History of the River St John, 1604–1784

Chapter XXX The Coming of the Loyalists

The vanguard of the Loyalists now began to make its appearance. Captain Simon Baxter has a fair claim to be considered the pioneer Loyalist of this province. He arrived at Fort Howe with his family in March, 1782, in distressed circumstances, and was befriended by William Hazen and James White, who recommended him to the favorable consideration of the authorities at Halifax. Captain Baxter was a native of New Hampshire. He was proscribed and banished on account of his loyalty, and had several narrow escapes at the hands of his “rebel countrymen.” On one occasion he was condemned to be hanged, but upon being brought out to execution contrived to escape from his persecutors and fled for safety to Burgoyne’s army. His early arrival at St. John proved of substantial benefit to him, for on the 15th of August he obtained a grant of 5,000 acres, “as a reduced subaltern and as a refugee,” in what is now the Parish of Norton, in Kings County. His sons, William and Benjamin, received 500 acres each, along with their father. The important services of Major Gilfred Studholme were also rewarded at this time by a grant of 2,000 acres on the Kennebecasis river, just above Captain Baxter’s land. Two years later Major Studholme obtained a grant of a tract nearly three miles square, at Apohaqui, to which he gave the name of Studville.

It was not without fore-thought and serious consideration that the Loyalists came to the River St. John. Several associations were formed at New York, in 1782, to further the interests of those who proposed to settle in Nova Scotia. One of the Associations had as its president, the Rev. Doctor Seabury,136 and for its secretary, Sampson Salter Blowers.137 It was under the arrangements made by this Association that a great many of the Loyalists of the Spring fleet came to the St. John river. The document, which is published below, is well worthy of preservation by the descendants of those devoted men and women, who were induced by unshaken loyalty to seek refuge in a wilderness under its provisions.

ARTICLES.

Of the Settlement of Nova Scotia, Made With the Loyalists at New York, at the Time of the Peace of 1783.

“The reverend Doctor Samuel Seabury, and Lieutenant Colonel B. Thompson, of the Kings American Dragoons, having been appointed by the Board of Agents to wait on His Excellency Sir Guy Carleton, Commander in Chief, in behalf of the Loyalists desirous of emigrating to Nova Scotia, they read the following rough proposals, as articles of supply for the settlers in Nova Scotia:—

1st.—That they be provided with proper vessels and convoy to carry them, their horses and cattle, as near as possible to the place appointed for their settlement.

2nd.—That besides the provisions for the voyage, one year’s provision be allowed them, or money to enable them to purchase.

3d.—That some allowance of warm clothing be made in proportion to the wants of each family.

4th.—That an allowance of medicines be granted, such as shall be thought necessary.

5th.—That pairs of millstones, necessary iron works for grist mills, and saws and other necessary articles for saw-mills, be granted them.

6th.—That a quantity of nails and spikes, hoes and axes, spades and shovels, plough irons, and such other farming utensils as shall appear necessary, be provided for them, and also a proportion of window glass.

7th.—That such a tract or tracts of land, free from disputed titles, and as conveniently situated as may be, be granted, surveyed and divided at the public cost, as shall afford from 300 to 600 acres of useful land to each family.

8th.—That over and above 2,000 acres in every township be allowed for the support of a clergyman, and 1,000 acres for the support of a school, and that these lands be unalienable for ever.

9th.—That a sufficient number of good musquets and cannon be allowed with a proper quantity of powder and ball for their use, to enable them to defend themselves against any hostile invasion; also a proportion of powder and lead for hunting.

“His Excellency the Commander in Chief, in reply, was pleased to say that in general he approved the above Articles, and that at least the terms of settlement should be equivalent to them. He was pleased to say further that he should give every encouragement to the settlers in Nova Scotia, and that he would write to the Governor of the Province respecting the matter. He advised that some persons might be sent to examine the vacant lands and see where the settlement could be made to the best advantage.

“We whose names are hereunto subscribed do agree to remove to the Province of Nova Scotia, on the above encouragement, with our families, in full reliance on the future support of Government, and under the patronage of the following gentlemen as our agents, they having been approved of as such by His Majesty’s Commissioner for restoring Peace, etc:—Lieut. Col. B. Thompson, K. A. D; Lieut. Col. E. Winslow, Gen. Muster-master provincial forces; Major J. Upham, K. A. D; Rev. Dr. Samuel Seabury, Rev. John Sayre, Captain Maudsley, Amos Botsford, Esq., Samuel Cummings, Esq., Judge John Wardle, Esq., James Peters, Esq., Frederick Hauser.”

These terms were liberal and were afterwards considerably extended. The Loyalists were allowed not only full provisions for the first year, but two-thirds of that allowance for the second year, and one third for the third year.

In accordance with the prudent advice of Sir Guy Carleton, it was decided to send agents to Nova Scotia immediately to explore the country and report upon it. The agents chosen were Messrs. Amos Botsford, Samuel Cummings and Frederick Hauser. They were furnished with the following

INSTRUCTIONS.

“That on their arrival in Nova Scotia they apply themselves to discover whether a Tract or Tracts of Land free from all disputed titles, either with the Indians or former Grantees, can be found sufficient to accommodate the Loyalists and their Families who shall remove thither.

“They will examine the soil, timber, game, limestone, rivers, bays, creeks, harbors, streams and ponds of water with regard to mills, fishing, trade, etc. They will examine the face of the country whether it be hilly, stoney, sandy, clayey, etc.

“They will enquire what lands in the neighborhood are granted and to whom, whether the grants be forfeited, or whether they may be purchased and at what rate; and whether advantageous terms may not be made with the present proprietors.

“They will endeavor to ascertain as near as they can what will be the difficulties and obstructions in forming new settlements, and what will be the probable advantages.

“They will keep a journal of their proceedings and register their observations, noting well the distances from the principal settlements already made, and from noted rivers and harbors, as well as the obstructions in travelling and transporting.

“Such lands as may be obtained will be distributed and divided among the proposed adventurers in as just and equitable a manner as the nature of the case will admit, and the Agents will make reports of their proceedings from time to time, as early as may be, to the Secretary of the Agency in New York.”

Amos Botsford, Samuel Cummings and Frederick Hauser arrived at Annapolis Royal on the 19th October, 1782, in company with 500 Loyalists, who sailed from New York in nine transport ships. Rev. Jacob Bailey, who was then living at Annapolis, describes their arrival in one of his letters:

“On Saturday morning early, we were all surprized with the unexpected appearance of eleven sail of shipping, sailing by Goat Island and directing their course towards the town. About nine, two frigates came to anchor, and at ten the remainder, being transports, hauled close in by the King’s wharf. On board this fleet were about 500 refugees, who intend to settle in this province. They are a mixture from every province on the continent except Georgia. Yesterday they landed and our royal city of Annapolis, which three days ago contained only 120 souls, has now about 600 inhabitants. You cannot be sensible what an amazing alteration this manoeuvre has occasioned. Everything is alive, and both the townspeople and the soldiers are lost among the strangers.

“All the houses and barracks are crowded and many are unable to procure any lodgings; most of these distressed people left large possessions in the rebellious colonies, and their sufferings on account of their loyalty and their present uncertain and destitute condition render them very affecting objects of compassion. Three agents are dispatched to Halifax to solicit lands from government.”

The agents on their return from Halifax, at once set out to explore the country in the vicinity of Annapolis; they then crossed the Bay of Fundy and arrived at St. John about the end of November. In the report, which they subsequently transmitted to their friends in New York, they write:—

“We found our passage up the river difficult, being too late to pass in boats, and not sufficiently frozen to bear. In this situation we left the river, and for a straight course steered by a compass thro’ the woods,138 encamping out several nights in the course, and went as far as the Oromocto, about seventy miles up the river, where is a block-house, a British post.” “The St. John is a fine river, equal in magnitude to the Connecticut or Hudson. At the mouth of the river is a fine harbor, accessible at all seasons of the year—never frozen or obstructed by ice.... There are many settlers along the river upon the interval land, who get their living easily. The interval lies on the river and is a most fertile soil, annually matured by the overflowings of the river, and produces crops of all kinds with little labor, and vegetables in the greatest perfection, parsnips of great length, etc. They cut down the trees, burn the tops, put in a crop of wheat or Indian corn, which yields a plentiful increase. These intervals would make the finest meadows. The up-lands produce wheat both of the summer and winter kinds, as well as Indian corn. Here are some wealthy farmers, having flocks of cattle. The greater part of the people, excepting the township of Maugerville, are tenants, or seated on the bank without leave or licence, merely to get their living. For this reason they have not made such improvements as might otherwise have been expected, or as thorough farmers would have done.... Immense quantities of limestone are found at Fort Howe, and at the mouth of the river. We also went up the Kenebeccasis, a large branch of St. John’s river, where is a large tract of interval and upland, which has never been granted; it is under a reserve, but we can have it. Major Studholme and Capt. Baxter, who explored the country, chose this place, and obtained a grant of 9,000 acres. On each side of this grant are large tracts of good land, convenient for navigation. A title for these lands may be procured sooner than for such as have been already granted, such as Gage, Conway, etc., which must be obtained by a regular process in the court of Escheats. The lands on the river St. John are also sufficiently near the cod fishery in Fundy Bay, and perfectly secure against the Indians and Americans. The inhabitants are computed to be near one thousand men, able to bear arms. Here is a County and Court established, and the inhabitants at peace, and seem to experience no inconveniency from the war.”

The popular idea of the landing of the Loyalists at St. John is that on the 18th day of May, in the year 1783, a fleet of some twenty vessels sailed into St. John harbor, having on board three thousand people, who, wearied with the long voyage, immediately disembarked and pitched their tents on the site of the present city of St. John—then called Parrtown. The popular idea, however, is not strictly in accordance with the facts. The fleet arrived at St. John, not on the 18th, but on the 10th or 11th of May, and, according to the narrative of Walter Bates, there was no one day fixed for disembarkation. In the case of the “Union,” in which Mr. Bates and many of the founders of Kingston came from New York, the passengers were allowed to remain on board until several of their number had gone up the river and selected a place for them to settle. In some cases, however, the passengers were “precipitated on shore.” As regards the name Parr (or Partown) it was not given for months after the arrival of the Loyalists, and was then applied only to that part of the city south of Union street, on the east side of the harbor. The name was never very acceptable to the citizens. Governor Parr admitted that it originated “in female vanity;” from which observation we may assume that the name was suggested by Madame Parr. The name of Parr was soon discarded, and the time-honored name, which goes back to the days of de Monts and Champlain was restored at the incorporation of the city on the 18th of May, 1785.

The names of the vessels of the Spring fleet and of their respective masters, so far as they have been preserved, are as follows:—“Union,” Consett Wilson, master; “Camel,” Wm. Tinker, master; “Cyrus,” James Turner, master; “Sovereign,” Wm. Stewart, master; “Aurora,” Capt. Jackson; “Hope,” Capt. Peacock; “Otter,” Capt. Burns; “Emmett,” Capt. Reed; “Spring,” Capt. Cadish; “Ann,” Capt. Clark; “Bridgewater,” Capt. Adnet; “Favorite,” Capt. Ellis; “Commerce,” Capt. Strong; “Lord Townsend,” Capt. Hogg; “Sally,” Capt. Bell; and five others, “Spencer,” “Thames,” “William,” “Britain” and “King George,” the names of whose masters are unknown.

The Loyalists who came to St. John in the first fleet numbered about 3,000. They were mostly natives of Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York and New Jersey, who had been driven from their homes and forced to seek refuge within the British lines at New York, or on Long Island. There was a scarcity of ships, and the number of those desirous of emigrating to Nova Scotia proved much larger than had been anticipated. It became evident that the vessels must make repeated trips. The following paragraph from an old newspaper is interesting in this connection:—

New London, Conn., April 25, 1783. We hear that the Loyalists destined for Nova Scotia from New York are to depart in two Divisions; the first, consisting of about 3,000 men, women and children, are nearly ready to sail; the second to sail as soon as the vessels return which carry the first.”

This paragraph accords with what subsequently took place. The first fleet sailed from Sandy Hook, on the 26th April, arriving at St. John about the 11th of May; and the second fleet sailed from Sandy Hook on the 16th June, arriving at St. John on the 28th of the same month. The most authentic account of the voyage of the first fleet is to be found in the narrative of Walter Bates,139 who was a passenger on board the “Union.” We learn from this source that in the early part of April, 1783, the Rev. John Sayre, one of the agents for settling the Loyalists in Nova Scotia, visited those who were then living on the north shore of Long Island at Eaton’s Neck, Lloyd’s Neck and Huntington, to inform them that the King had granted to those who did not incline to return to their former places of abode and would go to Nova Scotia, two hundred acres of land to each family and two years provisions, and provide ships to convey them as near as might be to a place of settlement. A public meeting was held at which the matter was considered in detail, and it was resolved by all present to remove with their families to Nova Scotia and settle together in some situation where they might enjoy the advantages of a church and school. Mr. Bates says that providence seemed to select for them the best ship and by far the best captain in the fleet. The captain received them on board “as father of a family,” and took care that nothing in his power should be wanting to render them comfortable on the voyage. The “Union” took on board her passengers at Huntington Bay. The embarkation began on April 11th and was completed in five days. The manifest of the ship has been preserved and is now in possession of J. T. Allan Dibblee of Woodstock, N. B. (See Collections of N. B. Hist. Society, Vol. II. p. 276). It is signed by Fyler Dibblee, deputy agent in charge of the party. There were 209 passengers in all, viz., 61 men, 39 women, 59 children over ten, 48 children under ten and 2 servants. The ship sailed to the place of rendezvous near Staten Island. While waiting at New York for the other vessels, an interesting incident occurred, which (together with subsequent events) we shall let Mr. Bates tell in his own way:—

“Having a couple on board wishing to be married, we call upon the Reverend Mr. Leaming, who received us with much kindness and affection—most of us formerly of his congregation—who after the marriage reverently admonished us with his blessing, that we pay due regard to church and schools, as means to obtain the blessing of God upon our families and our industry. We embarked; next day the ship joined the fleet, and on the 26th day of April, 1783, upwards of twenty sail of ships, under convoy, left Sandy Hook for Nova Scotia—from whence, after the pleasure of leading the whole fleet fourteen days, our good ship Union arrived at Partridge Island before the fleet was come within sight. Next day our ship was safely moored by Capt. Dan’l. Leavitt, the Pilot, in the most convenient situation for landing in the harbor of St. John, all in good health—where we remained comfortable on board ship (while others was sickly and precipitated on shore from other ships) which we proved a providential favor, until we could explore for a place in the Wilderness suitable for our purpose of settlement. A boat was procured for the purpose. David Pickett, Israel Hait, Silas Raymond and others proceeded sixty miles up the River St. John and report that the inhabitants were settled on Interval lands by the river—that the high-lands had generally been burned by the Indians, and there was no church or church Minister in the country. They were informed of a tract of timbered land that had not been burned, on Bellisle Bay, about thirty miles from the harbor of St. John, which they had visited and viewed the situation favorable for our purpose of settlement. Whereupon we all agreed (to proceed thither) and disembarked from on board the good ship Union, and with Capt. Wilson’s blessing embarked on board a small sloop all our baggage. The next morning with all our effects—women and children—set sail above the falls and arrived at Bellisle Bay before sunset. Nothing but Wilderness before our eyes, the women and children did not refrain from tears.”

Those who are curious to know what kind of a passage their fore-fathers had on their voyage to the River St. John will be able to form some idea from a study of the following record of the weather, kept by Benjamin Marston, while he was engaged in laying out the town of Shelburne.

“May 1st, Thursday—Wind east; calm at night.
May 2nd, Friday—Rain; wind south-westerly.
May 3d, Saturday—Fair; wind north-westerly, fresh.
May 4th, Sunday—Fair; wind north-westerly, fresh.
May 5th, Monday—Fair; wind westerly, moderate.
May 6th, Tuesday—Fair; wind easterly changing to southerly.
May 7th, Wednesday—Fair; wind south-easterly.
May 8th, Thursday—Fair; wind easterly.
May 9th, Friday—Fair; wind easterly.
May 10th, Saturday—Weather foggy and at times drizzly; wind
south-easterly.
May 11th, Sunday—Begins with plenty of rain; wind south-westerly,
changes to foggy weather. At night wind south-easterly with
frequent showers.

The Union had not long to wait until she was joined by her sister ships, and all lay safely anchored near the landing place at the Upper Cove. We may well believe that the arrival of such a multitude produced a profound sensation among the dwellers at Portland Point, then a mere hamlet.

Three hundred years have passed since Champlain sailed up this same harbor and in honor of the day of its discovery, gave to St. John the name it still retains, but in all these centuries the most notable fleet that ever cast anchor in the port was the “Spring fleet” of 1783. The old iron guns of Fort Howe thundered out their salute as the score of vessels came up the harbor, the flag of Britain streaming from the masthead, and we know that Major Studholme gave the wearied exiles a hearty welcome. The old soldier had held his post secure, in spite of hostile savages and lawless marauders, and he was now equally faithful in the discharge of his duty to his new comrades. He did his best to cheer their drooping spirits and as speedily as possible to settle them in habitations which they once more might call their own.

There is a quiet spot in the parish of Studholme, on the banks of the Kennebecasis, where the mortal remains of Gilfred Studholme lie. No headstone marks his grave.

Little preparation had been made by the Government of Nova Scotia for the reception of the Loyalists, and the season was cold and backward. Anxious as were the masters of the transports to return speedily to New York they were obliged to tarry some days. We learn from an old newspaper that the ship “Camel,” captain William Tinker, sailed from St. John on her return voyage, the 29th of May, in company with eight other transports, and that they left the new settlers “in good health and spirits.” Before the Loyalists could disembark, it was necessary to clear away the brushwood around the landing place and to erect tents and various kinds of shelter. The 18th of May saw them safely landed. The day was Sunday, and it is said the hapless exiles found consolation in a religious service held by the Rev. John Beardsley on the site of the present Market Square.

If Abraham’s fidelity to the Almighty caused him on his arrival in the land he was to inherit, to erect an altar, it was equally fitting that the first public act of the founders of the City of the Loyalists should be to render thanks for their preservation and safe arrival in the land of their adoption. The psalms for that 18th morning may have struck a responsive chord in many hearts. “Comfort us again now after the time that thou hast afflicted us, and for the years wherein we have seen adversity.” “Establish the work of our hands upon us, yea, the work of our hands establish thou it.”

No friendly roof had yet been reared to shelter them from the storm. The wilderness had its unknown perils. Perhaps too the dread of some lurking savage may have filled the hearts of the helpless ones with a nameless fear. Still the message was—“He that dwelleth in the tabernacle of the most High shall lodge under the shadow of the Almighty.” “Thou shalt not be afraid for any terror by night, nor for the arrow that flieth by day.”

The Loyalists could not but feel relieved when they safely reached their destination. There were no light houses, or beacons, or fog horns to aid the navigator, and the charts were imperfect. The vessels were greatly over crowded and the accommodations not of the best. To add to the general discomfort, in some of the ships epidemics, such as measles, broke out. Yet, glad as they were to be again on shore, it was with heavy hearts they watched the departure of the fleet. The grandmother of the late Sir Leonard Tilley said to one of her descendants, “I climbed to the top of Chipman’s Hill and watched the sails disappearing in the distance, and such a feeling of loneliness came over me that, although I had not shed a tear through all the war, I sat down on the damp moss with my baby in my lap and cried.”

The days that followed the arrival of the Loyalists were busy days for Major Studholme and his assistant, Samuel Denny Street.140 By their orders, boards, shingles, clapboards, bricks, etc., were distributed to those needing them. A large number of Studholme’s accounts in this connection are on file at Halifax. The first in which the name of Parr (Parrtown) occurs is the following:—

“Parr, on the River St. John, 31 August, 1783.

“Rec’d from Gilfred Studholme £5. 18. 10 1–2 for surveying 142,660 feet lumber for use of the Loyalists settled on the River St. John.

“JEREMIAH REGAN.”

Each Loyalist on his arrival was provided with 500 feet of boards, and a proportion of shingles and bricks. Most of the erections at first were log houses, the lumber being used for roofing. By the end of May, 1784, Major Studholme had delivered to the Loyalists 1,731,289 feet of boards, 1,553,919 shingles and 7,400 clapboards. The lumber was purchased from James Woodman, William Hazen, Nehemiah Beckwith, Patrick Rogers, John Whidden and others, the usual price being, for boards £4 per M., and for shingles 15 shillings per M.

The work of building must have progressed rapidly, for when winter came, about 1,500 dwellings afforded shelter. Joshua Aplin wrote Chief Justice Smith that the efforts of the people were unparalleled, and that on his arrival he could scarce credit his own eyes at the sight of such industry. But, he adds, the people had no legal right even to the ground their houses covered, and they appeared to be almost in despair at not getting on their lands. The greater part of those in the town at the mouth of the St. John river never meant to fix themselves there, but to settle on their lands and to apply their money to building farm houses, purchasing live stock, etc., and great loss had been incurred by their being obliged to build at the mouth of the river.

The Kingston settlers were amongst the few that proceeded directly to the lands on which they were to settle. For some weeks they lived in tents on the banks of Kingston Creek, where the mothers found occupation in nursing their children through the measles. They used to send across the river to “Jones’s” for milk and other necessaries. They were visited by the Indians, with whom they established friendly relations and who furnished them plentifully with moose meat. In the month of July they obtained the services of Frederick Hauser to survey their land. Before the lots were drawn by the settlers, however, reservations were made for church and school purposes. They then set to work with a will, working in one united party, clearing places on their lots for buildings, cutting logs, carrying them together with their own hands, having as yet neither cattle nor horses to draw them. By the month of November every man in the district found himself and his family covered under his own roof, and, according to Walter Bates, they were “perfectly, happy, contented and comfortable in their dwellings through the winter.” In this respect they were fortunate indeed in comparison with those who passed their first winter in canvas tents at Parrtown and St. Anns.

We must now speak of the arrival of the Summer fleet of transports at the River St. John.

Almost everybody has heard of the Spring and Fall fleets, but comparatively few are aware that a very important contingent of Loyalists came to St. John on the 29th of June. The late J. W. Lawrence makes no mention of this Summer fleet in his “Foot-Prints;” in fact nearly all of our local historians have ignored it. Moses H. Perley, in his well known lecture on early New Brunswick history, mentions it very briefly. Lorenzo Sabine, in his Loyalists of the American Revolution, incidentally refers to the date of arrival. The reference occurs in the biographical sketch of John Clarke, of Rhode Island, of whom we read:—

“At the peace, he settled at St. John. He arrived at that city on the 29th of June, 1783, at which time only two log huts had been erected on its site. The government gave him and every other grantee 500 feet of very ordinary boards towards covering their buildings. City lots sold in 1783 at from two to twenty dollars. He bought one for the price of executing the deed of conveyance and ’a treat.’ Mr. Clarke was clerk of Trinity church nearly 50 years. He died at St. John in 1853, in his ninety-fourth year, leaving numerous descendants.”

The Loyalists who came in the Summer fleet embarked at various places, some on Long Island, others at Staten Island and many at New York. In some instances embarkation had taken place three weeks prior to the departure of the ships from Sandy Hook. The delay in sailing was caused by difficulties attending the embarkation and getting the fleet together. The names of the vessels have been preserved in the following notice, printed in a New York paper:—

“NOTICE TO REFUGEES.

The following Transports, viz. Two Sisters, Hopewell, Symetry, Generous Friends, Bridgewater, Thames, Amity’s Production, Tartar, Duchess of Gordon, Littledale, William and Mary, and Free Briton, which are to carry Companies commanded by Sylvanus Whitney, Joseph Gorham, Henry Thomas, John Forrester, Thomas Elms, John Cock, Joseph Clarke, James Hoyt, Christopher Benson, Joseph Forrester, Thomas Welch, Oliver Bourdet, Asher Dunham, Abia. Camp, Peter Berton, Richard Hill and Moses Pitcher, will certainly fall down on Monday morning; it will therefore be absolutely necessary for the people who are appointed to go in these companies, to be all on board To-Morrow Evening.

“New York, June 7th, 1783.”

Of the seventeen companies whose captains are named above, those of Christopher Benson and Richard Hill went to Annapolis, and that of Moses Pitcher, to Shelburne; the others (with the possible exception of Thomas Welch’s company) came to St. John. We learn from a document entitled “A Return of the number of Loyalists gone to St. John’s River in Nova Scotia, as pr. returns left in the Commissary General’s Office in New York” that the number enrolled in the various companies for provisions, etc., was as given below:—

	Men.	Women.	Children.	Servants.	Total.
Capt. S. Whitney	42	27	87	12	168
Capt. J. Goreham	31	20	78	7	136
Capt. H. Thomas	32	26	52	12	122
Capt. J. Forrester	51	30	73	31	185
Capt. Thos. Elms	30	19	27	45	121
Capt. John Cock	32	21	48	10	111
Capt. J. Clarke	36	25	48	52	161
Capt. Jas. Hoyt	42	31	61	85	219
Capt. Jas. Forrester	35	25	47	15	122
Capt. O. Bourdet	55	36	47	42	180
Capt. A. Dunham	31	19	57	5	112
Capt. Abi. Camp	52	36	67	48	203
Capt. P. Berton	31	20	51	30	132
Total	500	335	743	394	1972

If all who gave in their names to Brook Watson at the commissariat office actually embarked for St. John in the June fleet, it would appear that nearly two thousand persons were carried in that fleet. But it is not unlikely that some of those who gave in their names did not go at this time. Among the papers in the archives at Halifax, there is a copy of a “Return of Loyalists, etc., gone from New York to Nova Scotia as pr. returns in the Commissary General’s office.” The original was compiled at New York, Oct., 12, 1783, by Richard Fitzpatrick, and at the bottom he adds the significant words—“The above is made from returns left in the commissary general’s office, but it is probable the numbers actually gone will fall far short.” The chief reason for supposing this to have been the case in regard to the summer fleet is the publication of the following official return, signed by Sir Guy Carleton, in one of the newspapers of the day.

Return of Refugees Embarked for Nova Scotia.

New York, 17th June, 1783.

	Men.	Women.	Children.	Servants.	Total.
For St. John’s River	443	283	670	258	1654
For Annapolis Royal	46	37	76	46	205
For Port Roseway	34	15	39	34	122
For Fort Cumberland	175	86	216	14	491
Total	698	421	1001	352	2472

GUY CARLETON.

It may be safer to take the figures in Sir Guy Carleton’s list; but whichever list we take, the numbers are sufficient to make the arrival of the summer fleet a thing of considerable importance. The names of nearly all the captains of the companies of Loyalists, who sailed in the fleet are found amongst the grantees of Parrtown.

The diary of Sarah Frost, who was a passenger to St. John in the ship “Two Sisters,” throws much light upon the circumstances that attended the voyage. Sarah (Schofield) Frost was the wife of William Frost, a sturdy loyalist of Stamford. He was proscribed and banished and threatened with death if he ever returned to Connecticut. He did return, however, on the night of July 21, 1781, accompanied by an armed party in seven boats. The boats were secreted and the party placed themselves in hiding in a swamp near the meeting house. The next day, which was Sunday, they surprised and captured the minister, Rev. Dr. Mather, and his entire congregation. A selection of the prisoners was quickly made, and forty-eight individuals were hurried away to the boats and taken across the sound to Lloyd’s Neck, where they were greeted in no complimentary fashion by some of their old neighbors whom they had driven from their homes. Twenty-four of the prisoners were allowed to go back to Stamford on parole. The remainder, twenty-six in number, were sent to the provost prison in New York. Dr. Mather was one of those consigned to the provost, as a “leader of sedition.” Needless to say this exploit rendered Wm. Frost exceedingly obnoxious to the “patriots” of Stamford. The parents of Mrs. Frost espoused the cause of the revolutionary party, and her’s was one of those sad cases in which families were divided by the war.

The extracts from her journal will enable the reader to have a good idea of some of the trials endured by those who left their old homes for the sake of the principles they cherished.

“May 25, 1783. I left Lloyd’s Neck with my family and went on board the Two Sisters, commanded by Captain Brown, for a voyage to Nova Scotia with the rest of the Loyalist sufferers. This evening the Captain drank tea with us. He appears to be a very clever gentleman. We expect to sail as soon as the wind shall favor. We have very fair accommodation in the cabin, although it contains six families besides my own. There are two hundred and fifty passengers on board.”

A few days later the ships proceeded to New York, and then there followed an uncomfortable period of waiting. They hoped to have sailed on the 9th of June, having been already a fortnight on shipboard, but it was not until a week later that they got away. While at New York the passengers spent much of their time on shore, visiting their friends and making purchases of things needed on the voyage. Mrs. Frost had a touching interview with her father, who came in a boat from Stamford to bid her farewell. She writes under date of Monday, June 9th; “Our women all came on board with their children, and there is great confusion in the cabin. We bear with it pretty well through the day, but at night one child cries in one place, and one in another, while we are getting them to bed. I think sometimes I will go crazy. There are so many of them, if they were still as common, there would be a great noise amongst them.”

Two days later the ships weighed anchor and dropped down to Staten Island where they remained until Sunday the 15th of June, when Mrs. Frost writes: “Our ship is getting under way, I suppose for Nova Scotia. I hope for a good passage. About three o’clock we have a hard gale and a shower which drives us all below. About five o’clock we come to anchor within about six miles of the Light House at Sandy Hook. How long we shall lie here I don’t know. About six o’clock we had a terrible squall and hail stones fell as big as ounce balls. About sunset there was another squall and it hailed faster than before. Mr. Frost went out and gathered a mug full of hail stones, and in the evening we had a glass of punch made of it, and the ice was in it till we had drank the whole of it.”

“Monday, June 16. We weighed anchor about half after five in the morning, with the wind North-Nor’-West, and it blows very fresh. We passed the Light House about half after seven. It is now half after nine and a signal has been fired for the ships all to lie to for the Bridgewater, which seems to lag behind, I believe on account of some misfortune that happened to her yesterday.... It is now two o’clock and we have again got under way. We have been waiting for a ship to come from New York, and she has now overhauled us.141 We have a very light breeze now, but have at last got all our fleet together. We have thirteen Ships, two Brigs, one Frigate belonging to our fleet. The Frigate is our Commodore’s. It is now three o’clock, we are becalmed and the men are out fishing for Mackerel. Mr. Miles has caught the first.”

“Thursday, June 19. We are still steering eastward with a fine breeze. We make seven miles an hour the chief part of the day. About noon we shift our course and are steering North by East. At two o’clock the Captain says we are 250 miles from Sandy Hook, with the wind West-Nor’-West. At six o’clock we saw a sail ahead. She crowded sail and put off from us, but our frigate knew how to talk to her, for at half past seven she gave her a shot which caused her to shorten sail and lie to. Our captain looked with his spy glass; he told me she was a Rebel brig; he saw her thirteen stripes. She was steering to the westward. The wind blows so high this evening, I am afraid to go to bed for fear of rolling out.”

“Friday 20th. This morning our Frigate fired a signal to shift our course to North-Nor’-East. We have still fine weather and a fair wind. Mr. Emslie, the mate, tells me we are, at five in the afternoon, about 500 miles from Sandy Hook. We begin to see the fog come on, for that is natural to this place. At six our Commodore fired for the ships to lie to until those behind should come up. Mr. Emslie drank tea with Mr. Frost and myself. The fog comes on very thick this evening.”

“Saturday, June 21. Rose at 8 o’clock. It was so foggy we could not see one ship belonging to the fleet. They rang their bells and fired guns all the morning to keep company. About half after ten the fog all went off, so that we saw the chief part of our fleet around us. At noon the fog came on again, but we could hear their bells all around us. This evening the Captain showed Mr. Frost and me the map of the whole way we have come and the way we have yet to go. He told us we are 240 miles from Nova Scotia at this time. It is so foggy we lost all our company tonight and we are entirely alone.

“Sunday, June 22. It is very foggy yet. No ship in sight now, nor any bells to be heard. Towards noon we heard some guns fired from our fleet, but could not tell where they was. The fog was so thick we could not see ten rods, and the wind is so ahead that we have not made ten miles since yesterday noon.

“Monday, June 23. Towards noon the fog goes off fast, and in the afternoon we could see several of our vessels; one came close alongside of us. Mr. Emslie says we are an hundred and forty miles from land now. In the evening the wind becomes fair, the fog seems to leave us and the sun looks very pleasant. Mr. Whitney and his wife, Mr. Frost and I, have been diverting ourselves with a few games of crib.”

The passengers had now become exceedingly weary of the voyage. The ships had lain buried in a dense fog, almost becalmed, for three days. An epidemic of measles, too, had broken out on board the “Two Sisters,” and served to add to the anxiety and discomfort of the mothers. But a change for the better was at hand and Mrs. Frost continues her diary in a more cheerful strain.

“Thursday, June 26. This morning the sun appears very pleasant. We are now nigh the banks of Cape Sable. At nine o’clock we begin to see land. How pleased we are after being nine days out of sight of land to see it again. There is general rejoicing. At half past six we have twelve of our ships in sight. Our captain told me just now we should be in the Bay of Fundy before morning. He says it is about one day’s sail after we get into the Bay to Saint John’s River. How I long to see that place though a strange land. I am tired of being on board ship, though we have as clever a captain as ever need to live.

“Friday, June 27. I got up this morning very early to look out. I can see land on both sides of us. About ten o’clock we passed Annapolis. The wind died away. Our people got their lines out to catch cod fish. About half after five John Waterbury caught the first.

“Saturday, June 28. Got up in the morning and found ourselves nigh to land on both sides. At half after nine our Captain fired a gun for a pilot and soon after ten a pilot came on board, and a quarter after one our ship anchored off against Fort Howe in Saint John’s River. Our people went on shore and brought on board pea vines with blossoms on them, gooseberries, spruce and grass, all of which grow wild. They say this is to be our city. Our land is five and twenty miles up the river. We are to have here only a building, place 40 feet wide and an hundred feet back. Mr. Frost has gone on shore in his whale boat to see how it looks. He returns soon bringing a fine salmon.”

“Sunday, June 29. This morning it looks very pleasant. I am just going on shore with my children.... It is now afternoon and I have been on shore. It is I think the roughest land I ever saw.... We are all ordered to land tomorrow and not a shelter to go under.”

Such is the simple story told by this good lady; the reader’s imagination can fill in the details. At the time of Mrs. Frost’s arrival she was a young matron of twenty-eight years. Her daughter, Hannah, born on July 30th., is said to have been the second female child born at Parrtown.

In the case of the June fleet, as of that which arrived in May, the captains of many of the transports seem to have been remarkably considerate for the welfare of their passengers. The “Bridgewater,” staid at St. John more than a fortnight before she sailed on her return voyage to New York, as we learn from the address presented to her captain by the Loyalists who came in her.

“To Captain Adnet, Commander of the Transport Bridgewater.

“The Address of the Loyalists, that came in the Ship under your command, from New-York to St. John’s River, Nova-Scotia.

“Your humanity, and the kindness and attention you have shewn to render as happy as possible each individual on board your ship, during the passage, and till their disembarkation, has filled our hearts with sentiments of the deepest gratitude, and merit the warmest return of acknowledgments and thanks, which we most sincerely desire you to accept. Wishing you a prosperous voyage to your intended port, we are, your much obliged and very humble servants.

Signed by the particular desire, and in behalf of the whole.

JOHN HOLLAND,
CAPTAIN CLARKE,
NATHANIEL DICKINSON.

St. John’s River, July 15, 1783.

Vessels continued to arrive during the summer, each bearing its quota of loyal exiles. Those who came were in nearly all cases enrolled in companies, and officers appointed, who were commissioned by Sir Guy Carleton. Several of the ships came repeatedly to St. John. The Bridgewater, one of the Spring fleet, came again in June, and made a third voyage in October. The Cyrus, one of the Spring fleet, arrived again on the 14th September, with 194 passengers, whose names are given in the collections of the New Brunswick Historical Society. The Sovereign, one of the vessels of the Spring fleet, came again in August, as we learn from the letter of thanks addressed to the captain by her passengers, which follows:

“Dear Sir: Your Generosity, Kindness and Attention to us while on board your ship, and assistance lent us on landing our Property from on board, demands our most warm Acknowledgments: Permit us therefore to return you that unfeigned Thanks for all your Goodness that feeling hearts can: and as your are about to leave us, accept of our most sincere wishes for your Happiness and Prosperity; and that you may have a safe and easy Passage to New York is the sincere wish of, Dear Sir.

(By Request of the Company.)

Your most obedient, humble servant,

JOHN MENZIES, Capt. 24th Company.

St. John’s River, Aug. 12, 1783.

To Capt. Wm. Stewart, Ship Sovereign.”

About this time the Americans began to urge upon Sir Guy Carleton the speedy evacuation of New York by the British forces. But Sir Guy was too good a friend of the Loyalists to allow himself to be unduly hurried in the matter. He stated that the violence of the Americans, since the cessation of hostilities, had greatly increased the number of Loyalists who were obliged to look to him for escape from threatened destruction. That their fears had been augmented by the barbarous menaces of Committees formed in various towns, cities and districts, which had threatened dire vengeance to any who ventured back to their former homes. He therefore adds, “I should show an indifference to the feelings of humanity, as well as to the honor and interest of the nation whom I serve, to leave any of the Loyalists that are desirous to quit the country, a prey to the violence they conceive they have so much cause to apprehend.”

Sir Guy did his best to facilitate the emigration of all who desired to leave New York, and by his instructions the following notice was published.

“City Hall, New York, August 14, 1783.

“Notice is hereby given to all Loyalists within the lines, desirous to emigrate from this place before the final Evacuation, that they must give in their Names at the Adjutant-General’s Office, on or before the 21st instant, and be ready to embark by the end of this month.

“ABIJAH WILLARD.”

Before the arrival of the date, mentioned in the notice, 6,000 names were entered at the Adjutant-General’s Office for passages, and the evacuation proceeded as fast as the number of transports would admit. Four weeks later another and more emphatic notice was issued.

“City Hall, New York, September 12, 1783.

The Commissioners appointed to examine the Claims of Persons for Passages from this Place, give this Notice to all Loyalists, who have been recommended for Passages to Nova Scotia; that ships are prepared to receive them on board, and it is expected they will embark on or before the Twentieth Instant.

“And the Board have Authority further to declare. That if they neglect to embrace the opportunity now offered, they must not expect to be conveyed afterwards at the Public Expense.

ABIJAH WILLARD.”

There can be little doubt that many who continued to linger at New York would gladly have returned to their former places of abode, but the experience of the few days who attempted it was too discouraging. Here is an instance, as described by one of the American “patriots.”

“Last week there came one of the dam’d refugees from New York to a place called Wall-Kill, in order to make a tarry with his parents. He was taken into custody immediately, his head and eye brows were shaved—tarred and feathered—a hog yoke put on his neck, and a cow bell thereon; upon his head a very high cap of feathers was set, well plum’d with soft tar, and a sheet of paper in front, with a man drawn with two faces, representing Arnold and the Devil’s imps; and on the back of it a cow, with the refugee or tory driving her off.”

The forced migration of the Loyalists was a source of much amusement to the whigs of that day. A parody on Hamlet’s soliloquy, “To be or not to be,” was printed in the New Jersey Journal, under the title, The Tory’s Soliloquy. It begins:

“To go or not to go; that is the question,
Whether ’tis best to trust the inclement sky,
That scowl’s indignant, or the dreary bay
Of Fundy and Cape Sable’s rocks and shoals,
And seek our new domain in Scotia’s wilds,
Barren and bare, or stay among the rebels,
And by our stay rouse up their keenest rage.”

We have now to consider the circumstances under which the “Fall fleet” came to St. John.

After the cessation of hostilities, the violent temper manifested by the victorious Americans caused the officers of the Loyalist regiments to lay their case before Sir Guy Carleton in a letter dated March 14, 1783. They state, “That from the purest principles of loyalty and attachment to the British government they took up arms in his Majesty’s service, and, relying on the justice of their cause and the support of their Sovereign and the British nation, they have persevered with unabated zeal through all the vicissitudes of a calamitous and unfortunate war.... That whatever stipulations may be made at the peace for the restoration of the property of the Loyalists and permission for them to return home, yet, should the American Provinces be severed from the British Empire, it will be impossible for those who have served his Majesty in arms in this war to remain in the country. The personal animosities that arose from civil dissensions have been so heightened by the blood that has been shed in the contest that the parties can never be reconciled.” The letter goes on to speak of sacrifices of property and lucrative professions; of the anxiety felt for the future of wives and children; of the fidelity of the troops, who in the course of the contest had shown a degree of patience, fortitude and bravery almost without example; and of the great number of men incapacitated by wounds, many having helpless families who had seen better days. In conclusion they make the following request:—

“That grants of land may be made to them in some of his Majesty’s American Provinces and that they may be assisted in making settlements, in order that they and their children may enjoy the benefit of British government.

“That some permanent provision may be made for such of the non-commissioned officers and privates as have been disabled by wounds, and for the widows and orphans of deceased officers and soldiers.

“That as a reward for their services the rank of the officers be made permanent in America, and that they be entitled to half pay upon the reduction of their regiments.”

The letter was signed by the commanders of fourteen Loyalist regiments.

The application of these officers received due recognition, and on the arrival of his Majesty’s orders and instructions to Sir Guy Carleton, dated the 9th of June, it was decided that the Kings American Regiment, Queens Rangers, British Legion, New York Volunteers, Loyal American Regiment, New Jersey Volunteers, De Lancey’s Brigade, Prince of Wales American Regiment, Pennsylvania Loyalists, Maryland Loyalists, Loyal American Legion, King’s American Dragoons and one or two other corps, should hold themselves in readiness to embark for Nova Scotia, where on their arrival they were to be disbanded, unless any should chose to be discharged at New York.

Before the royal orders and instructions arrived in America the King’s American Dragoons had been sent to the mouth of the St. John river, under command of Major Daniel Murray. They encamped at Manawagonish, a little to the west of Carleton heights, with the intention of making a settlement in the old township of Conway. On the 6th of July, Col. Edward Winslow wrote to Major Joshua Upham, who had remained at New York as Aide-de-Camp to Sir Guy Carleton: “I am gratified excessively at the situation and behaviour of your regiment. I never saw more cheerfulness and good humor than appears among the men. They are encamped on one of the pleasantest spots I ever beheld, and they are enjoying a great variety of what you (New) Yorkers call luxuries—such as partridges, salmon, bass, trout, pigeons, etc. The whole regiment are this day employed in cutting and clearing a road to the river, and Murray and I intend to ride tomorrow where man never rode before.” The following day Winslow wrote Ward Chipman, “I am at present at Murray’s head quarters in a township which we shall lay out for the provincials,142 and we have already cut a road from his camp to the river, about three miles. We cut yesterday, with about 120 men, more than a mile through a forest hitherto deemed impenetrable. When we emerged from it, there opened a prospect superior to anything in the world I believe. A perfect view of the immense Bay of Fundy, on one side, and very extensive view of the river St. John’s with the Falls, grand Bay and Islands on the other—in front the Fort, which is a beautiful object on a high hill, and all the settlements about the town, with the ships, boats, etc., in the harbor—’twas positively the most magnificent and romantic scene I ever beheld.”

The view from Lancaster Heights, which so delighted Colonel Winslow, proves equally charming to American tourists of the present generation. The stay of the King’s American Dragoons at “Camp Manawaugonish,” however, was brief, for about the end of August they were sent up the St. John river to what is now the Parish of Prince William, where many of their descendants are to be found at the present day. The commander of the regiment was the celebrated Sir Benjamin Thompson, better known as Count Rumford, who, by the way, never came to New Brunswick; but other officers of the corps were prominent in our local affairs. Major Joshua Upham was a judge of the supreme court. Major Daniel Murray was for some years a member of the House of Assembly for York County. Chaplain Jonathan Odell was for years Provincial Secretary. Surgeon Adino Paddock was a leading physician, and the progenitor of a long line of descendants, who practiced the healing art. Lieutenant John Davidson was a member for York County in the provincial legislature and a leading land surveyor in the early days of the country. Lieutenant Simeon Jones was the ancestor of Simeon Jones, ex-mayor of St. John, and his well known family. Quarter master Edward Sands was a leading merchant of the city of St. John. Cornet Arthur Nicholson was a prominent man on the upper St. John in early times, and for a while commanded the military post at Presquile.

After the articles of peace had been signed, no serious effort was made to restrain the non-commissioned officers and men of the Loyalist regiments from taking “French leave,” and a good many of them left the service without the formality of a discharge. Those who did so were of course marked on the roll as deserters; they remained, for the most part, in the States, and eventually returned to their former places of abode. Others of the troops were formally discharged at New York. As a consequence the British American regiments that came to the St. John river were reduced to a fraction of their original strength. The number of those who came to St. John in the Fall fleet, has been commonly stated as about three thousand souls. The returns of the Commissary general’s office in New York show that up to October 12th as many as 3,396 persons connected with the Loyalist regiments had sailed to the River St. John, viz., 1823 men, 563 women, 696 children and 311 servants. The following summer an enumeration was made by Thomas Knox of the disbanded troops settled on the St. John river. His return for the Loyalist regiments gives a total of 3,520 persons, viz., 1877 men, 585 women, 865 children and 193 servants. This does not differ very materially from the other return at New York, the difference being accounted for by the fact that a few of the men of these regiments left New York very late in the season, and consequently were not included in the return of 12th October.

The official correspondence of Sir Guy Carleton contains a pretty full account of the circumstances that attended the departure of the Loyalist regiments and their subsequent arrival at St. John. During the summer months they had been encamped near Newtown, Long Island, a short distance from Brooklyn Ferry. They embarked on the 3d of September, and Sir Guy Carleton wrote to General Fox, the commander in chief in Nova Scotia, that he hoped they would sail on the 7th of that month; but, as usual, unforseen delays prevented their departure until some days later. The command of the troops devolved on Lieut. Col. Richard Hewlett, of the 3d battalion of De Lancey’s Brigade; Lieut. Col. Gabriel De Veber, of the Prince of Wales American Regiment, was second in command. Most of the senior officers were at this time in England, where they had gone to present to the British government their claims for compensation for losses consequent upon the war, and to press their claims for half-pay upon the disbanding of their regiments.

Sir Guy Carleton’s instructions to Lieut. Col. Hewlett are contained in the following letter.

“New York, Sep. 12, 1783.

“Sir.—You are to take the command of the British American Troops mentioned in the margin,143 which are to proceed to the River St. John’s in the Bay of Fundy in Nova Scotia. On your arrival there you will see that the stores intended for them are duly delivered, and you will take such steps as shall be necessary for the several corps proceeding immediately to the places alloted for their settlement, where they are to be disbanded on their arrival, provided it does not exceed the 20th of October, on which day Captain Prevost, deputy inspector of British American Forces, has directions to disband them.... You will give directions to the officer commanding each corps that, in case of separation, they will proceed on their arrival at the River St. John’s in forwarding their respective corps to the places of their respective destination.... The debarkation of the troops must not on any account whatever be delayed, as the transports must return to this Port with all possible dispatch. Directions have been given to Mr. Colville, assistant agent of all small craft at the River St. John, to afford every assistance in his power to the corps in getting to the places of their destination, and the commanding officers of corps will make application to him for that purpose.

I am, etc., etc.,
GUY CARLETON.

The perils of navigation in the olden time are seen in the experience of the Esther and the Martha, two of the vessels of the Fall fleet. The ships left Sandy Hook, on or about the 15th of September, and all went well until they arrived near the Seal Islands, off the South-West coast of Nova Scotia. Here the Esther, having on board Colonel Van Buskirk’s battalion of the New Jersey Volunteers, got out of her course and narrowly escaped destruction, reaching St. John several days after her sister ships. The Martha, Capt. Willis, was even more unfortunate. She was wrecked on a ledge of rocks off the Seal Islands, afterwards known as “Soldier’s Ledge.” Her passengers numbered 174 persons and including a corps of Maryland Loyalists and part of Col. Hewlett’s battalion of De Lancey’s Brigade. Of these 99 perished and 75 were saved by fishing boats.

According to the account of Captain Patrick Kennedy of the Maryland Loyalists, the accident was due to gross neglect. The master reported the previous evening that he had seen land, and everyone imagined he would lay to during the night, the weather being tempestuous. He had left New York with an old suit of sails and had not above twelve men and boys to work his ship. While they were engaged in rigging and setting up a new main topsail, to replace one that had gone to pieces early in the night, the ship struck. Soon after the long boat was smashed by the fall of the mainmast. The cutter had already been launched. The captain now gave orders to launch the jolly boat and, to the surprise of everybody, having repeatedly proclaimed that he would be one of the last to leave the ship, he jumped into her as she went over the side, rowed to the cutter, got into her, and inhumanly pushed off for the shore. The empty Jolly boat was turned adrift in full view of the unhappy people on board, the master turning a deaf ear to the solicitations of Captain Kennedy, who begged him to pull in toward the stern, in order to discuss some means of saving the lives of his passengers.

Another account of this tragedy has been preserved in the letter of Lieut. Michael Laffan, of Colonel Hewlett’s battalion, to his brother:—

St. Johns, Oct. 11, 1783.

Dear Brother.—Yesterday evening I had the good Fortune to arrive at this Place. On the 25th of September, about 4 o’clock in the morning, the “Martha” struck against a rock off the Tusket river near the Bay of Fundy, and was in the course of a few Hours wrecked in a Thousand Pieces. I had the good Fortune to get upon a Piece of the Wreck with three more officers, viz., Lieut. Henley, Lieut. Sterling, Dr. Stafford and two soldiers (all of the Maryland Loyalists) and floated on it two Days and two nights up to near our Waists in Water, during which time Lieut. Sterling and one of the Soldiers died. On the third Day we drifted to an island where we lived without Fire, Water, Victuals or Clothing, except the Remnants of what we had on, about one Quart of Water per man (which we sipped from the cavities in the Rocks) and a few Rasberries and snails. On the seventh Day we were espied and taken up by a Frenchman, that was out a fowling, who took us to his House and treated us with every kindness. We staid with him six Days and then proceeded to a Place called Cape Pursue, where we met with Captain Kennedy and about fifty of both Regiments, who were saved at Sea by some fishing Boats, about 36 Hours from the time the Vessel was wrecked. Capt. Doughty, Lieut. McFarlane, Mrs. McFarlane and Ensign Montgomery perished....

Lieut. Col. Hewlett’s letter to Sir Guy Carleton, announcing the arrival of the fleet at its destined port, is brief and to the point:

St. Johns, Bay of Fundy, 29th September, 1783.

Sir.—Agreeable to your Excellency’s orders I have the honor to inform you that the Troops under my command arrived at the River St. Johns the 27th instant, except the ship “Martha” with the Maryland Loyalists and part of the 2d Batt’n De Lancey’s, and the ship “Esther” with part of the Jersey Volunteers, of which ships no certain accounts were received since their sailings.

This day a small party of the Guides and Pioneers are landed, which proceed from the Falls up the River St. Johns tomorrow, if the weather permits.

I have given the necessary orders for the Troops to disembark tomorrow and encamp just above the Falls, from which place they shall be forwarded with all possible expedition to the place of their destination, but am much afraid the want of small craft will greatly prevent their dispatch.

I have the honor to be sir,
Your most obedient, humble servant,

RICHARD HEWLETT, Lt. Col.

On the 13th October Col. Hewlett informed Sir Guy Carleton that the troops had all been disbanded by Major Augustin Prevost, and were getting up the river as speedily as the scarcity of small craft for conveying them would admit.

A large number of the officers and men of the disbanded regiments drew lots at Parrtown, and many remained at the mouth of the river during the winter. George Leonard, who was one of the chief directors of the settlement of the town, says that the lots at first laid out were divided and subdivided, on the arrival of almost every fleet, to accommodate the Loyalists as they came. These proved to be so greatly in excess of what had been anticipated, that the lots of those who came at the first were reduced by degrees to one sixteenth part of their original dimensions. It was not until the 17th December that a complete plan of Parrtown was prepared by Paul Bedell. Meanwhile there had been much delay in laying out lands for settlement on the River St. John.

Colonel Morse, of the Royal Engineers, gives a summary of the causes of the delay in placing the disbanded troops upon their lands: “First their arriving very late in the season; Secondly, timely provision not having been made by escheating and laying out lands; Thirdly, a sufficient number of surveyors not having been employed; but Lastly and principally, the want of foresight and wisdom to make necessary arrangements, and steadiness in carrying them out.”

Lieut. Col. Edward Winslow, muster-master-general of the British American regiments, had been sent to Nova Scotia in the month of April to secure lands for the accommodation of the officers and men who wished to settle there. In this task he had the assistance of Lieut. Col. Isaac Allen, Lieut. Col. Stephen De Lancey and Major Thomas Barclay. Their instructions were to procure the lands required “in the most eligible and advantageous situation, paying strict regard to the quality of the soil.” They decided to make application for the vacant lands on the River St. John, and the Nova Scotia government agreed that the provincial troops might be accommodated “near the source of that river, leaving the lower part to the Refugees.” Lieut. Colonel De Lancey was greatly chagrined at this decision, and on the 11th July he wrote to Winslow: “If what I am informed is true, we might better be all of us in New York. It is that Conway, Burton, etc., are to be given to the Refugees, and that the lands to be given to the Provincials are to commence at Sunbury (or St. Anne) and go northwest to Canada or elsewhere.... This is so notorious a forfeiture of the faith of Government that it appears to me almost incredible, and yet I fear it is not to be doubted. Could we have known this a little earlier it would have saved you the trouble of exploring the country for the benefit of a people you are not connected with. In short it is a subject too disagreeable to say more upon.”

The decision to settle the Loyalist regiment some distance up the river obliged the Kings American Dragoons to remove from Lancaster, where they had at first pitched their tents. The intimation to move on came in the shape of a letter from Gen’l Fox’s secretary, to Major Murray, their commanding officer. An extract follows:

“It having been represented to Brig’r. General Fox that the King’s American Dragoons under your command cannot be enhutted at the place where they are at present encamped, without inconvenience to the great number of Loyalists who are forming settlements at the mouth of the River St. John’s, and he being also informed that His Excellency the Governor of this Province has assigned a certain tract of land for the accommodation of the Provincial Regiments on the River St. John’s, beginning at the eastern boundaries of the Townships of Sunbury and Newtown, and extending up the River, I am directed to acquaint you that you have Brigadier General Fox’s permission to remove the King’s American Dragoons to that part of the district which has been allotted to the regiment.... Lieut. Colonel Morse, chief Engineer, will, in consideration that your Regiment may be exposed to peculiar inconveniences from being the first who are ordered to but on the River St. John’s, forward to you such articles as he apprehends cannot be procured at that place.”

On the 16th September, Gen’l Fox wrote from Annapolis, informing Governor Parr that the Loyalist regiments embarking at New York were, by the Commander in Chief’s express order, to be discharged as contiguous as possible to the lands on which they were to settle, and he accordingly asked the Governor to determine the district each regiment was to settle, so that on their arrival they might proceed immediately to their respective destinations. Up to this time no attempt had been made to lay out lands for the troops, save in the district of Prince William for the King’s American Dragoons. There was, it is true, an order to reserve for the Provincial Regiments, a tract extending from the townships of Maugerville and Burton on both sides of the river on the route to Canada as far as to accommodate the whole, but no survey had been made.

About this time the Hon. Charles Morris prepared a plan of the river in which the land not yet granted was laid out in blocks. These blocks were numbered and drawn for by the various regiments shortly after their arrival. But as the lines had not been run, nor any lots laid out for settlement the disbanded troops were in great perplexity. They knew not where to turn or what to do. Extracts from the letters of two regimental commanders will show how they regarded the outlook. Lieut. Col. Gabriel De Veber, of the Prince of Wales American Regiment, writes at Parrtown on the 14th December. “I am still here, where I have built a small house for the present. I have not been up the River yet, indeed the block, No. 11, which our Regiment has drawn, is so far up that I am totally discouraged. The numerous family I have demands some attention to the education of children. At such a distance they never can hope for any, and I should think myself highly culpable, were I not to endeavor to settle nearer to the metropolis, or to some place where I can attend to this necessary duty.”

Major Thomas Menzies, of the Loyal American Legion, writes on March 2d, 1784: “I drew Block No 10 for the Corps under my command, which commences 48 miles above St. Anns, so that whatever becomes of me, it would be wildness to think of carrying my family there for the present.”

We get a glimpse of the distress and perplexity of the men of the loyal regiments in one of Edward Winslow’s letters to Ward Chipman. “I saw all those Provincial Regiments, which we have so frequently mustered, landing in this inhospitable climate, in the month of October, without shelter and without knowing where to find a place to reside. The chagrin of the officers was not to me so truly affecting as the poignant distress of the men. Those respectable sergeants of Robinson’s, Ludlow’s, Cruger’s, Fanning’s, etc.,—once hospitable yeomen of the Country—were addressing me in language which almost murdered me as I heard it. ‘Sir, we have served all the war, your honor is witness how faithfully. We were promised land; we expected you had obtained it for us. We like the country—only let us have a spot of our own, and give us such kind of regulations as will hinder bad men from injuring us.’”

A great many of the disbanded soldiers drew lots at Parrtown in the Lower Cove district. Some of them spent their first winter in canvas tents on the Barrack square. They thatched their tents with spruce boughs, brought in boats from Partridge Island, and banked them with snow. Owing to the cold weather and the coarseness of the provisions, salt meat, etc., the women and children suffered severely and numbers died. They were buried in an old graveyard near the present deep water terminus of the Intercolonial railway.

The last of the transports that sailed from New York to St. John, in addition to her passengers—mostly women and children—carried an assortment of clothing and provisions. The officer in charge was Lieut. John Ward of the Loyal American Regiment, grandfather of Clarence Ward, the well known secretary of the New Brunswick Historical Society. There was not time to build even a hut, and Mr. Ward was obliged to spend his first winter in the country under canvas. His son, John Ward, jr., was born in a tent on the Barrack square, Dec. 18, 1783. The Ward family were a sturdy stock and were noted for their longevity. The child born on the Barrack square attained the age of 92 years, and a younger son, Charles Ward, died in 1882 at the age of 91 years. The father, Lieut. John Ward, was 92 years of age when he died on the 5th August, 1846. He was known in his later years as “the father of the city.” At the semi-centennial of the Landing of the Loyalists he was honored with a seat on the left of the mayor, John M. Wilmot, on whose, right sat Sir Archibald Campbell the Lieut. Governor. On the 18th May, 1843, the sixtieth anniversary of the landing of the Loyalists, the corporation of the city waited on Mr. Ward, then aged 90 years, at his residence, and presented him with an address. The officers of the Artillery also presented an address in which they say: “We claim you with pride as one of the first officers of the corps to which we now have the honor to belong; and we hail you at the same time as one of the few survivors of that gallant band, who—surrendering all save the undying honor of their sacrifice—followed the standard of their Sovereign to these shores, and whose landing we this day commemorate. That health and prosperity may be yours, and that the evening of your days may be as free from a cloud as your past life has been unspotted, is the sincere desire of the corps in whose behalf we have the honor to subscribe ourselves.”

The experience of the disbanded soldiers, who wintered with their families at St. Anns, was even more trying than that of those who remained at Parrtown. The month of October was cold and rainy, and those who went up the river in boats had a very miserable time of it. A few were fortunate enough to be admitted into the houses of the old settlers, but the vast majority were obliged to provide themselves a shelter from the approaching winter by building log and bark huts. At St. Anns, where Fredericton was afterwards built, there were only two English speaking settlers, Benjamin Atherton, who lived on the site of Government House, and Philip Wade whose house stood on the river bank in front of the present Cathedral.

Speaking of the hardships endured by the founders of Fredericton, Peter Fisher observes: “Scarcely had they begun to construct their cabins, when they were surprised by the rigors of an untried climate; their habitations being enveloped in snow before they were tenantable.... The privations and sufferings of some of these people almost exceed belief. Frequently, in the piercing cold of winter, a part of the family had to remain up during the night to keep fire in their huts to prevent the other part from freezing. Some very destitute families made use of boards to supply the want of bedding; the father or some of the elder children remaining up by turns, and warming two suitable pieces of boards, which they applied alternately to the smaller children to keep them warm; with many similar expedients.”

The awfulness of their situation may be readily imagined. Women, delicately reared, cared for their infants beneath canvas tents, rendered habitable only by the banks of snow which lay six feet deep in the open spaces of the forest. Men, unaccustomed to toil, looked with dismay at the prospect before them. The non-arrival of supplies expected before the close of navigation, added to their dire forebodings. At one time during the winter, starvation stared them in the face, and one who passed through the sorrowful experience of that time says: “Strong proud men wept like children, and, exhausted by cold and famine, lay down in their snow bound tents to die.” The poor settlers had to make frequent trips of from fifty to one hundred miles with hand-sleds or toboggans, through the wild woods and on the ice, to procure a precarious supply of food for their famishing families.

Among those who settled at St. Anns at this time was Lodewick Fisher, who had seen nearly seven years service in Col. Van Buskirk’s battalion of the New Jersey Volunteers. This brave old Loyalist came to St. John in the Ship “Esther,” accompanied by his wife Mary, and three children, Eliza, Henry and Peter, all of whom were born on Staten Island during the war. Peter, the youngest of the trio, was only 16 months old at the time of his arrival and of course had no personal recollection of the experience of the first winter, but in his little history he has given some of the recollections of his elders which are of great interest. (It may be noted, in passing, that the eldest son of Peter Fisher, the Hon. Charles Fisher, was attorney general of the province and later a judge of the supreme court; he was one of the fathers of Responsible Government and left his impress in the pages of our history.)

Much that is of great interest concerning the founders of Fredericton has been gleaned from the reminiscences of Mrs. Lodewick Fisher, which she used to relate in the hearing of her grand-children.144 From this source we learn that soon after the arrival of the Loyalist regiments at St. John, her family joined a party bound up the river in a schooner to St. Anns. In eight days they got to Oromocto, where they were landed by the Captain, who refused to proceed further on account of the lateness of the season. He charged them each four dollars for their passage. The night was spent on shore and the next day the women and children proceeded to St. Anns in Indian canoes, the others coming on foot. It was the 8th of October when they reached their destination, and pitched their tents at Salamanca, near the shore. Before any effectual steps had been taken to provide a shelter, winter was at hand. Snow fell on the 2nd November to the depth of six inches. The best that some of the unfortunate people could do was to pitch their tents in the depths of the forest. Stones were used for a rude fire place. The tent had no floor but the ground. The winter was very cold, with deep snow, which afforded some protection. Still it was an awful winter. There were mothers who had been reared in a pleasant country, enjoying the luxuries of life, who now clasped their helpless little ones to their bosoms and tried by the warmth of their own bodies to protect them from the bitter cold. Many of the weaker ones died from cold and exposure. Graves were dug with axes and shovels near by, and there in stormy wintry weather, the survivors laid their loved ones. They had no minister, and they were buried without any religious service. The burial ground at Salamanca, continued to be used for some years until it was nearly filled. They used to call it “the Loyalist Provincials burial ground.”

This old burial ground is on the Ketchum place, just below the town. Some of the older citizens of Fredericton remember old head boards placed at the graves, since fallen into decay. Many names that were painted or carved on them served to show the Dutch ancestry of the men of Van Buskirk’s battalion. The names were such as Van Horn, Vanderbeck, Ackermann, Burkstaff, Ridner, Handorff, Van Norden, Blaicker, Blann, Ryerson, etc.

As soon as the snow was off the ground the people began to build log houses, but they were soon obliged to desist for want of provisions. There was again delay in sending supplies, and the settlers were forced to live after the Indian fashion. They made maple sugar, dug edible roots, caught fish, shot partridges and pigeons and hunted moose. Some who had planted a few potatoes had to dig them up again and eat them. In their distress these poor souls were gladdened by the discovery of large patches of beans that were found growing wild. The beans were white, marked with a black cross, and had probably been planted by the French. “In our joy at this discovery,” said Mrs. Fisher, “we at first called them the Royal Provincial’s bread; but afterwards the staff of life and hope of the starving.” There was great rejoicing when at length a schooner arrived with corn-meal and rye. It was not during the first season only that the settlers at St. Anns suffered for food, other seasons were nearly as bad.

During the summer all hands united in the task of building log houses. They had few tools beside the axe and saw. They had neither bricks nor lime. Chimneys and fire-places were built of stone, laid in yellow clay. The walls of the houses were of logs; the roofs of bark bound over with small poles. The windows had only four small panes of glass. The first house finished was that of Dr. Earle, whose services in a variety of ways were of the utmost value to the little community. Lieut. Col. Hewlett’s house was built on Queen Street, where the Barker House now stands. It would seem that the old veteran accompanied his comrades to St. Anns, for he makes an affidavit before Major Studholme at that place on the 13th of October, stating that by the wreck of the Martha he had lost in tools, stores and baggage, property of the value of £200 stg. His loss included the greater part of his effects and left him well nigh penniless.

Col. Hewlett was born at Hampstead, Queens County, Long Island in New York, and died at Hampstead, Queens County, New Brunswick. His grant of land at the latter place included part of Long Island in the St. John river. He died in 1789 in the 60th year of his age. Two monuments have been erected in his memory, one at Hampstead on the St. John river, the other at his native town of Hampstead Long Island, N. Y. The inscriptions on the monuments are nearly identical.

SACRED
To the Memory of
LIEUT. COL. RICHARD HEWLETT,

Who served as Captain at the Conquest of Canada, and contributed to the Capture of Fort Frontenac, August, 1758, and at the breaking out of the American Revolution, 1775, received a Lieut.-Colonel’s commission, and served during the war under General Oliver Delancey.

Born at Hampstead on Long Island in the then Province of New York, and died at this place, July 26th, 1789, aged 59 years.

Some interesting particulars of the services of Lt. Col. Hewlett during the Revolution are to be found in Jones’ Loyalist History of New York. He was a brave and capable officer.

We cannot at this time follow further the fortunes of the Loyalists of 1733. Their privations and their toils were not in vain. History has justified their attitude during the Revolutionary epoch, and their merits are acknowledged by broad minded and impartial students of history in the United States. The late Professor Moses Coit Tyler, of the University of Cornell, gave it as his opinion, “That the side of the Loyalists, as they called themselves, of the Tories, as they were scornfully nick-named by their opponents, was even in argument not a weak one, and in motive and sentiment not a base one, and in devotion and self-sacrifice not an unheroic one.” The same sentiments were even more emphatically expressed by Dr. Tyler on the occasion of the celebration of the centenary of the founding of the University at Fredericton, a few years since, on which occasion he said:

“We Americans here to-day wish to express our friendship toward you, not only on account of yourselves and the good work you are doing, but also on account, of those noble men and women, your ancestors, who founded this Province of New Brunswick, this town of Fredericton, and this University which is the crown and glory of both. We remember what sort of men and women they were—their sincerity, their devotion to principle in defiance of loss and pain, their courage, their perseverance, their clear prevision of the immense importance of race unity. So, very honestly, with all our hearts we greet you as a kindred people, many of you of the same colonial lineage with ourselves, having many things in your public and private experience identical with our own, still bound to us by antique and indestructible bonds of fellowship in faith, in sympathy, in aspiration, in humane effort, all coincident with the beginnings of English civilization in North America, nay with the beginnings of civilization itself in that fast-anchored isle beyond the sea, which is the beloved mother of us all. If between your ancestors and ours, on opposite sides of the old Revolutionary dispute a century and a quarter ago, there were many and bitter years of unfriendly tradition, we, on our part, are glad to think that such tradition lives no longer; that in the broad-minded view which time and the better understanding of our own history have brought us, the coming years are to witness a renewal and a permanent relation of good-will and mutual help, which bound together the earlier generations of our common race on this continent.”

To these kindly words every generous souled descendant of the Loyalists will utter a fervent Amen. And still we say—all honor to the brave hearts that sacrificed so much and suffered so severely for the preservation of a united British empire, and whose hands in later years laid strong and deep the foundation of our Canadian Dominion.

Footnotes

1 The old Medoctec fort was on the west bank of the River St. John about eight miles below the town of Woodstock. The spring is readily identified; an apparently inexhaustible supply of pure cold water flows from it even in the driest season.

2 See “Feudal Chiefs of Acadia,” by Parkman in Atlantic Monthly of January and February, 1893.

3 Dr. Ganong is probably correct in identifying the “River de Maquo” with Maquapit and the “mines” with the coal mines at Newcastle in Queens county. In this case the sieur de Martignon owned the lands on the north side of Grand Lake including the site of the old Indian village at Indian point where so any relics have been discovered. It is quite possible that the sieur de Martignon and his wife, Jeanne de la Tour, may have lived there for a time.

4 “Nous vimes l’endroit qu’on appelle le grand Sault Saint Jean-Baptiste, ou la riviere de Saint Jean faisant du haut d’un rocher fort eleve une terrible cascade dans un abime, forme un brouillard qui derobe l’eau a la veue, et fait un bruit qui avertit de loin les navigateurs de descendre de leurs canots.”

5 This war broke out in 1675 and was confined chiefly to the tribes of Massachusetts. It was of short duration; the Indian Sagamore Philip was slain.

6 The route was up the St. John to the Medoctec village, thence by Eel river and the chain of lakes to the Mattawamkeag and down that river to the Penobscot.

7 These canoes were probably lying in the cove at Indiantown just above the falls.

8 The author is indebted to Dr. W. F. Ganong for his kindness in furnishing the sketch from which the accompanying plan of illustration has been made. It is not, of course, a copy of the original, but gives an idea of the general character of the fortification.

9 This gentleman married in 1652 Marie, the eldest daughter of Nicolas Marselot of Quebec; she was a very youthful bride, being only 14 years old at the time of her marriage; she was the mother of 15 children.

10 The grants of Louis d’Amours at Richibucto, and of Mathieu and Rene on the St. John river are of the same date, September 20, 1684; that of Bernard on the Kennebeccasis is dated June 20, 1695.

11 A copy of the original lease of the Seigniory of Freneuse, with translation, and remarks by Dr. Ganong, will be found in Vol. I., p. 121, of Acadiensis, printed at St. John by D. R. Jack, to whose kindness and that of Dr. Ganong I am indebted for the signature given above.—W. O. R.

12 Louis d’Amours married Marguerite Guyon in 1686, about the time he settled on the St. John river. They had three children.

13 The Micmacs, as distinguished from the St. John river Indians or Maliseets.

14 The mortification of the Bostonians at the failure of this expedition was extreme. So confident of success were they that preparations were made for a public rejoicing on the anticipated capture of Port Royal. The young baron St. Castin was wounded in the defence of Port Royal. His conduct in leading the defenders on several critical occasions was characterized by such dash and intrepidity that Governor Subercase in describing the siege wrote to the French minister at Versailles that if it had not been for the presence of the Baron St. Castin he knew not what would have been the result. See Murdoch’s Hist. Nova Scotia, vol. I., p. 289.

15 See page 13.

16 The Grand Falls of the St. John river, which the Indians still call Chik-seen-eag-i-beg, meaning “a destroying giant.”

17 Jean Pierre Danielou died at Quebec, May 23, 1744. His successor, Father Charles Germain, came to Canada in 1738 and a few years later, probably in 1740, was sent to the St. John River.

18 In his journal Pote terms him “Bonus Castine from Pernobsquett;” there can be little doubt that he was a descendant of Baron de St. Castin, already mentioned in these pages.

[19] Marie la Tour, widow of Alexander le Borgne was living at Annapolis Royal in 1733 at the age of 79 years.

20 See Transactions Royal Society of Canada 1895, p. 87.

21 The name “Alexander” descended through at least two more generations, as I am informed by Placide P. Gaudet, who is by all odds the best living authority in such matters. Alexander le Borgne de Belleisle, mentioned above, left at his death a widow and seven children, of whom six were transported with their mother to Maryland at the time of the Acadian expulsion. The remaining child Alexander Belleisle (the fourth) went to L’Islet in Quebec, where he married Genevieve Cloutier in 1773 and their first son, Anthony Alexander, was baptized the year following.—W. O. R.

22 See Ganong’s Historic Sites in New Brunswick: Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada for 1899, p. 271.

23 A child of Pierre Robichaud and Francoise Belleisle his wife was interred at l’Islet, December 10, 1759.

24 In a letter to the French minister, written in 1698, Villebon observes “J’ai recu par mons’r de Bonaventure qui est arrive ici le 20 Juillet la lettre de votre Grandeur et le traite de Paix fait avec l’Angleterre [the treaty of Ryswick]. * * Comme vous me marquez, Monseigneur, que les bornes de l’Acadie sont a la Riviere de Quenebequi.” [Kennebec]. etc.

25 The date of Joseph Bellefontaine’s commission was April 10, 1749.

26 Ignace Philippe Aubert, Sieur de Gaspe, was born at St. Antoine de Tilly near Quebec in 1714. He was an ensign in Acadia under de Ramezay in 1745 and was with Colombier de Villiers in the attack on Minas the following winter. He died at St. Jean, Port Joly, in 1787. He was grandfather of the author of the “Anciens Canadiens.”

27 I am indebted to Placide P. Gaudet for a copy of the original letter of which a translation is given on next page. It is one of the many interesting documents that have never yet been published.—W. O. R.

28 This refers, I imagine, to the Acadians on the lower St. John and does not include the colony at Ste. Annes.—W. O. R.

29 The country of the Etchemins, or Maliseets, included eastern Maine, and the western part of New Brunswick.

30 Cadillac seems to have so termed Villebon’s fort because the Micmacs of eastern New Brunswick and Nova Scotia often made it a rendezvous; perhaps also it was a fanciful distinction by way of comparison with the Maliseet fort at Medoctec.

31 It would be interesting to know the exact location of the “portage” referred to above. Was it the rocky neck between Marble Cove at Indiantown and the Straight Shore? Or was it the comparatively slight obstruction at Drury’s Cove that prevents the river finding an outlet by way of the Marsh Creek into Courtenay Bay? See on this head Dr. George F. Matthew’s interesting paper on “The Outlets of the St. John River:” Nat. Hist. Society bulletin No. xii., p. 42.

32 Capt. John Rous in his early career commanded a Boston privateer. Having distinguished himself in several minor expeditions, he commanded the Massachusetts galley “Shirley,” of 24 guns, at the first seige of Louisbourg, and bore the news of the surrender to England, where as a reward for his gallant services he was made a captain in the Royal Navy. He commanded the Sutherland of 50 guns, at the second seige of Louisbourg, and was with Wolfe in 1759 at the seige of Quebec. It was from his ship Wolfe issued his last order before storming the heights. Capt. Rous died at

33 See under “Nid d’Aigle,” Ganong’s Place-Nomenclature of New Brunswick, p. 257. D’Anville’s map of 1755 shows here “Etabliss’t. Francois,” signifying French Post or Settlement. See observations already made at page 91.

34 A snow was a vessel similar to a brig; the Marquis de Vaudreull says the one above referred to was a Portuguese vessel.

35 The incident related above is mentioned by several writers, French and English, but the details were gathered by Placide P. Gaudet about twenty years ago from an old Acadian of remarkable memory and intelligence, whose grandfather was a brother of Charles Belliveau.

36 The Chevalier Johnson writes, “Boishebert came early in the Spring to Louisbourg with several hundred men, 12 Canadian Officers and 6 others from the garrison of Louisbourg; and he kept his detachment with such prudence so concealed at Miry during the siege, five leagues from Louisbourg, that neither the English nor the garrison had ever any news of them.”

37 For a copy of this valuable paper I am indebted to Dr. W. F. Ganong. The name of Monckton is preserved in that of the second largest town of the province.

38 The Royal American Regiment, or 60th Regiment of Foot, was raised in America about 1756 or 1757. It was commanded by Maj. Gen. James Abercrombie, who was succeeded by Gen. Sir Jeffrey Amherst in February, 1758. The corps included four battalions each of 1,000 men. Robert Monckton was appointed colonel in the regiment Sept. 28, 1757. (See Murdoch’s Hist. Nova Scotia, Vol. 2, p. 329.)

39 Capt. Jeremiah Rogers commanded the armed sloop “Ulysses” in the pay of the Government of Nova Scotia, as early as January, 1751.

40 The original of this plan, which is in the British Museum, was made by Major Charles Morris, Surveyor General of Nova Scotia. He was with Monckton at the River St. John.

41 This place is known as Salmon Point, but in the plan is given as Pidgeon’s Point.

42 This letter will be found in the Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, Vol. II., pp. 135–145. Many of Mr. Graham’s remarks savor of exaggeration and in reading the extract above this fact should not be lost sight of.

43 The plan of Villieu appears in Dr. Ganong’s Historic Sites in New Brunswick, p. 279.

44 Moses Hazen was an older brother of William Hazen, who settled at St. John. He distinguished himself under Gen. Wolfe on the Plains of Abraham. In the American Revolution he fought against the British, raised a corps known as “Hazen’s Own,” and became a Major General in the American army.

45 Rev. Jacob Bailey was a prominent loyalist during the American Revolution, and afterwards Rector of Annapolis. N. S.

46 I am indebted to Placide P. Gaudet for the above extract. Father Germain was the missionary of the Indians, while Coquart seems to have ministered to the Acadians. The latter was a “secular priest,” or one not connected with any religious order.—W. O. R.

47 This gentleman afterwards received an order from Mr. Bulkeley, the provincial secretary, to take for his own use one of the French boats “forfeited to the Government by the Acadians that were at Annapolis,” as a reward for his services in going up the River St. John and assisting Colonel Arbuthnot in bringing in the French. Winniett had a violent altercation with Captain Sinclair of the Annapolis garrison about this boat. See Murdoch’s Hist. of N. S., Vol. II., p. 409.

48 Probably the name of no place in New Brunswick has appeared in so many varied forms as that of this Indian village. The list that follows does not pretend to be exhaustive, but will suffice for illustration:—

(1.) Ecoupay—Census, 1733. (2.) Ocpaque—Lt.-Gov. Armstrong’s letter, 1735. (3.) Apoge—Capt. Pote’s Journal, 1745. (4.) Octpagh—Treaty proceedings at Halifax, 1749. (5.) Ekauba—Report of Abbe de L’isle-Dieu, 1753. (6.) Ocpaque—Letter of James Simonds, 1765. (7.) Aughpack—Map of Charles Morris, 1765. (8.) Ekouipahag—Register of l’Abbe Bailly, 1767. (9.) Aughpaugh—Letter of James Simonds, 1768. (10.) Ekoupahag—Indian negotiations at Halifax, 1768. (11.) Okpaak—Report of Rev. T. Wood’s, 1769. (12.) Augpeake—Letter Lt. Gov. Franklin, 1777. (13.) Auque Pawhaque—Letter of Indians to Major Studholme, 1778. (14.) Aupaque—Letter of Gen’l Haldimand, 1782. Oak Park—Letter of Sam’l Peabody, 1782, also report of Exploration Committee to Major Studholme, 1783. (16.) Ek-pa-hawk—Modern Indians.

49 This tariff of prices is given in full in Murdoch’s Hist. of Nova Scotia, Vol. II., p. 395.

50 Capt. Alex. Hay is said to have saved the life of the Duke of Cumberland, during the rebellion of 1745.

51 In Des Barres’ splendid chart of St. John harbor, published according to act of parliament in 1780, the well-known Reed’s Point is called “Point-Debbeig.”

52 When the affairs of Hazen, Simonds and White were wound up some twenty-five years later the house was valued at £40.

53 Beamish Murdoch in his History of Nova Scotia, Vol. II, p. 428, refers to the settlement made at this time at Maugerville and observes, “A Mr. Peabody was the principal inhabitant and agent for the English settlers.”

54 Joshua Mauger was a merchant from England who made his residence at Halifax shortly after its founding by Cornwallis in 1749. He traded extensively in Nova Scotia and had contracts with government. He returned to England in 1761, became agent there for the Province of Nova Scotia and held a seat in Parliament.

55 Peter Fisher was the father of the late Judge Fisher and of L. Peter Fisher (for many years mayor of Woodstock), and grandfather of W. Shoves Fisher of St. John. His penmanship was superior to that of some of his descendants, judging from the fac-simile of his signature that appears above.

56 The exact date of this gale was Nov. 3, 1759.

57 Just below the town plot of Fredericton.

58 John Quinton says he heard this story many times from his grandmother’s lips. She was a woman of remarkable memory and lived until the year 1835. It would seem very improbable she could be mistaken as to the date of such an event.

59 Samuel Tilley and Lodewick Fisher were the progenitors respectively of Sir Leonard Tilley and Hon. Charles Fisher, the one came from Long Island, N. Y., the other from New Jersey. It is curious they should have settled on adjoining lots in view of the intimate relations of their distinguished grandsons in the battle for responsible government. The other names given above are those of officers in Lt.-Col. Van Buskirk’s battalion of the New Jersey Volunteers who were of Dutch descent.

60 See previous chapters, pp. 63, 110.

61 Several of these books are now in my possession.—W. O. R.

62 John Anderson was one of the first magistrates of the original county of Sunbury, appointed Aug. 17, 1765. He had a trading post, which he called “Moncton,” just above the Nashwaak on the site of the modern village of Gibson. The deed referred to above is one of the earliest on record in the province.

63 He means that intercourse with the shore was cut off in consequence of floating ice but that his neighbors had seem the misfortune and, realizing the need of prompt action, of their own good will met together and began to prepare the frame and materials for a new dwelling.

64 The Rev. Seth Noble was grandfather of the Rev. Joseph Noble who at this date (1904), is the oldest Free Baptist minister in the Province. For this information I am indebted to H. G. Noble of Woodstock, N. B.—W.O.R.

65 The lot here referred to was No. 60 in Upper Maugerville, now owned by Alexander and Walter Smith. Rev. Seth Noble was a warm sympathizer with the revolutionary party in America and in consequence was obliged to leave the River St. John in 1777. His wife remained at Maugerville for more than two years afterwards.

66 The concluding part of Capt. Peabody’s will is of interest in connection with the above:
“Item, I give to my daughter Elizabeth White thirty dollars to be paid by my two eldest sons in household goods.

“Item, to my daughter Hannah Simonds five dollars to be paid by my two eldest sons.

“Item, to my daughter Hephzibeth I give three hundred dollars to be paid by my two eldest sons in household goods on the day of her marriage.

As to my household goods and furniture I leave to the discretion of my loving wife to dispose of, excepting my sword, which I give to my son Samuel. I appoint my dear wife and my son Samuel executors of this my last Will and Testament.

As witness my hand,
FRANCIS PEABODY, Sr.

Delivered this 26th day of October
the year of our Lord 1771,
In presence of us ISRAEL KINNEY,
ALEXANDER TAPLEY,
PHINEHAS NEVERS.

BENJAMIN ATHERTON, Registrar.

This Will was proved, approved, and registered this 25th day of June, 1773.

JAMES SIMONDS,
Judge of Probate.

67 Col. John Allan, of Machias, had a conference with the Indians at Aukpaque in June, 1777, and writes in his journal: “The Chiefs made a grand appearance, particularly Ambrose St. Aubin, who was dressed in a blue Persian silk waistcoat four inches deep, and scarlet knee breeches: also gold laced hat with white cockade.”

68 Flour pr. bbl., £2 2 6; Indian corn pr. bushel, 5 shillings; potatoes do., 2s. 6d.; apples do., 2s. 6d.; butter pr. lb., 9d.; cheese pr. lb., 6d.; chocolate pr. lb., 1s.; tea per lb., 7s.; coffee per lb., 1s. 3d.; pepper pr. lb., 3s.; brown sugar 7d., per lb.; loaf sugar, 1s. 2d. per lb.; raisins, 9s. per lb.; tobacco, 7d. per lb.; salt, 10d. per peck; molasses, 2s. 6d. per gallon; New England rum, 1s. 6d. per quart; West India do., 2s. 6d. per quart; beef, 4d. per lb.; pork, 6d. per lb.; veal, 3½d. per lb.; cider, 12s. to 18s. pr. bbl.

Boots, 20s.; men’s shoes, 6s.; women’s do., 5s.; men’s pumps, 8s.; mittens, 1s. 6d. hose, 4s.; beaver hat, 20s.; black silk handkerchief, 6s. 9d.; check handkerchief, 2s. 6d.;. broadcloth, 10s pr. yd.; red stroud, 8s. per yd.; scarlet German serge, 8s. per yd.; scarlet shalloon, 3s. 9d. per yd.; English duck, 1s. 9d. pr. yd.; white blanket, 13s. 3d.; 1 oz. thread, 6d.; 1 doz. jacket buttons, 7½d.; pins, 1 M., 9d.

Axe, 6s. 3d.; knife, 1s.; board nails. 1s. 2d. per C.; ten penny nails, 50 for 8d.; double tens, 1s. 7d. per C.; shingle nails, 6d. per C.; 1 pane glass (7 by 9), 6d.; pewter porringer, 1s. 8d.; looking glass, 16s.; steel trap, 15s.; powder, 2s. 6d. per lb.; shot, 5d. per lb.; buckshot, 1s. 3d. per lb.; 6 flints, 6d.

69 New Brunswick Magazine of October, 1898, p. 190.

70 The contract was drawn with much care and has been preserved in the Collections of the N. B. Historical Society, Vol. I., p. 187.

71 The ferry between Fredericton and the Nashwaak was called in early times Monkton ferry.

72 “The sloop Bachellor is now ready to sail; the contents of cargo 251 quintles Cod and Pollock of her crew’s catching, 30 do. of Hunt’s. The great sloop arrived ten days ago; has made but an ordinary fare, said to be 300 quintles. Will sail with dry fish in about a fortnight. * * Pollock will sell best in the country, pray sell as many that sort as is possible.” [Letter of James Simonds written from “Passamaquada,” 18th August, 1764.]

“Leavitt in the Polly has just arrived from Annapolis; he says he has lost a fare of fish for want of sufficient length of cable to ride at anchor, and that he must have one by the middle of August or he shall lose one or two fares more at Grand Manan.” [Letter of James Simonds of 22nd June, 1768]

“We have put Lovitt in skipper of the schooner Polly and have given Stickney the schooner Eunice. We have sent down four fishermen for the whale boats. (Mr. Marble and three labourers.) * * Mr. Marble does not chuse to have any connection with the delivery of stores [rum, etc.] to the men at Passamaquada, and indeed we think with you that his discipline is too moderate for such a sett of men as fishermen for the most part are.” [Letter of Hazen & Jarvis of 5th April, 1766.]

73 The last of the conditions above quoted was a somewhat variable one, and is sometimes found in this form, “The grantees shall settle one-fourth part within one year, in the proportion of one family of Protestants (to consist at least of four persons) to every thousand acres, one-fourth part within two years, another fourth part within three years, and the remaining fourth part within four years, otherwise the lands remaining unsettled to revert to the crown.”

74 It was after the same English secretary of state that the city of Halifax was named in 1749.

75 This word was designed to exclude the Acadians as settlers.

76 It was perhaps at the suggestion of William Hazen or James Simonds that in the grant of the Township of Burton, of which they were grantees, there was included the “island in Passamaquody bay called Perkins Island,” now known as Indian Island, where the fishing station of Simonds & White had been for several years established.

77 The date of this document is probably May, 1745. The Island Battery was one of the most formidable defences in Louisburg.

78 Mispeck Point on the east and Negro Head on the west.

79 A few giant elms of the primeval forest are yet to be found on the bank of the St. John. The author not long since examined the stump of a large elm that grew a few miles below the town of Woodstock. It was four feet in diameter and the number of concentric rings 325, so that it must have been a sapling in the days of Queen Elizabeth.

80 This grass still grows naturally on the St. John River intervals, and is known to the farmers as “blue-joint.”

81 The reference is to the settlement made at Maugerville two or three years before, which at this time seems to have been called the Township of Peabody, in honor of Captain Francis Peabody.

82 Probably Port Le Bear (or Hebert) near Shelburne on the southern coast of Nova Scotia.

83 Captain Glasier seems to have been on excellent terms with Gov’r Wilmot. On 1st March, 1755, he wrote to Capt. Fenton of Boston, “I have received great civility from all sorts of people here in Halifax. I have made your compliments to the Gov’r and he has desired his to you; poor D——l has had the Gout all winter, which seems to be the General Distemper in this place amongst people of Rank.”

84 In another part of his letter Glasier says, “Capt. Falconer, who is on the spot, is desired to petition the Lords of Trade for this Island.” Capt. Falconer intended to have gone to the River St. John to assist in the management of affairs there, but this plan was upset by his being ordered with his regiment to Ireland.

85 See page 208, ante.

86 Speaking of the fishery in St. John harbor, Captain Glasier writes, under date December 15, 1764, “The Bass is ketcht in Weirs just under the Point below the Fort,” that is on the Carleton side of the harbor, and in the next sentence he goes on to identify this point or neck of land with that adjoining Fort Frederick. “The Cod Fish,” he says, “strikes in here a month sooner than at Cape Sable shore & goes off a month sooner; you ketch the Fish a league within the mouth of the Harbour and quite up to the Island [Navy Island] near the Point of Land I have asked for.”

87 The second contract, or Articles of Partnership, entered into by William Hazen, Leonard Jarvis, James Simonds and James White is printed in Collections of the N. B. Hist. Soc., Vol. I. p. 191. It is entered also in the book of records of the old County of Sunbury. The original document bears the following certificate, “Registered by me March 9th, 1782, Ja. Simonds, Dep’y Reg’r.”

88 This letter has unfortunately been lost.

89 The following inscription on the monument of Mrs. Sarah Hazen was written by her grandson, the late Chief Justice Chipman:

Sacred to the Memory of
MRS. SARAH HAZEN,

Widow of the Honorable William Hazen, Esquire; who was born in the Province of Massachusetts-Bay on the 22d February, 1749; and died in the City of St. John on the 3rd April, 1823.

Exemplary for Christian piety and benevolence and the exercise of every female virtue. She bears to her Grave the fond recollections of a numerous host of Descendants and the esteem and respect of the community.

90 This statement is corroborated by Charles Morris, who writes in 1765, “Aughpack is about seven miles above St. Anns, and at this place was the Indian church and the Residence of the French missionary; the church and other buildings about it are all demolished by the Indians themselves.”

91 This chapel bell was most unfortunately destroyed by fire when the chapel at French Village was burned early in March, 1904. An illustration and some account of the bell will be found in a previous chapters. See pages 75, 76 ante.

92 The members of the committee were Ebenezer Foster, Fyler Dibblee, James White and Gervas Say. The first two were Loyalists,the others old English settlers. Ebenezer Foster was one of the first members for Kings county in the House of Assembly. Fyler Dibblee was an attorney-at-law and agent for settlement of the Loyalists. James White and Gervas Say were justices of the peace in the old county of Sunbury and have already been frequently mentioned.

93 One of the Abbe Bailly’s registers is preserved at French Village in York county and another, which seems a continuation of the first, is at Caraquet, Gloucester county.

94 This document is entitled “Memoire sur les concessions que les sieurs d’Amours freres pretendent dans la Riviere St. Jean et Richibouctou.” A copy is in the Legislative Library at Fredericton.

95 See Murdoch’s Hist. of Nova Scotia, Vol. I., p. 223.

96 Martel and Bellefontaine have been mentioned already. See page 57 ante.

97 See Chapter xiii., p. 135

98 Major Studholme in 1783 states that John Kendrick was a good subject, an old soldier and very deserving. He lived near Gagetown with his wife and five children. He settled there about the year 1768.

99 Probably Canibas or Kennebec Indians.

100 See Hannay’s article on the Maugerville Settlement, Collections of N. B. Hist. Soc., Vol. 1, p. 63.

101 Hugh Quinton is called Captain Quinton by the rebel Col. John Allan in his diary, printed in Kidder’s “Military Operations in Eastern Maine and Nova Scotia during the Revolution.” The report of Major Studholme’s exploration party in 1783 states that “Quinton was one of the Cumberland party, but since hath taken the Oath of Allegiance to his Majesty and behaved in a loyal manner; turned out sundry times and fought the rebel parties.”

102 A pretty full account of the siege of Fort Cumberland will be found in the Canadian Archives for 1894, pp. 355–366. Other particulars are to be found in Kidder’s Military Operations in Eastern Maine and Nova Scotia, pp. 67–74.

103 Commonly called Mahogany Cove, about three miles to the west of the harbor of St. John.

104 That is Simonds house at Portland Point.

105 Some of the Indian pledges were valuable. Wm. Hazen says that among the articles that escaped the notice of the privateers-men on this occasion were eight silver arm clasps, two of which he afterwards sold for £4.

106 The memory of Gilfred Studholme is preserved in Guilford (properly Gilfred) street in Carleton. For some years Charlotte street in St. John was called Studholme street. A parish of Kings County also bears his name.

107 This illustration is made from a water color sketch in the possession of Mrs. William Hazen—the oldest known picture of Saint John. The sketch was taken from a point about the site of the deBury residence south of St. Luke’s Church. It dates about the year 1818.

108 In Col. Franklin’s memorandum of expenses incurred in negotiating the Indian treaty the following item appears: “To cash pd. to James White, Esq’r, for services among and with the Indians from the 2d. April, 1778, to the 20th October inclusive, part of which time he ran great risques both of his life & being carried off Prisoner, £50.10.0.

109 Lorenso Sabine in his Loyalists of the American Revolution credits William Knox, of Georgia, with proposing the formation of the eastern part of Maine into the Province of “New Ireland,” with Thomas Oliver for governor and Daniel Leonard as chief-justice.

110 The receipt of these articles at the hands of James White was acknowledged at Aukpaque, June 26, 1780, by Francis Xavier, and five other chiefs.

111 The requirements of the garrison insured a ready market for all the beef Hazen, Simonds & White and their tenants could furnish, indeed at times it was necessary to send to the settlements up the river for a supply. When the garrison was first fixed at Fort Howe, James White made a trip to Maugerville and purchased nine yoke of oxen for their use from Asa Perley, Thomas Barker, Daniel Jewett, Henry Miller, John Esty, Nathan Smith, David Dow, Peter Mooers and Richard Barlow. The agreement in each case was similar to the following:

“Maugerville, November 16, 1777.

“I promise to deliver to Mr. James White, or his order, two oxen coming five years old, when the ice is strong sufficient to bear them to drive to the mouth of this River, said White paying me on delivery fifty-five dollars. Witness my hand—

“ASA PERLEY.”

112 Frederick Dibblee was a Loyalist, a graduate of Columbia College (N.Y.); afterwards rector of Woodstock, N. B. He went to Medoctec as a lay missionary teacher to the Indians under an arrangement with an English Society for the propagation of the Gospel amongst the Indians. There were at Medoctec in 1788 about seventy Indian families including 98 men, 74 women, 165 children; total, 337 souls.

113 The author is indebted for the above extract to the kindness of Mr. Ward.

114 Mon. Diereville states that in 1700 the man of war Avenant, of 44 guns, shipped at St. John some very fine masts for the French navy, which had been manufactured by 14 carpenters and mast makers. These were safely delivered in France after a prosperous voyage of 33 days.

115 Among the James White papers is the following:

“Aupahag, 26th June, 1780.

“Received from James White, Esq., agent to Indians, River St. John, the goods sent them by the Governor for the purpose of protecting the Contractor, his people and masts from the Rebels, etc., etc.

(Signed) Francis Xavier, Nichola Nepton, Francis Joseph, Andrew Fransway, Joseph Pemahawitt, Pierre Meductsick.

116 John Wentworth was the last Royal Governor of New Hampshire. He was a classmate and friend of John Adams, at Harvard. He was an active Loyalist, and at the close of the Revolution, came to Nova Scotia. He was made a baronet and for sixteen years filled the position of Lieutenant Governor of Nova Scotia. He died at Halifax in 1820 in the 84th year of his age.

117 This was probably the first suit of the kind in the Province of New Brunswick. Elias Hardy was Davidson’s attorney and Ward Chipman appeared on behalf of James Simonds.

118 The document was dated at Maugerville the 15th October, 1781. The parties to the agreement were on the one hand Francklin, Hazen & White; and on the other hand Francklin, Hazen, White & Peabody. The second party were to deliver to the first at Fort Howe “by the first Freshes in the Spring” the masts, yards, etc., mentioned in the contract. One third of the profit or loss to be the said Samuel Peabody’s and two-thirds to be the said Michael Francklin, Wm. Hazen and James White’s.

119 Thomas Langan lived at this time about four miles above St. Ann’s Point. On his lot there was a log house and he had about 20 acres of land, cleared chiefly by the French. He lived there about six years but was disturbed by the Indians, who, about this time, killed his cattle and made his situation so precarious that he moved down the river with his family to Burton.

120 The townships of the St. John’s River Society are here referred to, more particularly Burton, Sunbury and New-town. Wm. Hazen, James Simonds and James White were proprietors of lands in these townships, and Peabody regarded Wm. Davidson as an intruder.

121 The reference is to George Andrew, government purveyor, who surveyed the masts furnished by Mr. Davidson’s workmen.

122 My authority for this is Adam Beveridge, Esq., of Andover, than whom few, if any, living men are better posted on the history of lumbering on the St. John river.—W. O. R.

123 Many facts of interest concerning the early days of Rowley are to be found in the History of Rowley by Thomas Gage, printed in 1840. It contains a genealogical register of the families of some of the first settlers of the town.

124 See names of grantees at page 159 of this history.

125 Morrisania was in the Parish of Lincoln below Fredericton.

126 Nathan Frazier of Andover, Essex Co., Mass., merchant, on 15th October, 1767, delivered sundry articles—such as crockery, sugar, spices, cloth goods, etc., to Richard Peabody “for his brother, Capt. Francis Peabody.” The articles amounted in value to £311.18.1, old currency, and Richard Peabody gave his note for this amt.

127 See Dr. Hannay’s sketch of the Township of Maugerville; N. B. Hist. Society Collections, vol. I., p. 72.

128 See Page 234 of this history.

129 Rev. Jacob Bailey writes regarding an epidemic of smallpox at Annapolis in 1794. “What is somewhat remarkable, numbers died under inoculation, while the old sexton who took it in the natural way, though 98 years of age, recovered.”

130 See Jonas Howe’s interesting account of “Kemble Manor” in the New Brunswick Magazine of September, 1898.

131 Henry Gage served as lieutenant in the Seventh regiment during the Revolutionary war, and on the death of his uncle, Viscount Gage, inherited the family titles and estate in Sussex, England.

132 Stephen Kemble was born in 1740 at New Brunswick in New Jersey; was ensign in the 44th regiment under Lord Howe at Ticonderoga in 1757. In 1765 he became captain in the 60th or Royal American regiment, major in 1775 and Lieut.-Colonel in 1778. He was for a while Deputy Adjutant General of the forces in America, a position filled a little later by Major John Andre. Col. Kemble retired from active service in 1805. He eventually returned to his native town of New Brunswick in New Jersey and died in the house where he was born, Dec. 20, 1822, in the 82nd year of his age.

133 The names of the associates in this grant were Dorothy Sterling, Walter Sterling, jr., Christopher Sterling, Ann Sterling, William Sterling, Andrew Sterling, John Ewer, Walter Ewer and John Francis.

134 The two preachers were in all probability Rev. Theodore S. Harding and Rev. Joseph Crandall. See Dr. Bill’s History of the Baptists, page 698. The people referred to as “Brooksites” by Sheriff Bates were the founders of the Baptist denomination in Waterborough and Canning, Queens county, N. B., over whom Rev. Elijah Estabrooks presided as teaching elder, with Joseph E. Brooks (or Estabrooks) as deacon, and Zebulon Estey as clerk. An interesting account of the origin of this church is to be found in Dr. Bill’s Hist. of the Baptists pp. 594–602. Another reference to the “Hammonites” and “Brooksites” will be found in the Winslow Papers, page 392.

135 That is the portage to Marble Cove, or Indiantown, above the falls. This portage is shown in Champlain’s plan of Saint John. It was used by the Indians long before the coming of the whites.

136 Dr. Seabury was consecrated first Bishop of the Episcopal Church in the United States, November 14th, 1784.

137 Sampson Salter Blowers was appointed chief justice of Nova Scotia in 1809. He died in 1842 in his 100th year having outlived all his contemporaries. He was a man of wonderful vitality and is said never to have worn an overcoat.

138 Frederick Hauser, one of the agents, was a surveyor. A number of grants made to the Loyalists were laid out by him.

139 See “Kingston and the Loyalists of 1783,” in which Walter Bates’ narrative is edited, with notes by the author of this history; published at St. John by Barnes & Co. in 1889.

140 Amongst the documents at Halifax relating to the settlement of the Loyalists at St. John is the following receipt:

River St. John, 30 September, 1783.

“Rec’d from Gilfred Studholme, Esq. the sum of £72.10.0 Halifax currency for superintending his office for conducting the settlement of and issuing lumber to the Loyalists within the district of St. John from the 9th May to 30th September, 1783, both days included, at 10 shillings pr. day for which I have signed three receipts of the same tenor and date.

SAM’L DENNY STREET.

141 It is a question whether or not the passengers of this ship are included in Sir Guy Carleton’s return of the 17th July, which appears at p. 354.

142 Meaning the Loyalist regiments.

143 The names of the corps found in the margin of the original letter are, Queens Rangers, Kings American Regiment, Detachment of Garrison Battalion, New York Volunteers, 1st De Lanceys, 2nd De Lanceys, Loyal American Regiment. 2nd Do., 3d Do., Prince of Wales American Regiment, Pennsylvania Loyalists, Maryland Loyalists, American Legion, Guides and Pioneers, Detachment Kings American Dragoons, Detachment North Carolina Volunteers.

144 See “Founders of Fredericton,” p. 165, Dr. G. U. Hay’s Canadian History Readings.

---

A Table of Contents has been added to this HTML version.

Footnotes have been collected and placed at the end of this HTML version.

Any missing page numbers in this HTML version refer to blank or un-numbered pages in the original.

Typographical problems have been changed and these are highlighted.

Index: Unclear in original (Acadians, encouraged to leave N. S. Peninsula, 96, 101; settled on River St. John, 107, 114, 117, 120, 122, 133, 145, 234, 248, 249, 255, 309;)

Index: Was ’Zephamiah’ (Briggs, Zephaniah, 171.)

Index: Was ’Dierville’ (Diereville, 40, 54.)