Chapter XXIV
Expectation that Henry would return to the Roman Communion—Henry persists in carrying out the Reformation—The Crown and the clergy—Meeting of a new Parliament—Fresh repudiation of the Pope’s authority—Complications of the succession—Attitude of the Princess Mary—Her reluctant submission—The King empowered to name his successor by will—Indication of his policy—The Pilgrimage of Grace—Cost of the Reformation—The martyrs, Catholic and Protestant.
Whether Henry, on the exposure of the character of the woman for whom, in the world’s union, he had quarrelled with Rome and broken the union of Christendom, would now reverse his course and return to the communion of the Apostolic See, was the question on which all minds were exercising themselves. The Pope and the European Powers were confident, believing the reports which had reached them of the discontent in England. Cranmer feared it, as he almost confessed in the letter which he wrote to the King when he first heard of the arrest of Anne. She had been conspicuously Lutheran; her family and her party were Lutheran, and the disgrace might naturally extend to the cause which they represented. The King was to show that he had not, as he said himself, “proceeded on such light grounds.” The divorce had been the spark which kindled the mine; but the explosive force was in the temper of the English nation. The English nation was weary of a tribunal which sold its decrees for money, or allowed itself to be used as a tool by the Continental Sovereigns. It was weary of the iniquities of its own Church Courts, which had plundered rich and poor at their arbitrary pleasure—of a clergy which, protected by the immunities which Becket had won for them, and restrained by no laws save those which they themselves allowed, had made their lives a scandal and their profession an offence. The property which had been granted them in pious confidence for holy uses was squandered in luxurious self-indulgence; and they had replied to the reforms which were forced upon them by disloyalty and treason. They had been coerced into obedience; they had been brought under the control of the law, punished for their crimes in spite of their sacred calling under which they had claimed exemption, and been driven into the position of ordinary citizens. Their prelates were no longer able to seize and burn ex officio obnoxious preachers, or imprison or ruin under the name of heretics rash persons who dared to speak the truth of them.
In exasperation at the invasion of these time-honoured privileges, they denounced as sacrilege the statutes which had been required to restrain them. They had conspired to provoke the Pope to excommunicate their Sovereign, and solicited the Catholic Powers to invade their country and put the Reformers down with fire and sword. The King, who had been the instrument of their beneficent humiliation, did not intend either to submit the internal interests of the country to the authority of a foreign bishop, or to allow the black regiments at home to recover the power which they had so long abused.
Cromwell’s commissioners were still busy on the visitation of the religious houses. Each day brought in fresh reports of their condition. These communities, supposed to be special servants of God, had become special servants of the Devil. The eagerness with which the Pope solicited Henry’s return, the assurance that he had always been his friend—had always maintained that Henry was right in the divorce case, when he had a Bull ready in his desk taking his crown from him—was in itself sufficient evidence of the fitness of such a ruler to be the Supreme Judge in Christendom. Just as little could the Emperor be trusted, whose affectations of friendship were qualified by secret reservations. The King had undertaken a great and beneficent work in his own realm and meant to go through with it. The Pope might do as he pleased. The Continental Princes might quarrel or make peace, hold their Councils, settle as they liked their own affairs, in their own way; England was sufficient for herself. He had called his people under arms; he had fortified the coasts; he had regenerated the navy. The nation, or the nobler part of it, he believed to be loyal to himself—to approve what he had done and to be ready to stand by him. He was not afraid of attack from abroad. If there was a rebellious spirit at home, if the clergy were mutinous because the bit was in their mouths, if the Peers of the old blood were alarmed at the growth of religious liberty and were discontented because they could no longer deal with it in the old way, the King was convinced that he was acting for the true interests of the country, that Parliament would uphold him, and that he could control both the ecclesiastics and the nobles. The world should see that the reforms which he had introduced into England were not the paltry accidents of a domestic scandal, but the first steps of a revolution deliberately resolved on and sternly carried out which was to free the island for ever from the usurped authority of an Italian Prelate, and from the poisonous influences within the realm of a corrupt and demoralising superstition.
The call of Parliament after Anne’s execution was the strongest evidence of confidence in his people which Henry had yet given. He had much to acknowledge and much to ask. He had to confess that, although he had been right in demanding a separation from his brother’s wife, he had fatally mistaken the character of the woman whom he had chosen to take her place. The succession which he had hoped to establish he had made more intricate than before. He had now three children, all technically illegitimate. The Duke of Richmond was the son of the only mistress with whom he was ever known to have been really connected. The Duke was now eighteen years old. He had been educated as a Prince, but had no position recognised by the law. Elizabeth’s mother had acknowledged to having committed herself before her marriage with the King, and many persons doubted whether Elizabeth was the King’s true daughter. Mary’s claim was justly considered as the best, for, though her mother’s marriage had been declared illegal, she had been born bonâ fide parentum. What Parliament would do in such extraordinary circumstances could not be foreseen with any certainty, and the elections had to be made with precipitancy and without time for preparation. The writs were issued on the 7th of May. The meeting was to be on the 8th of June. The Crown could influence or control the elections at some particular places. At Canterbury Cromwell named the representatives who were to be chosen,442 as, till the Reform Bill of 1832, they continued to be named by the patrons of boroughs. Yet it would be absurd to argue from single instances that the Crown could do what it pleased. Even with leisure to take precautions and with the utmost exercise of its powers, it could only affect the returns, in the great majority of the constituencies, through the Peers and landowners, and the leading citizens in the corporations. With only four weeks to act in, a Queen to try and execute, and a King to marry in the interval, no ingenuity and no industry could have sufficed to secure a House of Commons whose subserviency could be counted on, if subserviency was what the King required. It is clear only that, so far as concerned the general opinion of the country, the condemnation of Anne Boleyn had rather strengthened than impaired his popularity. As Queen she had been feared and disliked. Her punishment was regarded as a creditable act of justice, and the King was compassionated as a sufferer from abominable ingratitude.
Little is known in detail of the proceedings of this Parliament. The Acts remain: the debates are lost. The principal difficulties with which it had to deal concerned Anne’s trial and the disposition of the inheritance of the Crown. On the matter of real importance, on the resolution of King and Legislature to go forward with the Reformation, all doubts were promptly dispelled. An Act was passed without opposition reasserting the extinction of the Pope’s authority, and another taking away the protection of sanctuary from felonious priests. The succession was a harder problem. Day after day it had been debated in the Council. Lord Sussex had proposed that, as all the children of the King were illegitimate, the male should be preferred to the female and the crown be settled on the Duke of Richmond.443 Richmond was personally liked. He resembled his father in appearance and character, and the King himself was supposed to favour this solution. With the outer world the favourite was the Princess Mary. Both she and her mother were respected for a misfortune which was not due to faults of theirs, and the Princess was the more endeared by the danger to which she was believed to have been exposed through the machinations of Anne. The new Queen was her strongest advocate, and the King’s affection for her had not been diminished even when she had tried him the most. He could not have been ignorant of her correspondence with Chapuys: he probably knew that she had wished to escape out of the realm, and that the Pope, who was now suing to him, had meant to bestow his own crown upon her. But her qualities were like his own, tough and unmalleable, and in the midst of his anger he had admired her resolution. Every one expected that she would be restored to her rank after Anne’s death. The King had apparently been satisfied with her letter to him. Cromwell was her friend, and Chapuys, who had qualified her submission, was triumphant and confident. He was led to expect that an Act would be introduced declaring her the next heir—nay, he had thought that such an Act had been passed. Unfortunately for him the question of her acknowledgment of the Act of Supremacy was necessarily revived. Had she or had she not accepted it? The Act had been imposed, with the Statute of Treasons attached, as a test of loyalty to the Reformation. It was impossible to place her nearest to the throne as long as she refused obedience to a law essential to the national independence. To refuse was to confess of a purpose of undoing her father’s work, should he die and the crown descend to her. She had supposed that “she was out of her trouble” while she had saved her conscience by the reservation in her submission. Chapuys found her again “in extreme perplexity and anger.” The reservation had been observed. The Duke of Norfolk, Lord Sussex, a Bishop, and other Privy Councillors, had come with a message to her, like those which had been so often carried ineffectually to her mother, to represent the necessity of obedience. Chapuys said that she had confounded them with her wise answers, and that, when they could not meet her arguments, they “told her that, if she was their daughter, they would knock her head against the wall till it was as soft as a baked apple.” In passing through Mary and through Chapuys the words, perhaps, received some metaphorical additions. It is likely enough, however, that Norfolk, who was supporting her claims with all his power, was irritated at the revival of the old difficulties which he had hoped were removed. The Princess “in her extreme necessity” wrote for advice to the Ambassador. The Emperor was no longer in a condition to threaten, and to secure Mary’s place as next in the succession was of too vital importance to the Imperialists to permit them to encourage her in scruples of conscience. Chapuys answered frankly that, if the King persisted, she must do what he required. The Emperor had distinctly said so. Her life was precious, she must hide her real feelings till a time came for the redress of the disorders of the realm. Nothing was demanded of her expressly against God or the Articles of Faith, and God looked to intentions rather than acts.
Mary still hesitated. She had the Tudor obstinacy, and she tried her will against her father’s. The King was extremely angry. He had believed that she had given way and that the troubles which had distracted his family were at last over. He had been exceptionally well-disposed towards her. He had probably decided to be governed by the wishes of the people and to appoint her by statute presumptive heir, and she seemed determined to make it impossible for him. He suspected that she was being secretly encouraged. To defend her conduct, as Cromwell ventured to do, provoked him the more, for he felt, truly, that to give way was to abandon the field. Lady Hussey was sent to the Tower; Lord Exeter and Sir William Fitzwilliam were suspended from attendance on the Council; and even Cromwell, for four or five days, counted himself a lost man. Jane Seymour interceded in vain. To refuse to acknowledge the supremacy was treason, and had been made treason for ample reason. Mary, as the first subject in the realm, could not be allowed to deny it. Henry sent for the Judges, to consider what was to be done, and the Court was once more in terror. The Judges advised that a strict form of submission should be drawn, and that the Princess should be required to sign it. If she persisted in her refusal, she would then be liable to the law. The difficulty was overcome, or evaded, in a manner characteristic of the system to which Mary so passionately adhered. Chapuys drew a secret protest that, in submitting, she was yielding only to force. Thus guarded, he assured her that her consent would not be binding, that the Pope would not only refrain from blaming her, but would highly approve. She was still unsatisfied, till she made him promise to write to the Imperial Ambassador at Rome to procure a secret absolution from the Pope for the full satisfaction of her conscience. Thus protected, she disdainfully set her name to the paper prepared by the Judges, without condescending to read it, and the marked contempt, in Chapuys’s opinion, would serve as an excuse for her in the future.444
While the crisis lasted the Council were in permanent session. Timid Peers were alarmed at the King’s peremptoriness, and said that it might cost him his throne. The secret process by which Mary had been brought to yield may have been conjectured, and her resistance was not forgotten, but she had signed what was demanded, and it was enough. In the Court there was universal delight. Chapuys congratulated Cromwell, and Cromwell led him to believe that the crown would be settled as he wished. The King and Queen drove down to Richmond to pay the Princess a visit. Henry gave her a handsome present of money and said that now she might have anything that she pleased. The Queen gave her a diamond. She was to return to the court and resume her old station. One cloud only remained. If it was generally understood that the heir presumptive in her heart detested the measures in which she had formally acquiesced, the country could no longer be expected to support a policy which would be reversed on the King’s death. Mary’s conduct left little doubt of her real feelings, and therefore it was not held to be safe to give her by statute the position which her friends desired for her. The facility with which the Pope could dispense with inconvenient obligations rendered a verbal acquiescence an imperfect safeguard. Parliament, therefore, did not, after all, entail the crown upon her, in the event of the King’s present marriage being unfruitful, but left her to deserve it and empowered the King to name his own successor.
Chapuys, however, was able to console himself with the reflection that the Bastard, as he called Elizabeth, was now out of the question. The Duke of Richmond was ill—sinking under the same weakness of constitution which had been so fatal in the Tudor family and of which he, in fact, died a few weeks later. The prevailing opinion was that the King could never have another child. Mary’s prospects, therefore, were tolerably “secure. I must admit,” Chapuys wrote on the 8th of July, “that her treatment improves every day. She never had so much liberty as now, or was served with so much state even by the little Bastard’s waiting-women. She will want nothing in future but the name of Princess of Wales,445 and that is of no consequence, for all the rest she will have more abundantly than before.”
Mary, in fact, now wanted nothing save the Pope’s pardon for having abjured his authority. Chapuys had undertaken that it would be easily granted. The Emperor had himself asked for it, yet not only could not Cifuentes obtain the absolution, but he did not so much as dare to speak to Paul on the subject. The absolution for the murder of an Archbishop of Dublin had been bestowed cheerfully and instantly on Fitzgerald. Mary was left with perjury on her conscience, and no relief could be had. There appeared to be some technical difficulty. “Unless she retracted and abjured in the presence of the persons before whom she took the oath, it was said that the Pope’s absolution would be of no use to her.” There was, perhaps, another objection. Cifuentes imperfectly trusted Paul. He feared that if he pressed the request the secret would be betrayed and that Mary’s life would be in danger.446
Time, perhaps, and reflection alleviated Mary’s remorse and enabled her to dispense with the Papal anodyne, while Cromwell further comforted the Ambassador in August by telling him that the King felt he was growing old, that he was hopeless of further offspring, and was thinking seriously of making Mary his heir after all.447
Age the King could not contend with, but for the rest he had carried his policy through. The first act of the Reformation was closing, and he was left in command of the situation. The curtain was to rise again with the Lincolnshire and Yorkshire rebellion, to be followed by the treason of the Poles. But there is no occasion to tell a story over again which I can tell no better than I have done already, nor does it belong to the subject of the present volume. The Pilgrimage of Grace was the outbreak of the conspiracy encouraged by Chapuys to punish Henry, and to stop the progress of the Reformation; Chapuys’s successors in the time of Elizabeth followed his example; and with them all the result was the same—the ruin of the cause which with such weapons they were trying to maintain, and the deaths on the scaffold of the victims of visionary hopes and promises which were never to be made good.
All the great persons whom Chapuys names as willing to engage in the enterprise—the Peers, the Knights, who, with the least help from the Emperor, would hurl the King from his throne, Lord Darcy and Lord Hussey, the Bishop of Rochester, as later on, the Marquis of Exeter, Lord Montague, and his mother—sank one after another into bloody graves. They mistook their imaginations for facts, their passions for arguments, and the vain talk of an unscrupulous Ambassador for solid ground on which to venture into treason. In their dreams they saw the phantom of the Emperor coming over with an army to help them. Excited as they had been, they could not part with their hopes. They knew that they were powerful in numbers. Their preparations had been made, and many thousands of clergy and gentlemen and yeomen had been kindled into crusading enthusiasm. The flame burst out sporadically and at intervals, without certain plan or purpose, at a time when the Emperor could not help them, even if he had ever seriously intended it, and thus the conflagration, which at first blazed through all the northern counties, was extinguished before it turned to civil war. The common people who had been concerned in it suffered but lightly. But the roots had penetrated deep; the conspiracy was of long standing; the intention of the leaders was to carry out the Papal censures, and put down what was called heresy. The rising was really formidable, for the loyalty of many of the great nobles was not above suspicion, and, if not promptly dealt with, it might have enveloped the whole island. Those who rise in arms against Governments must take the consequences of failure, and the leaders who had been the active spirits in the sedition were inexorably punished. In my History of the time I have understated the number of those who were executed. Care was taken to select only those who had been definitely prominent. Nearly three hundred were hanged in all—in batches of twenty-five or thirty, in each of the great northern cities; and, to emphasize the example and to show that the sacerdotal habit would no longer protect treason, the orders were to select particularly the priests and friars who had been engaged. The rising was undertaken in the name of religion. The clergy had been the most eager of the instigators. Chapuys had told the Emperor that of all Henry’s subjects the clergy were the most disaffected, and the most willing to supply money for an invasion. They were therefore legitimately picked out for retribution, and in Lincoln, York, Hull, Doncaster, Newcastle, and Carlisle, the didactic spectacle was witnessed of some scores of reverend persons swinging for the crows to eat in the sacred dress of their order. A severe lesson was required to teach a superstitious world that the clerical immunities existed no longer and that priests who broke the law would suffer like common mortals; but it must be clearly understood that, if these men could have had their way, the hundreds who suffered would have been thousands, and the victims would have been the poor men who were looking for a purer faith in the pages of the New Testament.
When we consider the rivers of blood which were shed elsewhere before the Protestant cause could establish itself, the real wonder is the small cost in human life of the mighty revolution successfully accomplished by Henry. With him, indeed, Chapuys must share the honour. The Catholics, if they had pleased, might have pressed their objections and their remonstrances in Parliament; and a nation as disposed for compromise as the English might have mutilated the inevitable changes. Chapuys’s counsels tempted them into more dangerous and less pardonable roads. By encouraging them in secret conspiracies he made them a menace to the peace of the realm. He brought Fisher to the block. He forced the Government to pass the Act of Supremacy as a defence against treason, and was thus the cause also of the execution of Sir Thomas More and the Charterhouse Monks.
To Chapuys, perhaps, and to his faithful imitators later in the century—De Quadra and Mendoza—the country owes the completeness of the success of the Reformation. It was a battle fought out gallantly between two principles—a crisis in the eternal struggle between the old and the new. The Catholics may boast legitimately of their martyrs. But the Protestants have a martyrology longer far and no less honourable, and those who continue to believe that the victory won in England in the sixteenth century was a victory of right over wrong, have no need to blush for the actions of the brave men who, in the pulpit or in the Council Chamber, on the scaffold or at the stake, won for mankind the spiritual liberty which is now the law of the world.
Footnotes
1 Calendar of State Papers, Hen. VIII., Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. Introduction, p. 223.
2 Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, Hen. VIII., vol. iv. p. 1112.—Hen. VIII. to Clement VII., Oct. 23, 1526.—Ib. p. 1145. Giberto to Gambara, Dec. 20, 1526.—Ib. p. 1207.
3 Giberto, Bishop of Verona, to Wolsey, Feb. 10, 1527.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. pp. 1282-3.
4 Giberto, Bishop of Verona, to Wolsey, Feb. 10, 1527.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, April 26, 1527, vol. iv. p. 1386.
5 Inigo de Mendoza to the Emperor, Jan. 19, 1527.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii. pt. 2, p. 24.
6 Alonzo Sanchez to Charles V., May 7, 1527.—Ib. p. 176.
7 Mendoza to Charles V., March 18, 1527.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii. part 2, p. 110.
8 Report from England, Nov. 10, 1531.—Venetian Calendar. Falieri arrived in England in 1528, and the general parts of the Report cover the intervening period.
9 Inigo de Mendoza to Charles V., May 18, 1527.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii. part 2, p. 193.
10 Lope de Soria to Charles V., May 25, 1527.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii. part 2, p. 209.
11 Mendoza to Charles V., July 13, 1527.—Spanish Calendar, vol. ii. part 2, p. 276.
12 Ib. vol. iii. part 2, p. 273.
13 Andrea Navagero to the Signory, July 17, 1527.—Venetian Calendar.
14 Mendoza to Charles V., July 17, 1527.—Spanish Calendar.
15 Wolsey to Henry VIII., July 5.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. part 2. Bishop Fisher to Paul, ibid., p. 1471.
16 Charles V. to Inigo de Mendoza, July 29.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. part 2, p. 1500.
17 Ibid.
18 Charles V. to Mendoza, Sept. 30, 1527.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. p. 1569.
19 The Emperor to the Cardinal of York, Aug. 31, 1527.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii. part 2, p. 357.
20 Wolsey to Henry VIII., Aug. —, 1527.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. part 2.
21 The Cardinals of France to Clement VII., Sept. 16, 1527.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii. part 2, p. 383.
22 Mendoza to Charles V., Aug. 16, 1527.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii. part 2, p. 327.
23 The date of Henry’s resolution to marry Anne is of some consequence, since the general assumption is that it was the origin of the divorce. Rumour, of course, said so afterwards, but there is no evidence for it. The early love-letters written by the King to her are assigned by Mr. Brewer to the midsummer of 1527. But they are undated, and therefore the period assigned to them is conjecture merely.
24 Mendoza to Charles V., Oct. 26, 1527.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii. part 2, p. 432.
25 Ibid.
26 Knight to Henry VIII., Dec. 4.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. part 2, pp. 1633-4.
27 I follow Mr. Brewer’s translation.
28 1. When he says, “It is thought,” let him be examined whom he ever heard say any such thing of the King. 2. Where, when, and why he spoke those words to Sir Wm. Essex and Sir Wm. Barentyne. 3. Whether he communicated the matter to any other. 5, 6. Whether he thought the words true and why. 7, 8. Whether he did not think the words very slanderous to any man’s good name. 10, 15. Whether he thinks such reports conducive to the peace of the Commonwealth, or fitting for a true subject to spread.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, 1537, p. 333.
29 Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. part 2, p. 1672.
30 Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. part 2, p. 1672.
31 Casalis to Wolsey, January 13, 1528.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. part 2, p. 1694.
32 Three foreigners held English sees, not one of which either of them had probably ever visited. Campeggio was Bishop of Salisbury; Ghinucci, the auditor of the Rota, was Bishop of Worcester; and Catherine’s Spanish confessor, who had come with her to England, was Bishop of Llandaff.
33 Wolsey to Gardiner and Fox, February —, 1528.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. part 2, p. 1740.
34 Embassy to the German Princes, January 5, 1534.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vii. p. 10.
35 Casalis to Peter Vannes, April, 1538.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. part 2, p. 1842.
36 Henry VIII. to Anne Boleyn, June or July, 1528.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. part 2, p. 1960.
37 Eleanor Carey was the sister of Mary Boleyn’s husband.
38 Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv., Introduction, pp. 388-9.
39 The Emperor to Mendoza, July 5, 1528.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii. part 2, p. 728.
40 Mendoza to the Emperor, September 18, 1528.—Ibid. vol. iii. part 2, p. 788.
41 Charles V. to Queen Catherine, September 1, 1528.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii. part 2, p. 779.
42 Campeggio to Salviati and to Sanga, October 17, 1528.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. part 2, pp. 2099-2102.
43 Campeggio to Salviati, October 26, 1528.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. part 2, p. 2108.
44 Campeggio to Sanga, Oct. 28.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vi. part 2, p. 2113.
45 Sanga to Campeggio, Dec. —, 1528.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vi. part 2, p. 2210.
46 Wolsey to Casalis, Nov. 1, 1528.—Ib. vol. iv. part 2, p. 2120.
47 Catherine to Charles V., Nov. 24, 1528.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii. part 2, p. 855.
48 Mendoza to Charles V., Dec. 2, 1528.—Ib. p. 862. Jan. 16, 1529.—ib. p. 878.
49 Sylvester Darius to Wolsey, Nov. 25, 1528.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 2126.
50 Du Bellay to Montmorency, Dec. 9, 1528.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 2177.
51 John Casalis to Wolsey, Dec. 17, 1528.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. part 2, p. 2186.
52 Mendoza to Charles V., Feb. 4, 1529.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii. part 2.
53 Knight and Benet to Wolsey, Jan. 8, 1529.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. part 3, p. 2262.
54 Mai to Charles V., April 3, 1529,—Spanish Calendar, vol. iii. part 2, p. 973.
55 Micer Mai to the Emperor, May 11, 1529.—Ibid. vol. iv. part 1, p. 20.
56 In Spanish the words are even more emphatically contemptuous: “Y que ennoramala que se curasen de sus bulas y de sus bellaquerias, si las querian dar ó no dar, y que no pongan lengua en los reyes y querir ser jueces de la subjeccion de los reynos.”
57 Micer Mai to the Emperor, June 5, 1529.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 60.
58 Campeggio to Sanga, April 3, 1529.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. p. 2379.
59 Gardiner to Henry VIII., April 21.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. p. 2415.
60 Bryan to Henry VIII.—Ibid. p. 2418.
61 Wolsey to Gardiner, May 5, 1529.—Ibid. p. 2442.
62 Campeggio to Salviati, May 12, 1529.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, p. 2451.
63 Du Bellay to Montmorency, May 22, 1529.—Ibid. vol. iv. p. 2469.
64 Ibid. May 28, 1529, p. 2476-7.
65 The Duke of Suffolk to Henry VIII., June 4, 1529.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. p. 2491.
66 Sanga to Campeggio, May 29, 1529.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. p. 2479.
67 Casalis to Wolsey, June 13, 1529.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, pp. 2507-8.
68 Mendoza to Charles V., June 17, 1529.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 96.
69 Campeggio to Salviati, June 16, 1529.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. p. 2509.
70 Wolsey to Casalis, June 22, 1529.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. p. 2526.
71 “La mas necia y bellaca carta que se pudiera hacer en el Infierno.”
72 Mai to Charles V., August 4, 1529.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, page 155 (abridged).
73 Same to the same, August 28.—Ibid. p. 182.
74 Benet, Casalis, and Vannes to Henry VIII.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. pp. 2567-8.
75 Campeggio to Salviati, June 29, 1529.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. p. 2538.
76 Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. p. 2581.
77 Mai to Charles V., Sept. 3, 1529.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 195.
78 This was not an idle boast. A united army of French and English might easily have marched across the Alps; and nothing would have pleased Francis better than to have led such an army, with his brother of England at his side, to drive out the Emperor.
79 Wolsey to Benet, etc., July 27.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. p. 2591.
80 Paget to Petre.—State Papers, Henry VIII., vol. x. p. 466.
81 Chapuys to the Regent Margaret, Sept. 18, 1529.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 214.
82 Chapuys to Charles V., Sept. 2.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. part 2, p. 225.
83 Ibid. p. 229.
84 Chapuys to Charles V., Sept. 2, 1529.—Spanish Calendar, vol. vi. part 1, pp. 236-7.
85 Ibid. p. 236.
86 Ibid. p. 274.
87 Chapuys to Charles V., Sept. 2, 1529.—Spanish Calendar, vol. vi. part 1, p. 294.
88 The transcripts of these documents were furnished to me by the late Sir Francis Palgrave, who was then Keeper of the Records.
89 Cardinal Wolsey and Lord Darcy, July 1, 1529.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. pp. 2548-62.
90 Du Bellay to Montmorency, Oct. 17, 1529.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. pt. 3, p. 2675.
91 Chapuys to the Emperor, Oct. 25, 1529.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. pt. 1, p. 304.
92 Hen. VIII. to Campeggio, Oct. 22, 1529.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. p. 2677.
93 To Salviati, Nov. 5.—Ibid. p. 2702.
94 Hen. VIII. to Clement VII.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. p. 2660.
95 Casalis to Henry VIII., Dec. 26, 1529.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. p. 2722.
96 Chapuys to Charles V., Dec. 6, 1529.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 344.
97 Ibid.
98 Chapuys to Charles V., Dec. 6, 1529.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 351.
99 Charles V. to Ferdinand, Jan. 11, 1530.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. p. 2742.
100 Chapuys to Charles V., Dec. 9, 1529—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 359.
101 Ibid. p. 361.
102 Ibid. p. 366.
103 Chapuys to Charles V., Dec. 9, 1529.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 367.
104 Ibid. p. 368.
105 Chapuys to Charles V., Dec. 9, 1529.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 369.
106 Wolsey to Gardiner, Jan. 1530.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. p. 2763.
107 Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 6, 1530.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. pp. 449-50.
108 Chapuys to Charles V. Jan. 31, 1529.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. p. 387.
109 Charles V. to Ferdinand, Jan. 11, 1530.—Ibid. vol. iv. part 1, pp. 405-6.
110 Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 6, 1530.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol, iv. p. 2780.
111 Bishop of Tarbes to Francis I., from Bologna, March 27, 1530.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. p. 2826.
112 Chapuys to Charles V., Dec. 31, 1529.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 394.
113 Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 12, 1530.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 417.
114 Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 20, 1530.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 436.
115 Ibid. April 23, 1530, p. 511.
116 Chapuys to Charles V., April 23, 1530.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 533.
117 Ibid. p. 600.
118 “J’ay reçeu lettres du medicin du Cardinal, par lesquelles il m’advertit que son maystre pour non sçavoir en quelles termes sont les affaires de la Reyne, il ne scauroit particulierement quel conseil donner et que estant informe, il y vouldroit donner conseil et addresse comme ce estoit pour gagner paradis. Car de la depend son bien, honneur et repoz, et qu’il lui semble pour maintenant que l’on debvroyt proceder a plus grandes censures et a la invocation du bras seculier. Car maintenant il n’y a nul nerf.”
119 T. Arundel to Wolsey, Oct. 16, 1530.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. p. 3013.
120 Chapuys to Charles V., Nov. 27, 1530.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 3035.
121 Anne Boleyn.
122 Chapuys to Charles V., July 11, 1530.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 630.
123 Mai to Charles V., Oct. 2 and Oct. 10, 1530.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. pp. 3002, 3009.
124 Answer of the Pope, Sept. 27, 1530.—Ibid. p. 2291.
125 Chapuys to Charles V., Sept. 4, 1530.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 707.
126 Chapuys to Charles, Sept. 20, 1530.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 726.
127 Chapuys to Charles V., Oct. 1, 1530.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 734.
128 Chapuys to Charles V., Oct. 1, 1530.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 734.
129 Chapuys to Charles V., Oct. 15, 1530.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 759.
130 Henry VIII. to Clement VII., Dec. 6, 1530.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. iv. p. 3055.
131 Chapuys to Charles V., Dec. 21, 1530.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 853.
132 Ibid.
133 Catherine to the Pope, Dec. 17, 1530.—Ibid. p. 855.
134 Catherine to the Pope, December 17, 1530.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 855.
135 Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 1, 1531.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. v. p. 10.
136 Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. v. p. 12.
137 Chapuys to Charles, Dec. 21, 1530.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 854.
138 Chapuys to Charles V., January 13, 1531.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 22.
139 Chapuys to Charles V., January 13, 1531.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 23.
140 Ibid. p. 26.
141 Muxetula to Charles V., Jan. 12, 1531.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. v. p. 18.
142 Mai to Covos, Feb. 13, 1531.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 59.
143 Chapuys to the Emperor, Jan. 23, 1531.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 39.
144 Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 14, 1531.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 63.
145 Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 21, 1530.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 69; and Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. v. p. 49. There are a few verbal differences between the two versions.
146 Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 21, 1530.—Ibid.
147 Chapuys to Charles V., March 22, 1531.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 94. Ibid.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. v. p. 68.
148 Micer Mai to Covos, March 28, 1531.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 105. Ortiz to the Archbishop of Santiago, April 11, 1531.—Ibid. p. 116.
149 Queen Catherine to the Emperor, April 5, 1531.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 112.
150 Micer Mai to Charles V., April 21, 1531.—Ibid. p. 130.
151 Chapuys to Charles V., April 2, 1531.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. v. p. 83.
152 Micer Mai to Charles V., May 25, 1531.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 165.
153 Chapuys to Charles V., June 6, 1531.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 170.
154 Chapuys to Charles V., June 6, 1531.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 172.
155 Answer to the Papal Legate respecting the Cause of England, July, 1531.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 203.
156 Chapuys to Charles V., June 24, 1531.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. v. pp. 144-5.
157 The Emperor’s Answer to the Legate, July 26, 1531.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 218.
158 Catherine’s phrase for the excommunication of her husband.
159 Queen Catherine to Charles V., July 28.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 220.
160 Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 239.
161 Chapuys to Charles V., January 4, 1532.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. v. p. 335.
162 Chapuys to Charles V., October 1, 1531—-Spanish Calendar, vol. v. part 2, p. 256.
163 Mai to Covos, Oct. 24, 1531.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 276.
164 Ibid.
165 Chapuys to Charles V., Oct. 16, 1531.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 263.
166 Catherine to Charles V., Nov. 6, 1531.—Ib. p. 279. I must remind the reader that I have to compress the substance both of this and many other letters.
167 Chapuys to Charles V., Dec. 4, 1531.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 320.
168 Mai to Charles V., Dec. 12.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 328.
169 Catherine to Charles V., Dec. 15, 1531.—Ib. p. 331.
170 Mai to the Emperor, Jan. 15, 1532—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 360.
171 Clement VII. to Henry VIII., Jan. 25, 1532.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. v. p. 358.
172 Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 368.
173 Henry VIII. to the Bishop of Durham, Feb. 24, 1532. Compressed.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. v. p. 387.
174 Archbishop Warham, 1532.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. v. p. 541.
175 History of England, vol. i. p. 322, etc.
176 Carlo Capello to the Signory, July 10, 1532.—Venetian Calendar, vol. iv. p. 342.
177 Chapuys to Charles V., May 13, 1532.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 446.
178 “Le Roy et son Conseil sçavoient bien qu’il y en avoient à faire sans vouloir mestre le chat entre les jambes dautres.” Chapuys to the Emperor, Feb. 14, 1532.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 384; Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. v. p. 381.
179 Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 28, 1532.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. v. p. 392.
180 An address purporting to have been presented by Convocation on this occasion, not only complaining of the annates, but inviting a complete separation from the See of Rome, was perhaps no more than a draft submitted to the already sorely humiliated body, and not accepted by it.—History of England, vol. i. p. 332-3. The French Ambassador says distinctly that the clergy agreed to nothing, but their refusal was treated as of no consequence.
181 Chapuys to Charles V., May 22, 1532.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. v. p. 476.
182 Maître d’hôtel to the Emperor, and Governor of Brescia.
183 Montfalconet to Charles V., May, 1532.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. v. p. 479.
184 Chapuys to the Emperor, April 16, 1532.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 425. In 1499 Louis XII. repudiated his first wife, Jeanne de France, and married Anne of Brittany, widow of Charles VIII.
185 Spanish Calendar, vol iv. part 1, p. 447.
186 Ortiz to Charles V., May, 1532.—Ibid. p. 438.
187 Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. v. p. 539.
188 Ortiz to Charles V., July 28, 1532.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 486.
189 Ortiz to Charles V., July 28, 1532.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 414.
190 Ortiz to Charles V., July 28, 1532.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 469.
191 Charles V. to Mary of Hungary, Nov. 7, 1532.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. v. p. 642.
192 Chapuys to Charles V., Oct. 1, 1532.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. v. p. 592.
193 Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 512.
194 Ortiz to the Emperor, Sept. 30, 1532.—Ib. p. 533.
195 Instructions to Cardinal Grammont and Tournon, Nov. 13, 1532.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. v. p. 648.
196 Chapuys to Charles V., Nov. 10.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. v. p. 644.
197 Ibid. p. 667.
198 To the Emperor, Nov. 11.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 554.
199 Queen Catherine to Chapuys, Nov. 22, 1532.—Compressed Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 291. The editor dates this letter Nov. 1531. He has mistaken the year. No report had gone abroad that the King was married to Anne before his return from France.
200 Clement VII. to Henry VIII., Nov. 15, 1532; second date, Dec. 23.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. v. p. 650.
201 Ortiz to the Empress, Jan. 19, 1533.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, pp. 579-80.
202 Carlo Capello to the Signory, March 15, 1533.—Venetian Calendar, vol. iv. p. 389.
203 Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 9, 1533, vol. vi. p. 62. The same letter will be found in the Spanish Calendar, with some differences in the translation. The original French is in parts obscure.
204 Chapuys to the Emperor, Feb. 23, 1533. Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 1, p. 609.
205 Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vi. p. 65.
206 Ghinucci and Lee to Henry VIII., March 11, 1533.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vi. p. 100.
207 More to Erasmus.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vi. p. 144.
208 Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 15.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vi. p. 73. Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 600.
209 Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 9, 1533. Compressed.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, pp. 592-600.
210 Chapuys here mentions this very curious fact: “The Earl of Wiltshire,” he wrote on Feb. 15, “has never declared himself up to this moment. On the contrary, he has hitherto, as the Duke of Norfolk has frequently told me, tried to dissuade the King rather than otherwise from the marriage.”—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 602.
211 Henry VIII. to Francis I., March 11, 1533.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vi. p. 103.
212 Chapuys to Charles V., March 11, 1533.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 619.
213 Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, April 21, 1533, vol. iv. p. 171.
214 Chapuys to Charles V., March 31.—Ibid. vol. vi. p. 128.
215 Chapuys to Charles V., March 31.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vi. p. 128.
216 Dr. Ortiz to Charles V., April 14, 1533.—Ibid. pp. 159-60.
217 Chapuys to Charles V., March 31, 1533.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 626.
218 Chapuys to Charles V., April 10, 1533. Compressed.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vi. pp. 149-51. Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 630.
219 Chapuys to Charles V., April 16, 1533.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vi. p. 163, etc., abridged. Also Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 635.
220 I have related elsewhere the story of the Dunstable trial, and do not repeat it.—History of England, vol. i, pp. 417-423.
221 Chapuys to Charles V., April 27, 1533. Abridged.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv, part 2, p. 648.
222 Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, pp. 650-658.
223 The Count de Cifuentes to Charles V., May 7, 1533.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vi. pp. 203-4.
224 Ibid., May 10.
225 Ortiz to Charles V., May 3, 1533.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 659.
226 Chapuys to Charles V., May 18, 1533.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vi. pp. 225-6.
227 Chapuys to Henry VIII., May 5, 1533.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 668.
228 Cranmer had sworn the usual oath, but with a reservation that his first duty was to his Sovereign and the laws of his country.
229 Chapuys to Charles V., May 26, 1533.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 687.
230 Chapuys to Charles V., May 29, 1533.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 699.
231 Cifuentes to Charles V., May 29, 1533.—Ibid. p. 702.
232 The Cardinal of Jaen to Charles V., June 16, 1533.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 709.
233 Davalos to Charles V., June 30 and July 5, 1533.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, pp. 725-728.
234 Ibid.
235 Davalos to Charles V., June 30 and July 5, 1533.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 749.
236 Ibid. p. 734.
237 Chapuys to Charles V., June 28, 1533.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, pp. 718-20.
238 Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vi. p. 399.
239 Chapuys to Charles V., Aug. 3, 1533.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, pp. 759-60.
240 Chapuys to Granvelle, Nov. 21, 1535.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. 9, p. 289.
241 Chapuys to Charles V., Aug. 23, 1533.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 777.
242 Chapuys to Charles V., Sept. 10, 1533.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 789.
243 Ibid. p. 788.
244 Chapuys to Charles V., Nov. 3, 1533.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 842.
245 The King’s infirmities were not a secret. In 1533, upon Elizabeth’s birth, a Señor de Gambaro, who was an intimate friend of the Duke of Norfolk, wrote at Rome for Cifuentes a curious account of the situation and prospects of things in England. Among other observations he says: “The [expected] child will be weak, owing to his father’s condition.” Avisos de las Cosas de Inglaterra dados por Sr. de Gambaro en Roma.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vi. p. 683.
246 Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vi. p. 486. Spanish Calendar, vol. vi. part 2, p. 813.
247 Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vi. p. 486. Spanish Calendar, vol. vi. part 2, p. 813.
248 News from Flanders.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vi. p. 493.
249 I. e. the calling in the secular arm, which had not been actually done in the Brief de Attentatis.
250 Chapuys to Charles V., Oct. 10, 1533.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vi. p. 511.
251 Ibid.
252 Cifuentes to Charles V., Oct. 23, 1533.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vi. p. 534.
253 Ibid.
254 The Papal Nuncio to Charles V., Oct. 22.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 830.
255 Chapuys to Charles V., Nov. 3, 1533.—Ibid. pp. 839-41.
256 Chapuys to Charles V., Dec. 6, 1533.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 871.
257 Chapuys to Charles V., Nov. 20, 1533.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 859. Catherine to Charles V., Nov. 21.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vi. p. 578.
258 Chapuys to Charles V., Nov. 24, 1533.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 864.
259 Gardiner to Henry VIII., Nov. 1533.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vi. p. 571.
260 Chapuys to Charles, Dec. 9, 1533.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 875.
261 Chapuys to Charles, Jan. 17, 1534.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vii. p. 31.
262 Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 11, 1534.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 31.
263 Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 17, 1534.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vii. pp. 31-33.
264 Chapuys to Charles V., Dec. 16, 1533.—Spanish Calendar, vol. iv. part 2, p. 883.
265 Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 32.
266 Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 3, 1534.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 1.
267 Cifuentes to Charles V., Jan. 23, 1534.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 17.
268 Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 28, 1534.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 24.
269 Cifuentes to Charles V., March 24.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 84.
270 Ortiz to Charles V., March 24, 1534.—Ibid. vol. v. p. 89.
271 Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 21, 1534.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. pp. 53-54.
272 Haine novercule.
273 Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 26, 1534. Abridged.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 59, etc.
274 Chapuys to Charles V., March 7, 1534.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 73.
275 Chapuys to Charles V., March 30.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 96.
276 Chapuys to Charles V., 1534.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 96.
277 Chapuys to Charles V., April 22, 1534.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. pp. 126, 127.
278 Ibid. May 14, p. 151.
279 Chapuys to Charles V., April 14, 1534.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. pp. 125-31.
280 Ibid. May 21, 1534, p. 167.
281 Chapuys to Charles V., May 14, 1534.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. pp. 153, 154.
282 Chapuys to Charles V., May 14, 1534.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. pp. 153, 154.
283 Chapuys to Charles V., May 19, 1534.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. pp. 155-66.
284 Lee and Tunstall to Henry VIII., May 21, 1534.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vii. p. 270.
285 Chapuys to Charles V., May 29, 1534,—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 169.
286 Thus much was certainly meant by the King’s words: “He could not allow any of his native subjects to refuse to take the oath.”—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vii. p. 272.
287 Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 172.
288 Cifuentes to Charles V., June 6, 1534.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. pp. 174 et seq.
289 Chapuys to Charles V., June 23, 1534. Abridged.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. pp. 198-99.
290 Chapuys to Charles V., July 27, 1534.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. pp. 219-20.
291 Chapuys to Charles V., July 27, 1534.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vii. p. 389.
292 Cifuentes to Charles V., Aug. 1, 1534.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 229.
293 Chapuys to Charles V., Aug. 11, 1534.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. pp. 243-4.
294 Chapuys to Charles V., Aug. 29, 1534.—Spanish Calendar, p. 250.
295 Chapuys to Charles V., Oct. 24, 1534.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. pp. 294 et seq.
296 Chapuys to Charles V., Sept. 30, 1534.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vii. p. 466; Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 608.
297 Chapuys to Charles V., Oct. 13, 1534.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 279.
298 Chapuys to Charles V., Nov. 3, 1534.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. vii. p. 519.
299 Chapuys to Charles V., Dec. 19, 1534.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 343.
300 Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 14, 1535.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. viii. p. 14.
301 Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 28, 1535.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. viii. p. 38.
302 “Veuillant denoter par icelle, puisque n’a moyen de m’envoyer dire securement, que la saison sera propice pour jouer des cousteaulx.”—Ibid. Jan. 1, p. 1; and MS. Vienna.
303 Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 28, 1535.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. viii. p. 38.
304 Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 9, 1535.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. viii. pp. 68-72.
305 Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 25, 1535.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. viii. p. 100.
306 “Car estant la Royne si haultain de cœur, luy venant en fantasye, a l’appuy de la faveur de la Princesse, elle se pourroit mettre au champs et assembler force des gents et luy faire la guerre aussy hardiment que fit la Royne sa mere.” Chapuys à l’Empereur, Mar. 23, 1535.—MS. Vienna.
307 Chapuys to Granvelle, March 23, 1535.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 432; and MS. Vienna.
308 Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 25, 1534.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. viii. p. 105.
309 Spanish Calendar, Feb. 26, 1535, vol. v. p. 402.
310 Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, Feb. 26, 1535, vol. viii. p. 106.
311 Spanish Calendar, vol. v. pp. 421-22.
312 Chapuys to Charles V., March 7, 1535.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. pp. 413-422.
313 “Il me dit que vostre Majesté ne se debvoit arrester pour empescher ung si inestimable bien que produiroit en toute la Chresteaneté l’union et la bonne intelligence dentre vostre Majesté et le Roi son maistre pour l’affaire des Royne et Princesse qui n’estoient que mortelles; et que ne seroit grande dommage de la morte de la dicte Princesse au pris du bien que sortiroit de la dicte union et intelligence; en quoy il me prioit vouloir considerer quand seroy seul et desoccupé.” Chapuys to Charles V., March 23, 1535.—MS. Vienna; and Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 426. This and other of Chapuys’s most important letters I transcribed myself at Vienna.
314 “Me repliequant de nouveaulx quel dommage ou danger seroyt que la dicte Princesse feust morte oyres que le peuple en murmurast, et quelle raison auroit vostre Majesté en fayre cas.”
315 Queen Catherine to Charles V., April 8.—MS. Vienna; Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. viii. p. 197.
316 Chapuys to Charles V., April 4, 1535.—MS. Vienna; Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. viii. p. 193.
317 Chapuys to Granvelle, April 5, 1535.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. viii. p. 194 and MS. Vienna.
318 Chapuys to Charles V., April 17, 1535.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. viii. p. 209.
319 “Le premier estoit si Dieu vouloit visiter le Roy de quelque petite maladie.” The word petite implied perhaps in Chapuys’s mind that Dr. Butts contemplated a disorder of which he could control the dimensions, and the word, if he used it, is at least as suspicious as Cromwell’s language about Mary.
320 “Affirmant pour tout certain qu’il y avoit une xx des principaulx Seigneurs d’Angleterre et plus de cent Chevaliers tout disposés et prests à employer personnes, biens, armes, et subjects, ayant le moindre assistance de vostre Majesté.” Chapuys to Charles V., April 25, 1535.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. viii. p. 222; and MS. Vienna.
321 Chapuys to Charles V., May 5, 1535.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 452.
322 Ibid.
323 Charles V. to Chapuys, May 10, 1535.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 459.
324 Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 459.
325 Chapuys to Charles V., May 8, 1535.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 457.
326 Dr. Ortiz to Charles V., May 27, 1535.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 462.
327 Chapuys to Charles V., May 23, 1535.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. viii. p. 280; Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 465.
328 Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 484.
329 Chapuys to Charles V., June 5, 1535.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 483.
330 Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 486.
331 Chapuys to Charles V., June 30, 1535.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 500.
332 The Bishop of Faenza to M. Ambrogio, June 6, 1535.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. viii. p. 320.
333 Examination of Fisher in the Tower, June 12, 1535.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. viii. pp. 331 et seq.
334 News from England, July 1, 1535.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 507.
335 Chapuys to Charles V., July 11, 1535.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 512.
336 Cifuentes to Charles V., July 16, 1535.—Ibid. p. 515.
337 Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 532.
338 Chapuys to Charles V., July 25, 1535.—Ibid. vol. v. p. 518.
339 Memorandum on the Affairs of England.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 522.
340 Ibid. p. 535.
341 Ortiz to the Empress, Sept. 1, 1535.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. ix. p. 84.
342 “Cuando se viese con la Señora Reyna su hermana despues de dadas mis afectuosas encomiendas rogarle de mi parte quisiese tener mencion de my con el Christianisimo Rey su marido y hacer quanto pudiese ser, que el sea buen amigo al Rey mi Señor procurando de quitarle del pecado, en que esta.” Catherine to the Regent Mary, Aug. 8, 1535.—MS. Vienna.
343 Chapuys to Charles V., Sept. 25, 1535.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. ix. pp. 140-141.
344 Chapuys to Granvelle, Sept. 25, 1535.—Vienna MS.; Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. ix. p. 141.
345 The executory brief was not identical with the Bull of Deposition. The first was the final act of Catherine’s process, a declaration that Henry, having disobeyed the sentence on the divorce delivered by Clement VII., was excommunicated, and an invitation to the Catholic Powers to execute the judgment by force. The second involved a claim for the Holy See on England as a fief of the Church—an intimation that the King of England had forfeited his crown and that his subjects’ allegiance had reverted to their Supreme Lord. The Pope and Consistory preferred the complete judgment, as more satisfactory to themselves. The Catholic Powers objected to it for the same reason. The practical effect would be the same.
346 Cifuentes to Charles V., Oct. 8, 1535.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 547.
347 “Et luy supplier de la part de la Reyne, ma mère, et myenne en l’honneur de Dieu et pour aultres respects que dessus vouloit entendre et pourvoyr aux affaires dycy. En quoy fera tres agréable service a Dieu, et n’en acquerra moins de gloire qu’en la conqueste de Tunis et de toute l’affaire d’Afrique.” De la Princesse de l’Angleterre à l’Ambassadeur, October, 1535.—MS. Vienna; Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 559.
348 Queen Catherine to the Pope, October 10, 1535.—MS. Vienna.
349 The Bishop of Tarbes to the Bailly of Troyes, October, 1535.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. ix. p. 187.
350 Chapuys to Charles V., October 13, 1535.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. ix. p. 196.
351 Chapuys to Granvelle, October 13, 1535.—Ibid. p. 199.
352 Ibid. pp. 225, 228.
353 Spanish Calendar, October 24, 1535, vol. v. p. 559.
354 Ortiz to the Emperor, November 4, 1535.—Ibid. vol. v. p. 565.
355 Du Bellay and the Bishop of Mâcon to Francis I., November 12, 1535.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. ix. p. 273.
356 Froude’s History of England, vol. ii. p. 386.
357 Bishop of Faenza to M. Ambrogio, November 15, 1535.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. ix. p. 276.
358 Charles V. to Cifuentes, November, 1535.—Ibid. vol. ix. p. 277.
359 “Tout a cest instant la Marquise de Exeter m’a envoyé dire que le Roy a dernierement dit à ses plus privés conseillers qu’il ne voulloit plus demeurer en les fascheuses crainctes et grevements qu’il avoit de long temps eus à cause des Royne et Princesse; et qu’il y regardassent à ce prochain Parlement l’en faire quiete, jurant bien et tres obstinement qu’il n’actendoit plus longuement de y pourvoir.” Chapuys to Charles V., Nov. 6, 1535.—MS. Vienna.
360 “Afin que par ce moyen, perdant l’espoir de la clemence et misericorde de Vostre Majeste toute-fois fussent plus determinez a se defendre.” Chapuys à l’Empereur.—MS. Vienna, Nov. 23.
361 The Emperor to Chapuys.—MS. Vienna.
362 Chapuys to Granvelle, Nov. 21, 1535.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. ix. p. 290.
363 Ortiz to the Empress, Nov. 22, 1535.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. ix. pp. 293-4.
364 Bishop of Faenza to M. Ambrogio, Dec. 9.—Ibid. vol. ix. p. 317.
365 Cifuentes to Charles V., Nov. 30, 1535.—Ibid. vol. ix. p. 303.
366 Chapuys to Charles V., Dec. 18, 1535.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. ix. p. 333.
367 Cardinal du Bellay to the Cardinals of Lorraine and Tournon, Dec. 22, 1535.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. ix. pp. 341-43.
368 The Bishop of Faenza to M. Ambrogio, Dec. 13, 1535.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. ix. p. 326.
369 Queen Catherine to Dr. Ortiz, Dec. 13, 1535.—Ibid. vol. ix. p. 325.
370 Queen Catherine to Charles V., Dec. 13, 1535.—MS. Vienna.
371 The Emperor to Thomas Cromwell, Dec. 13, 1535.—Spanish Calendar, vol. ix. p. 588.
372 “Et que vostre Maté luy avoit usé de la plus grande ingratitude que l’on scauroit dire, solicitant à l’appetit d’une femme tant de choses contre luy, que luy avoit faict innumerables maux et fascheries, et de telle importance, que vostre Maté par menasses et force avoit faict donner la sentence contre luy, comme le mesme Pape l’avoit confessé.” Chapuys a l’Empereur, Dec. 30, 1535.—MS. Vienna; Spanish Calendar, vol. v. p. 595.
373 Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 21, 1536.—MS. Vienna; Spanish Calendar, vol. v. part 2, p. 18.
374 “Je demanday par plusieurs fois au médecin s’il y avoit quelque soubçon de venin. Il me dict qu’il s’en doubtoit, car depuys qu’elle avoit beu d’une cervise de Galles elle n’avoit fait bien; et qu’il failloit que ne fust poison terminé et artificeux, car il ne veoit les signes de simple et pur venin.” Chapuys à l’Empereur, Jan. 9, 1536.—MS. Vienna; Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. p. 22.
375 Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 9 and Jan. 21, 1536.—MS. Vienna; Spanish Calendar, vol. v. part 2, pp. 2-10.
376 Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 21, 1536.—MS. Vienna; Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. p. 47.
377 Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 21 and Jan. 29.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. part 2, pp. 10-26.
378 “L’on m’a dicte que la Concubine consoloit ses demoiselles qui pleuroient, leur disant que c’estoit pour le mieulx, car elle en seroit tant plus tost enceinte, et que le fils qu’elle pourterait ne seroit dubieulx comme fust este icelle, estant concen du vivant de la Royne.” Chapuys to Granvelle, Feb. 25, 1536.—MS. Vienna; Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. p. 135.
379 Chapuys to Charles V., Feb, 17, 1536.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. p. 116.
380 Charles V. to the Emperor, Feb. 1, 1536.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. part 2, p. 33.
381 Report of the Privy Council of Spain, Feb. 26, 1536.—Ibid. p. 60.
382 Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. p. 224.
383 Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 25, 1536.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. pp. 131 et seq.
384 “Et aussy quant à l’auctorité de l’Eglise Anglicane l’on pourroit persuader au Roy que la chose se appoineteroit à son honnneur, proufit, et bien du royaulme.”
385 I. e. as part of it. Charles V. to Chapuys, March 28, 1536.—MS. Vienna; Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. pp. 224 et seq.; Spanish Calendar, vol. v. part 2, pp. 71 et seq. There are some differences in the translations in the two Calendars. When I refer to the MS. at Vienna I use copies made there by myself.
386 Chapuys to Charles V., April 1, 1536.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. p. 243.
387 Chapuys to Charles V., April 1, 1536.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. p. 242.
388 Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, June 2, 1536, vol. x. pp. 428 et seq.
389 Chapuys to Charles V., April 21, 1536.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. pp. 287 et seq.; Spanish Calendar, vol. v. part 2, pp. 85 et seq.
390 April 21.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic.
391 Henry VIII. to Pate, April 25, 1536. Abridged.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. p. 306.
392 “Et que a luy avoit este l’auctorite de descouvrir et parachever les affairs de la dicte Concubine, en quoy il avoit eu une merveilleuse pene; et que sur le desplesir et courroux qu’il avoit eu sur le reponse que le Roy son maistre m’avoit donné le tiers jour de Pasques il se mit a fantasier et conspirer le dict affaire,” etc. Chapuys to Charles V., June 6, 1536.—MS. Vienna; Spanish Calendar, vol. v. part 2, p. 137. From the word “conspirer” it has been inferred that the accusation of Anne and her accomplices was a conspiracy of Cromwell’s, got up in haste for an immediate political purpose. Cromwell must have been marvellously rapid, since within four days he was able to produce a case to lay before a Special Commission composed of the highest persons in the realm assisted by the Judges, involving the Queen and a still powerful faction at the court. We are to believe, too, that he had the inconceivable folly to acknowledge it to Chapuys, the most dangerous person to whom such a secret could be communicated. Cromwell was not an idiot, and it is impossible that in so short a time such an accumulation of evidence could have been invented and prepared so skilfully as to deceive the Judges.
393 Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, June 2, vol. x. p. 428.
394 Daughter of Sir Anthony Brown, Master of the Horse.
395 John Husee to Lady Lisle, May 24, 1536.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. p. 397.
396 Chapuys to Charles V., April 29.—Spanish Calendar, p. 105.
397 Ibid.
398 History of England, vol. ii. p. 454.
399 Chapuys to Charles V., May 19, 1536.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. part 2, p. 125.
400 Chapuys to Charles V., May 2, 1536.—MSS. Vienna; Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. p. 330; Spanish Calendar, vol. v. part 2, p. 107.
401 In transcribing the MS. twenty years ago at Vienna I mistook the name for Howard, which it much resembled in the handwriting of the time. I am reminded correctly that there was no Viscount Howard in the English Peerage.
402 “Le Visconte Hannaert a escript au Sr de Granvelle que au mesme instant il avoit entendu de bon lieu que la concubine du dict Roy avoit esté surprise couchée avec l’organiste du dict Roy.”
403 The Earl of Northumberland to Cromwell, May 13, 1536.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. p. 356.
404 Cromwell to Gardiner, July 5, 1536.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. xi. p. 17.
405 History of England, vol. ii. p. 470.
406 Sir Henry Wyatt to Thomas Wyatt, May 7, 1536.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. p. 345. “Him” refers to Cromwell.
407 History of England, vol. ii. pp. 459-462.
408 Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. p. 430.
409 Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. p. 357.
410 Autograph letter of Sir Francis Weston, May 3, 1536.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. p. 358.
411 Cromwell to Wallop and Gardiner, May 14, 1536.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. p. 359.
412 “Qu’elle avoit faict empoissoner la fene Royne et machyné de faire de mesme à la Princesse.” Chapuys was not present, but was writing from report, and was not always trustworthy. No trace is found of these accusations in the Record, but they may have been mentioned in the pleadings.
413 “Que le Roy n’estoit habille en cas de copuler avec femme, et qu’il n’avoit ni vertu ni puissance.” Historians, to make their narrative coherent, assume an intimate acquaintance with the motives for each man’s or woman’s actions. Facts may be difficult to ascertain, but motives, which cannot be ascertained at all unless when acknowledged, they are able to discern by intuition. They have satisfied themselves that the charges against Anne Boleyn were invented because the King wished to marry Jane Seymour. I pretend to no intuition myself. I do not profess to be wise beyond what I find written. In this instance I hazard a conjecture—a conjecture merely—which occurred to me long ago as an explanation of some of the disasters of Henry’s marriages, and which the words, alleged to have been used by Anne to Lady Rochford, tend, pro tanto, to confirm.
Henry was already showing signs of the disorder which eventually killed him. Infirmities in his constitution made it doubtful, both to others and to himself, whether healthy children, or any children at all, would in future be born to him. It is possible—I do not say more—that Anne, feeling that her own precarious position could only be made secure if she became the mother of a prince, had turned for assistance in despair at her disappointments to the gentlemen by whom she was surrounded. As an hypothesis, this is less intolerable than to suppose her another Messalina. In every instance of alleged offence the solicitation is said to have proceeded from herself, and to have been only yielded to after an interval of time.
414 “Au grand despit de Cromwell et d’aucungs autres qui ne vouldroient en cest endroit s’engendroit suspicion qui pourroit prejudiquer à la lignée que le dict Roy pretend avoir.”—MSS. Vienna.
415 Chapuys to Charles V., May 19, 1536.—MSS. Vienna; Spanish Calendar, vol. v. part 2, pp. 122 et seq. In one or two instances my translation will be found to differ slightly from that of Sr Gayangas.
416 Chapuys to Charles V., May 19.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. part 2, p. 128.
417 History of England, vol. ii. p. 483.
418 Wriothesley’s Chronicle (Camden Society’s Publications), vol. i. p. 39.
419 Constantine’s Memorial.—Archæologia, vol. xxiii. pp. 63-66.
420 Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, June 2, vol. x. p. 430.
421 Ibid. p. 431.
422 Kingston to Cromwell, May 16, 1536.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. p. 371.
423 28 Hen. VIII. cap. 7.
424 Chapuys to Granvelle, May 19, 1536.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. p. 380.
425 Wriothesley’s Chronicle, vol. i. pp. 40, 41.
426 Chapuys’s words are worth preserving. He was mistaken in his account of the Statute. It did not declare Mary legitimate, and it left Henry power to name his own successor should his marriage with Jane Seymour prove unfruitful. So great an error shows the looseness with which he welcomed any story which fell in with his wishes. He says: “Le statut declairant la Princesse legitime heretiere, la fille de la Concubine, a esté revoqué, et elle declairé bastarde, non point comme fille de M. Norris, comme se pouvoit plus honnestement dire, mais pour avoir esté la marriage entre la dicte Concubine et le dict Roy illegitime à cause qu’il avoit cogneu charnellement la sœur de la dicte Concubine: pour laquelle cause l’Archevesque de Canterburi, ung ou deux jours avant que la dicte Concubine fut executée, donna et prefera la sentence de divorce, de quoy, comme sçavez trop mieulx, n’estoit grand besoign, puisque l’epée et la mort les auroit prochainement et absolument divorcés: et puisque aussy le vouloient faire, le pretext eust esté plus honneste d’alleguer qu’elle avoit este mairée à aultre encores vivant. Mais Dieu a voulu descouvrir plus grande abomination, qui est plus que inexcusable actendu qu’il ne peut alleguer ignorance neque juris neque facti. Dieu veuille que telle soit la fin de toutes ses folies!” Chapuys à Granvelle, July 8, 1536.—MS. Vienna.
427 This was distinctly laid down in the case of Catherine Howard.
428 Wriothesley’s Chronicle, pp. 41, 42.
429 “Le Roy respondit qu’il avoit trop experimenté en la dicte Concubine, que c’estoit de la nourriture de France.” Chapuys à l’Empereur, June 6.—MS. Vienna.
430 “Me dict qu’icelluy Baily de Troyes et l’autre Ambassadeur avoient proposé le mariage de l’aisnée fille de France avec ce Roy, mais que c’estoit peine perdue. Car ce Roy ne se marieroit oncques hors de sou royaulme, et, luy demandant raison pourquoy, il m’en dit avec assez mine assurance que se venant à mesfaire de son corps une Reine estrangere qui fut de grand sang et parentage, l’on ne pourroit chastier et s’en faire quitte comme il avoit fait de la derniere,” Chapuys à l’Empereur.—MS. Vienna, June 6.
431 Charles V. to Chapuys, May 15, 1536.—MS. Vienna; Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. p. 370.
432 “Qui à la verité est une musique de hault genre et digne de rire.”
433 MS. Vienna.
434 Chapuys to Granvelle, May 19, 1536.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. p. 380.
435 “In causâ matrimonii et in consistoriis et publice et privatim apud Clementem VII. se omnia quæ potuit pro vestrâ Majestate egisse: et Bononiæ Imperatori per horas quatuor accurate persuadere conatum fuisse, non esse Majestatem vestram per illam causam impugnandam.” Sir Gregory Casalis to Henry VIII., May 27, 1536.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. pp. 406 et seq.
436 Cromwell, writing to Gardiner to inform him of the marriage, said that “the nobles and Council upon their knees had moved him to it.” If their entreaty had been no more than a farce, Cromwell would hardly have mentioned it so naturally in a private letter to a brother Privy Councillor.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. xi. p. 16.
437 Chapuys to Charles V., May 19, 1536.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. p. 378.
438 John Husee to Lord Lisle, May 19.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. p. 385.
439 The Princess Mary to Cromwell, May 26, 1536.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic.
440 Chapuys to Charles V., June 6.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. p. 440; Spanish Calendar, vol. v. pp. 137 et seq.
441 Charles V. to Chapuys, June 30, 1536.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. p. 511.
442 Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, June 6, 1536, vol. x. p. 389.
443 Chapuys to Charles V., June 6, 1536.—Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, vol. x. p. 441.
444 Chapuys to Charles V., July 1, 1536.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. part 2, pp. 184 et seq.
445 Chapuys to Charles V., July 8, 1536.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. part 2, p. 221. In using the words, “Princess of Wales,” Chapuys adds a curious fact, if fact it be—“Nowhere that I know of,” he says, “is the title of Princess given to a King’s daughter as long as there is hope of male descent. It was the Cardinal of York who, for some whim or other of his own, broke through the rule and caused Henry’s daughter by Catherine to be called ‘Princess of Wales.’”
446 Cifuentes to Charles V., August 4, 1536.—Spanish Calendar, vol. v. part 2, p. 221.
447 Chapuys to Charles V., August 12, 1536.