721 Sorbin was chaplain to Charles IX., and wrote a eulogistic account of his life, in which he skips over the massacre thus: “Le jour de la St.-B. se passe, où les principaux chefs furent châtiés selon leurs mérites, au grand regret de ce bon roy.”

722 See vignette on title-page.

[723] Ellis: Letters (sec. ser.) iii. p. 23.

724 Rommel: Corresp. inéd. de Henri IV. Paris, 1840.

725 Bruxelles, Bulletin, ix. 1841 (pt. 1), p. 560.

726 March, 1573; Revue rétrospect. iii. 1835, p. 195. Sir Henry Ellis (Archæologia, xxii. 1829, p. 323) held it to be “a strong proof of a deliberate plot,” that the documents on this subject had disappeared from the Public Records in France; but we have given ample evidence that such is not the case.

727 Mezeray and De Sancy call the pope, Innocent XIII.; Brantome and Sully, Pius V.; but the latter died on 1st May, 1572.

728 Twelve months after the massacre, the cardinal publicly applauded Charles to his face for his “holy dissimulation.” Dale’s dispatch: Macintosh, Hist. Engl. iii. 226, note.

729 The genuineness of this medal has been disputed on very insufficient grounds. It is engraved in Bonanni’s Numismata Pontificum (2 vols. fol. Romæ, 1689) tom. i. p. 336. It is No. 27 of the series of Gregory XIII. L’Estoile mentions it, under “Lundi, 30 juin, 1618,” as the “pièce que le pape Grégoire XIII. fit faire à Rome l’an 1572.”

730 “In Constantini quæ nunc et visitur aula.” Thuanus Posteritati. The outline of one of these frescoes in the frontispiece to this volume is taken from De Potter’s Lettres de Pie V.

731 See Dublin Review for October, 1865.

732 Lucan, iv. 192.

733 In Gregory’s instructions to Cardinal des Ursins (Fabio Orsini), he is to exhort Charles “ut cœptis insistat fortiter, neque curam asperis remediis inchoatam prospere, perdat leniora miscendo.” Bonanni, i. p. 323, 336, No. xxvii. Ann. Eccles. ad ann. 1572, in Potter. Hist. du Christ. vii. p. 330.

734 “Who otherwise never laughed.” St. Goar to Queen; Raumer, i. p. 199.

735 “Deconcertaron todos los planes del gabinete de Isabel [Elizabeth of England] é impedieron que se realizase su famosa liga con Francia.” Mem. Acad. Madrid, vii. p. 374.

736 Juan de Cuniga, embassador at Rome, writes to Philip II. that “the French here declare that the king meditated this stroke since the day he made peace;” but in another place he adds, that “he was credibly informed, if the assault on the admiral was projected a few days before, and authorized by the king, all the rest was inspired by circumstances.” Bulletin Acad. Sci. Bruxelles, xvi. (1849) p. 250.

737 “Uno de los mayores contentamientos que he recibido en mi vida.”

738 Letter of August 25. Simancas Archives.

739 “La mejor y mas alegre nueve que al presente me pudiera venir.” Gachard: Simancas Archives.

740 Burghley to Walsingham, September 9, 1572, in Digges, p. 247.

741 M’Crie: Life of Knox (1841), p. 337.

742 Brandt: Hist. Ref. of Low Countries (Chamberlayne’s transl.), fol. Lond. 1720, vol. i. p. 329.

743 Walsingham to Smith, 16th and 24th September.

744 Ranke: Franz. Gesch. t. iv. ch. 4. This is said in one account to have occurred on the eve of the massacre, when he was playing with Henry of Navarre. St. Foix: Essais hist. sur Paris, i. 74.

745 Agrippa d’Aubigné, unless he refers to another story, says the child was “disinterred and then devoured” by its parents, who were condemned, the man to be burned alive, and the woman to be hanged. See also Mém. État de France, ii. 224. Jean de Leri: Hist. Siége de R.; Paris: Cab. Hist. vii. There is a Latin version, Heidelbg. 1576.

746 Discours de l’extrême Famine, etc. par Jean Leri: Archives curieuses, viii. p. 19. Mém. État de France, ii. 219 b (ed. 1578).

747 Among other charges, La Mole was accused of endeavoring to destroy the king’s life by witchcraft; by means of a waxen image having a needle pierced through the heart, which an Italian astrologer, Cosmo Ruggieri, had prepared for him.

748 “Mollis vita, mollior interitus.” Punning epitaph on La Mole.

749 His defense was written by his wife Margaret, “God giving her the grace to compose it.” Mémoires.

750 This bloody sweat is an ordinary though rare pathological phenomenon. Dr. Bourdin describes the case of a farm-servant, thirty-three years old, from whose forehead blood suddenly began to issue and continued to flow for half an hour (April, 1859). In No. 40 of the Gazette Hebdomadaire (1859), Dr. Jules Parrot gives the case of a lady who had suffered from these hemorrhages from six years of age, and which continued after her marriage. Chemical analysis and microscopic examination combine to prove that the liquid thus secreted is truly blood.

751 Journal de L’Estoile. I am afraid the authority is not very good. See also Peleus: Vie de Henri IV. ii. pp. 385–390.

752 Better known as the translator of Plutarch than as Grand Almoner of France.

753 The nuncio wrote to the pope that Charles was killing himself with the chase; that he had nearly killed 5000 dogs and broken the wind of all his horses, valued at 30,000 francs. Salviati Cavalli writes to the same effect: “mal modo di vivere,” etc. See Drelincourt: Libitinæ Trophæa. Lugd. Bat. 1680. He broke out in large pustules and buboes all over his body: Villegomblain. His stomach was covered with livid spots: De Thou.

754 There is an old prophecy: “Væ et iterum væ! quando puer sedebit in sede lilii.”

755 His first tutors were the virtuous Carnavalet, the learned Amyot, and M. de Cipierre, a man of antique type and probity. The latter was succeeded by Gondi, “fin, corrompu, menteur,” who taught Charles to swear and blaspheme, “et le pervertit du tout.” Brantome. “Princeps præclara indole et magnis virtutibus, nisi....” De Thou.

756 Among others Claude Haton: “fut une grâce de Dieu comment le roi sut si bien dissimuler.”