Jeanne de la Clite and Her Son George Halluin
Hitherto the family history has been traced, but before proceeding further, it will be necessary to describe the man to whom the Ambassador must have owed more than to anyone else.
This was George Halluin, son of Jeanne de la Clite, cousin of Philippe de Comines,35 and an intimate friend of the great Erasmus. Mention has already been made of alliances between the Busbecqs and the Halluins; in the map it will be seen that Bousbecque lies half way between Halluin and Comines, being about two miles distant from either.
Towards the end of the fourteenth century, Colard de la Clite I. married Jeanne de Wazières, Lady of Comines, and thus became seigneur of the place. He had two sons, (1) Jean de la Clite I.,36 Seigneur of Comines, guardian of Philippe de Comines; (2) Colard de la Clite II., dit de Comines, father of Philippe de Comines.
Jean de la Clite I. married Jeanne de Ghistelles, and had a son, Jean de la Clite II., who was united to Jeanne d’Estouteville.
The sole child of the pair last mentioned was Jeanne de la Clite, who was destined to exercise so important an influence on the current of modern history.
It will be seen therefore that Jeanne de la Clite was the granddaughter, and Philippe de Comines the nephew, of Jean de la Clite I., but though the girl belonged to a younger generation, she was older than her cousin Philippe, having been born in the Castle of Comines in 1440, while the historian was born in the same place in 1445.
Philippe de Comines, being yet a child when his father died, was handed over to the care of his uncle; and there is a manifest probability that he and Jeanne were brought up together. His name is famous, she was one of the most accomplished women of her age. As she was so much older, it is probable that hers was the predominating influence: what that influence was likely to be may be traced in the education she bestowed on her son.
Charles the Bold, as has been already stated, made his court a sort of school for young men of noble birth; it was not likely therefore that he would neglect the education of his only child.
He provided for it by appointing Jeanne de la Clite as première gouvernante to the young princess.
On three remarkable occasions in the life of Mary of Burgundy we meet with Jeanne de la Clite; (1) when tidings came of the disastrous defeat of Nancy, and the death of Duke Charles, the Chancellor Hugonet asked Jeanne de la Clite37 to break the news to her young mistress before he himself made the official announcement; (2) when it was proposed to marry the princess to the Dauphin of France, a sickly child of eight, Jeanne de la Clite38 put her veto on the project. Her interference was not altogether approved of by the Burgundian Council, but it was decisive; (3) Mary of Burgundy’s first-born, Philippe le Beau, was baptised when six days old. Jean Molinet, the court chronicler, thought it necessary to record the order in which the great nobles and ladies went to the ceremony: of Jeanne de la Clite39 we read that she stopped behind to take care of her young mistress.
After Mary’s accession to the throne, Jeanne de la Clite became her première dame d’honneur; her next office was gouvernante to Philippe le Beau, who lost his mother when he was scarce five years old. She saw her young charge grow up, and became dame d’honneur to his wife, the unfortunate Joanna of Spain, accompanying her in that capacity to Spain in 1501.
She had been gouvernante to Mary of Burgundy, and in all probability she was present at the birth and christening of her grandchildren, Charles and Ferdinand, but her long connection with the royal family was now to terminate. Of her own choice she retired to Comines, and spent her last days in ministering to the welfare of her people.
Her important duties had not prevented her forming domestic ties. Early in life she was married to Jean Halluin, or Halewin, Seigneur of Halluin, and chief of what may be termed the Halluin clan,40 bringing as her marriage portion the important seigneury of Comines. Five children were the fruit of this marriage, three daughters, Wautier, who died young, and George Halluin.
The last succeeded to the seigneuries of Halluin and Comines, and also to the title41 which had been bestowed on his mother for her eminent services. George Halluin was born in 1470, his father died in 1473, so that, from his earliest infancy, his mother must have had the supreme direction of his education. Probably no woman was ever better fitted for the task. It is remarkable that Philippe de Comines, who was an excellent modern linguist, regretted deeply his ignorance of the ancient languages, when we couple this circumstance with the fact that his cousin and playmate, Jeanne, gave her son an education which made him one of the first Latin scholars of his age. With regard to his literary merits, we can produce two unimpeachable witnesses; the one is a man whose name was for centuries familiar to the schoolboy, Jean Despauteres, the writer of Latin grammars, the other is the great Erasmus.
Long before his mother had resigned her influential position at the Court, George Halluin had grown to man’s estate. A brilliant career, accompanied with wealth and high honours, seemed the manifest destiny of the young Seigneur. He was a gallant knight, placed at the head, not only of numerous vassals, but also of an important clan. His advice was sought by his Sovereign, and his voice in the council chamber was listened to with respect.42
As a loyal gentleman he was ever ready to give his country the benefit of his services, but of ambition he had none. The campaign over, the crisis past, George Halluin sought once more his books and his friends. He collected a magnificent library, he surrounded himself with students, young and old, and became the guide and oracle of the best scholars of his age. He took an interest not only in the pursuits of finished scholarship, but also in the best method of instructing beginners. He had a theory, which Erasmus thought he pushed too far, that grammars and rules were a hindrance rather than a help, and that the only road to a real knowledge of the Latin language lay through the best Latin authors.
In order to establish his views, he wrote a treatise on modern and ancient writers, showing how many mistakes arose from the grammars used by the former. It is curious that such a man should have been brought into so close connection with Despauteres, the great writer of grammars. When the latter was schoolmaster at St. Winoc, he showed George Halluin his treatise on Versification, ‘Ars Versificatoria,’43 which it had cost him three years to prepare, feeling confident of his approval. George Halluin examined it, and at once hit the blot.
Despauteres had to a great extent followed the lines of his predecessors, instead of mastering the authors for himself. George Halluin’s first question was, ‘Have you read Silius Italicus?’ Despauteres had not. ‘Read him by all means,’ said the Seigneur, ‘and you will then see your mistakes.’ When Silius Italicus was finished, he sent the schoolmaster Lucretius, Virgil, Manilius, Catullus, Tibullus, Propertius, &c., all of which were new to Despauteres, with the exception of Virgil. Despauteres read them, and rewrote his book at the cost of three years more labour. The preface testifies his gratitude to George Halluin. At this time Despauteres was schoolmaster of St. Winoc, but not long afterwards he became master of the ancient chapter school at Comines,44 a post which he owed no doubt to the patronage of the Seigneur.
The following extracts from the letters of Erasmus will show what the great leader of the Renaissance thought of George Halluin.
Erasmus to George Halluin, Seigneur of Comines.
‘Dearest George, if I am not very much mistaken, I have a clue to the man who quarrels with my book on Folly.45 He is a monk, he is a dark man, and his stomach is the biggest part of him. At first my book was understood by few, till Listrius published notes on it; but when, thanks to your translation, people were able to read it in French, fellows understand it who cannot construe the Psalms they patter.
‘Louvain, August 29, 1517.’
Erasmus to Thomas More.
‘In time we shall have scholars, for there is hardly a gentleman who is not giving his children a classical education, though there is not in the Court circle a single well-educated man, with the solitary exception of George Halluin.
‘Anderlecht, 1520.’
Erasmus to George Halluin, Seigneur of Comines.
‘I cannot tell you with what pleasure I received your letter. You have not then forgotten your old friend Erasmus, and in spite of your rank can condescend to write to him.
‘You say you are not satisfied with any of the Latin grammars or exercise books yet published, or with the Latin of modern writers. I am not sure, my dear friend, that you would not criticise Cicero himself, just as some have accused Virgil of solecisms, and Livy of writing dog Latin.
‘For my own part, I approve not of those who neglect either their authors for their grammar, or their grammar for their authors. The grammar rules should be few and sound; all the rest should be picked up from reading the best authors, or in conversation with good Latin scholars.... I should be more inclined to agree with you, if an instance could be given of a man who had learnt to write Latin without the aid of a grammar. I have with me here Ulrich von Hutten,46 an exquisite Latin scholar, of gentle birth and good breeding. I should recommend you to discuss the subject with him. I will come to you the day after to-morrow, health permitting, for I am still poorly, otherwise this letter would have been in my own handwriting, instead of being dictated. Most honoured Sir, farewell.
‘Louvain, June 21, 1520.’
An account of George Halluin would be incomplete without a list of his works, which are, (1) A translation into French of the [Greek: Enkômion Môrias], written by Erasmus, and dedicated to Sir Thomas More. (2) A treatise De Restauratione Linguæ Latinæ. (3) On the Coronation of Emperors. (4) A work on Music. (5) A treatise against Luther. (6) Notes on Virgil.47
This list shows the wide range of his studies, and also implies no small amount of literary toil, for George Halluin was one who loved to polish and mature his work. As Despauteres puts it, ‘nothing would satisfy him that fell short of perfection.’
Such was the man who must have exercised the greatest influence over Busbecq’s earlier years. The latter was born in 1522. George Halluin did not die till 1536, when Busbecq had left his home for the University of Louvain.
As, however, we have no direct record of the connection between George Halluin and Busbecq, the probabilities, which in this case seem to amount to certainty, must be set before the reader. (1) Busbecq was born at Comines, and passed his earlier years at his father’s house, two miles from Comines. (2) Though Jean Despauteres was dead, the school at Comines under his pupils maintained its high reputation. (3) George Halluin was a great patron of scholars, and had the finest library in Flanders. (4) The Busbecq family, as has been already shown, had made constant alliances with the Halluins; moreover, not only were they their nearest neighbours, but they had also been brought into close relations by the positions that George and Gilles Ghiselin and Jeanne de la Clite had severally occupied in the Burgundian Court. (5) Busbecq’s father was on intimate terms with George Halluin, hawking and feasting with him (see infra, page 39). Taking all these points into consideration, is it probable that Busbecq’s father, the neighbour, relative, fellow seigneur, and intimate friend of George Halluin, would fail to consult him as to the education of his scholar son? Erasmus, it is to be remembered, writing of these days, says that all the noblemen were anxious to give their sons a good education, but that George Halluin was the only member of the Court circle who was himself a scholar. Is it likely, therefore, that Busbecq’s father, having such a man at his door, went elsewhere for advice? Then there is the other side. Busbecq’s writings will show that he was formed in the mould of George Halluin. A Latin scholar of exquisite taste and wide reading, a student of many different subjects; in religion a reformer within the pale of the Church, desiring comprehension and objecting to schism; in short, a follower of George Halluin and a follower of Erasmus. At the end of Busbecq’s fourth Turkish letter will be found a distinct reference to the life which George Halluin led, as his beau idéal of earthly happiness. His wants are summed up thus—a quiet home, a good garden, a few friends, and plenty of books. This was the lot which George Halluin deliberately chose: this the life which Busbecq would fain have led.
The following epitaph was engraved on George Halluin’s tomb:—
Munera qui sprevit aulæ fumosa superbæ
Pro dulci Aonidum ludo et sudore Minervæ,
Nec tamen abstinuit regum, si quando vocatus,
Conciliis, gravibus consultans publica dictis,
Nec patriæ duros sudanti Marte labores
Defuit, et neutram contempsit tempore laudem.
Qui, quos antiqua populos ditione tenebat,
Legibus instituit, fuerant ut tempora, sanctis.
Comminii genetrix, Halewini cui pater arcem
Jure dedit prisca majorum laude regendam,
Ejus habes clausos cineres hoc marmore, mentem
Pronus ei precibus commenda, siste viator,
Æternum cineres faciat qui vivere rursus.
Of which the following is a free translation.
He left ambition’s phantom-chase,
The glare of Court, the greed of place,
For joys that letters yield;
But yet should Halluin’s sovereign call,
He gave good counsel in the hall,
And struck a blow amongst them all
For country on the field.
At once the scholar and the knight,
He taught his people what was right—
At least the best he knew.
The Seigneur he of old Comines,
And on his scutcheon might be seen
The arms of Halluin too.
On either side of lineage high,
He ruled each ancient seigneury,
The head of Halluin’s clan.
Then, traveller, pause awhile, and pray
To Him who can revive this clay
Mid realms of everlasting day.
There’s One alone who can.