Appendix
I — Pickle’s Letters
These two letters of Pickle’s, not published in full in Pickle the Spy, illustrate ‘The Case against Glengarry’ in this volume. In the letter dated Edinburgh, 14th September, 1754, we find that, immediately on hearing of his father’s death, the writer sent a note to Gwynne Vaughan, an English official, and went to Edinburgh, writing from Newcastle on his way North. His ‘family affairs are in confusion.’ Now Old Glengarry died in Edinburgh, on September 1, 1754, and, as has been elsewhere shown, Young Glengarry at once repaired to the North. No reader of these letters can doubt that their writer is, or is feigning to be, Young Glengarry. Now no such pretence could possibly succeed in Edinburgh, where Young Glengarry, a man eminently well known, happened to be at the moment. For the rest, the letters are mainly concerned with the Informer’s proposed terms of payment, now that his ‘situation is greatly altered,’ by the death of his father, obviously Old Glengarry. Further comment seems needless, the evidence being beyond suspicion, and capable of but one interpretation.
Dr. Sir,—I have receivd the pleasur of yours of 20 Septr, but have been of late so hurried that I had no time to return a proper answer. I thought I was pritty pointed in my last in regard to a certain stipulation, but as by yours I imagen I was not so well understood, I beg leave to be now more explicite. I waited patiently four years (since 1750) without making the least demand, but for Journy expences, which fell so fare short that I spent all my owne ready Mony, and ran in debt eight hundred £st. Now, Sir, I expect that your friend will pay this sume by way of gratification, which will make me free of all debt contracted during my several trips, for I expect to be considered for what is past, as well as for times coming: I had had his worthy Brother’s201 paroll for this as well as a promise of his countenance, and protection, in all my other claimes, as I will not varrie the least in my demand, notwithstanding my situation is greatly altered, I will only mention £ five hundred St. yearly, twice regularly payd by Grandpapa, for I won’t absolutely have to dow with any other. If Mr. Kenady (Duke of Newcastle) whose friendship I have a right to Claim, in vertue of his Brother’s promise, will obtain this for me, there is nothing honourable he can think of, but I am able to perform. Only I beg he be not prejudic’d by that swarm of Videts that dally infest him. The Services I can be of are pritty well known, and as I am embark’d I am determin’d to percevere, but then I expect that Mr. Kenady (D. of N.) will fulfill his worthy Brother’s promise to me, which was to clear me of the Debts contracted in my new way of lief, when that is done, and a certain thing yearly fixt, Mr. Kenady shall dispose of me in what shape he pleases. Young Swift (Lochgarry) is arrived, and upon his waiting of 20 (Genl. Bland) was not recevd as was promis’d he should. When I waited of him, he did not receve me as I expected, haughtly refusd the use of a fulsie without I should qualifie. I smiling answr’d, if that was the case, I had then a right without his permission, but that he could not take it amiss that I debar’d all under his comand the pleasure of hunting upon my grounds, or of any firing, which they can’t have without my permission, so that I thought favours were reciprocall. 20 (Genl. Bland) and his Club pretends to be well inform’d of the minutest transaction in the Grand Monark’s Cabinet, O rare polliticians, Poor 21 (Bruce) is greatly to be pityed, for my old friends are mad at my consulting him in all my affairs, and 20 (Bland) and some about him spoke very injurious of him to me. I think this ought to be put to rights. I go North in a few days, I hope to prevail on 21 (Bruce) to follow in order to assist me in making a Judicial rent roll.202 My stay will not exceed a month, and his not a fortnight, so that if you expect me up, write under 21 (Bruce’s) cover, and I shall obey your comands. But Mr. Kenady (D. of N.), your friend, must enable me to go about it in a proper manner, and I am sure I will performe the business to his entire satisfaction. Young Swift, (Lochgarry) has verbally communicated to me most of Miss Philips (Young Pretender’s) amours. She has turn’d adrift all, or most of her former companions and galants. (This refers to the rupture between Prince Charles and his English adherents.) My presence is much wanted, and ardently wished for by hir, and hir present conductors. But I cant hear any thing materiall till old Swift (Lochgarry) return from hir. What I mentiond concerning Black Cattel is fact, but I hate repetitions, and at any rate must deffer further particulars till my return from the North. I will expect the pleasure of hearing to satisfaction and pointedly from you—I will beg the continuance of your good Offices, and will conclude by making offer of my Compts. to Mr. Kenady and assures him that all now depends upon himself, as Every thing is in his option.
I ever remain, Dear Grandpapa
Your most obedient and most oblidged humble Servt.
Alex Guthry.
Edinbr. 10. Octr. 1754.
(Pickle to G. V.) (Gwynne Vaughan)
Add. 32,736. f. 525.
Edinbr. 14 Septr. 1754.
Dr. Sir,—I am vastly uneasy not to receive the least answer to either of my letters from Newcastle, or that which I wrote immediately upon my Father’s death;203 but, as I have the greatest confidence in your friendship, I perswade myself that nothing prevents my receiving apointed answer to every article in both my last, but the multiplicity of weighty Affairs daily crouding upon the Duke of Newcastle; therefore without any suspicion or diffidence I am determined to continue firm to our Concert, untill you acquaint me if he agrees to my Proposals, which if he does, he may safely rely upon everything in my power, and I think I can’t give stronger proof of my sincerity than by this offer, in the confusion of my Family affairs, which in its present situation, demands all my attention. I have heard fully from Lochgary, who acquaints me that the Young Pretender’s affairs take a very good turn, and that he has lately sent two expresses to Lochgary earnestly intreating a meeting with Pickle, and upon Lochgary’s acquainting him of the great distance Pickle was off, he commanded Lochgary to a rendezvous, and he set out to meet me the 4th. Instant, and is actually now with me.
I shall very soon have a particular account of the present plan of operation. I have now the ball at my foot, and may give it what tune I please, as I am to be allowed largely, if I fairly enter in co-partnership. The French King is in a very peaceable humour, but very ready to take fire if the Jacobites renew their address, which the Young Pretender assures him of, and he will the readier bestirr himself, as the English Jacobites hourly torment him. Troops, Scotch and Irish, are daily offered to be smuggled over: but I have positively yet refused to admit any. The King of Spain has lately promised to add greatly to the Young Pretender’s patrimony, and English Contributors are not wanting on their parts.
I suspect that my letters of late to my friends abroad are stopt, pray enquire, for I think it very unfair dealings. I am in a few weeks to go north to put some order to my affairs. I should have been put to the greatest inconveniency if 21 (Bruce) had not lent his friendly assistance; but as I have been greatly out of pocket by the Jants I took for Mr. Pelham, I shan’t be in condition to continue trade, if I am not soon enabled to pay off the Debts then contracted. I have said on former occasions so much upon this head to no effect that I must now be more explicit, and I beg your friendly assistance in properly representing it to the Duke of Newcastle. If he thinks that my services, of which I have given convincing proofs, will answer to his advancing directly eight hundred Pounds, which is the least that can clear the Debts of my former Jants, and fix me to the Certain payment yearly of Five hundred at two several terms, he may command anything in my power upon all occasions. I am sorry to be forced to this explanation, in which I always expected to be prevented. I am so far from thinking this extravagant, that I am perswaded it will save them as many thousands, by discarding that swarm of Videts, which never was in the least trusted. If the Duke of Newcastle’s Constituent (the King) was acquainted with this, I dare say he would esteem the demand reasonable, considering what he throws away upon others of no interest or power on either side. I beg you’ll acquaint me with the soonest of the Duke of Newcastle’s answer, and assure him of my ready obedience to his commands. I have referred to 21 to enlarge further upon this, and other subjects I have been conversing with him some days ago, as he can inform you of my great hurry and confusion for this fortnight past,204 which will be all the apology I will make for this hurried scrawl, and I beg you’ll be fully convinced of the great esteem etc. etc. etc.
P.S. Pray let me not be denied the Arms I wanted, and I hope in case of accidents, you’ll take care of young Lochgary. I am just this instant informed that Mr. Nordly has left the King of France for the summer season, and is residing now in England, but can’t learn in what particular place—21 is supposed to be the Watchman: whose letter will explain what he hints of Lochgary.
Mr. Nordly is not deciphered yet.
(Copy of Pickle’s letter to G. V. (Gwynne Vaughan) deciphered. R. Oct. 16th, 1754.)
II — Macleod
‘The Rebels had an implacable Illwill and Malice against Him (Macleod) as they alledged, and many of them believed, that he not only deserted, but betrayed their Cause: what truth there is in this I will not take upon me to determine.’ So says the writer of the MS. 104, ‘The Highlands of Scotland in 1750.’
‘Surely never did man so basely betray as did Macleod, whom I shall leave for the present to the racks and tortures of a guilty conscience, and the just and severe judgement of every good man.’ Thus writes Murray of Broughton, after narrating how Macleod gave a written promise to aid Prince Charles whenever he landed. What he did was to send information to Forbes of Culloden, ‘it is certain that the pretended Prince of Wales is come into the coast of South Uist and Barra.’ He begs that his name as informant may be kept secret.205
Macleod can thus avoid the charge of betraying the Cause, only by disproof of Murray’s allegation that he gave a written promise to rise. But this allegation is confirmed by family tradition. ‘Miss Macleod of Macleod, Dunvegan Castle, remembers having seen in the family charter-chest an interesting correspondence between His Royal Highness and Macleod, in which Norman “invited the Prince to come over, several months before he arrived,” but the letters have since disappeared, and the family knows nothing as to where they have gone to.’206
On the showing of Miss Macleod, as reported by Mr. Mackenzie, in the passage just cited, Murray might well cry ‘never did man betray so basely as did Macleod.’ Despite his written promise to Prince Charles, Macleod was the first to send information against ‘the pretended Prince of Wales.’ After Prestonpans, ‘it would appear,’ writes Mr. Mackenzie, ‘that Macleod was taking lessons in duplicity from Simon,’ Lord Lovat. Macleod scarcely needed instruction in treachery; but, if Mr. Mackenzie is right, he now meant to send Young Macleod with the clan to join the Prince, while he stayed at home, and said that he could not help it.207 This domestic arrangement was not carried into effect.
Macleod was born in 1706, and inherited the family lands with 60,000l. He died in 1772, leaving 50,000l. of debt. He is still spoken of in the traditional history of his family as An Droch Dhuine, or ‘the Wicked Man,’ partly because of his extravagance, partly ‘for his cruel treatment of his first wife and Lady Grange.’208 When we add his treachery to the Prince, we see in Macleod a character far from exemplary. His grandson speaks of him as ‘always a most beneficent and beloved chieftain, whose necessities had lately induced him to raise his rents.’... ‘The Jacobites treated him as an apostate, and the successful party did not reward his loyalty.’209 He reaped as he had sown.
Footnotes
1 Literature, July 30, 1898, p. 93.
2 There is a brief sketch of the Earl in his brother’s Memoirs (Spalding Club), which cites d’Alembert, and puts the Earl’s birth in 1687.
3 Plaids worn by the Earl and his brother are preserved in a house in Fifeshire.
4 This remark makes it probable that the Earl was really a young man. If born in 1693, as some thought, he would be twenty-three in 1716. (As, indeed, one of d’Alembert’s authorities says that he was.) If a year or two older, he could scarcely have pleaded youth as a reason for silence.
5 Mar to ‘H. S.’ From France, February 10, 1716.
6 Mr. Eliot Hodgkin’s MSS., Hist. MSS. Com. xv. ii. Appendix, p. 230.
7 Add. MSS. 33,950. 1718-1719. British Museum.
8 There are copies of his correspondence with the would-be murderer in the Gualterio MSS., British Museum.
9 The author hopes to tell the story of Mr. Wogan, a charming character, on another occasion.
10 Hist. MSS. Commission, x. i. Appendix, p. 475.
11 Letter from Musell Stosch to d’Alembert, Œuvres, v. 457.
12 Hist. MSS. Commission, x. i. Appendix, p. 184.
13 Hist. MSS. Commission, x. i. Appendix, p. 452.
14 The Earl’s letter is in Browne, ii. 448, from the Stuart Papers.
15 The Rev. George Kelly was a constraint on the old Duke’s amours with Madame de Vaucluse!
16 Papers from French Foreign Office. In Murray of Broughton’s Memorials, pp. 499-501.
17 Charles to James, May 11, 1744. Stuart Papers in Murray of Broughton’s Memorials, p. 368.
18 Stuart Papers. Browne, ii. 476.
19 Compare Villettes’ letter, postea, p. 48.
20 Stuart Papers, in Murray of Broughton’s Memorials, pp. 513-514.
21 James to the Duke of York. November 8, 1745. Browne, iii. 452, where all the correspondence is printed.
22 The Memoirs of the exile in question, unhappily, have never been printed, and I do not feel at liberty to anticipate any points of interest in these curious papers.
23 Letters in Browne, iv. 64-66. Conceivably it was Goring who prejudiced the Earl against Kelly; he may have conveyed the ideas of Carte and the English party.
24 See Sir Charles’s letter of February 6, 1751, in Pickle the Spy, p. 117.
25 These letters are from the printed Correspondence of Frederick.
26 Ewald, Charles Edward, ii. 223.
27 The story was believed, however, by a contemporary who knew the Earl well.
28 Mr. Bisset has printed these letters from the originals in the Add. MSS. British Museum.
29 Fidei Defensor.
30 From the correspondence of Hume. MSS. in the collection of the Royal Society of Edinburgh.
31 Hill Burton’s Hume, ii. 464-6.
32 See ‘Mlle. Luci,’ later.
33 In the papers of Ramsay of Ochtertyre occurs perhaps the only unkind reference to the Earl. Ramsay reports that, being told about the destitution of the child of his nurse (who had sold her cow and sent him the money in 1719), he made no remark. A reference to p. 66, supra, will show that silence followed by kind deeds was the Earl’s way when he heard a story of distress. Ramsay mentions that he sold his lands cheap when he finally left Scotland.
34 Murray to a lady. Quoted in Genuine Memoirs of John Murray, Esq. (London: 1747), p. 9.
35 The diamond box has gone; the miniature, published by Mr. Fitzroy Bell, is in my possession.
36 A Collection of Loyal Songs. Printed in the year 1750.
37 Browne, ii. p. 476.
38 Stuart Papers, in Murray of Broughton’s Memorials, pp. 392-395.
39 Chronicles of the Atholl and Tullibardine Families, iii. pp 8, 17. (Privately printed: edited by the Duke of Atholl.)
40 Charles was nursed at Thunderton House, by Mrs. Anderson (née Dunbar) of Arradoul. In some mysterious way Charles was able to secure for Mrs. Anderson’s son an appointment under the English Government. So says a tradition preserved by Miss Janet Lang, a great-great-granddaughter of Mrs. Anderson.
41 See ‘Cluny’s Treasure,’ postea. A writer in the Athenæum (July 9, 1898) appears to think (as was thought at the time) that Murray now intended to turn informer, and keep what he could of the French gold. This is not my impression.
42 See ‘A Gentleman of Knoydart,’ postea.
43 Lord Justice Clerk to Newcastle, July 10, 1746. Murray’s Memorials, p. 418.
44 The Highlands in 1750. Blackwood, 1898.
45 Leslie. Paris, May 27, 1752. Browne, iv. 101.
46 See ‘Account of Charge’ in Chambers’s Rebellion, p. 522; and, later, ‘Cluny’s Treasure.’
47 Stuart Papers. Browne, iv. 59. Mr. Fitzroy Bell does not remark on all this evidence.
48 Unable, at first, to learn even the real name of Mlle. Luci, I appealed, in despair, to a lady who occasionally sees ‘visions’ in crystals. ‘What can you see of Mlle. Luci?’ I asked, by letter, giving no hint of any kind as to the lady’s date or connections. The seeress replied that, in an ink-bottle on her writing-desk, she saw a girl of about twenty-eight, dark, handsome, rather like Madame Patti in youth. Her dress was that of the middle of the eighteenth century. On her shoulder was laid another lady’s hand, a long, delicate, white hand, with a ‘marquise’ diamond ring. ‘La Grande Main,’ I exclaimed, ‘the hand of La Grande Main!’—whom we later discovered to be Madame de Vassé.
The coincidence was certainly pretty, but, unless a portrait of Mlle. Ferrand can be discovered, we must remain ignorant as to whether she was correctly represented in the ink-picture; whether a true refraction shone up from the dead past, the afterglow of a romance.
49 Burt’s Letters, ii. p. 334.
50 MSS. in the Cluny Charter Chest. Privately printed, 1879, p. 16.
51 Waverley, i. p. 161 (1829).
52 London: 1754.
53 This is confirmed by the Gartmore MS. in Burt; by MS. 104, in the King’s Collection; and by Murray of Broughton, in his paper on the Clans.
54 Published (1898) as The Highlands in 1750 (Blackwood).
55 He is a Lowlander, and avers that Scotland rarely lost a battle except when the Highlanders were engaged, as at Flodden.
56 Sutherland Book, ii. 256.
57 MS. 104 says that they went out most reluctantly.
58 The Impartial Hand.
59 These letters are in the Cumberland MSS. at Windsor Castle.
60 MS. 104. King’s Library.
61 See Mr. Mackenzie’s History of the Camerons, pp. 233-244, where the documents are given.
62 History of the Camerons, p. 236.
63 Sheridan can scarcely have been Charles’s adviser at this time. It may have been O’Sullivan.
64 Pickle, p. 160. I at first conjectured that this letter might refer to Pickle himself, but Barisdale, who was in touch with Cumberland in 1746, just after Culloden, is more probably the person hinted at.
65 This does not look as if the Duke alluded to him in the letter of August 9, where he talks of the price of information.
66 Cumberland MSS. See ‘A Gentleman of Knoydart,’ postea.
67 Antiquarian Notes, pp. 152, 153.
68 Lyon in Mourning, i. 147.
69 Culloden Papers, pp. 290-292.
70 Cumberland MSS.
71 Memorials of Murray of Broughton, p. 270, et seq.
72 Chambers’s Rebellion of 1745. Appendix. But compare Memorials, p. 286, where Murray represents himself as poor, though he had the 5,000 louis, unless he had sent them on in front.
73 Scots Magazine, July 1753, p. 362.
74 Ibid., 1750, p. 254.
75 This is accurate. The note exists to this day.
76 This was by the Prince’s desire.
77 Scots Papers. Record Office.
78 See p. 141, note 2.
79 Letters between the Major and the Prince are published in Pickle the Spy.
80 Glengarry to Edgar, Jan. 16, 1750. Browne, iv. p. 66.
81 Browne, iv. p. 79.
82 Jacobite Lairds of Gask, p. 276.
83 Nov. 21, 1753. Browne, iv. 117.
84 Scots Affairs. Record Office.
85 The husband of the lady who pistoled the English Captain after 1715.
86 State Papers, Scotland, 1753.
87 S.P.S. Bundle 44, No. 28-29.
88 It is plain that the account given on p. 144, and said by the Informer to be ‘in Clunie’s writing,’ is absolutely wrong, cannot be by Cluny, and is meant to incriminate that chief. Not only are the 6,000 louis carried to Charles by Kennedy omitted, but the ‘treasure’ intercepted by Downan and Glenevis does not appear, while 2,000 of the 27,000 louis are left out of the reckoning. ‘The State of Clunie McPherson’s Intromissions,’ in short, is a fraudulent document. It bears traces of confused manipulation in various interests.
89 Lyon in Mourning, i. 310. Antiquarian Notes, by C. Fraser Mackintosh, p. 225.
90 Lyon in Mourning, i. 147.
91 Lyon, i. 309-10.
92 Nether Lochaber, pp. 188, 189.
93 Now Fort William.
94 This Mr. Douglas gets a very bad character from John Macdonnell, of the Scotus family, in his Memoirs.
95 Dungallon had only been released from Edinburgh Castle in October 1749.
96 This includes the money got by Glengarry in Edinburgh, out of Murray’s original 5,000 louis, entrusted to his brother-in-law, Mr. Macdougal. Compare Murray’s Memorials, p. 304, where he denies that Mrs. Murray brought any large sum from the Highlands. The reverse is stated by Ramsay of Ochtertyre, and it is plain that, by Mrs. Murray’s means, or otherwise, a large sum was conveyed by Murray to Edinburgh.
97 See Mr. Stevenson’s Kidnapped and Catriona and the printed Trial for the Appin Murder.
98 Add. MSS. 32,995, 6, 33.
99 December 1752. Pickle, p. 176.
100 State Papers, MS., April 15, 1751.
101 Cumberland Papers.
102 Scots Magazine, July 1753, p. 362.
103 June 18, 1754, State Papers.
104 Scots Magazine, June 1754. The details of Fassifern’s imprisonment and condemnation are taken from the Scots Magazine of 1753-1754.
105 No. 48 S. P. S. From Churchill to Newcastle, Nov. 19, 1751. The story of the ghostly evidence in Sergeant Davies’s case will be found in the author’s Book of Dreams and Ghosts.
106 Written before 1810, the Memoirs are published in the Canadian Magazine of 1828. Mr. McLennan has founded on these papers his excellent romance, Spanish John.
107 Hunts-foot (sic), i.e. leg of a dog, a term of reproach with the Germans.
108 Lally’s adventures were romantic, and are only touched on by M. Humont in his Lally Tollendal, pp. 32-5.
109 Mackenzie’s History of the Camerons; see documents on pp. 233-44.
110 Murray of Broughton in Chambers’s Rebellion of 1745; edition of 1869, p. 515.
111 Letter-Book of Alastair Ruadh, MS.
112 William, fourth son of Donald the fifth of Kilcoy. He married Jean, daughter of Mackenzie of Davochmaluag, and died without issue. History of the Mackenzies, p. 585.
113 Antiquarian Notes, by C. Fraser Mackintosh, p. 156.
114 Laing MSS., Edinburgh University Library.
115 Pickle, p. 282.
116 February 19, 1760, Pickle, p. 312: also p. 266, April 8, 1754: ‘Since the loss of my worthy great friend [Henry Pelham] on whose word I wholly relay’d, everything comes far short of my expectations.’
117 Antiquarian Notes, p. 123.
118 Pickle, pp. 312-314.
119 Antiquarian Notes, pp. 120, 121.
120 The tradition of Glengarry’s treachery has reached me both from Scotland and America, under dread secrecy!
121 In 1749 a Mr. Bruce was appointed to survey the forfeited and unforfeited estates of the Highlands, including Glengarry’s. Pickle speaks of employing ‘Cromwell’ (Bruce) to draw up for him a judicial rent roll. The two Bruces, the surveyor and the Court Trusty, are obviously the same man, and he is probably the writer of the tract, The Highlands in 1750. (MS. 104. King’s Library.)
122 It is needless to consider the theory that Pickle was James Mohr Macgregor, who died in 1754.
123 Burt, i. 265-267.
124 Murray of Broughton’s Memorials, p. 107. James’s letter to Louis XV., p. 508.
125 Charles knew of Murray’s ‘rascality’ by April 10, 1747. Letter of the Prince to James. Stuart Papers, Memorials, p. 398.
126 Lyon in Mourning, iii. 119. The anecdote is also given by Robert Chambers in Jacobite Memorials.
127 This letter was published, from my transcript, by Mr. A. H. Millar, in the Scottish Review for April 1897.
128 Stuart Papers. Browne, iv. 100, iv. 22, 23, 51.
129 Browne, iv. 98-102.
130 Ibid. iv. 118.
131 Ibid. iv. 64.
132 Newton to Waters, March 18, 1750, Pickle, p. 93; Lord Elcho’s Diary; Glengarry to Prince Charles, admitting the fact, 1751; Browne, iv. 79; ‘Cluny’s Treasure,’ supra.
133 Browne, iv. 66.
134 Pickle, p. 161.
135 Stuart Papers, Windsor Castle.
136 Pickle, p. 162.
137 Pickle, p. 180.
138 Jesse’s Pretenders, Appendix.
139 Pickle, pp. 170-175.
140 Pickle, pp. 191-194.
141 Ibid. p. 190.
142 MSS. 33,050; f. A25.
143 Pickle, p. 210.
144 Pickle, p. 219.
145 State Papers, Scotland, Bundle 44, No. 67.
146 Glengarry’s Letter Book, MS., p. 207, supra.
147 Add MSS. 32,955, f. 38.
148 Highlanders, ii. xvi. Appendix.
149 Scottish Review, April, 1897, p. 223.
150 Pickle, p. 283.
151 Ibid. p. 284.
153 December 13, 1754. Pickle, p. 285.
154 This letter, with a draft of Glengarry’s reply, written on the back, is in the possession of General Macdonald, the owner of Glengarry’s Letter Book.
155 Pickle, pp. 288-289.
156 Add. MSS. 32,804, f. 137.
157 Pickle, pp. 290-291.
158 Ibid. pp. 312-314.
159 Letters from the Highlands, ii. 70 (1818).
160 Glengarry’s Letter Book, MS. (1758-9).
161 A Journey through part of England and Scotland, Along with the Army, &c. By a Volunteer. Osborne, London: 1747, p. 176.
162 Lord Selkirk, State of the Highlands, p. 42 (1805).
163 Glengarry’s Letter Book, MS.
164 November-December, 1754. Pickle, p. 285.
165 Antiquarian Notes, pp. 120-134.
166 Pickle, p. 217.
167 Northern Memoirs. This author does not speak of drinking the blood of the living cow. See op. cit. p. 209, and note, p. 372. This correction applies to p. 283.
168 Burt, ii. p. 31.
169 Ibid. p. 26.
170 Glengarry’s Letter Book, MS.
171 Scotland as it was and as it is, p. 245.
172 Burt, ii. 51.
173 The Gartmore MS. is denounced as full of ignorant Lowland prejudice, by General Stewart of Garth.
174 Burt, Appendix, ii. 357.
175 We have another statement by Culloden: ‘From Perth to Inverness, and thence to the Western Sea, including the Western Islands,... no part is in any degree cultivated, except some spots here and there in straths or glens, by the sides of rivers, brooks, or lakes, and on the sea-coast. The grounds that are cultivated yield small quantities of mean corns not sufficient to feed the inhabitants, who depend for their nourishment on milk, butter, cheese, &c., the product of their cattle.... Their habitations are the most miserable huts that ever were seen.’ Culloden Papers, p. 298.
176 This is the house near Musselburgh, which the wicked Colonel Charteris lent to Culloden, who had defended him from a charge of rape. In one room (when I was a boy) you saw in the centre a great black blotch, and black marks as of footsteps tiptoeing out to the door. A gruesome room!
177 Cumberland Papers, 1753.
178 Antiquarian Notes, p. 207.
179 Antiquarian Notes; compare pp. 126 and 207.
180 Here is a formal rent from Burt (ii. 56):—
Donald Mac Oil vic ille Challum.
Money £8. 10. 4. Scots £0. 5. 10⅛.
Butter 3 lb. 2 oz.
Oatmeal 2 bushels 1 Peck 3 Lip.
Sheep ⅛ and ⅟₁₆.
Other tenants paid in shares the rest of the sheep. Then there would be ‘services,’ engaging Donald’s time and labour.
181 ‘Cluny, May 10, 1724.’ Stuart Papers, p. 113, Appendix, pp. 100-105.
182 James to the Duke of Gordon, August 27, 1724.
183 British Museum. The King’s Library, 104.
184 Scots Magazine, 1753, p. 498.
185 Burt, ii. 5, 6.
186 MS. 104.
187 Sketches, 1822.
188 Ibid. i. 40.
189 Op. cit. i. 84, 85.
190 Burt, ii. 107.
191 Sketches, i. 185, note.
192 Antiquarian Notes, p. 284.
193 Sketches, i. 150.
194 Ibid. ii. Appendix, xliv.
195 Sketches, i. 139.
196 See also the Introduction to The Legend of Montrose.
197 Cumberland Papers, 1753.
198 January 16, 1747.
199 Browne, iii. p. 477.
200 March 26, 1740. Gleanings from Cluny Charter Chest, p. 4.
201 Henry Pelham’s.
202 One Bruce did survey the Forfeited Estates and others.
203 At Edinburgh, Sept. 1, died Old Glengarry.
204 On account of Old Glengarry’s death.
205 Dunvegan, August 3, 1745. Culloden Papers, p. 204.
206 History of the Macleods. By Alexander Mackenzie, F.S.A., p. 129. Inverness, 1889.
207 Ibid. p. 133.
208 Ibid. p. 149.
209 Mackenzie, pp. 150, 151.