[Addenda
Page 20. Patrick Hamilton’s admission to the Faculty of Arts in St Andrews University.—The entry in the ‘Acta Facultatis Artium’ runs thus: “Congregatione artium facultatis, in Nouis Scolis eiusdem tenta tercio die mensis Octobris, anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo vigesimo quarto, Magister Johannes Ba[l]four regentium senior Collegij Sancti Saluatoris in quodlibetarium est electus; et Magister Patricius Hamiltone, abbas de Ferne, Rossensis diocesis, in facultatem est receptus.”
Page 117. Two sacraments only.—In the Preface to the Book of Common Order it is said that “for the ministration of the two sacraments, our Booke giveth sufficient proofe” (Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 395; Laing’s Knox, iv. 164). In the Confession used in the English congregation at Geneva only two are referred to (Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 9; Laing’s Knox, iv. 172); in “the Maner to Examine Children” their number is said to be two (Laing’s Knox, vi. 344); and in Calvin’s Catechism, printed with the Book of Common Order, it is emphatically declared that there are two only (Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 233).
Page 121. The language of Rev. xiv. 11.—In the text of the Confession the passage runs thus: “For sik as now delyte in vanity, cruelty, filthynes, superstition or idolatry, sal be adjudged to the fire unquencheable: in quhilk they sall be tormented for ever, asweill in their awin bodyes, as in their saules, quhilk now they give to serve the devill in all abhomination” (Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 96, 97). As printed in Laing’s Knox (ii. 120) the word “inextinguishable,” and in the Acts of Parliament (ii. 534; iii. 22) the word “unstancheabill,” is used instead of “unquencheable.” In Dunlop, however, there is in addition, at the bottom of the page, in smaller type: “Rev. 14. 10. The same shall drynke the wyne of the wrath of God, which is poured in the cuppe of hys wrath. And he shall be punyshed in fyre and brymstone before the holy angells, and before the Lambe. And the smooke of theyr torment ascendeth up evermore, and they have no rest daye nor nyght, whyche worshyppe the beast and hys ymage.”
Page 153. Readers or exhorters.—The name exhorter does not occur in the First Book of Discipline; but that “sort of readers” therein mentioned as having “some gift of exhortation” (Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 537; Laing’s Knox, ii. 200) soon came to be known as exhorters, and are so named in various Acts of Assembly; see, for example, the Act of 1564 quoted on p. 128. They are distinguished from readers in the ‘Register of Ministers, Exhorters, and Readers,’ printed for the Maitland Club; but, as David Laing has pointed out, the title of exhorter as indicating an advanced class seems to have been soon and silently dropped. “On comparing the list of the persons so styled in 1567 with that of 1574, we find some of them had become ministers, but the greater number are entered simply as readers” (Wodrow Miscellany, p. 323).
Page 233. Conference between the two parties.—Besides the three conferences mentioned in the footnote, there was another held in the early summer of 1578. The results, as recorded in the Booke of the Universall Kirk (ii. 414, 415) and in Calderwood’s History (iii. 412, 413), embrace nothing about the kirk-session, beyond the perpetuity of the persons of the elders.
Page 259. Alesius at Wittenberg.—Through the influence of Luther and Melanchthon, the Elector of Saxony had conferred on Alesius the prebend of Aldenburgh. Being in greats straits for money, and having been disappointed of help otherwise, he was constrained to write from Wittenberg, on the 12th of December 1533, to Spalatinus, requesting him to obtain payment of the moiety of the prebend (Corpus Reformatorum, ii. 690, 691).
Page 261. The disputatious Cochlaeus.—On the suggestion of Melanchthon, an attack in verse was made on Cochlaeus for his injustice to Alesius; but the timorous author so dreaded Cochlaeus that, instead of writing in his own name, he personated Alesius (Corpus Reformatorum, iv. 1025, 1026).
Page 265. Erasmus and Cochlaeus.—Summaries of the letters which James V. wrote, on the 1st of July 1534, to Erasmus, to Cochlaeus, and to the King of the Romans, are in the Letters and State Papers of Henry VIII., vol. vii. p. 358.
Page 267. Alesius as a physician.—“I determined with my self to serve the tyme and to change the preaching of the crosse with the scyence of physic wherin I had a litle sight before, and thus I went unto a very well-lerned phisycian called Doctor Nicolas, which hath practised phisyk in London thes many yeares with high prayse, whose company I dyd use certen yeares, wherby I did both see and lern many things, even the principal poyntes concerning that science. In so moch that at length certen of my frindes did move me to take in hand to practise, which thing I did I trust not unluckyly” (Of the Auctorite of the Word of God agaynst the Bisshop of London).
Page 268. Latimer and Cranmer.—For the opinion of Alesius on Latimer and Cranmer, see Dr Mitchell’s Westminster Assembly, 1883, p. 14 n., and p. 23 n.
Page 268 n. Ales or Alesius.—Christopher Anderson may be excused for supposing that Ales was the real name of Alesius; but less can be said for those editors of State Papers and compilers of important Library Catalogues who have helped to perpetuate the error long after it was pointed out by Principal Lorimer in his Patrick Hamilton.
Page 269. John M’Alpine and John Fyffe.—From a correction which Dr Mitchell has made in his own copy of the ‘Gude and Godlie Ballatis,’ 1897, p. cv, it seems that he had come to the conclusion that it was M’Alpine and Macdowal, not Fyffe, who were protected by Bishop Shaxton. Cf. Lorimer’s Patrick Hamilton, pp. 186, 187.]
Footnotes
1 As Lord Acton has so well said, “The modern age did not proceed from the medieval by normal succession, with outward tokens of legitimate descent. Unheralded, it founded a new order of things, under a law of innovation, sapping the ancient reign of continuity. In those days Columbus subverted the notions of the world, and reversed the conditions of production, wealth, and power.... Luther broke the chain of authority and tradition at the strongest link; and Copernicus erected an invincible power that set for ever the mark of progress upon the time that was to come.... It was an awakening of new life; the world revolved in a different orbit, determined by influences unknown before. After many ages, persuaded of the headlong decline and impending dissolution of society, and governed by usage and the will of masters who were in their graves, the sixteenth century went forth armed for untried experience, and ready to watch with hopefulness a prospect of incalculable change” (Lecture on the Study of History, 1895, pp. 8, 9). “There are no true ‘cycles’ in human development; history never repeats itself; the Greco-Roman world has only distant analogies with the Feudal-Catholic world, just as this has only distant analogies with the Revolutionary world. The great phases of human civilisation are contrasted rather than compared; they differ as infancy, childhood, manhood, and senility differ in the individual” (Harrison on “Freeman’s Method of History,” in the ‘Nineteenth Century’ for November 1898).
2 Miss Winkworth’s Christian Singers of Germany, pp. 110, 111.
3 Ibid., p. 117.
4 [Hamilton’s Catechism, which was not intended for indiscriminate circulation among the laity, was not published until 1552; and The Twopenny Faith was not issued until the spring of 1559.]
5 [For these utterances see infra, chap. viii. sec. iv.]
6 Because of its permanent importance, I deem it best to insert here a note from my Introduction to ‘The Gude and Godlie Ballatis,’ p. lxiv: “We do not need to call in Knox, or Lindsay, or the satirists, in evidence of this humbling fact. The testimony of their own councils, of the Acts of Parliament, and of some of their best men, as Principal Hay in his congratulatory address to Cardinal Betoun, and Ninian Winzet in the sad appeals and confessions inserted in his ‘Tractates,’ as well as that of impartial modern historians like Tytler and Dr Joseph Robertson, is more than sufficient to establish it beyond contradiction. The testimony of Conæus, who died when about to be raised to the purple, covers almost all that Alesius and Knox have averred: ‘In multorum sacerdotum aedibus scortum publicum... nec a sacrilego quorundam luxu tutus erat matronarum honos aut virginalis pudor.’ More notable still is the representation given in the ‘Memoire’ addressed to the Pope by Queen Mary and the Dauphin, evidently at the instance of Mary of Guise, in which the spread of heresy is expressly attributed to the ignorance and immorality of the clergy. See Appendix B, vol. ii., of Mr Hume Brown’s recent biography of Knox.”
7 [So early as the 23rd of June 1559, Knox wrote to Mrs Anna Lock: “Diverse channons of Sanct Andrewes have given notable confessiouns, and have declared themselves manifest enemies to the pope, to the masse, and to all superstitioun” (Laing’s Knox, vi. 26). In all probability some of these canons were included among the fourteen canons of St Andrews Priory who are mentioned as Protestants in January 1571-72, and of whom twelve were then parish ministers (‘Booke of the Universall Kirk,’ Bannatyne Club, i. 222). None of these fourteen is found signing the General Band of 13th July 1559, which in St Andrews was adopted as “the letters of junctioun to the Congregatioun”; but eighteen priests did sign it; and of the other thirteen ecclesiastics who there made sweeping recantations, at least six may be held to have joined the congregation, for they not only confessed that “we haif ower lang abstractit ourselfis and beyne sweir in adjuning us to Christes Congregatioun,” but they promised “in tyme cuming to assist in word and wark with unfenyiet mynde this Congregatioun” (‘Register of St Andrews Kirk-Session,’ Scot. Hist. Soc., i. 10-18). In 1573 it was stated that “the most part of the persons who were channons monks and friars within this realme have made profession of the true religion” (‘Booke of the Universall Kirk,’ i. 280).]
8 [Enacted by the University on 10th June 1416 (M’Crie’s Melville, 1824, i. 420).]
9 [Enacted by Parliament on 12th March 1424-25 (Acts of Parliament, ii. 7).]
10 Robertson’s Concilia Scotiæ, vol. i. p. lxxviii.
11 [For an account of this Scottish cleric—Thomas, Abbot of Dundrennan—who so greatly distinguished himself at the Council of Basle, see ‘Concilia Scotiæ,’ vol. i. pp. xcvii-xcix.]
12 [The bull of Eugenius the Fourth, addressed to Bishop Kennedy, and dated 6th July 1440, orders the excommunication of the followers of the anti-pope, Felix the Fifth, elected by the Council of Basle, to be published in Scotland (Ibid., p. c.)]
13 [Dr Mitchell, no doubt, had the Commentary itself before him. Those who have not access to it will find the dedication in the Appendix to Constable’s ‘Major,’ Scot. Hist. Soc., pp. 447, 448.]
15 [The entry in the Register of the University occurs at the bottom of a page, and is preceded and followed by entries of 1521, as if it had been inserted there to save space. The entries of 1521 are distinct and easily read, but in this of 1523 the ink is very faint, and the surface of the vellum has a rubbed appearance. It runs thus: “Die nono mensis Junii anno Domini Im Vc xxiij incorporatus erat venerabilis vir Magister noster Magister Johannes Major doctor theologus in Parisiensis et thesaurarius capelle regis. Eodem die incorporati sunt Magister Patricius Hamilton et Magister Robertus Laudar in nostra Universite” (sic).]
16 Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, ii. 295.
17 [The Act as thus extended was ratified on the 12th of June 1535 (Ibid., ii. 342).]
18 Pitscottie’s History, 1778, p. 216; Lesley’s History, p. 136.
19 Soliciting legatine powers over the whole of Scotland, instead of over his own province of the archdiocese, so as to render nugatory the exemption granted to the king’s old tutor and favourite prelate the Archbishop of Glasgow.
20 D’Aubigné’s Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vi. 42, 43.
21 [The only passage, so far as I know, in which Lesley speaks of the king in connection with the martyr is the following: “Suae pertinaciae, ac flagitii poenas igni luebat, adhortante magno Catholicae Religionis protectore Rege ipso, quem et sanguinis propinquitate attigerat” (Lesley’s ‘De Origine,’ 1578, p. 427; 1675, p. 407). This is rendered by Dalrymple: “For his obstinacie and wickednes committed, he is burnte at command of the king selfe gret Catholik protectour, to quhom Ferne als was neir of kin and bluid” (Dalrymple’s Lesley, Scot. Text Soc., ii. 215, 216).]
22 D’Aubigné’s Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vi. 57.
23 In an old manuscript book of forms used in ecclesiastical processes by the archbishops of St Andrews before the Reformation, I found and have been able to decipher the recorded copy of the summons issued by Archbishop James Betoun against Hamilton after his return from Germany. It is addressed specially to the Dean of the Lothians, and refers only to the preaching of the reformer in West Lothian, so that there can no longer be any doubt that his compearance in St Andrews before the date appointed in the summons must be regarded as a resolute avowal of his determination to defend his teaching at all hazards. The summons is inserted at length in Appendix B. [For an account of the manuscript Formulare see Robertson’s ‘Concilia Scotiæ,’ vol. i. pp. cxcv, cxcvi.]
24 Spottiswoode’s History, i. 124, 125.
25 Pitscottie’s History, 1778, p. 206.
26 The older sources for the facts of Patrick Hamilton’s career and martyrdom are the references to them by his friend Alesius in two or three of his works, and especially in his ‘Commentary on the First Book of Psalms,’ under Psalm xxxvii.; by Lambert in his ‘Commentary on the Apocalypse’; and by Gau in the latter part of his treatise on ‘The Richt Vay to the Kingdom of Heuine’; and after those by Foxe, Knox, Calderwood, Pitscottie, and Spottiswoode in their histories. The only satisfactory formal biography of him is that by Principal Lorimer entitled, ‘Patrick Hamilton, the first Preacher and Martyr of the Scottish Reformation.’ His story has also been told by Dr Merle D’Aubigné, in his own dramatic way; and still more recently it has been made the subject of a veritable drama by the Rev. T. P. Johnston, minister of Carnbee.
28 [The saying in slightly different forms may be found in Laing’s Knox, i. 42; Calderwood’s History, i. 86; Spottiswoode’s History, i. 130.]
29 [Various dates, ranging between 1529 and 1533, have been assigned for Forrest’s martyrdom.]
30 [William Arth.]
31 [It was probably in 1530 that he left Scotland.]
32 [Howard and Barlo, in writing from Edinburgh on the 13th of May 1536, say, that to the Scots the reading of God’s Word “in theyr vulgare tonge is lately prohybitede by open proclamation” (Lemon’s State Papers, v. 48). Norfolk, writing to Crumwell from Berwick on the 29th of March 1539, says: “Dayly commeth unto me some gentlemen and some clerkes, wiche do flee owte of Scotland as they saie for redyng of Scripture in Inglishe; saying; that, if they were taken, they sholde be put to execution” (Ibid. v. 154). In the Epistle to James VI. prefixed to the Bassandyne Bible, it is said: “The false namit clergie of this realme, abusing the gentle nature of your Hienes maist noble gudschir of worthie memorie, made it an cappital crime to be punishit with the fyre to have or rede the New Testament in the vulgare language.” One of the charges on which Sir John Borthwick was condemned, on the 28th of May 1540, was that he possessed a copy of the New Testament in the vernacular (‘Register of St Andrews Kirk Session,’ Scot. Hist. Soc., i. 98).]
33 Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 15.
34 Laing’s Knox, i. 58.
35 [Foxe alleges that Gourlay and Stratoun were condemned and burned, “because, after great solicitation made by the king, they refused to abjure and recant” (Cattley’s Foxe, iv. 579); but, on the other hand, the writer of the Diurnal of Occurrents (p. 18) and Bishop Lesley (History, 1830, p. 149) assert that Gourlay did abjure.]
36 Such was the punishment meted out to him for endeavouring to do in a scriptural way what rulers of the church were doing in disregard of the laws of Scripture as well as the laws of their church. Pitscottie knew no other cause why he was burned save that “he was in the East-land, and came home, and married a wife contrary to the form of the pope’s institution because he was a priest; for they would thole no priest to marry, but they would punish and burn him to the dead; but if he had used ten thousand whores he had not been burnt” (Pitscottie’s History, 1778, p. 236).
37 [In the letter, dated 29th December 1537, granting his escheat to his father, he is described as “umquhill Walter Stewart” (M’Crie’s Knox, 1855, p. 316). Calderwood places his recantation and accidental death in 1533 (History, Wodrow Society, i. 104).]
38 [Gavin Logie is usually spoken of as Principal of St Leonard’s (Laing’s Knox, i. 36, n.).]
39 Lorimer’s Scottish Reformation, 1860, p. 51.
40 D’Aubigné’s Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vi. 131.—Like his predecessor Archbishop Forman, who—thirty years before, in the interests of France, which had richly rewarded him with the Archbishopric of Bourges—had so cruelly embroiled Scotland with England and almost courted the disaster of Flodden, Betoun never ceased either during the life or after the death of James V. to sow the seeds of discord between the two realms, and so to court reverses to the Scottish arms, and destruction to the Scottish monasteries near the southern border. He shunned no risk, shrank from no cruelty, to remove out of the way those who thwarted his schemes or favoured the better policy which in the end was to carry the day.
41 Theiner’s Vetera Monumenta Hibernorum et Scotorum, 1864, pp. 608-612.
42 [Betoun’s Commission as Legate is dated 30th January 1543-44 (Lemon’s State Papers, v. 443; Thorpe’s Calendar, i. 46).]
43 [There is such a reference to him in Theiner’s Vetera Monumenta, p. 608.]
44 Robertson’s Concilia Scotiæ, vol. i. p. cxxxvi, n.
46 D’Aubigné’s Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vi. 132.
47 Concilia Scotiæ, vol. i. pp. cxxxix, cxl.
48 [14th Dec. 1542.]
49 [His letter to the Pope is dated 10th May 1543 (Theiner’s Monumenta Hibernorum et Scotorum, pp. 614, 615).]
50 [On the 8th of September “he was enjoyned to passe to the Freres in Stirling,... and there received open pennance and a solempne othe, in the presence and hereing of all men that was there, that he shulde never doo the same againe, but supporte and defende the professon and habit of mounkes, freres, and such other; and therupon, being absolved by the Cardinall and the Busshoppes, herde masse and received the sacramente” (Hamilton Papers, ii. 38).]
51 D’Aubigné’s Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vi, 206.
52 Concilia Scotiæ, ii. 294.
53 Acts of Parliament, ii. 443. [This was on the 15th of December 1543.]
54 [This letter is dated 20th May 1545 (Theiner’s Monumenta, p. 616).]
55 Theiner’s Monumenta, p. 617. [This letter is dated 6th July 1545.]
56 Hume Brown’s Knox, i. 64, 65. Grimani’s opinion, as sent from Stirling, is thus summarised by Father Stevenson: “The realm is in such confusion, so divided, so full of heresy that, but for the interposition of God, it will soon become as bad as England. The queen and the cardinal have spent all their money in the common cause; and the clergy are unable to assist, for the fruits of their benefices have been seized by the Lutherans” (Mary Stuart, 1886, p. 51).
57 [The charter is dated at Montrose on the 20th of March 1534-35. The Martyr’s signature, as “M. Geo. Wischert,” proves that he had already taken his degree (Register of Great Seal, iii., No. 1462).]
58 [His translation is reprinted in the Wodrow Miscellany, pp. 7-23.]
59 Cattley’s Foxe, v. 626.
60 [This is now in the National Portrait Gallery, Edinburgh.]
61 [Cook’s History of the Reformation, 1811, i. 272, 273; 1819, i. 273. Dr Cook says that Dr Leslie, minister of Fordoun, “got a short view of them,” and favoured him with the account which he wrote. In a very similar notice of the paintings by Dr Leslie, it is stated that they were discovered when the old house of Pittarrow was being pulled down in 1802 (‘New Statistical Account of Kincardineshire,’ p. 81).] As Dr Cook long ago surmised, the lines of covert sarcasm on the pope are not original. One evening as I returned to Guildford Street after a long day in the British Museum, I had occasion to pass through Red Lion Square and the alley to the east of it, where I saw exposed in a pawnbroker’s window a little antique volume, in a very dilapidated state, opened at the page which contained these lines almost verbatim. I at once purchased it, and on further examination I found it had been published at Basle in 1537—i.e., a few years before Wishart was there. [The little collection which Dr Mitchell thus refers to bears the title: “Pasqvilli de Concilio Mantuano Iudicium. Qverimonia Papistarum ad Legatum Pontificium in comicijs Schmalcaldianis. Mantua uæ miseris nimium uicina Papistis. mdxxxvii.”
The colophon runs thus: “Impressum Romae in porta Angelorum. m.d.xxxvii.”
Wishart evidently found his lines in the following:—
“Lavs Romani Pontificis. Scripta ad placitum Romanae curiae per uenerabilem dominum Doctorem Ioannem Cochleum, Theutonicae Doctor Rotzloffel, et Georgium VVicelium cognomento, Meister Lugenmaul, Romanae Ecclesiae propugnatores egregios.
“Pauperibus sua dat gratis nec munera curat
Curia Papalis quod modo percipimus
Laus tua non tua fraus, Virtus non copia rerum
Scandere te fecit, hoc Decus eximium
Conditio tua sit stabilis nec tempore paruo
Viuere te faciat hic Deus omnipotens.
“Quos uersiculos pessimus quidam haereticus, Lutheranus, iuuenilis fortasis Poeta VVittembergensis, ita de uerbo ad uerbum inuertit.
“Percipimus modo quod Papalis curia curat
Munera, nec gratis dat sua pauperibus
Eximium decus hoc fecit te scandere rerum
Copia, non uirtus, fraus tua, non tua laus.
Omnipotens Deus hic faciat te uiuere paruo
Tempore, nec stabilis sit tua conditio.”]
62 Hamilton Papers, ii. 38.
63 Maxwell’s Old Dundee prior to the Reformation, 1891, pp. 92, 395.
64 Laing’s Knox, i. 126. [Calderwood (i. 186) and Spottiswoode (i. 150) have burning for hornyng.]
65 Laing’s Knox, i. 126.
66 [Knox calls it “the East Porte of the Toune” (Laing’s Knox, i. 129). Maxwell says that the Port which stood in the Seagate would alone correspond to that described by Knox; and he adds: “The Port yet standing in the Cowgate—which, because of its association with the honoured name of George Wishart, only was left when some of the others were demolished—really cannot be identified as his preaching-place, and should not carry the inscription which has been recently put over its archway” (‘History of Old Dundee,’ 1884, pp. 220-222).]
67 Laing’s Knox, i. 130.
68 Gude and Godlie Ballatis, 1897, p. 165.
69 Laing’s Knox, i. 130, 131. The name of this priest is given as Sir John Wightone, or Weighton, by Knox, Calderwood, and Spottiswoode. Maxwell cannot find a priest of this name among those ministering in Dundee in 1550 (‘Old Dundee prior to the Reformation,’ 1891, p. 87, n.) The James Wichtand who was reader at Inchture and Kinnaird in 1574 (Wodrow Miscellany, p. 353) is said to have held a chaplaincy in Dundee before the Reformation. But Dr Laing holds that there was a Sir John Wighton, a chaplain in Dundee, who obtained the vicarage pensionary in the parish church of Ballumby in 1538, and who appears to have been incarcerated in St Andrews Castle in the cardinal’s absence in 1543 (Laing’s Knox, vi. 670).
70 Lemon’s State Papers, v. 377.
71 Laing’s Knox, i. 536. [Maxwell gives a detailed account of this other George Wishart in his ‘Old Dundee prior to the Reformation,’ 1891, pp. 91-95.]
72 Cattley’s Foxe, v. 635.
73 Cattley’s Foxe, v. 635. [Foxe is here quoting the account in the black-letter tract printed in or about 1547, which Knox deemed important enough to copy from Foxe into his own pages.]
74 Gude and Godlie Ballatis, 1897, p. 180.
75 Lorimer’s Scottish Reformation, 1860, pp. 153, 154.
76 Wedderburn and Wishart seem also to have been acquainted with Coverdale’s Bible of 1535.
77 See my Introduction to ‘The Gude and Godlie Ballatis,’ 1897, p. xxxviii, n.
78 No doubt the initial Catechism was in use also. It has been conjectured that the Catechism may even have been printed separately, and that the first part of the following entry may refer to it: “The catechisme in two partes; the first in Scotch poetry, having a kalender before it. The second part in Latin and Scotis prose, entituled Catechismus ecclesiae Geneuensis.... Edinburgh: Imprinted by John Ross for Henrie Charteris, 1574” (Dickson and Edmond’s Annals of Scottish Printing, 1890, p. 334).
79 [Reprinted under the editorial care of Dr Mitchell in 1897 for the Scottish Text Society.]
80 Lorimer’s Knox and the Church of England, 1875, pp. 290-292.
81 Wodrow Miscellany, pp. 295-300.
82 D’Aubigné’s Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vi. 17.
83 Calderwood’s History, i. 155, 156, 160; Laing’s Knox, i. 95, 96, 105. [Calderwood says that Williams was born “beside Elstonefurde, in East Lothiane.”]
84 Lorimer’s Scottish Reformation, pp. 155, 156.
85 [Though these lines are continually attributed to Lindsay, I do not remember to have ever seen them in any edition of his works, or quoted as his by any earlier writer than Wodrow.]
86 [According to Knox, though “called bastard brother to the governour,” many deemed him to be a son of “the old Bischope of Dunkelden, called Crychtoun” (Laing’s Knox, i. 105). Buchanan says he was “first callid Cuningham, estemit Cowane, and at last Abbot Hamiltoun” (Admonition to the trew Lordis). In a transcript used by Ruddiman, Givane occurs instead of Cowane.]
87 [Laing’s Knox, i. 186. Though the Lyon King was then in St Andrews, he was not one of those who were sheltering in the castle (Laing’s Lindsay’s Poetical Works, 1879, vol. i. pp. xxxix, xli).]
88 [Knox says that the castle was rendered “upone Setterday, the last of Julij” (Laing’s Knox, i. 205); Bishop Lesley says “the xxix of Julij” (Lesley’s History, 1830, p. 195). In 1547, the last of July fell not on Saturday but on Sabbath.]
89 Laing’s Knox, vi. 104.
90 [The negotiations for the release of the captives seem to have dragged their weary length along very slowly. So early as the 29th of March 1548, Huntly wrote thus to Somerset: “The governor has agreed to exchange the men in the castle of St Andrews with Scots prisoners conform to your desire, and has sent me commission therein, as I shall show you at my coming to London: or if you send your mind to my Lord Warden, I shall appoint with him. The governor has written to the king of France to send the men taken in St Andrews to Rouen, to be ready for the exchange” (Bain’s Calendar, 1543-67, p. 104).]
91 [Edward died July 6, 1553.]
92 [The first edition of the Genevan version was printed at Geneva by Rouland Hall in 1560. “The changes made in the Geneva Bible were the adoption of Roman type instead of the black letter, in which all English Bibles had previously been printed, and the division of the chapters into verses. These changes were the principal cause of the wonderful popularity of this version, of which about 200 editions are known. From 1560 to 1616 no year passed without one or more editions issuing from the press, in folio, quarto, or octavo. In 1599 no less than ten distinct editions were printed, each of which consisted of a large number of copies. The last quarto printed in England is dated 1615, and the last folio 1616. After this time a great many editions were printed at Amsterdam by Joost Broerss and other Dutch printers; the last folio bears the imprint of Thomas Stafford, and the date 1644.... 150,000 copies were imported from Holland after this version had ceased to be printed in England.... Owing to the vast number of copies in circulation during the three-quarters of a century that this version was the household Bible of England, it is now the most common of all early printed Bibles.... The singular rendering of the 7th verse of the third chapter of Genesis in every edition of the Genevan version has caused it to be commonly known as the ‘Breeches’ Bible” (Dore’s Old Bibles, 1888, pp. 203, 204).]
93 [Mary Tudor died on the 17th of November 1558.]
94 Troubles at Frankfort, Petheram’s reprint, pp. cxci, cxcii.
95 [After making two requests by messengers, Knox wrote to Cecil from Dieppe on the 10th of April 1559, and on the 22nd sent from the same town a duplicate of that letter with a postscript added (Laing’s Knox, ii. 15-22, vi. 15-21).]
96 [The Provincial Council is said to have closed on the 10th of April (Robertson’s Concilia Scotiæ, ii. 151, 176; Lesley’s History, p. 271); but Knox says that it sat until he arrived in Scotland (Laing’s Knox, i. 291); and that the date of his arrival was the 2nd of May (Ibid., i. 318, vi. 21); and an anonymous writer alleges that the council broke up when assured that Knox had come (Wodrow Miscellany, pp. 56, 57). M’Crie suggests that, although the Acts were concluded on the 10th of April, the council may not have then closed (Life of Knox, 1855, p. 126, n.).]
97 [While it is apparent from Knox’s own narrative that his first public sermon was delivered in the parish church of St Andrews (Laing’s Knox, i. 189), it is not quite so clear whether Rough addressed the call to him in that church or in the chapel of the castle, though it rather appears to have been in the former (Ibid., i. 186-188); and the precise building in St Andrews in which he first celebrated the Lord’s Supper seems to me to be also uncertain (Ibid., i. 201).]
98 Laing’s Knox, i. 228.
99 Ibid., i. 348, 349; vi. 25.
100 [Many members of the university became Protestants. The twenty-one men in St Andrews, whom the first General Assembly deemed qualified “for ministreing and teaching,” were with few exceptions professors, or regents. For the number of the ecclesiastics who joined the congregation at St Andrews in the early months of the Reformation, see supra, p. 13. In September, 1566, St Andrews was emphatically declared to be “the most flourishing city as to divine and human learning in all Scotland” (Laing’s Knox, vi. 546).]
101 Laing’s Knox, vi. 78.
102 Laing’s Knox, ii. 128.
103 Ibid., ii. 183, 257.
104 [For this band, see Laing’s Knox, ii. 61-64.]
105 [“Quhilk thay willinglie acceptit and within foure dayis presentit this Confessioun as it followis, without alteratioun of any ane sentence.” (Laing’s Knox, ii. 92).]
106 [These statements are based on the information which Randolph sent to Cecil on 7th September 1560 (Laing’s Knox, vi. 120, 121).]
107 “At vero in praefectorum obedientia unum semper excipiendum ne ab ejus obedientia nos deducat, cujus decretis regum omnium jussa cedere par est.... Adversus ipsum si quid imperent nullo sit nec loco nec numero, sed illa potius sententia locum habeat, obediendum Deo magis quam hominibus.”
108 This seems to be the opinion of Dr Laing (Knox’s Works, vi. 121, n.) Indeed one can hardly read chapter xviii. without having a suspicion induced that Knox may have proved too strong for them in regard to some of what they termed the more harsh expressions in the treatise, as well as in regard to the particular chapter in question.
109 [The Scotch and Latin versions are printed in parallel columns in Dunlop’s ‘Collection of Confessions’ ii. 13-98.]
110 “Libros, qui ab infantia usque ecclesiae semper habiti sunt canonici” (Latin version, Dunlop, ii. 70).
111 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 17, 18; Laing’s Knox, ii. 96. A similar protestation is made in the Preface to the First Book of Discipline (Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 518; Laing’s Knox, ii. 184).
112 The sources from which this chapter was taken can still be pretty clearly traced. I place in parallel columns its statements and those of the two Confessions from which it was probably taken:—
| “We confesse and acknawledge ane only God, to whom only we must cleave, whom onelie we must serve, whom onelie we must worship, and in whom onelie we must put our trust. | “Je confesse qu’il y a un seul Dieu auquel il nous faut tenir, pour le servir, adorer, et y avoir notre fiance et refuge.”—Confession subscribed by students in Academy in Geneva. |
| “Who is eternall, infinit, unmeasurable, incomprehensible, omnipotent, invisible: ane in substance, and zit distinct in thre personnis, the Father, the Sone, and the Holie Gost.”—Old Scottish Confession, in Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 21, 22. | “I beleve and confesse my Lorde God eternal, infinite, unmeasurable, incomprehensible, and invisible, one in substance, and three in persone, Father, Sonne, and Holy Ghoste.”—Confession of English Congregation at Geneva, in Laing’s Knox, iv. 169; Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 3. |
113 This also comes from a Genevan source:—
“We condemne the damnable and pestilent heresies of Arius, Marcion, Eutyches, Nestorius, and sik uthers.”—Old Scottish Confession, as above, ii. 31. “Ideirco detestor omnes haereses huic principio contrarias puta Marcionis, Manetis, Nestorii, Eutychetis, et similium.”—Genevan Confession.
114 Extraneum ab omni benedictione Dei, Satanae mancipium, sub peccati jugo captivum, horribili denique exitio destinatum et jam implicitum.—Calvin.
115 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 24, 25; Laing’s Knox, ii. 98. It has been questioned if this description of faith is one which Calvin and his stricter followers would have used. But nothing is more common, even in the earliest edition of his Institutes, than to find him describing faith as the apprehension of Christ with His gifts, or graces, as well as with His righteousness: “Apprehendimus ac obtinemus et... Christi dona amplectimur, quod ipsum est habere veram, ut decet fidem.” “Haec omnia nobis a Deo offeruntur ac dantur in Christo Domino nostro nempe remissio peccatorum gratuita,... dona et gratiae Spiritus Sancti si certâ fide ea amplectimur.” In one of these chapters [of the Scottish Confession] relating to the incarnation of Christ Jesus, He is spoken of not only, as in most of the Protestant Confessions, as the promised Messiah, the just seed of David, the Immanuel, or God in our nature—God and man in one person—but also as the Angel of the great counsel of God [Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 31; Laing’s Knox, ii. 99]. This expression is no doubt a translation of the μεγαλης βουλης αγγελος of the Septuagint, and is the more remarkable, not only as showing familiarity on the part of some of the framers of the Confession with a somewhat unusual rendering of one of the most explicit Messianic prophecies of Isaiah, but also as showing that they had perceived the true significance of an expression which last century gave rise to no little discussion and misconception. So far as I can remember, this remarkable expression does not appear in any other of the Protestant Confessions of that age.
116 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 32; Laing’s Knox, ii. 100.
117 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 60, 61; Laing’s Knox, ii. 108.
118 The following are a few specimens of close verbal coincidence between the Scottish Confession and the first edition of Calvin’s Institutes:—
| 1. “It behooved that the Sonne of God suld descend unto us, and tak himself a bodie of our bodie, flesh of our flesh, and bone of our bones, and so become the Mediator betwixt God and man, giving power to so many as beleeve in Him to be the sonnes of God.”—Dunlop, ii. 33, 34. | Filii Dei sumus quod naturalis Dei Filius sibi corpus ex corpore nostro, carnem ex carne nostra ossa ex ossibus nostris composuit ut idem nobiscum esset. |
| 2. “Quhatsaever wee have tynt in Adam is restored unto us agayne.”—Dunlop, ii. 34. | Ut quod in Adamo perdidimus Christus restitueret. |
| 3. “It behooved farther the Messias and Redemer to be very God and very man, because He was to underlie the punischment due for our transgressiouns, and to present himselfe in the presence of His Father’s judgment as in our persone to suffer for our transgression and inobedience, be death to overcome him that was author of death. Bot because the onely Godhead culd not suffer death, neither zit culd the onlie manhead overcome the samin, He joyned both togither in one persone that the imbecillitie of the ane suld suffer and be subject to death quhilk we had deserved: and the infinit and invincible power of the uther, to wit, of the God-head, suld triumph and purchesse to us life, libertie, and perpetuall victory.”—Dunlop, ii. 35, 36. | Praeterea sic nostra referebat, verum esse Deum et hominem qui Redemptor noster futurus esset.... Prodiit ergo verus homo, Dominus noster, Adae personam induit... ut Patri se obedientem pro eo exhiberet ut carnem nostram in satisfactionem justo Dei judicio statueret ac sisteret, ut in eâdem carne peccati poenam persolveret. Quum denique mortem nec solus Deus sentire, nec solus homo superare posset, humanitatem cum divinitate sociavit ut alterius imbecillitatem morti in poenam persolveret, alterius virtute adversus mortem in victoriam luctaretur. |
| 4. “That Hee being the cleane, innocent Lambe of God, was damned in the presence of an earthlie judge, that we suld be absolved befoir the tribunal seat of our God.”—Dunlop, ii. 37, 38. | Judicis scilicet sententia damnatus pro nocente et malefico ut apud summi judicis tribunal ejus damnatione absolveremur. |
| 5. “Suffered... the cruell death of the Crosse, quhilk was accursed be the sentence of God.”—Dunlop, ii. 38. | Crucifixus in cruce quae Dei lege maledicta fuerat. |
| 6. “Suffered for a season the wrath of His Father quhilk sinners had deserved. Bot zit we avow that He remained the only wel-beloved and blessed Sonne of His Father, even in the middest of His anguish and torment.”—Dunlop, ii. 38. | Divini judicii horrorem et severitatem sensisse... luens poenas non suae... sed nostrae iniquitati. Neque tamen intelligendum est patrem illi unquam iratum fuisse. Quomodo enim dilecto filio, in quo illi complacitum est, irasceretur. |
119 Alasco’s Works, ii. 296, 298.
120 Chapters xii.-xv.
121 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 46. “Sunt autem dona Spiritus Sancti, per quem regeneramur, e diaboli potestate et vinculis explicamur, in filios Dei gratuito adoptamur, ad omne opus bonum sanctificamur.”—Calvin.
122 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 47.
123 Westminster Confession, chap. x.
124 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 58. There is hardly one of these expressions that may not be found in Calvin’s Institutes:—
| It behoves us to apprehend Christ Jesus with His justice and satisfaction. | Confiteor nos justificari per fidem quâtenus per eam apprehendimus Jesum Christum. |
| We are set at this liberty that the curse and malediction of the law fall not upon us. | Omni execratione quae nobis incumbebat eximeremur dum in eum traduceret. Fides, in Christi damnatione absolutionem, benedictionem in maledictione, apprehendit. |
| God the Father, beholding us in the body of His Son Christ Jesus, accepts our imperfect obedience as it were perfect. | Ubi nos in filii sui communionem semel recepit, opera nostra grata acceptaque habet, non quod ita promereantur sed quia condonatâ eorum imperfectione, nil in illis intuetur, nisi quod a Spiritu suo profectum, purum ac sanctum est. |
| Covers our works, which are defiled with many spots, with the justice of His Son. | Nullae nostrae sordes aut immunditiae imperfectionis imputantur, sed illa puritate Christi ac perfectione velut sepultae conteguntur. Cujus perfectione tegatur nostra imperfectio. See also Calvin’s Catechism in Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 175. |
125 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 95; Laing’s Knox, ii. 119.
126 [Of the six, all save Willock sign the letter to Beza on 4th September 1566 (Laing’s Knox, vi. 548-550).]
127 Laing’s Knox, vi. 546-548.
128 Considerable ingenuity has been expended in the attempt to show that the words “who is the end and accomplishment of the law” are to be understood in some other than their most obvious and commonly received meaning. Without questioning the competency of such ingenious rather than ingenuous exposition, were a case raised before the judicial committee of a modern privy council to have the expounder tried and condemned as a heretic, I venture to think that when the matter to be determined is rather what, in point of fact, did Knox and his associates hold and teach, the following brief quotation from the “godly and perfect” treatise of Balnaves on Justification must go pretty near to settle it: “Christ is the end of the law (unto righteousnes) to all that beleeve—that is, Christ is the consummation and fulfilling of the lawe, and that justice whiche the lawe requireth; and all they which beleeve in Him are just by imputation through faith, and for His sake are repute and accepted as just” (Laing’s Knox, iii. 492). If more than this has been taught in recent times, I should be greatly inclined with Principal Lee to trace it to Jonathan Edwards, or perhaps even to the great Independent, Dr Owen, rather than to the Westminster divines, or the earlier Scottish.
129 Stähelin’s Johannes Calvin, ii. 88.
130 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 66-68; Laing’s Knox, ii. 110.
131 Lee’s Lectures on the History of the Church of Scotland, i. 124, 125.
132 Laing’s Knox, ii. 113. [In the Confession, as printed in the Acts of the Parliaments of 1560 and 1567 ratifying it, the word chief is retained (Acts of Parliament, ii. 532; iii. 20). The Confession of 1616 bears that: “We believe that there be only two sacraments appointed by Christ under the New Testament, Baptisme and the Lord’s Supper” (‘Booke of the Universall Kirk,’ iii. 1137). Concerning the sacraments the First Book of Discipline says: “They be two, to wit, Baptism and the Holy Supper of the Lord Jesus” (Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 520; Laing’s Knox, ii. 186).]
133 Hujus generis duo praecipua in vetere ecclesiâ fuerunt circumcisio et agnus paschalis. Nos illorum loco duo etiam habemus baptismum et caenam domini.
134 “The Confession of Faith made by Mr Knox, and ratified in Parliament by King James VI., together with the Westminster Confession (both agreed on by the General Assembly of Presbyters), are owned next to the Word of God, by both parties, as the Standard of the doctrine of our Church” (Case of Suffering Church of Scotland).
135 It is printed at length in Calderwood’s History, vii. 233-242; and also in the ‘Booke of the Universall Kirk,’ iii. 1132-1139; and is supposed to have been mainly the work of Howie, Melville’s successor at St Andrews.
136 [In speaking of this Confession of 1616, Dr Grub says that it “agrees with the old one in all important points, the chief difference being in its more marked enunciation of the doctrine of Calvin in regard to election and predestination” (Grub’s History, ii. 306).]
137 Printed in Peterkin’s Records of the Kirk, pp. 155-160.
138 Generally so designated, but really as old as the days of Paul and Augustine.
139 [After 1564-65, the Book of Common Order was usually printed with a complete metrical version of the Psalms (Laing’s Knox, vi. 279, 280, 284); and was comprehended under the name ‘Psalm Book’ (infra, p. 128). Mr Cowan, of 47 Braid Avenue, Edinburgh, informs me that the Confession, drawn up for the English congregation at Geneva, appears in every edition of the Book of Common Order which he has examined, from the Geneva edition of 1556 down to the edition printed by Evan Tyler in 1644.]
140 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 8; Laing’s Knox, iv. 171, 172.
141 [These forms of recantation may be seen in the Maitland Miscellany, iii. 215-221; and in the Register of St Andrews Kirk-session, Scot. Hist. Soc., i. 11-18.]
142 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 65, 66; Laing’s Knox, ii. 109, 110.
143 The designation is undoubtedly Knoxian, as it occurs in his dispute with Friar Arbuckill in 1547. To the reformer’s assertion “that the spous of Christ had nether power nor authoritie against the Word of God,” the Friar replied, “Yf so be, ye will leave us na kirk;” and to that the reformer rejoined, “In David I read that thare is a church of the malignantis, for he sayis, Odi ecclesiam malignantium. That church ye may have without the Word,... of that church yf ye wilbe, I can not impead yow” (Laing’s Knox, i. 200).
144 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 80; Laing’s Knox, ii. 114.
145 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 96, 97.
146 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 520, 583; Laing’s Knox, ii. 186, 239. [In another passage it is spoken of as “the Booke of the Common Order, called the Order of Geneva” (Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 548; Laing’s Knox, ii. 210).] The Book of Common Order, which has been frequently reprinted, is included in vols. iv. and vi. of Dr Laing’s edition of Knox’s Works.
147 The extract from the minutes of the city council embodying these conditions, which I found in Withof’s ‘Vertheidigung’ and communicated to Dr Hume Brown, was printed by him in the Appendix to his ‘John Knox,’ and is also reprinted here in Appendix D.
148 “At lenght it was agreed that the Order of Geneua (whiche then was alreadie printed in Englishe and some copies there amonge them) shulde take place as an Order moste godly and fardeste off from superstition. But Maister Knox beinge spoken unto, aswell to put that Order in practise, as to minister the communion, refused to do ether the one or the other, affirminge, that for manie considerations he coulde not consente that the same Order shulde be practised, till the lerned men off Strausbrough, Zurik, Emden, &c., were made privy” (Brief Discourse of the Troubles begun at Frankfort in the year 1554, Petheram’s reprint, p. xxvii). We have the following additional entry: “After longe debatinge to and fro, it was concluded that Maister Knox, Maister Whittingham, Maister Gilby, Maister Fox and Maister T. Cole shulde drawe forthe some Order meete for their state and time: whiche thinge was by them accomplished and offred to the congregation (beinge the same Order off Geneua whiche is nowe in print). This Order was verie well liked off many, but suche as were bent to the Booke of Englande coulde not abide it” (Ibid., pp. xxxvi, xxxvii).
149 [It is greatly to be regretted that Dr Mitchell does not seem to have been able to prepare the Appendix to which he here refers; but after this lecture had left his hands he expressed his “strong conviction that the words and matter of Knox’s Latin Prayer Book of 1556 were derived directly from the Liturgia Sacra of Pollanus.” On this point he entertained “no doubt whatever.”]
150 Laing’s Knox, vi. 162.
151 Booke of the Universall Kirk, i. 30.
152 Ibid., i. 54.
153 [The grounds on which this opinion is usually based are given in Laing’s Knox, vi. 277, 278. To these may be added the terms of the summons raised by Sir James Archebald, Vicar of Lintrathin, against his parishioners, on the 27th of May 1560, for payment of his teinds, &c., on the plea that he “is lauchfullie providit be the lawis and practik of oure realme, observit in tymes past, of the said vicarage, and hes bene in possessioun of the samyn thir divers yeris bigane, and hes causit the commone prayeris and homilies be red owlklie to the parrochinaris of the said parrochin, and uther wyiss is content to abyde sik reformatioun as the Lordis of our Secreit Counsale plesis mak thairintill, and als is adjonit to Goddis congregatioun, and takis part with the saidis Lordis in setting fordwart the commone caus, to the gloir of God and commone weill of our realme” (Spalding Miscellany, iv. 120).]
154 Laing’s Knox, iv. 137-139. [Laing gives the 7th of July 1556 as the correct date of this letter, and says that it is by some oversight that M’Crie in the later editions of his ‘Life of Knox’ has dated it 7th July 1557 (Ibid., iv. 140).]
155 Lesley’s History, p. 292.
156 Laing’s Knox, vi. 119.
157 Laing’s Knox, vi. 118. This evidently shows that they used not the ipsissima verba of the prayer for all estates, but variant words, “like in effect.” [Randolph’s letter is dated 25th August 1560. Alexander Gordon, Bishop of Galloway, was titular Archbishop of Athens.]
158 Laing’s Knox, vi. 13. [This letter is dated 6th April 1559.]
159 Liturgies of Edward VI., Parker Society, pp. 157, 158. [The “certain notes” thus referred to pertain to Edward’s First Liturgy.]
160 Lorimer’s Knox and the Church of England, 1875, pp. 29-32.
161 [On the 29th of July 1637—six days after the riot in St Giles—it was reported to the Privy Council by Archbishop Spottiswoode, for himself and in name of the remanent bishops, that it seemed expedient to them “that there should be a surcease of the service-booke” till the king signified his pleasure as to the punishment of “that disorderlie tumult”; and “that a course be sett down for the peaceable exercise thereof.” He also reported that “the saids bishops had appointed and given order that, in the whole churches of this citie [i.e., Edinburgh], sermon sall be made at the accustomed times, by regular and obedient ministers, and that a prayer sall be made before and after sermon, and that neither the old service nor the new established service be used in this interim.” The Council remitted to the bishops “to doe therein according to the power incumbent unto thame in the dewtie of thair office” (Peterkin’s Records of the Kirk, p. 52).
162 [In Knox’s version—“the crossing of thair fingaris” (Laing’s Knox, ii. 255).]
163 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 603.
164 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 526, 530, 532, 536, 603; Laing’s Knox, ii. 191, 194, 196, 199, 255.
165 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 417; Laing’s Knox, iv. 179; vi. 294.
166 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 421; Laing’s Knox, iv. 182; vi. 297.
167 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 425; Laing’s Knox, iv. 185; vi. 298.
168 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 426. There is a similar rubric in the Liturgy of Pollanus: “Minister, nomine Domini invocato, ut Spiritu Sancto adjutus, possit digna Deo atque salutaria ecclesiae eloqui recitat textum.”
169 The Liturgy of Pollanus appoints sermons to be preached on the mornings of Tuesday and Thursday. The service is to begin with a psalm, which being sung, the minister having invoked the Holy Spirit recites his text and proceeds with his sermon. He concludes with some shorter prayer “prout animus tulerit.”
170 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 583; Laing’s Knox, ii. 238.
171 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 450; Laing’s Knox, iv. 194.
172 In the Order of the General Fast it is stated: “The exhortation and prayers of everie several exercise we have remitted to be gathered by the discrete ministers, for time preased us so that we culd not frame them in such order as wes convenient, nether yit thought we it so expedient to pen prayers unto men, as to teach them with what hart and affection and for what causes we shuld pray, in this great calamitie” (Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 695; Laing’s Knox, vi. 421). See also Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 698; Laing’s Knox, vi. 470. Even the Order of Excommunication might be “enlarged or contracted as the wisedome of the discreit minister shall thinke expedient” (Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 746; Laing’s Knox, vi. 470).
173 Calderwood’s Altare Damascenum, 1623, p. 613. In this and the preceding pages I have made use of materials contributed by me to a Report anent Innovations in Public Worship, presented to the General Assembly in 1864. [Elsewhere, Calderwood says: “None are tyed to the prayers of that book; but the prayers are set down as samplers” (Calderwood’s History, 1678 ed., p. 25). Principal Baillie’s evidence is to the same effect: “The Warner is here also mistaken in his beliefe that ever the Church of Scotland had any liturgy; they had and have still some formes for helpe and direction but no tie ever in any of them by law or practise” (Review of Bramhall’s Faire Warning against the Scots Discipline, 1649, p. 57).]
174 Row’s History, Wodrow Society, pp. 403, 404.
175 Order and Government of the Church of Scotland, 1641: Address to the reader.
176 Certainly not more consistently than Pollanus in the following rubric: “Hae sunt precationum in liturgiis certae formulae, quae tamen sequitur minister suo arbitrio ut tempus fert et res postulat. Neque enim ullâ praescriptione formularum alligandus est Spiritus Dei ad eum verborum numerum, cui non liceat subjicere vel supponere si meliora suggerat.... Hae formulae serviunt tantum rudioribus. Nullius libertati praescribitur, tantum ne ab eâ ratione discedatur quam nobis Jesus Christus praescripsit.... Cumque is (scilicet Spiritus Sanctus) apud tribunalia subministret quae dicenda sint, non deerit nobis [si] cum vera fide coram Deo nos sistemus sensu orationis excitati.”
177 “Von vorgeschriebenen Kirchengebeten vor und nach der Predigt finden wir keine Spur, vielmehr das sichere Gegentheil.... Ums Jahr 1589 finden wir zuerst das sogenannte Lob und Dankopfer und die daran gehängten Fürbitten für die Obrigkeit, und die übrigen christlichen Stände.... Erst nach der Mitte des siebzehnten Jahrhunderts... suchte man auch im Liturgischen die Willkür der einzelnen in engere Schränken zuruckzuführen” (Geschichte der ersten Basler-konfession, S. 249-251).
178 [The charges are in the alleged causes which led James VI., immediately after his accession to the English throne, to endeavour to bring about uniformity in the services of the church throughout the whole kingdom, and run thus: “That diversitie, nay deformitie, which was used in Scotland, where no set or publike forme of prayer was used, but preachers or leaders and ignorant schoolmasters prayed in the church, sometimes so ignorantly as it was a shame to all religion to have the Majestie of God so barbarously spoken unto, sometimes so seditiously that their prayers were plaine libels, girding at soveraigntie and authoritie; or lyes, being stuffed with all the false reports in the kingdome” (Large Declaration, 1639, p. 16).]
179 [The committee appointed by the General Assembly to examine the Large Declaration describe it as dishonourable to God, to the king, and to the kirk; and as “stuffed full of lies and calumnies.” Concerning this part in particular they say: “To the great dishonour of this kirk [it] is affirmed in this Declaration that there is a great deformitie in our service—no forme of publict prayer, but preachers, readers, and ignorant schoollemasters, praying in the church, sometymes so ignorantlie,” &c. (Peterkin’s Records of the Kirk, pp. 265, 266).
180 [The six were John Wynram, John Spottiswoode, John Willock, John Douglas, John Row, and John Knox (supra, p. 99).]
181 Spottiswoode’s History, Spot. Soc. ed., i. 371, 372.
182 Supra, pp. 112, 113.
183 The appointment of such an official as chief minister of the English congregation of Frankfort had, however, been urged by Knox’s opponents there, but was refused by his party (Discourse of Troubles at Frankfort, pp. xiv, xlvii, cxvii, cxxxv-cxxxviii, cxlvi, cxlvii).
184 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 409, 410; Laing’s Knox, iv. 177.
185 The great services Coverdale had rendered to the cause of Protestantism by his translation of the Scriptures did not suffice to blot out from the minds of Elizabeth and her ministers the remembrance of his connection with Knox and Goodman. He was welcomed at the consecration of Archbishop Parker, though he came in his black gown, for they could not well do that without him; but all Grindal’s efforts failed to secure for him a Welsh bishopric, or even to get him left unmolested in the parochial benefice he conferred on him.
186 Even in St Andrews, with all its equipment of schools and colleges, the common people are represented in 1547 as welcoming Knox’s offer of a public disputation, because though they could not all read his papers they could understand what he addressed to them vivâ voce (Laing’s Knox, i. 189).
187 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 518; Laing’s Knox, ii. 185.
188 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 526; Laing’s Knox, ii. 191.
189 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 530; Laing’s Knox, ii. 194.
190 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 530; Laing’s Knox, ii. 194.
191 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 577; Laing’s Knox, ii. 233.
192 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 578; Laing’s Knox, ii. 234, 235.
193 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 581; Laing’s Knox, ii. 236, 237.
194 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 532; Laing’s Knox, ii. 195, 196. [Readers who were able to exhort and explain the Scriptures were to have their stipends augmented until they attained the honour of a minister (Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 536, 537; Laing’s Knox, ii. 199, 200).]
195 [The readers who had “any gift of interpretation” were to take part in these meetings (Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 590; Laing’s Knox, ii. 244).]
196 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 539; Laing’s Knox, ii. 202.
197 [“It is evident unto all men, diligently reading Holy Scripture and ancient authors, that from the apostles’ time there hath been these orders of ministers in Christ’s church: bishops, priests, and deacons” (Liturgies of Edward VI., Parker Society, p. 331).]
198 The jest attributed to Queen Elizabeth that she had made a bishop but marred a good preacher shows this.
199 In the chief towns, just as in Geneva, there seems from early times to have been a common or “general session,” although there were several congregations in each, as in Edinburgh, Glasgow, Dundee, and Perth.
200 Even the Second Book of Discipline does not sharply distinguish between the lesser and greater eldership or presbytery; and Gillespie admits they were not distinguished in the primitive church, though he holds that both were needed in Scotland to do the work which the one presbytery did in the primitive church (infra, pp. 230-233).
201 [The Book of Common Order distinguishes between the weekly meeting of the ministers and elders in their assembly or consistory, and the weekly meeting of the congregation for the interpretation of the Scriptures (Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 411-413; Laing’s Knox, iv. 177-179). For the nature and object of the exercise see infra, pp. 170-173.]
202 [The bull, which is printed in Concilia Scotiæ, ii. 3, is dated “xiiij kalendas Junij pontificatus nostri anno nono,” i.e., the 19th of May 1225.]
203 See Schenkel’s article, “Kirche,” in Herzog’s Real-Encyklopädie.
204 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 68; Laing’s Knox, ii. 110.
205 See Calvin’s Institutes, book iv. chap. ii.—“As no city or village can exist without a magistrate and government, so the Church of God stands in need of a spiritual polity of its own. This is altogether distinct from the civil government, and is so far from hindering or impairing it, that it rather does much to aid and promote it.”
206 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 413; Laing’s Knox, iv. 203.
207 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 414-417; Laing’s Knox, iv. 204-206. If this humanity is not observed in private as well as in public, there is danger lest instead of discipline we fall into a kind of Gehenna, and instead of correctors and educators become executioners of the brethren (Calvin).
208 The form of absolution then appointed to be used was, with consent of Henderson, modified by the Westminster divines into the shape in which it appears in their Directory for Church Government and Excommunication, and as modified was afterwards inserted in our Form of Process of 1707.
209 La France protestant, deuxième édition, iii. 530.
210 Book of Common Order, in Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 412; Laing’s Knox, iv. 179.
211 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 587-589; Laing’s Knox, ii. 242, 243.
212 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 590, 591; Laing’s Knox, ii. 244, 245.
213 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 547; Laing’s Knox, ii. 209.
214 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 548-550; Laing’s Knox, ii. 209-211.
215 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 561; Laing’s Knox, ii. 220, 221.
216 [Dr Mitchell seems to have thought that handlings should be read haldings.]
217 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 562, 563. [The words which in this quotation are enclosed in parentheses are not in the copy of the Book of Discipline preserved by Knox (Laing’s Knox, ii. 221, 222). Instead of the words, “if we permit cruelty to be used,” that copy reads, “if you permit suche creualtie to be used”; and after the words, “comfort and relaxation,” is the clause, “Concludit be the Lordis.”]
218 The pauper comes on the stage with the words—
“Of your almis, gude folks, for God’s luife of heavin,
For I have motherles bairns either sax or seavin;”
and proceeds in piteous strain—
“Gude man, will ye gif me of your charitie,
And I sall declair yow the black veritie.
My father was ane auld man, and a hoir,
And was of age four scoir of yeirs and moir.
And Mald, my mother, was four scoir and fyfteine,
And with my labour I did thame baith susteine.
Wee had are meir, that caryit salt and coill,
And everie ilk yeir scho brocht us hame ane foill.
Wee had thrie ky, that was baith fat and fair,
Nane tydier into the toun of Air.
My father was sa waik of blude, and bane,
That he deit, quhairfoir my mother maid gret maine:
Then scho deit, within ane day or two;
And thair began my povertie and wo.
Our gude gray meir was baittand on the feild,
And our Land’s laird tuik hir for his hyreild,
The vickar tuik the best cow be the heid,
Incontinent, quhen my father was deid.
And quhen the vickar hard tel how that my mother
Was deid, fra hand he tuke to him ane uther:
Then Meg, my wife, did murne baith evin and morow,
Till at the last scho deit for verie sorow:
And quhen the vickar hard tell my wyfe was dead,
The thrid cow he cleikit be the heid.
Thair umest clayis, that was of rapploch gray,
The vickar gart his clark bear them away.
Quhen all was gane, I micht mak na debeat,
Bot with my bairns past for till beg my meat.
Now, haif I tald yow the blak veritie,
How I am brocht into this miserie.”
—Laing’s Lindsay’s Poetical Works, 1879, ii. 99, 102, 103.
219 [In the Articles addressed by some of the temporal lords and barons to the queen regent, and sent by her to the Provincial Council convened in Edinburgh a few weeks before the Reformation burst like a tempest upon the country, it was requested that “the corps presentes, kow, and [um]est claith, and the silvir commonlie callit the kirk richts, and Pasch offrands quhilk is takin at Pasch fra men and women for distribution of the sacrament of the blessit body and blood of Jesus Christ,” should no longer be extorted under pain of excommunication or debarring from the sacraments, but left to the free will of the givers (Concilia Scotiæ, ii. 148, 149). The Council met this demand for reformation by enacting that in future the poor should be freed from mortuary dues, while those not quite so poor were only to pay them in a modified form; and the small tithes and oblations were to be taken up before Lent so as to avoid the appearance of selling the sacrament (Ibid., ii. 167, 168, 174). When, on the 27th of May 1560, the reforming vicar of Lintrathin raised a summons against his parishioners for payment of his teinds, “the cors present and umest clayth of all yeris and termes bigane restand unpayit” were specially excepted from his claim (Spalding Miscellany, iv. 121).
220 Dr Lorimer in British and Foreign Evangelical Review for 1872, p. 758.
221 [The Good Regent was assassinated on the 23rd of January 1569-70.]
222 [1570.]
223 Bannatyne’s Memoriales, Ban. Club, p. 118.
224 See Laing’s Knox, vi. 651.
225 M’Crie’s Knox, 1855, p. 459; Rogers’ Three Scottish Reformers, p. 97.
226 [Archbishop Hamilton was hanged at the market cross of Stirling on the 7th of April 1571.]
227 Bannatyne’s Memoriales, Ban. Club, p. 255.
228 Melville’s Diary, Wodrow Society, p. 26.
229 [Archibald Hamilton’s letter or protestation is in Bannatyne’s Memoriales, pp. 262, 263.]
230 [According to Martine, it was built, not for the reception of Mary of Guise, but when James V. was married to Magdalene, the fair daughter of Francis I., in 1537, the tradition being that the physicians chose this place as peculiarly suitable for such a delicate creature; and that “so many artificers were conveened and employed, and the materials so quicklie prepared, that the house was begun and finished in a month” (Reliquiæ Divi Andreæ, p. 190). There is better evidence to show that Mary of Guise spent her honeymoon within its substantial walls in the summer of 1538 (Lesley’s History, pp. 155, 156; Pitscottie’s History, 1778, pp. 250, 251).]
231 Melville’s Diary, p. 26.
232 Ibid.
233 Bannatyne’s Memoriales, p. 256.
234 Melville’s Diary, p. 32.
235 [In the rather scurrilous Legend of the Bischop of St Androis, it is said:—
“Ane baxters sone, are beggar borne,
That twyse his surnaime hes mensworne;
To be called Constene he thocht shame,
He tuke up Constantine to name.
..........
Thinking that poore professione vaine,
He changed his surname ower agane;
Now Doctor Adamsone at last,
Whairthrow he ower to Paris past.”
—Dalyell’s Scotish Poems, 1801, ii. 309, 310.
He inherited both names from his ancestors, who were called Constantine or Adamson (M’Crie’s Melville, 1856, p. 461).]
236 Melville’s Diary, p. 32.
237 Laing’s Knox, vi. 481, 482.
238 [This Assembly met on the 6th of March 1571-72.]
239 Melville’s Diary, p. 31.
240 [This convention was held in January 1571-72. See Booke of the Universall Kirk, i. 203-236; Calderwood’s History, iii. 168-196.]
241 Bannatyne’s Memorials, p. 223.
242 Calderwood’s History, iii. 206.
243 [Dr Laing has not only indicated that there has long been much uncertainty and speculation as to the parentage and social status of John Douglas, but has stated that he “was descended from the Douglasses of Pettendreich” (Laing’s Knox, i. 286 n.) Principal Lee has said: “All the accounts of Douglas which I have ever seen in modern books abound with errors. He is represented as having been an obscure Carmelite friar whom the Earl of Argyle chose to employ as his chaplain, and for whom the Archbishop of St Andrews expressed the strongest aversion. He was quite a different man—a man of family undoubtedly, and most probably related to James Douglas the Earl of Morton, son of Sir George Douglas of Pinky, and, like him, a branch of the great family of Angus” (Lee’s Lectures, ii. 3). When working in the Register House, I found unimpeachable evidence concerning his parentage. On the 2nd of January 1563-64, letters of legitimation were granted in favour of Mr John Douglas, Rector of the University of St Andrews, bastard son natural of quondam Robert Douglas in Langnewtoune (Register of Privy Seal, xxxii. 23).]
244 Melville’s Diary, p. 32; Calderwood’s History, iii. 206.
245 These honest men earnestly implored their pastor to return also to Edinburgh, if he could do so without serious injury to his health.
246 Melville’s Diary, p. 33.
247 [Dr Cameron Lees says that the Tolbooth, in which Knox preached for some little time and where he delivered his last sermon, was “the portion of St Giles which had been cut off the western part of the nave, and was used for meetings of the Council” (St Giles’, 1889, p. 157).]
248 M’Crie’s Knox, 1855, p. 269.
249 Melville’s Diary, p. 33.
250 [In the opinion of Dr David Laing, Lawson was the author of the Vera Historia extremae vitae et obitus eximii viri Joannis Knoxii, appended to Smeton’s Responsio ad Hamiltonii Dialogum, in 1579 (Laing’s Knox, vi. 646).]
251 Walsingham’s abuse of Wycliffe. [Thomae Walsingham, Historia Anglicana, ii. 119, 120; and Ypodigma Neustriae a Thoma Walsingham, p. 340; Rolls series. Translations will be found in Vaughan’s John de Wycliffe, 1853, pp. 468, 469; and in Lechler’s Wycliffe, Relig. Tract Soc., p. 423.]
252 [For the substance of Archibald Hamilton’s account, see M’Crie’s Knox, 1855, p. 405. Bannatyne’s account is in both editions of his work (Journal of Transactions, 1806, and Memoriales of Transactions, 1836). It is likewise in Laing’s Knox, vi. 634-645; and there (pp. 649-660) is also given a translation of Smeton’s (or Lawson’s) account. The accounts of Bannatyne and Smeton do not always agree as to the exact day on which certain events happened.]
253 [Morton was elected regent on the 24th of November 1572, the day on which Knox died (Acts of Parliament, iii. 78; Bannatyne’s Memoriales, p. 280). Bannatyne places Morton’s visit on the 19th; Smeton leaves the day uncertain.]
254 For a defence of Kirkaldy see Barbé’s Kirkaldy of Grange, Famous Scots Series, pp. 108-124.
255 For a different interpretation see Taylor Innes’s John Knox, Famous Scots Series, pp. 30, 31.
256 [Morton’s testimony to Knox, as recorded by Melville, was: “That he nather fearit nor flatterit anie fleche” (Diary, p. 60). As recorded by Calderwood: “Here lyeth a man who in his life never feared the face of man; who hath beene often threatned with dag and dager, but yitt hath ended his dayes in peace and honour. For he had God’s providence watching over him in a speciall maner, when his verie life was sought” (History, iii. 242).]
257 Cunningham’s Church History of Scotland, 1859, i. 444.
258 Ibid., i. 445.
259 Hill Burton’s History of Scotland, 1876, v. 203.
260 Confession of 1560, in Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 92, 93. [In Laing’s Knox, ii. 118, it is reformatioun and purgatioun instead of conservation and purgation.]
261 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 788, 789. [The Second Book of Discipline has been frequently printed. It is in Calderwood’s History, Wodrow Society ed., iii. 529-555; Spottiswoode’s History, 1655, pp. 289-302; Spottiswoode Society ed., ii. 233-256; Booke of the Universall Kirk, Bannatyne Club ed., ii. 488-512; Peterkin’s ed., pp. 537-563; Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 757-805. The quotations in the text are from Dunlop.]
262 Ibid., ii. 764. Melville afterwards more pithily expressed the same principle in his sovereign’s presence: “Thair is twa kings and twa kingdomes in Scotland. Thair is Chryst Jesus the King, and His kingdome the kirk, whase subject King James the Saxt is, and of whase kingdome nocht a king, nor a lord, nor a heid, bot a member! And they whome Chryst hes callit and commandit to watch over His kirk, and governe His spirituall kingdome, hes sufficient powar of Him and authoritie sa to do, bathe togidder and severalie; the quhilk na Christian king nor prince sould controll and discharge, but fortifie and assist, utherwayes nocht fathfull subjects nor members of Chryst” (Melville’s Diary, p. 370).
263 Hill Burton’s History of Scotland, v. 203.
264 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 763.
265 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 762.
266 Rutherfurd’s Divine Right of Church Government, 1646, pp. 596, 597. [1 John iii. 1 is a misprint in the original for 1 John iv. 1.]
267 Aaron’s Rod Blossoming, 1646, p. 177.
268 Ibid., pp. 180, 181.
269 [Dr Mitchell may have found such a claim elsewhere in Gillespie’s works; but it is not distinctly made in that chapter of ‘Aaron’s Rod Blossoming’ from which the quotations in this paragraph are taken, although perhaps it may be held to be implied in the words: “By which it appeareth that their [i.e., the Independents’] way will not suffer them to be so far moulded into an uniformity, or bounded within certain particular rules (I say not with others, but even among themselves) as the Presbyterian way will admit of” (Aaron’s Rod Blossoming, p. 181).]
270 Aaron’s Rod Blossoming, p, 182.
271 Aaron’s Rod Blossoming, p. 183.
272 Peterkin’s Booke of the Universall Kirk, 1839, p. 549 n. [The late Bishop Russell, after examining the four MS. copies of Spottiswoode’s History, came to the conclusion that the one in the Advocates’ Library is only the first and incompleted draft of the work, and that the one in Trinity College, Dublin, is the one which Spottiswoode himself prepared for the press. Bishop Russell accordingly followed the Dublin MS. in his edition of the History printed for the Spottiswoode Society, and that edition (as well as the old folio edition) contains the notes of agreement and disagreement. Peterkin has printed the Second Book of Discipline, from an attested copy publicly read on the 29th of September 1591 “in the elderschip of Haddingtoun,” and “subscryvit be the brethren thairof.” Of the ten subscribers, nine write minister after their names; the other simply signs, “Mr L. Hay, Bass.”]
273 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 759, 760.
274 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 769.
275 Supra, pp. 170-173.
276 [“Some reproachfully and others ignorantly call them lay elders. But the distinction of the clergie and laity is popish and anti-christian; and they who have narrowly considered the records of ancient times have noted this distinction as one of the grounds whence the mystery of iniquity had the beginning of it. The name of clergie appropriate to ministers is full of pride and vaine-glory, and hath made the holy people of God to be despised, as if they were prophane and uncleane in comparison of their ministers” (Gillespie’s Assertion of the Government, 1641, p. 3).]
277 Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 779, 780.
278 Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, iii. 542.
279 [In some editions of the Genevan version the word “eldership” is thus explained in the margin: “Under this name he containeth the whole ministerie of the church which was at Ephesus.”]
280 Assertion of the Government of the Church of Scotland, 1641, pp. 128-130, 136-147.
281 [It is not quite clear which conference Dr Mitchell is here referring to. In the conference held at Stirling in December 1578, the Second Book of Discipline was discussed section by section. The results are preserved not only by Spottiswoode, as mentioned above (p. 227 n.), but also by Calderwood (iii. 433-442), neither of whom, however, says that these results were then noted as having been expressly approved by the king. The heads agreed upon at the Holyrood conference on 17th February 1585-86 do not include anything which can be regarded as the draft of the clause of the Act of 1592 concerning the power and jurisdiction of “particulare kirkis” (Calderwood’s History, iv. 491-494). The articles defining the jurisdiction of provincial assemblies, presbyteries, and particular kirks, agreed on by the king in conference with some of the brethren sent to him by the General Assembly in May 1586, are transferred almost verbatim to the Act of Parliament of 1592 (Booke of the Universall Kirk, Bannatyne Club edit., ii. 665, 666; Calderwood’s History, iv. 567, 568; Acts of Parliament, iii. 541, 542).]
282 The Government and Order of the Church of Scotland, 1641, pp. 60, 64, 65.
283 [Alesius thus proceeds: “Et in mari inter tempestates et 18 diebus subtus terram in teterrimo specu inter bufones et serpentes custodivit (oportet enim me haec alicubi commemorare pro gratitudine erga Deum). Hic igitur Salvator omnium, maxime fidelium, perficiet id quod per me facere instituit” (In Alteram ad Timotheum expositio. Autore Alexandro Alesio. D. Lipsiae, 1551, sign. A 2).]
284 D’Aubigné’s Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vi. 13, 14. [D’Aubigné is here following, or rather embellishing, the account which Alesius thus gives in another of his works: “Pueri, me adhuc puero, quasdam sententias excerptas ex Joanne, scriptas in membrana, ut illam, in principio erat verbum, Ecce agnus Dei, &c., Sic Deus dilexit mundum, Ego sum resurrectio et vita, &c., ac similes, vel auro et argento inclusas circa collum gestabant, non tam ornamenti causa, quàm quod magnam vim et virtutem in his collocarent contra incantationes et pericula, in quae diabolus saepe pueros incautos solet conjicere. Memini frequenter, et quoties reminiscor, toto corpore cohorresco, me in praerupto altissimi montis manibus et pedibus reptantem, ac proximum praecipitio, subito translatum nescio à quo aut quomodo, in alium locum: et alia vice ex eminentiori deambulacro aedium patris cadentem inter acervum lapidum poliendorum ad aedificium, servatum esse divinitus.
“Non tribuo hanc salutem sententiis ex Joanne, quas forsan aliorum puerorum more circumferebam: sed fidei parentum, qui harum sententiam mente circumferebant, et pro me orabant. Sed tamen, ut mihi videtur, magis deceret nobilitatem Christianam, has et similes sententias in auro et lapidibus preciosis insculptas à collo dependentes circumferre, quàm ethnicorum Regum ac Caesarum imagines” (Commentarius in Evangelium Joannis. Basileae, 1553. Epistola Dedicatoria, pp. 14-16).]
285 [In a list of names without a heading, he appears as “Alexr. Allane na. Lau.,” which shows that of the nations into which the members of the university were then classified, he belonged to Lothian. In the list of determinants he appears as “Allexr. Alan.” Opposite his name and the names of his class-fellows is the word “pauperes,” which shows that they paid no fees.]
286 He himself at a later period ingenuously acknowledges that his arguments in great part were borrowed from the treatise of an English bishop, namely Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, who at the request of Henry VIII. had replied to Luther’s attack on that monarch.
287 D’Aubigné’s Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vi. 59, 60.
288 Laing’s Knox, i. 40, 41.
289 [See it so described in the passage quoted, supra, p. 240 n.]
290 [He calls it a latrinâ in his ‘Responsio ad Cochlei Calumnias,’ sign. A v.]
291 [Now known as Bishop’s Hall.]
292 Responsio ad Cochlei Calumnias, sign. A vj.
293 Responsio ad Cochlei Calumnias, sign. A vj.
294 Ibid.
295 No doubt James Wedderburn, merchant at the West Kirk Style of Dundee, who carried on a large trade with the Continent, and was known to be friendly to those holding the reformed opinions. One of his sons was then studying at St Andrews, and probably had been the means of communication between the canons and Dundee to secure beforehand a speedy departure for their fugitive friend. [For many interesting details concerning the sons of this Dundee merchant, see Dr Mitchell’s Wedderburns and their Work, 1867; and also his edition of The Gude and Godlie Ballatis, 1897, pp. xvii-xxxii, lxxxiii-civ.]
296 [In his Introduction (pp. xviii-xx) to Gau’s ‘Richt Vay to the Kingdom of Heuine,’ Dr Mitchell says: “The treatise ‘De Apostolicis Traditionibus,’ in which he [i.e., Alesius] has given an account of his visit, and of the manner in which he was received by his countrymen and the reforming preachers of Malmö, is one of the rarest of his minor treatises, and is not to be found in any of our Scottish libraries, nor in the British Museum, nor even in the library of the University of Leipsic, in which he was so long an honoured professor.... Neither the name of Gau nor that of any other of his countrymen then in the city is given by Alesius.... Principal Lorimer has ingeniously conjectured that Gau may have come out to act as chaplain to his countrymen at Malmö. And I am inclined to accept the conjecture to a modified extent.... At any rate, we find that before the close of 1533 he was in Denmark, and had got such an accurate knowledge of the Danish language that he had translated and published a treatise of considerable length from Danish into his native Scotch.” In the Appendix to the same Introduction (p. xlv) Dr Mitchell explains that “modern Danish scholars express doubts whether, in the early part of the 16th century, any nation, save the German as represented by the Hanseatic League, was organised as a distinct community at Malmö.”]
297 [This sentence is interlined, and the word which seems to be first is rather indistinct.]
298 In the preceding narrative I have availed myself of the details which Alesius has given us of his labours and sufferings in his commentaries and lesser treatises, and especially in two of the smallest of them, both published in 1533, the one bearing the title—“Alexandri Alesii Epistola contra decretum quoddam Episcoporū in Scotia, quod prohibet legere Noui Testamenti libros lingua vernacula”; the other “Alexandri Alesii Scotti Responsio ad Cochlei Calvmnias.”
299 [The nature of the arguments used by Alesius in this epistle may be learned from the lengthy extracts quoted in Christopher Anderson’s Annals of the English Bible, 1845, ii. 430-437.]
300 [This reply by Cochlaeus, which is dated 6th June 1533, is entitled: “An Expediat Laicis, legere Noui Testamenti libros lingua Vernacula? Ad Serenissimvm Scotiæ Regem Iacobum V. Disputatio inter Alexandrum Alesium Scotum, & Iohannem Cochlæum Germanum. Anno dn̄i m.d. xxxiii.” A beautiful copy of this very rare work was secured at the Laing sale for the library of the Church of Scotland. There is also a copy in the Signet Library. A few extracts may be found in Anderson’s Annals, ii. 439-441.]
301 [A beautiful copy of this excessively rare tract was also secured for the Church library at the Laing sale.]
302 [For a translation by Dr Mitchell of that part of the Responsio which relates to the opinions of Alesius, see Appendix E.]
303 [Dr Mitchell possessed copies of several of the other tracts of Cochlaeus, as well as of this: “Pro Scotiae Regno Apologia Iohannis Cochlei, adversvs personatum Alexandrum Alesium Scotum. Ad Sereniss. Scotorū regē. m.d.xxxiiii.” It ends: “Excusum Lipsiae apud Michaelem Blum.”]
304 [Alesius says: “I was at Antwerp whan a contryman of myne, whose name was John Foster, did send a somme of mony unto Cochleus by a marchant from the Bisshop of S. Andrews, which geveth him yerely so long as he liveth a certen stipend. And it chanced by the goodnes of God, wherby He discloseth the wickednes of these hipocytes (sic), that a pistle of Cochleus which he sent unto a certen bisshop of Pole came unto my handes, wherin he complayneth that he hath gret losse and evel fortune in setting forth of bokes, for as moch as no man wil wetesaue to rede his bokes. And he beggeth a yerely stipend of the bisshops of Pole, saing that he hath bene nobly rewarded of the King of Scottys and of the Archbisshop of S. Andrews and of the Bisshop of Glasguo” (‘Of the Auctorite of the Word of God’).]
305 [From the Treasurer’s Accounts, as quoted by M’Crie, it appears that the servant who brought over his book received £10 (M’Crie’s Knox, 1855, p. 321 n.).]
306 [15th March 1542-43 (Acts of Parliament, ii. 415).]
307 [The title is: “De Avthoritate Verbi Dei Liber Alexandri Alesij, contra Episcopum Lundensem. An. m.d.xlii.” The preface is dated: “Francfordiae ad Oderam. Calend. Maijs. an. Domini m.d.xl.” The colophon is: “Argentorati apvd Cratonem Mylivm an. m.d.xlii. mense Septembri.” The translation, which is in black-letter, bears no date, place, or printer’s name. For a copy of its title, see infra, p. 268 n.]
308 [Alesius says that he was the bearer of the Loci Theologici, which he had persuaded Melanchthon to dedicate to Henry VIII. (Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 525).]
309 [He was in London during the time of the trial and execution of Anne Boleyn. He sent Elizabeth an account of a dream or vision which he then had. See Appendix F.]
310 [There is “great uncertainty” as to whether this meeting took place in 1536 or 1537 (Hardwick’s Reformation, 1883, p. 182 n.). The year 1537 is given by Alesius in his ‘De Avthoritate Verbi Dei’ (p. 18), and is repeated in the translation. In the latter it is said: “Contrary to all my expectacion I chanced to fall agayn into such a disputacyon as I was in before, and in maner with like adversarys.... Unto this disputacion I came sodenly unprepared, for as I did mete bi chance in the streate the right excellent Lord Crumwel going unto the Parlament Howse in the yeare 1537, he whan he sawe me called me unto him, and toke me with him to the Parlament House to Westmyster (sic), where we fownd all the bisshops gathered together.”]
311 Cattley’s Foxe, v. 381-384. [The whole of this account, as Cattley points out, is taken by Foxe almost verbatim from a statement made by Alesius himself in his rare tract entitled, Of the Auctorite of the Word of God agaynst the Bisshop of London, wherein are conteyned certen disputacyons had in the Parlament Howse betwene the Bisshops, abowt the nomber of the Sacraments, and other things very necessary to be known: made by Alexander Alane Scot and sent to the Duke of Saxon. Christopher Anderson says that this translation of the tract De Authoritate Verbi Dei Liber was made by Edmund Allen. So completely had the original name of Alesius dropped out of knowledge that Anderson actually charges the printer with committing “a strange blunder in the title.” Believing that Ales was the real name of Alesius, he thought that the printer had divided the name of the author between the author and the translator (‘Annals of the English Bible,’ ii. 479 n.).]
312 [For the circumstances of his departure, see Appendix G.]
313 [For M’Alpine, see Gau’s Richt Vay, Introd., p. xii.]
314 “I owe much,” he says, “to your father, who received me most hospitably at my first coming hither, and, in name of Duke Maurice (now Elector of Saxony), invited me to give my services to this famous university, and retained me here some years after, when I was called elsewhere” (i.e., probably Königsberg), “promising me the favour and grace of the most illustrious prince elector. Finally, after the war, he encouraged me, then hesitating, to write to the elector to beg the restitution of my books and other effects, which I had lost at the time of the siege of this city, kindly offering his best services in rendering my supplicatory letter to the prince, by which, however, he only succeeded in securing that the elector, when departing from his own dominions to attend the imperial diet, should give instructions on the matter to his counsellors whom he had left at home, and should deliver to be sent on to me a letter full of kindness through Damianus Sybothendorff, secretary to his highness.”
315 On the former of which occasions he inscribed the following paragraph in the matriculation book of the university: “Anno mdlv, die 23 Aprilis, qui Divo Georgio sacer est, et quo existimo me natum esse, supputatis retro lv annis, ego Alexander Alesius, gente Scotus, Patriâ Edinburgensis, atavis consulibus, qui duobus regibus, Jacobo Quinto, et Henrico Octavo, et quatuor electoribus, Johanni Friderico, Mauricio et Augusto, Ducibus Saxoniae, et Joachimo Electori Brandeburgensi inservivi, invitus suscepi officium rectoris universitatis scholae in inclytâ urbe Lipsiâ.”
316 Lorimer’s Scottish Reformation, 1860, pp. 112, 113. [The Perth martyrs are noticed above, pp. 53, 54. See also Laing’s Knox, i. 117, 118, 523-526.]
317 Lorimer’s Scottish Reformation, 1860, pp. 115, 116. [The quotations from the Cohortatio which follow agree substantially with those given by Dr Lorimer, but many of the variations in the phraseology show that Dr Mitchell had the original as well as Lorimer’s translation before him when he wrote.]
319 M’Crie’s Knox, 1855, p. 462.
320 Anderson’s Annals of the English Bible, 1845, ii. 485. For a list of the published writings of Alesius see Appendix I.
321 [This is taken from a paper on “St Mary’s College,” contributed by Dr Mitchell to the “Student’s Handbook to the University of St Andrews,” 1895, pp. 12-15.]
322 [In Crumwell’s accounts there are payments of £5 to Alesius on each of the following dates: 4th January 1536-37, 28th March, 28th May, and 24th October 1537; of 10 merks, on 19th February 1537-38; and of £5, on 13th October 1538, to Ric. Morison, which he gave “by my lord’s command” to Alesius (Letters and State Papers, Henry VIII., vol. xiv. part ii. 328-338).]
323 [Alesius arrived at Wittenberg on the 9th of July 1539, and from thence informed Crumwell that he was encouraged to hope that he would receive a post in the University there (Letters and State Papers, Henry VIII., vol. xiv. part i. 583, 584). Melanchthon wrote to the Elector’s chancellor, on the 1st of December 1539, recommending him for the University of Frankfort (Corpus Reformatorum, iii. 842-844).]