Part II Account of the Particular States Which Formerly Existed, and of the Families by Which Each Was Governed
Introduction
I now proceed to give an account of the various states and principalities which this mountainous region contained, and of the manner in which they became subject to the chiefs of Gorkha; and I shall commence at the Eastern extremity, proceeding westward regularly, so far as I can, without interrupting the account of each family.
Chapter First. — Of the States East From the River Kali
Section I — Country of Sikim
Inhabitants.—Government.—Extent.—History.—Geography.
The most eastern principality, in the present dominions of Gorkha, is that of the Lapchas, called Sikim. Although the prince of Sikim was a Bhotiya, the strength of his army consisted entirely of the Lapchas, who inhabited the higher mountains between the Kankayi and Tista. The Bhotiyas themselves are a very timid race, entirely sunk under the enervating effects of what they call religion.
Besides the Bhotiyas, who surrounded the prince, and the Lapchas by whom he was guarded, the mountains of Sikim contained many people of the tribe called Limbu, who have been already mentioned. My informant thinks, that of the whole population three-tenths were Bhotiyas, five-tenths Lapchas, and two tenths Limbus.
The princes of Sikim, as I have said, were Bhotiyas. They were of a family of high rank from Lasa, and took the title of Gelpo. The next person in the state was the chief or Hang of the Lapchas. I suspect that the Gelpo possessed little power, except in matters of religion; for it is said, that his neighbour, the Deva Dharma Raja, although a mere priest, appoints whomsoever he pleases to manage the temporal affairs of his country; but in Sikim the office of Hang is hereditary. I have not learned the succession of the princes of Sikim; but it is probable that the Bhotiyas have governed the country for a considerable time.
At one time the princes of Sikim had extended their dominion far south, into the district of Puraniya, and possessed the low country on the east of the Mahananda, as far as Krishnagunj, a part of the country which was originally possessed by the Koch and Paliyas, the natives of Kamrup and Matsya, now the districts of Ranggapur and Dinajpur. The Rajas of Sikim were driven from the greatest part of this most valuable of their possessions by the Moslems; but they still retained a small space of the plain to the north of the Pergunah of Baikunthapur, when they were attacked by the Gorkhalese. Although the Kankayi, in the upper part of its course, was nearly their boundary, they never would appear to have possessed the plain between the Kankayi and Mahananda; but they were lords of the lower hills, occupied by the tribe called Dimali, who, I am assured, are the same with the Mech, a tribe now confined to the eastern parts of Kamrup or Ranggapur.
The chief who governed Sikim before the year 1782, was by the natives of the Company’s territory named Rup Chiring; but the Bhotiya names are so mangled by the Bengalese, that no reliance can be placed on those reported by them. He resided at Darjiling, and had there a fort, or strong house of brick, which an old Bengalese, who visited it about that time, describes as very splendid; but his ideas of magnificence in building are probably rather confined. This prince died about the year 1782, and was succeeded by his son, the Chhawa Raja, which is the name that the low country people give to the heir-apparent of this family. During his time, and, as would appear from a letter addressed by Mr Pagan to Colonel Ross, in the month of September, (probably of 1788, for there is no date in the letter,) the Gorkhalese invaded Sikim. Their troops consisted of about 6000 men, of whom 2000 were regulars, and were under the command of Tiurar Singha, Subah of Morang. He met with no opposition until he approached Sikim, the capital, in defence of which the Rajah ventured an engagement; when, after an obstinate resistance, he was completely defeated, owing, in all probability, to the 2000 fusileers. The Gorkhalese, however, suffered much, although they immediately laid siege to the capital. This happened shortly previous to the 28th October 1788, as, in a letter from Mr Pagan of that date, he mentions, that he had just received accounts of the entire conquest of Sikim by the Gorkhalese, who, in this report, had considerably magnified the extent of their victory.
The Raja of Sikim retired towards the frontier of Thibet, in order to reassemble his army, and to solicit assistance from Lasa and Tasasudan. At the latter place was soon concluded a treaty, by which the Sikim chief engaged to pay the Deva Dharma Raja a certain tribute, on condition of his being restored to his dominions by the exertions of that prince. This negotiation is said to have been facilitated by an open boast made by the Gorkhalese, that they no sooner should have conquered Sikim, than they would attack the Deva Dharma Raja, a kind of policy of which the Gorkhalese are fond, when they have no sort of intention of putting their threats in execution.
The Raja, strengthened by a considerable force of the Deva Dharma’s troops, and a party of Bhotiyas from a province of Thibet, named Portaw, returned towards the capital, and, about the beginning of December, compelled the Gorkhalese to raise the siege; and, after losing many men in a skirmish, to retire towards Ilam on the Kankayi, where they had erected forts to secure a communication with Morang. It must be observed, that, at this time, the Gorkhalese had invaded the province of Kutti in Thibet, and had there met with a repulse; and that a body of the troops of Thibet had penetrated through a pass in the mountains to the eastward of Kutti. These troops seized on the passes of the Kosi and Arun rivers, thus intending to cut off all communication between Kathmandu and the army in Morang; an excellent plan, and very easily practicable.
The Gorkhalese commander, far from being dismayed, seems soon to have dispossessed these troops, and gave out that he had retreated from Sikim merely on account of the severity of the cold.
From the reports of the natives, there is reason to suppose, that about this time the Sikim Raja died, leaving his son Kurin Namki, an infant. The war was chiefly conducted by Yuksu-thuck, the Hang or chief of the Lapchas, who was next in rank to the Raja. This man, by the natives of the low country, was called Chhatrajit, and was a person of barbarous energy. He seems to have headed the army in the field, while his brother Nam-si (Lamjit of the Bengalese) defended the capital. They were sons of Lang-cho, son of De-sha, both of whom had held the office of Hang.
Soon after these advantages over the Gorkhalese, the troops of the Deva Dharma Raja retired; for they are allowed no pay, and the country was too poor to admit of plunder. By a letter from Mr Pagan, this would appear to have happened before the 29th March 1789. On this the greater part of the people of Sikim submitted to the Gorkhalese; but the Raja fled to Tankiya in Thibet, and the chief of the Lapchas retired to a stronghold situated between the two branches of the Tista; from which he has ever since annoyed the Gorkhalese. This place, called Gandhauk, has annexed to it a territory of considerable extent, and affords the Raja a revenue of about 7000 rupees a-year, which is all that he possesses; but, being a man of high birth, he lately obtained in marriage a daughter of the chief minister at Lasa, with whom, in 1809, he returned to the petty dominion, which the vigour of his minister has retained.
Both the Deva Dharma Raja and the government of Lasa seem to have been most seriously alarmed at the progress of the Gorkhalese, and applied to the Emperor of China for his interposition. In the meanwhile, the Deva Dharma Raja is said to have sent an embassy to Kathmandu, offering as a sacrifice the part of Baikunthapur, that had been given to him by Mr Hastings; but the interposition of the emperor came in time to save this, and the Gorkhalese have ever since abstained from giving him any molestation. The people of Thibet were not so fortunate, and were compelled to cede to the Nepalese a part of Kutti, which now forms the government of Kheran or Kheru, on the head of the Sankosi, and some Bhotiya villages near the Arun, which are now annexed to the northern part of Vijaypur, and with that form the government of Chayenpur. By a letter from Colonel Ross, dated in the end of December 1789, it would appear that our government had received intelligence of every thing having been settled by the interference of the Chinese, and that a Gorkhalese envoy had been dispatched to pay homage to the emperor.
The Lapchas were, however, not so easily managed. Part under their chief Nam-si maintained an absolute independence, and the remainder have been so troublesome, that the Gorkhalese have judged it prudent to give them a governor, or, at least, a collector of their own. This person, named Yu-kang-ta, and called Angriya Gabur by the Bengalese, is nephew of the Lapcha chief, who has so gallantly defended the remnant of the principality. In 1808, I found that he was in possession of the whole civil government, and had agreed to pay annually a fixed sum as tribute. The Subah of Chayenpur was, however, in military authority over him, and there were Gorkhalese troops at Sikim and Darjiling, the two chief places in the district.
On the return of the young Raja to Gandhauk, he brought with him as an escort 500 Bhotiyas of Thibet; and an insurrection seems to have been meditated. In the end of 1809, a person calling himself Dihit Karan, a relation of the chief of the Kirats, came to Lieutenant Munro, then stationed at Sannyasikata, and informed him that he had been sent as an ambassador by the Chinese general, (Vazir,) who had arrived with 15,000 men and 40 guns to restore the Prince of Sikim, and that he was on his way to Puraniya, to proceed from thence to Calcutta. From the information of his nearest relations, there is reason to think that Dihit Karan had died before this time, and the messenger did not go to Puraniya. It is probable that he merely came to sound Mr Munro, whether or not there was any actual appearance of hostility between the British government and the Gorkhalese. The only troops that had come were the 500 armed Bhotiyas; but with even these the enterprising Lapcha is said to have determined to proceed, and a good many Gorkhalese soldiers marched in that direction. At this time the Lapcha died, and after a little skirmishing things were amicably adjusted, the Sikim Raja retaining Gandhauk alone.
The map of this country drawn by the Lama, and mentioned in the Introduction, although very rude, as might be naturally expected, will enable scientific men to throw considerable light on the geography of that country, hitherto almost unknown, and more reliance is to be placed on most of the Lama’s positions, than on those given in the map of the countries east from Nepal, which has been mentioned in the same place, except towards the south-west corner, for the Lama was better acquainted with the other parts of the country than the person who constructed the map to which I have alluded. His scale is an inch to the day’s journey. His angular lines represent mountains, and, beginning at the north, we find Khawa karpola, that is, the mountain white with snow, or the highest ridge of Emodus, which separates Sikim from the dominion of Lasa. According to the map, this ridge is penetrated by three rivers. That on the west is the Kankayi; but it seems doubtful whether or not this actually rises from beyond the highest peaks of Emodus, for, in another map, which will be afterwards mentioned, its source is made to come from a lower range of the snowy mountains, which by some is called Mirgu; and this opinion is strongly confirmed by its size, when it enters the plains. The Kankayi would appear to run in a narrow valley between two ridges of mountains, and for some way down the whole valley belonged to Sikim. In this are two Golas or marts, Bilasi and Majhoya. To these marts the low country traders carry rice, salt, extract of sugar-cane, hogs, dry fish, tobacco, spirituous liquor, and various cloths. Formerly they took oxen for slaughter, but, since the conquest, this has been prohibited. They procured in return cotton, Indian madder, (Manjit,) musk, and Thibet bull-tails, (Chaungris.)
Farther down, the Kankayi formed the boundary between the Kirats and Sikim, until it reached the plain, the whole of which, as far as the Mahananda, belonged to the Vijaypur Rajas, while all the low hills belonged to Sikim. These low hills are not represented in the map, although they are of very considerable size, such as the greater part of the mountains of Scotland or Wales; but, near Emodus, these appear like molehills. The hilly country, I am told by the traders, commences at what they call six coses north from Sannyasikata, and extends about eighteen coses farther to Siumali, another mart, which the low country people name Dimali.
The hills south of Dimali are thinly inhabited by the Mech or Dimali, who cultivate cotton, rice, and other articles, in the same manner as the Garos, which will be described in my account of Asam. This kind of country extends from the Kankayi to the Tista, everywhere, probably, about the same width; but the coses, in all likelihood, are very short, twelve of them being reckoned a day’s journey, and, in such roads, twelve miles is a long journey, and will give no great horizontal distance.
Between the Mahananda and Tista the Sikim Raja possessed a low tract, four or five coses wide, which is inhabited by Koch, and cultivated with the plough. The chief place in it is Dabi, on the east bank of the Mahananda. This part is not noticed in the Lama’s map.
Siumali, or Dimali, according to the Bengalese, is a custom-house on the east side of the Bala kongyar river, but the Lama places it on the west, and is probably more correct, the Bengalese concerning such points being uncommonly stupid. At this custom-house or mart is a Lapcha collector, appointed by Yu-kang-ta. He has with him four Bengalese writers, to assist him in collecting the duties. The custom-house consists of a square surrounded by buildings, in which the traders and their commodities are received, for there is no house near, except those of the collector and his assistants. The traders from the low country take up salt, tobacco, cotton cloth, goats, fowls, swine, iron, and occasionally a little coral, and broad cloth. They bring back Indian madder, (Manjit,) cotton, beeswax, blankets, horses, musk, bull-tails, (Chaungris,) Chinese flowered silk, (Devang,) and rhinoceroses horns.
North from the mart, half a day’s journey, on a hill at the source of the Bala kongyar, is the residence of Yu-kang-ta, the Lapcha chief, who now collects the revenues for the Gorkhalese. By the natives it is called Sam-dung, but the Bengalese call it Nagrikoth. They describe it as a very large building, with several stories, and it was represented to Mr Monro as a fort of some strength. Both accounts are, however, doubtful, as I learn that it is roofed only with thatch. Two days’ journey east from this, at the source of the Mahananda, is Satang, another Gola or mart; but, of late, Siumali has engrossed almost the whole trade.
Immediately north from these places the Lama lays down a high ridge of mountains, extending from the Kankayi beyond the Tista, and on this he says that Dalimkoth, belonging to Bhotan, is situated, and he makes it communicate with the snowy mountains, both at the Kankayi and to the east of the Tista. All the rivers between the Kankayi and Tista spring from the south side of this chain, and between its two arms is included the greater part of Sikim, watered by various branches of the Tista, and forming, as it were, a valley; but the whole of this space is extremely mountainous, though there is much cultivation carried on with the hoe. The great articles of cultivation are rice and Manjit.
Beyond Sam-dung and Sa-tang one day’s journey, and on the other side of the first high mountains, is Darjiling, which would appear to be the chief fortress of the country, as it is there that the Gorkhalese troops are mostly stationed. From thence to Sikim, the capita], is six days’ journey, and the snowy mountains are about the same distance still farther north. Sikim is on the west side of the Jhamikuma river, which arises from the south side of the snowy mountains, and, opposite to the town, divides into two branches, which surround an immense mountain, on the top of which there is a small level and strong-hold named Tasiding. The descent from this to the river is reckoned half a day’s journey on each side. Some way below this, the river receives from the west a branch named Rainam, that rises from the mountains, by which the Kankayi is bounded on the east. The united streams are called the Rimikma, which soon joins the Tista.
The great river Tista arises in the dominions of Lasa by two branches, called the Greater and Lesser Tista, and passes through the snowy mountains. The western branch forms the boundary between the dominions of the Gorkhalese and the petty territory of Gan-dhauk, which still remains to the Raja of Sikim. This poor prince possesses also a small portion beyond the lesser or eastern Tista, which, however, in general, forms the boundary between him and Bhotan, or the country of the Deva Dharma Raja. On its east side is Dam-sang, a fortress belonging to the last-mentioned prince. The united stream of the two Tistas forms the present boundary between him and Gorkha.
The only route between Sikim and Thibet is by a passage through the snowy mountains, named Phakali, and this is seven days’ journey from Jang-chim, in the north-east part of the Sikim territory, so that, the route being through the territory of the Deva Dharma Raja, the people of Sikim were entirely dependent on this prince for a communication with Thibet.
Section II — Dominions of the Family Descended From Makanda Sen, Raja of Makwanpur
General History.—Branch of Lohanga which occupied the Country of the Kiratas.—History.—Former Government.—Military Force, Police, and Revenue, and Justice.—Present State.—District of Morang.—District of Chayenpur.—District of Naragarhi.—District of Hedang.—District of Makwanpur.—Western Branch, which occupied chiefly the Country of Palpa.—History—Description.—Tanahung Family and its Possessions, and Collateral Branches.—Rising, Ghiring, and Gajarkot.
The next principality to that of the Lapchas was that of the Kiratas, which fell to the lot of a family that pretends to be sprung from the Rajas of Chitaur, although its claims, as I have said, are by no means well substantiated, and the different branches of the family differ much in the account of their genealogy.
In the account of the Newars, I have mentioned, that the tribe called Bhawar or Bhar has many territories, which had been subject to a powerful chief, whose capital was Garsamaran in Tirahut, and the dominion of these Bhawars extended once all over Gorakhpur. Garsamaran was destroyed in 1322 by the Muhammedans, and in its vicinity a state of anarchy, under petty chiefs, prevailed for twenty-four years, while the Muhammedans seized on the parts towards the Ganges. About 1306, the Muhammedans had destroyed Chitaur, and expelled from thence the Chauhan tribe, called also Sisaudhiyas, because they had been settled in a town of that name before they occupied Chitaur.
In the account given of the mountain Hindus, I have mentioned, that these Chauhans are said to have retired to the mountains, and founded the dynasties of Karuvirpur and Yumila; but another family pretends also to be descended from the Rajas of Chitaur, and to have long occupied a great extent of country to the east, south, and west of Nepal Proper. In the eastern parts of this dominion, it was said, that the first chiefs of this family, who came to the parts of which I am now treating, were Jil and Ajil Rays, sons of Buddhi, brother of Chitra Sen, Raja of Chitaur, and son of Pratap Sen, son of Udayraj Sen, of the Sisaudhiya tribe of the Kshatriya race. These two adventurers, with 700 soldiers of fortune, entered into the service of Karma Singha, a person of the impure tribe of Bhawar, which is very numerous in the low country subject to Nepal. This chief resided at Rajpur, on the west side of the Gandaki or Salagrami, where that great river enters the plains, and he had subject to him many of his countrymen, who chiefly cultivated the low lands, and some Kirats, and other barbarians, who occupied the adjacent hills, and formed his military power. He is said to have had two brothers, Nandakumar, Raja of Nandapur Tisuti, near Bhawara, (Bawara R.) in Tirahut, and Sarandeo, Raja of Belka on the Kosi.
For twenty-two years the Hindu nobles served this low man, but were then able to cut him off, and Ajil Sen assumed the government. He was succeeded by his son Tula Sen; and it must be observed, that all the princes of this family are called Sen, which I shall for the future in general omit, although among the natives, in speaking of them, it is always annexed. Tula built on the hills the fortress of Makwanpur, (Mocaumpour, R.) since which time the principality has been often called by that name, but it seems then to have extended only from the large Gandaki to the Adhwara River. He was succeeded in regular lineal descent by Dambhal, Gajapati, Chandra, Rudra, and Mukunda, by which time the principality had been extended far towards the west, over the mountains of the Magars and Gurung.
In the western parts of the territory belonging to this family, I procured a manuscript said to have been composed by Rana Bahadur, late Chautariya of Palpa, and one of its descendants. He states, that the first of his ancestors, who came to this country, was Rudra Sen, the son of Chandra Sen, Raja of Chitaur, descended of Ratna Sen, first Chauhan chief of that city; but I think that this account is not tenable, and Samar Bahadur, the brother of Rana Bahadur, gives one totally different, and, in my opinion, more probable. He says, that Ratna Sen, instead of being the first Raja of Chitaur, was the last of these princes; and that Naya Sen, his eldest son, settled at Prayag or Allahabad, which he seized with 20,000 men, and he considers Tutha Sen, Ribeli Sen, Dimirawa Sen, Udayarawa Sen, Udayachanda Sen, Jagadbrahma Sen, Dharma Pala Sen, Aneka Singha Sen, Ramraja Sen, and Chandra Sen, the father of Rudra Sen, not as Rajas of Chitaur, as his brother’s manuscript represents, but as chiefs of the colony from that city, which settled in the vicinity of Nepal. Tutha Sen, he says, having been driven from Prayag, seized on the country adjacent to the hills of Butaul, and afterwards seized on the principality of Champaranya, the capital of which was Rajpur. Now, this seems highly probable, for Chitaur was taken in about 1306, and Garsamaran, of which Champaranya was originally a dependency, did not fall until 1322, while an anarchy prevailed throughout the territories of Garsamaran until 1346, that is to say, until these were mostly reunited under the colony from Chitaur, 40 years after the fall of that city. It is, therefore, unlikely, that the chief who left Chitaur should have seen his family established in a new dominion; but, that it should have been his son who accomplished this event, as Samar Bahadur says, is highly probable. Tutha’s first acquisition on the hills seems to have been Rishiyang, now an inconsiderable place between Butaul and Palpa. His son founded Ribdikot in that vicinity, of which it continued to be the capital, until Palpa was founded by Rudra Sen. It must be observed, that the accounts procured in Puraniya and Gorakhpur differ totally as to names, until the time of Chandra Sen, after which they agree tolerably well, and Rudra was probably the first of the family, as his descendant alleges, who assumed the title of the Palpa Raja. It is agreed by all, that the Makanda Sen, the son of Rudra, possessed very extensive dominions, and might probably have founded a kingdom equal to that which the Gorkhalese now enjoy, but he had the imbecility to divide his estates among his four sons. The accounts concerning these sons differ somewhat. According to what I heard in Puraniya, Manik, the eldest son, obtained Palpa, Bhringgu received Tanahung, Rajpur the original possession of the family, was given to Arjun, and Makwanpur, with its hardy mountaineers, fell to the lot of Lohangga. But the account given in the manuscript of Rana Bahadur, which here, I think, deserves most credit, is, that the eldest son was Binayak, who communicated his name to a large territory on the plain west from the Gandaki, which he received as his patrimony; but this territory is now most commonly called Butaul, from its chief town, and in the low country the chiefs are commonly called the Butaul Rajas. The second son, Manik, obtained Palpa; the third son, Bihangga, (Bhringga of the Puraniya account,) obtained Tanahung, and Lohangga, the fourth son, obtained Makwanpur.
I shall now return to the Kiratas, the nation next to the Lapchas, when they were about to receive Lohangga as their chief.
At that time the country between the Kosi and the Kankayi, and on the plain so far as the Mahanandah, was subject to Vijayanarayan, whose ancestors are said to have come from Kamrup. From his title, one might be led to suppose that he was of the Vihar family; but one of this race, who was in my service, denied any such relation; and, indeed, as Vijaya is said to have been the seventh prince of his family, he could scarcely have been descended of the grandson of the Koch Hajo, ancestor of the chief’s of Vihar. The natives allege, that the title of the chiefs of this family was Harbhang Raja, and that the title of his minister was Bharbhang Mantri. Harbhang Bharbhang, in the provincial dialect, implies foolish, similar to the notions entertained by the Bengalese of Havachandra and Bhavachandra of Kamrup, which may perhaps serve to connect the history of the two dynasties. Not that these princes seem to have been more foolish than their neighbours, but they probably had some customs, that appeared extraordinary to their subjects. Two dynasties are mentioned as having preceded that of the Harbhang Rajas; 1st, That of Kichak Raja, contemporary with Yudhishthir; and, 2d, That of the Satya Rajas, in whose time probably the power of the Kirats or Kichaks was at the greatest height.
I have received three accounts of the manner in which Vijayanarayan was overthrown. The first was given me orally by Agam Singha. He says, that the ancestors of Vijayanarayan originally possessed only the low country called Morang; but that this prince took into his service his ancestor Singha Ray, the son of Khebang, who was Hang or hereditary chief of the Kirats, that occupied the hills north from Morang. When the needy mountaineers had for some time been accustomed to the luxuries of the plains, the Raja built Vijayapur, and took the title of Vijaya Bharati, or victorious over the earth. He soon after took occasion to put the mountain chief to death, under pretence, that he, being an impure beef-eating monster, had presumed to defile a Hindu woman. Baju Ray, son of the mountain chief, immediately retired, and, going to the Rajput chief of Makwanpur, promised to join him with all his Kirats, if that prince would enable him to destroy the murderer of his father. This was accordingly done, and the Hang was constituted sole Chautariya or hereditary chief minister of the principality, which dignity his descendants enjoyed, until its total overthrow, and Agam Singha, the last possessor of the office, accompanied his master, when he fled for refuge into the Company’s territory, and now lives with the mother of that unfortunate youth.
The second account was given by the Munsuf of Bahadurgunj, mentioned in the Introduction. He nearly agrees with the Kirat chief, but says, that the new dynasty was formed in a manner entirely peaceable. Vijayanarayan having died without heirs, the Kirat chief, who was the second person in the government, invited a brother of the Palpa Raja to take possession of the government.
The third account was communicated to me in writing by Premnarayan Das, mentioned also in the Introduction. The scribe says, that one day Vijayanarayan went to Varahachhatra, a place of pilgrimage on the Kosi, where Vishnu is worshipped under the form of a boar. Here he found a Sannyasi, Ramanath Bharati, who, warned by a dream, had come from Surya kunda, and had taken up his residence in a hut near the place of worship, where he was assiduous in prayer. The Sannyasi having been insolent to the Raja, a circumstance not at all improbable, the prince had the audacity to kick him down the hill, and to burn his hut. The god then appeared to the saint in a human form, and gave him authority of speech, (Bakya Siddhi,) by which all men would obey his command. Bharati then went to the poor chief of Makwanpur, who, having been kind and attentive, was commanded to take possession of the dominions of Vijayanarayan, and was informed how it might be done.
The account of the Kirat is evidently the most credible, although it is not unlikely that Ramanath may have been disgusted, and might have been employed to gain over the people, and to negotiate between the Rajput and Kirat; but the scribe alleges, that these barbarians were not elevated to the first office of the state until a later period. However that may be, in the remainder of the history, I shall follow chiefly his account, although even there it differs in some particulars from the accounts that I received both from Agam Singha, and from the Brahman.
Lohangga, on crossing the Adhwara, first subdued a petty chief of the Magar tribe. He then took possession of a small territory on the plain, belonging to an Aniwar Brahman. Then he destroyed Mohan Thakur, another chief of the last mentioned tribe, and seized on his territory, which now forms the district of Mahatari. He in a similar manner seized on Korani, belonging to a Bhawar, and probably a descendant of Nandakumar, (p. 129;) on Khesraha, belonging to Raja Langkeswar; on Rampur belonging to Raja Muzles; on Pokhari, belonging to Raja Karabandar; on Jhamuna, belonging to Raja Roja; on Jogoda, belonging to Raja Udaygir; on Dhapar, Kalisa, and Belka koth, belonging to Raja Karnadeo; on Samda, belonging to Ballabh deo; and on Karjain, belonging to Dullabh deo, a brother of the two last mentioned chiefs, who were descended of Saran deo, brother of Karma Singha and Nandakumar, (p. 129,) as I am informed by Gauri Chaudhuri, their representative, and now Zemindar of Dhapar, in the district of Puraniya. All these were petty independent chiefs, whose territories now form Pergunahs in the Subah of Saptari, belonging to Gorkha, or in the adjacent parts of the Company’s territory. The rapacious chief now made an attack on the hill Gidha, but here he was opposed by a devil, (Dano,) who killed a number of his troops, and prevailed, until the holy man Ramanath ordered the god Ramkrishna to cut off the devil’s head, which was accordingly done. The Raja then descended to Meghvari on the banks of the Kosi, where he learned that Vijayanarayan had died. He, therefore, left one-half of his troops at Meghvari, and, advancing with the other, took quiet possession of Vijayapur, (Bissypur, R.) The nature of these transactions strongly confirms the account given by Agam Singha, as the force of the petty district of Makwanpur seems to have been totally inadequate to effect such conquests; but the junction of the Kirats will readily account for the success.
Agam Singha says, that during these wars, his ancestor Baju was killed, and was succeeded by his son Bidyachandra, who relinquished the title of Hang, and in its stead took that of Chautariya, and who, like all his successors, assumed a Hindu name, and adopted some degree of purity in his manner of life.
Lohangga had now acquired a very extensive territory, reaching from the Adiya on the west to the Mahananda on the east, and from the alps of Bhot to Julagar near Puraniya. When the Sannyasi had placed the Raja on the throne, he wished to return to his native country, but, at the intercession of the prince, he remained some time longer, having been appointed priest (Mahanta) to a temple (Math) erected at Varaha Chhatra, and well endowed. According, indeed, to my authority, the priests, his successors, seem to have held a distinguished place in the state; but, since the conquest, they have sunk into insignificance, although the Gorkhalese still allow them ample endowments.
Lohangga had two sons, Raghav’ and Bhagawanta, but rationally left the whole of his dominions to the former, who, by all other persons except the scribe, is considered as having been the founder of the family in these parts, and as a brother of the Raja of Palpa. In his reign Ramanath delivered over his office to Jagamoban, and disappeared; but he promised his successor to favour him with an annual visit.
Harihar’, the son of Raghav’, extended his dominions to Gondwara, and took the title of Hindupati, or chief of the Hindus. His wife, Jagamata, having been delivered of a daughter of most extraordinary beauty, he, in his joy, called to her by her name; but, as it is totally contrary to Hindu law for a man to call his wife Mata, that is, mother, he was under the necessity of divorcing her, which will, perhaps, show that his civilians had a considerable skill in discovering legal pretexts for the actions of their prince. The chief was soon after supplied with other wives, for, having made war on the Vihar Raja, and taken that prince in battle, his anger was pacified by obtaining Mahisi and Maheswari, two beautiful daughters of the descendant of Siva. By Mahisi the Morang Raja had four sons, Chhatrapati, Padma, Pratap, and one who died an infant. Maheswari bore only one son, named Subha, to whom his father intended to leave the whole of his dominions, and, in order to secure his authority, gave him immediate possession of the territory of Makwani.
After this, Harihar seems to have fallen into a state of dotage, and his three sons by Mahisi rose upon their aged parent, and put him in confinement. In this difficulty he applied to Adanuka, the wife of Chhatrapati, one of these unnatural sons, and promised, if she would procure his release, that he would leave the whole of his kingdom to the child with which she was then pregnant. This lady, who seems to have possessed great abilities, persuaded her husband and his two brothers to release their father, on condition that the whole kingdom should be divided into four equal shares, one for each brother. The three sons of Mahisi then went and attacked their brother, in order to compel him to agree to this engagement, but they were defeated with great loss, and retreated to Phulwari, on the Kamala river, where Adanuka was delivered of a son, whom his grandfather immediately created king of all the territories east from the Kosi, while he left all on the west of that river to his son Subha. The father and uncles of the infant had probably been too much weakened by their defeat to venture on any farther enterprise of villainy.
I shall now follow the history of Subha, who soon after these events fell sick, and sent for Ganggadhar, the successor of Jagamohan as priest at Varaha Chhatra. This person informed the Raja that he was just about to die, but, as he himself had forty years of life to spare, he would transfer them to the prince, for whom he had a great regard. The Raja accepted the offer, and soon after the priest went and buried himself alive, (Samadi,) a manner of taking leave of the world which is considered as very laudable, and to this day is occasionally practised at Varaha Chhatra. The Raja, on the strength of this accession of life, married a young Rajput named Amarawati, by whom he had two sons, Mahapati and Manik.
Subha Sen had governed thirty-one years of his additional life, when he had a dispute with Pradyumna Upadhyaya, a Brahman of Tanahung, who was his Dewan, or minister of finance. This traitor entered into a conspiracy with a certain officer named Parasuram Thapa, and, in order to induce this man to rebel, did not hesitate to give him his daughter in marriage, although the fellow was of the spurious breed called Khas, descended by the father’s side alone from the sacred order; and this would appear to be considered as by far the most reprehensible part of the Brahman’s offence. Having seized on the old Raja, their master, these traitors intended to deliver him up to Isfundiyar khan, the Nawab of Puraniya. By this time Indu Bidhata, the infant who had been made Raja of Marang, had grown up, and, hearing of his uncle’s misfortune, led an army against the Nawab and the traitors, and was accompanied by his brother Budha Sen. Having obtained a victory, he restored his uncle; but, while they were still in the midst of their joy, Kalu Upadhyaya, a relation of the treacherous Brahman, contrived to seize on both the uncle and nephews, and again delivered them to the Nawab, who had made the most liberal promises. It was on this occasion that the Moslems reduced the greater part of the low country of Morang, and, in fact, they settled some free land on the family of the traitor, but to no great extent, and vastly less than was expected. One of his descendants is now the Munsuf at Bahadurgunj, mentioned above as one of the persons from whom I received information respecting this principality.
The unfortunate Subha and his nephews were sent to Dilli, where Muhammed Azim, then emperor, deprived them of cast by a curtailment of which the faithful are proud.
Prabodh das, the then Neb, or second hereditary minister of the family, fled with the two sons of Subha Sen to the Kirats, and his descendant, who gave me the written account, alleges that it was then only that the chiefs of this tribe were elevated to the dignity of Chautariya; but in this, I imagine, he is mistaken.
Mahapati, the eldest son, was placed by the Kirat Bidyachandra Ray on the throne of all that remained to the family east from the Kamala river, while the smaller portion west from that river was given to his brother Manik, to whom Prabodh das adhered; but a Kirat of the same family with Bidyachandra acted as the Chautariya of Manik, and Mahapati had a Neb of the family of Prabodh das.
Mahapati married, but neglected his wife, and had eighteen illegitimate children. Mahapati means elder son, and I was assured by the Munsuf of Bahadurgunj, that his real name was Mandhata. Here, indeed, I must follow chiefly the authority of the Munsuf; for the descendant of Prabodh das is little acquainted with the history of the eastern division, while the Munsuf was naturally unwilling to speak of the western.
Mandhata governed eighteen or twenty years, and left his territory to his natural son Kamdatt. I am informed by a Brahman, who had resided long in these parts, and by an intelligent Kirat, that Kamdatt lived on very bad terms with Bichitra Ray, the Kirat Chautariya of this part of the principality, who drove Kamdatt to Lasa, and placed on the throne Jagat, a younger but legitimate son of the western branch of the family. This prince reconciled the Chautariya to Kamdatt, and while Jagat reserved to himself the country between the Kamala and Kosi, he gave all the territory east from the latter river to his kinsman Kamdatt. Thus the principality became divided into three shares.
Soon after this Bichitra the Chautariya died, and was succeeded by Budhkarna his son, with whom Kamdatt continued to live on the worst terms; sometimes the one, and then the other, being under the necessity of flying from Vijayapur, which was the seat of government. On one of these occasions Kamdatt came to the Company’s territory, and applied to Ghanasyam Upadhyaya, of the family of the traitor who had betrayed Subha Sen. The Brahman took him to Calcutta; but, receiving no countenance from the Governor-General, they returned to the frontier, where they raised some men, with whom Kamdatt recovered the government of Morang. Kamdatt still farther enraged the Kirat by putting his brother to death, on which event Budhkarna applied to the legitimate heir of the family, then in exile, who recommended an alliance with the Sikim Bhotiyas. Budhkarna having gone to that country, and having formed an alliance with its rulers, ten men were sent by them under pretence of adjusting the differences between the prince and his minister. These ruffians, having been admitted to a conference without suspicion, rushed on Kamdatt and put him to death. Budhkarna then placed on the throne of Vijayapur the legitimate heir, Karna Sen, whom the Gorkhalese had then expelled from the middle principality. He died in about eighteen months afterwards, in the year 1774, leaving an only son, a boy, under the charge of his widow, and of his Chautariya Agam Singha, descended in the fifth degree from Bidya Chandra, who was contemporary, according to Agam Singha, with the first Rajput prince of this country. In the same year the Gorkhalese attacked Vijayapur, and the widow fled with her son, and accompanied by Agam Singha, to the Company’s territory.
The widow, her son, and minister, settled near Nathpur; while Budhkarna, after some fruitless engagements, went to Calcutta to solicit assistance, but without success. He soon after came towards the frontier, at Chilmari in the Company’s territory, from whence he was carried off by a party of Gorkhalese soldiers disguised like robbers. He was taken to Vijayapur, where, under pretence of avenging the death of Kamdatt, the slender claim which the Gorkhalis used to cover their unjust attack on the infant son of Karna Sen, he was put to the most cruel tortures, which continued three days before he expired.
The jealousy of Prithwi Narayan of Gorkha did not permit him to view the poor child, then five years old, without anxious fears. His first plan was to endeavour to inveigle him into his power, by promising, on condition of an annual tribute, to restore his inheritance. He next offered to hold the territories of the youth from the British government, and to pay an annual sum; for he was cruelly alarmed lest the governor should interfere. At length he is alleged to have calmed his fears by a stratagem worthy of his savage nature. A Brahman was hired to insinuate himself into the favour of the mother, to whom he represented himself as a person skilled in the inoculation for the small pox. Having gained the mother’s consent, he performed the operation; but the smallpox did not appear; in its stead most dreadful ulcerations took place, and the child perished of a wretched disease. It is in general believed that poison was used instead of matter, and that the perpetrator was hired by Prithwi Narayan; for, immediately after the operation, the Brahman disappeared, and is supposed to have retired to Nepal. The character of the prince does not leave much room to think that he would hesitate about employing such means.
The unfortunate widow, deprived of her only hope, seems to have harboured views of revenge. She sent to Mukunda Sen, the Raja of Palpa, and, as I have said above, of the same family with her husband, in order to request one of his sons, whom she might adopt, and to whom she might transfer the right to the middle and eastern divisions of the principality. The Raja accordingly sent Dhwajavir, one of his younger sons, who came to Puraniya in the year 1779, and sent letters to the Deva Dharma Raja, to Sikim, to the Chaubisiya Rajas, and to the Governor of Bengal, soliciting aid, but without the least probability of success. He had remained about three years at Puraniya, and had formed a friendship with Madrapati Ojha, a Brahman, who managed the estate Dhumgar, within nine coses of the frontier of Morang. He had also formed a friendship with a Ganes Bharati Mahanta, a priest, who lived between Puraniya and Dhumgar. This man, in the year 1782, promised, that, if the youth came to his house, he would adopt him as his pupil, (Chela), and lend him money, of which the young man was in much need. On his arrival at the residence of this priest, various delays and frivolous excuses were made to avoid the performance of the promises; and the youth was tempted, by an invitation from his friend Madrapati, to advance to Dhumgar, where he and his attendants were entertained eight days, in the office where the rents of the estate were collected. In the night of the eighth day the party were suddenly awakened by the approach of a body of men; and, on looking out, perceived that these were armed, and had surrounded the house. The party in the office now looked for their arms; but these had been removed in the night without their knowledge. They soon learned, from the language of the people by whom the house was surrounded, that they were Gorkhalese soldiers, who ordered them, in opprobrious language, (Nekal Bahenchod,) to come out. Several who went out were killed, but the Raja remaining within, and all his people invoking the protection of the Governor and of the Company, as usual in such cases, the soldiers entered, and said, there is no Governor nor Company can now give you any assistance. The Raja soon received a cut in his forehead, and then acknowledged himself; asking them, whether they intended to carry him away or to murder him. They replied, that they came for his life; on which he began to pray, and held out his head, which was cut off with a sword. During the confusion a Brahman escaped, and repaired to Madrapati, who replied with the utmost composure that he could give no assistance. The Raja had with him thirty-four people, of whom fifteen were killed, eleven wounded, and four carried away. Among the killed were Ripumardan, a natural son of Karna Sen Raja of Morang, and a messenger from the Sikim Raja, with five of his attendants. The soldiers were disguised like robbers, and took away such property as they found with the Raja, more probably to show what they had effected than for the sake of the plunder, as they gave no disturbance to the people of the village. From all the circumstances attending the event, few doubt that the scheme was preconcerted, and that the Mahanta and Brahman were the agents of the Gorkhalese, to decoy the youth within their reach.
The poor widow was now totally helpless. She was originally allowed a pension of 100 rupees a month; but for many years this has been withheld, and the Zemindars in the Company’s territory are giving her great trouble respecting some lands, which had been granted her free of rent. Her sister-in-law died in the year 1810, in Tirahut, where she had some villages, which she left by will to the unfortunate old lady; but I am told that the Raja of Darbhangga has seized on them as Zemindar, although his claim is probably dubious, the grants having been made before the decennial settlement.
Having thus traced the fate of Mandhata and his descendants, I return to his brother Manik, who procured the share of the principality that is west from the Kamala river.
By the Munsuf of Bahadurgunj, Manik is said to have governed his country quietly for twenty years. Although his share of the principality was one of the most productive of revenue, as including a large portion of the plain, he had little power, few of the hardy Kirats being under his authority; but then he was exempted from the dangers arising from the turbulence of these mountaineers. He left four sons, Hemcarna, Jagat, Jaymanggal, and Vikram. The first succeeded his father, and Jagat, as I have mentioned, was placed by the Kirats in the government of that part of the principality which is situated between the Kamala and Kosi.
Hemcarna had a son, Digbandan, and a daughter, Maiya Saheb, of most extraordinary beauty. About this time first rose to notice Prithwi Narayan Saha, whose ancestors had held the petty territory of Gorkha, in some measure dependent on the Palpa Rajas, the kinsman of Hemcarna. This person had by various means acquired some little power, and had induced the people of Lalita Patan to choose his brother Dalmar-dan Saha for their king; for they had fallen into anarchy, and had displaced their lawful sovereign of the Mal family, which had long been in possession of the three principalities into which Nepal. Proper had been divided. Prithwi Narayan, about this time, offered himself as a suitor for the beautiful daughter of Hemcarna, but was rejected with scorn, as a match far beneath her rank. Soon after, however, he was the fortunate suitor, but I do not exactly know the period. Hemcarna having died, was succeeded by his son Digbandan, a very weak prince, in whose affairs his brother-in-law, Prithwi Narayan, soon began to interfere; and by his courage, liberality, and strength of understanding, totally drew to himself the minds of the soldiery. In the year 1761 he openly attacked his brother-in-law, and took him and his family prisoners. The chief persons that had resisted his attack he put to death, some by the sword, some by the rope, and some by flaying them alive. Their children he delivered to the most vile and abominable tribe, (Sarki,) to be educated in their odious profession, as outcasts. The captives he conducted to Nepal, the open attack on which he then commenced; for, until then, he had contented himself with seizing on the passes, by which the valley is surrounded, and with fomenting dissensions among the three divisions of the principality. In 1769, having completed his conquest of Nepal Proper, he attacked the petty Rajas west from Gorkha, usually called the Chaubisiya, or Twenty-four. For some time he had rapid success, but in an engagement with the Tanahung Raja, he was so roughly handled, that he was compelled to relinquish these conquests. In the meanwhile, his brother-in-law Digbandan, his wife, and seven sons, were kept in close confinement, and were only prevented from starving, by a pittance sent to them by their kinsman the Palpa Raja. What became of the remainder of these unfortunate persons I cannot say; but in the year 1780 Bhubar, one of the sons of Digbandan, effected his escape to Betiya, in the Company’s territory, where he was kindly received, and two villages, free from the obligation of paying any revenue, were granted to him. He died lately, and has left two sons, one of whom in 1810 was eight, and the other five years of age; and these are the undoubted legal heirs to the whole principality founded by Lobangga Sen.
I have already mentioned, that Budkarna, the Kirat chief of the eastern division of the principality, discontented with the illegitimacy and temper of Kamdatt, invited Jagat, a younger son of Manik, to assume the government, which he accordingly did, but he seems to have been a person of moderation; he contented himself with the middle portion of the principality, situated between the Kamala and Kosi, and allowed Kamdatt to retain whatever was beyond the latter river, for a maintenance, but not as a sovereign. Jagat usually resided at Chaundandi and Shikarmari, and died in peace. He had no son, and his dominions went to his brother Vikram, who left them to his son Karna Sen. In 1773 Prithwi Narayan, having somewhat recovered from the defeat which the Tanahung Raja had given him, attacked Karna Sen, and took his dominions. The fugitive prince, as I have mentioned, was received by Budkharna, the Kirat, as sovereign of Morang; but I have already given an account of the miserable events that immediately after happened.
Having now detailed the first origin and total overthrow of the principality founded by the Rajput Lohangga, I shall mention what I have learned concerning the nature of the government, which his descendants administered.
The Raja, in most cases, seems to have given himself very little trouble about the affairs of government, but was surrounded by Rajputs and Khas much attached to his person and family, and by Brahmans; by whom both he and his guards were duped, and who seem to have been the most active intriguers of the court.
Next in rank to the Raja was the Chautariya, who, as I have said, appears to me to have always been a Kirat of the family, that had governed his nation before the union with the Rajputs. The Kayastha alleges, indeed, that this was not the case; but he appears to me to be either mistaken, or to have made his representation from hatred to the Kirats, by whose power the Rajas and their Hindu adherents were very much controlled; for, setting aside the evidence of Agam Singha, a plain unaffected man, but who may however be supposed to be influenced by vanity, the Kayastha pretends, that, until a late period, the office of Chautariya was held by the family of the perfidious Brahman, who delivered Subha Sen to the Moslems; but the descendant of that person does not pretend that his ancestors ever enjoyed the dignity of Chautariya, and says, that they held the lucrative appointment of Dewan, which will be afterwards mentioned. The Chautariya signed all commissions and orders, while the Raja applied his seal. The Raja might punish the Chautariya in whatever manner he pleased, and even put him to death; but he could not deprive him of his rank, nor his son of the regular succession. This power of punishment, however, must have been very much limited, as the Kirats seem to have been entirely guided by their chief; and they composed almost the whole strength of the state. The Chautariya was allowed one-tenth part of the whole revenue.
The ancestor of the Kayastha held, by hereditary descent, the office of deputy (Neb) Chautariya, and seems merely to have been the person appointed by the Hindu Raja to carry on the writings necessary to be executed by the chiefs of the Kirats, who, if we may judge from Agam Singha, were no great penmen.
Next to the Chautariya was the Kazi or Karyi, to whose office the Raja might appoint any person that he pleased. The Karyi was usually the most active person in managing the affairs of government, and received one-sixteenth of the profits of the whole country.
Next to these was the Dewan, whose office, as I have stated, was hereditary in a family of Brahmans. The Dewans managed the whole collections of the territory on the plain, and probably made much more than either Chautariya or Karyi, which, joined to their birth, gave them great influence. When the principality subdivided, each Raja had his Chautariya, Karyi, and Dewan, who formed his council.
The regular military force consisted of two kinds. First, the Rajputs and Khas, who generally resided near the person of the Raja, and formed his immediate security. They were by no means numerous, and were usually paid in money. The other branch of the regular army was more numerous, and consisted chiefly of Kirats. They were under the orders of Serdars, but the number of men under each of these was not defined; each was appointed to command a number proportioned to the supposed extent of his abilities. The Serdars could at pleasure be removed, or the number of their troops altered. Each Serdar, in proportion to the extent of his command, received a quantity of land in the hills, which he subdivided among his officers and soldiers, reserving a share for himself. He might at pleasure appoint new soldiers, or remove old ones; but he received no regular tribute from the lands, although all his men made him presents. When called upon by the Raja, he was bound to appear in the field with his stipulated number of men; and a few Kirats, in their turn, were always on duty at the residence of the prince. When on actual service, the men were allowed subsistence. The Kirats seem to have been chiefly armed with swords and bows, their arrows being poisoned. The Rajputs had fire-arms. It is said, that there were in all 90,000 Kirats able to carry arms; but not above 5000 or 6000 were considered as regulars. The others paid rent.
In the hills the management of the police and the collection of the revenue was entrusted to officers called Subahs, who accounted to the Dewans for the revenue, but as commanding the militia, were subject to the Serdars. There were also Zemindars, who appear to have held the property of the soil, but were allowed to retain only a small portion (15 to 20 bigas) of good land, fit for transplanted rice, and for this they were held bound to pay three rupees a-year, and to appear in the field as a militia, when called upon by the Subah. The Zemindar, however, as lord of the soil was entitled to cultivate, without additional burden, as much as he pleased of any ground not fit for transplanted rice, and no one could cultivate such without giving him a present. Every family, except the Zemindars, who cultivated this kind of ground, paid three rupees a-year to the Raja, and the men, when required, were bound to appear in the field. All the land fit for transplanted rice, except that held by the Zemindars, was Melk or free of revenue. Part had been granted to Brahmans and temples, and part to various officers of the state, none of whom were paid in money; but by far the greater part was given to the Serdars, for the support of their men. Over every three or four villages the Subah appointed a deputy, called a Duyariya.
In the hilly part of the country, much of the cultivation was carried on by Adhiyars, who gave to the soldier, officer, or Zemindar that employed them, one half of the produce for rent. Each family of this kind paid a rupee a year to the Raja. All persons not employed in agriculture (Sukhvas and Khosvas) paid eight anas for ground-rent, and two anas for holidays. No casts were exempted.
In the level country the lands were cultivated by tribes, who had little or no turn for military affairs, and paid a rent in money, which was collected under the Dewans by Fouzdars, who managed districts (Garhis) by means of Chaudhuris, who held manors, (Pergunahs,) and under these by Mokuddums, who held villages, (Gangs.) In some places the word Pergunah had not been adopted, but the Chaudhuri held the space between two rivers, which is called a Khari.
Independent of the Dewans was a register called Suduriya, and, wherever there was a deputy of the Dewan, the register had also a deputy. In fact, the Mogul system of finance had been completely introduced, while in the mountains the Hindu system of military tenure seems to have been more completely retained.
The trial of civil causes was conducted at the capital by four Bicharis, who appointed a deputy for the jurisdiction under each Subah, and for each subdivision; and these judges seem to have had a much greater authority than is usual in Hindu or Muhammedan governments. Under the Bicharis and their deputies were petty officers, named Duyariyas, who arrested offenders, and decided petty suits. These were assisted by Kotwals, or messengers. The reason of the attention paid to suits seems to have been, that the Raja took one-fourth of all property recovered by legal process, and allowed the judge a share; of course, the complainant usually gained the cause. The principal chance which the defendant had was giving a bribe higher than the share that the judge would legally receive; but the Raja was a check on this kind of gain.
In the hilly country there were no duties levied, except at custom-houses placed on the passes towards the plain, or towards the dominions of Lasa. On the plain there was a vast variety of duties, similar to those now exacted, and which will be afterwards detailed.
I shall now proceed to consider the present state of this principality, in the footing on which it has been placed by the Gorkhalese.
In the first place, it has been divided into districts.
The eastern division of the principality, founded by Lohangga, together with the part of Sikim, and a portion of Thibet, that have been conquered, are now divided into two districts, (Zilas,) Morang and Chayenpur, each under the management of a Subah.
Morang, in a general sense, extends in the low country from the Tista to the Kosi, for the level country, that formerly belonged to Sikim, has now been annexed to this district. Its extent, therefore, from east to west, is rather more than 87 miles. On the low hills, it extends from the Kankayi to the Kosi, which is about 48 miles. It includes very few or none of the mountains, and none of the Alps.
The most remarkable places are as follows:
Vijaypur, the residence of the Subah, and of a former dynasty of princes, is situated on the higher part of the low hills, and is in so much exempt from the unhealthy air of that region called Ayul, that the people, they say, can eat three-fourths more there than they can in the lowlands; a manner of measuring the salubrity of different places, which is in common use among the natives, but, I suspect, is rather fanciful. The fort is always garrisoned by regulars, and a Serdar very commonly resides in it, superintends the conduct of the neighbouring civil officers, and watches over the frontier.
Samrigarhi is another small fort still occupied.
Chaudanda, until the division of the principality founded by Lohangga, was most commonly the seat of government. It is now almost entirely deserted.
Satya Raja is a ruin, which is said to have been the residence of a dynasty, that governed the country before the ancestors of Vijaynarayan.
Kichak jhar is also a ruin, which is said to have been the residence of Kichak, the brother-in-law of Virat, king of Matsya, celebrated in Hindu legend. I am assured by the people of the vicinity, that in a very thick wood at Kichak jhar there are ruins.
At Sorahbag was the residence of the wife of Vijaybharat, the last king of the dynasty, which preceded Lohangga.
Varaha kshetra is a temple dedicated to Vishnu, in the form of a boar. During the government of the former dynasty, the priests (Mahanta) of this temple seem to have had great weight; and their successor enjoys some land, and the whole duties collected at a neighbouring custom-house, (Chatra Gola.) The place is still frequented by a good many pilgrims, but the number has, of late, considerably diminished. This is a place where holy persons sometimes bury themselves alive, and on such occasions, are supposed to be endowed with the gift of prophecy. The buildings are not considerable, and, of late, have become ruinous.
The market places (Hats) are 24 in number, as will appear by the map.
The Golas, or custom-houses, are frequently changing, and, of late, have mostly been placed near the frontier, and removed from the hills.
At present, Morang is divided into three Taluks, or districts. Each is under the charge of a deputy collector, or Fouzdar. The first has under him one Chaudhuri, or Zemindar; the second has four Chaudhuris; and the third three Chaudhuris. The land, under this Subah’s authority, is divided into Pergunahs.
| Rupees | Sayer | |||
| 1. | ( | Nangang and Dhapar, land rent, | 5,000 ) | 1,300 |
| ( | Beli, | 600 ) | ||
| ( | Futehhari, | 4,500 ) | ||
| ( | Gogra, | 7,500 ) | 1,000 | |
| ( | Hathiya Simar, | 450 ) | ||
| ( | ||||
| 2. | ( | Mangar, | 250 ) | |
| ( | Beliya, | 700 ) | ||
| ( | ) | 2,500 | ||
| ( | Kuthor, ) | 12,500 ) | ||
| ( | Bariyati, ) | ) | ||
| ( | Harchand garhi, | 14,500 ) | 1,600 | |
| 3. | ( | Kerayan, | 1,125 ) | |
| ( | Atmanza, | 7,000 | 1,100 | |
| ( | Mechpali and Latang, | 400 | ||
| -------- | -------- | |||
| R. 54,025 | R. 7,500 | |||
| Total land rent, | R. 54,025 | |||
| Do. Sayer, | 7,500 | |||
| Kascharai, or rent for pasture, | 24,000 | |||
| Khayer Sal, or duty on Catechu, | 3,000 | |||
| Kathmahal, or duty on timber, | 38,000 | |||
| Chiriyamahal, or duty on birds, | 500 | |||
| Customs at the Golas, | ||||
| Chatra, (given to a temple, | R. 1,500) | |||
| Vijayapur, | 2,000 | |||
| Raksa, | 800 | |||
| Latang, | 600 | |||
| Rotoya, | 1,000 | |||
| --------- | ||||
| 4,400 | ||||
| --------- | ||||
| Total Rupees | 131,425 |
The land rent is levied by so much on each crop, by a biga of nine common cubits the Katha, equal to 72,900 square feet. The following was the rate at the time when I procured the account; but the chief of the village, (Mokuddum,) for every hundred bigas that pay rent, is allowed five free of that charge.
Rate in the year Sambat 1868, A.D. 1810.
| By the country measure. | By the Calcutta measure. | |||
| Rupees. | Anas. | Anas. | Pies. | |
| Sali or rice | 3 | 5 | 10 | 5½ |
| Maruya and Mustard | 2 | 11 | 8 | 6 |
| Cotton and patuya or corchorus | 2 | 4 | 7 | 0 |
| Kitchen gardens and tobacco | 5 | 0 | 15 | 9½ |
| Sugar-cane | 4 | 0 | 12 | 7½ |
No other crop pays any thing, and the tenantry pay no ground rent for their houses. The Calcutta Biga is one-third of an English acre, and the rupee weighs 179½ grains of silver; it is divided into 16 anas, and the ana into 12 pies.
The settlement in the year Sambat 1846, soon after the conquest, was considerably lower, but more crops were included.
The duties called Sayer include a capitation on artists, a duty on the sale of oxen and buffaloes, on marriages, on the contract with a concubine, on grain exported, on all things sold at Hats or markets, and on adulterers.
The duty on Catechu I have already explained.
The management of the mines is not entrusted to the care of the Subahs.
The whole amount which the Subah collected in the year 1809–10 is said to have been 131,425 rupees, out of which the Subah pays 80,000 rupees to government; and his share of the Rajangka, and presents to the twelve great officers of state, usually amount to 20,000 rupees more; but this is probably compensated by similar exactions that he makes from his inferiors. He, however, incurs a heavy expense in furnishing the regular troops with provisions, which he must do at a price fixed by government, and which is always far below the market price; but he squeezes a great part of this from the neighbouring tenantry. Colonel Kirkpatrick 154 estimates the nett revenue of this territory, which he calls East Turrye, at from 125,000 to 150,000 rupees, including, perhaps, Rajangka and mines.
Each village (Gang) is under a Mokuddum, who has five per cent. of the land free of rent; a Patwari or clerk, who has one-half ana on the rupee of rent, and two anas a-year on each house, both from the tenants, and gives one-half of this to his superiors, the Mohurers, who are registers to the Fouzdars, and to the Kanungo, who is register to the Subah. The messengers (Gorayits) from every house get about two loads of the ears of rice, which give about one man (82 lbs. avoirdupois) of grain; so that, neither on account of the village establishment, nor on that of the Kanungoes or his clerks, (Mohurer,) is there any deduction from the above sum; but the Subah pays several heavy establishments.
At his chief office, it amounts to about 3500 rupees a-year. There are, besides the Fouzdars, Chaudhuris and armed men, at the three subordinate divisions for the land rent and sayer.
The Subah, being a merchant of Banaras, keeps the Catechu at his own disposal, and, besides the duties, has probably much profit on this article as a merchant.
The duties on timber are formed in three lots, to three Fouzdars, and the nett proceeds only have been included.
The rents on pasture are farmed on the same plan to two Fouzdars.
His whole establishment, therefore, does not probably exceed 7000 rupees a-year.
Two captains (Subahdars) have lands in the district for the maintenance of 300 men.
The Subah, as judge, receives 25 per cent. on all sums recovered in his court, but the greater part of this goes to the Raja. The Subah, however, always receives presents from the defendant, when the suit is given in his favour, and he has fees in the management of the police. The avowed profits, in the management of justice and police in the year 1809–10, are said, in even numbers, to have been 15,000 rupees.
The inhabitants of Vijaypur, towards the east, are chiefly Koch or Rajbangsis, who are considered as the same, live on the plain, and speak the dialect of Bengal; on the lower hills are many Mech. Both these tribes are original inhabitants of Kamrup. In the western parts, most of the cultivators are of the Gangaye cast, who speak the dialect of Mithila, and adhere to the doctrines of purity, as established in that country. On the hills, the people are mostly Khas, or a mixed breed between the mountain Hindus and natives, with some Rajputs, and some Magars, who have been lately introduced.
The northern part of the eastern division of the principality, founded by Lohangga, has been lately formed into a distinct district, and its Subah resides at Chayenpur. The hilly parts of Sikim, so far as has been subdued, and a portion of Thibet, bordering on the Arun river, have been annexed to the jurisdiction, which is bounded by the Sengkhuya Arun, and Kausiki on the west, and by the Tista on the east, extending between 80 and 90 miles in these directions, and perhaps about 60 or 70 from north to south. It consists altogether of lofty mountains, rising, in many parts, to the most tremendous Alps.
The land revenue, I am told, is very trifling, the whole almost being held by military tenure; but I did not learn the particulars. The chief revenues are the customs at Golas, mines, and capitation, (Rajangka,) but the two last are not collected by the Subah. There is no Sayer.
The forts are Chayenpur, about two or three coses from the Arun, Changiya, Hedang, a large place towards the frontier of Thibet, Darjiling, and Sikim.
The Golas, or custom-houses, are Ilam, Majhuya, Bilasi, Tangting, Huchi-Mechi, Dimali, and Satang, all in the territory formerly belonging to the Sikim Raja. The Gorkhalese have no connection with Thibet in that quarter, because the route is still in possession of the Sikim Raja. Chayenpur, however, has a considerable trade with Thibet by that part of the country which is near the Arun. Hatiya on the Arun, and Alangchang on the Tambar, are at present the marts established for this commerce. Formerly it was carried on at Pokang in the middle between the two rivers. People can pass to the two former all the year; the trade at Pokang was confined to summer. The goods imported at these places from Thibet are salt carried on sheep, gold, silver, musk, and musk-deer skins, the tails called Chaungris, blankets, borax, Chinese silks, and medicinal herbs. The goods sent from Chayenpur are rice, wheat, maruya, (Cynosurus corocanus,) uya, a grain, oil, butter, iron, copper, cotton cloths, broadcloth, catechu, myrobalans, (harra bahara,) planks of the Dhupi, pepper, and spices, indigo, tobacco, hides, otters’ fur, sugar-candy, and extract of sugar-cane, occasionally some pearls.
The route from Vijaypur to Pokang is said to be as follows in days journeys:
1. To Mulghat on the Tambar river. The road hilly, but not mountainous. Much cultivation. No river of note.
2. To Dhankuta, or Dhankot. The same kind of country. Cross the Tambar.
3. To Ukhaliya. Country more hilly, and less cultivated. Several small rivers, especially the Mangmay.
4. To Jaresang, a town in a plain well cultivated country.
5. To the Leghuya river, where there is a fine valley. The road passes over low hills.
6. To Dobhang. The road hilly, but in many parts cultivated. Cross the Piluya river below Chayenpur Fort. Dobhang is situated on the Soyeya river, near where it joins the Arun.
7. To Tamlingtar, a smooth road fit for horses. It stands between the Soyeya and the Arun, which are about 1⅔ coses distant from each other. This is the largest place in the district, and is said to be about the size of Kirtipur, in the valley of Nepal, which, I suppose, may contain 6000 people; but Tamlingtar is not built with brick, as is the case with Kirtipur. The plain round it is very considerable, extending twelve coses north and south, and four coses east and west. The plain is bounded on the west by the Arun, and is not quite so cool as Kathmandu, nor is it fully cleared.
8. To Tamling, a smooth road fit for horses. Tamling is about three coses east from the Arun.
9. To Segeya, a smooth road fit for horses. The country is well cultivated. Segeya is a day’s journey east from the Arun.
10. To Lum, a good road.
11. To Jupha, a very hilly road with steep ascents and descents, but much cultivation.
12. To Jholangghat, on the Arun, where there is a bridge suspended by rattans.
13. To Hedang, the route being on low hills by the west side of the Arun. West from Hedang two days journey, is Meyangma, a snowy mountain, and at the same distance east is another named Mirgu.
14. To Komba, a village of Bhotiyas, at a distance from the Arun, and formerly at least the residence of a Lama, who was supposed to be an incarnation of God.
15. To Chamtang, another village inhabited by Bhotiyas, and at a distance from the Arun.
16. To Seksula, or Seksura, on the Arun. Some accounts place it on one side, and some on the other of the Arun. It is a village of Bhotiyas, and part may be on each side of the river, which is crossed on a bridge of rattans.
17 and 18 to Pokang. The country is not very hilly, but so high and cold, that it is frequented only in summer by shepherds and traders who attend the mart.
From Seksula, proceeding on the west side of the Arun, you have,
17. Hatiya, a Bhotiya village, where there is a mart.
18. Chipachintang, another Bhotiya village belonging to Gorkha. A little way beyond it is Manigumba, a village subject to Lasa.
The Arun here would seem to pass through the highest ridge of the snowy mountains. The Kirat, who gave me the map of the eastern parts of the principality, names the portion of these mountains towards the east Papti, and says, that between it and Mirgu, mentioned above, there is a large valley; but, except near the Arun, it has no regular inhabitants. In summer it is frequented by shepherds alone; but he would not appear to have been acquainted with its eastern parts; for, though he admits that the Tambar rises from Papti, and afterwards passes through Mirgu, he knew nothing of the Gola that is there, and is called Alangchang. South from Mirgu is another high ridge; but the snow that occasionally falls on it in winter soon melts. The Kirat calls it Ichhanglima; I have no doubt that it is the Phakphok of the map made by the slave; for the Kirat says, that the Kankayi rises from Mirgu, and passes through a gap in Ichhanglima. The slave in his map says that Phakphok is the proper source of the Kankayi, but admits, that it receives a stream from the snowy mountains. The Kirat alleged that the hollow between Mirgu and Ichhanglima is overgrown with immense forests occupied by elephants and rhinoceroses, which is scarcely reconcilable with its necessary elevation; and the compiler of the other map represents it as a well inhabited country, which is the most probable account, as the Kirat had not visited that part.
On the west side of the Arun, again, the Kirat places Syamphelang as the highest ridge of snowy mountains, and he seemed to think, that the very highest peak visible, and bearing about N. by W. from Nathpur, was part of this mountain connected with this, but leaving between them the valley watered by the Tarun, is another snowy mountain, which the Kirat calls Meyangma, but which the slave who constructed the map calls Salpa pahar.
The inhabitants of the eastern parts of Chayenpur have been already mentioned. In the western parts the most numerous tribe is Kirat, next Limbu, then Magar, lately introduced as soldiers, then Khas and Rajputs. There are also Murmis, and towards the N.W. Bhotiyas.
The middle part of the principality of Lohangga has also been divided into two districts under Subahs. The first comprehends the southern portion called Saptari, but the low land between the Rato and Kamal, named Mahatari, which formerly belonged to the western division of the principality, has lately been placed under the authority of this Subah. His jurisdiction, therefore, on the plain extends about 100 miles from east to west, and its width there is nearly the same as that of Morang; so that it possesses more level land. Very little of the hilly country belongs to it, as Khatang and Makwanpur come far down and meet at the Kamal.
The most remarkable places in this district are Naragarhi, a small fort on the plain, where the Subah usually resides; Bhemagarhi, another similar place, where he occasionally resides; and Janakpur, a place of pilgrimage noted in Hindu fable, and already mentioned as the seat of a very ancient dynasty. I am told that there are no remains of former power or greatness.
There are ten market-places.
The Golas, or custom-houses, are placed in the map.
The land-rent is collected by two Fouzdars, one for Saptari, the other for Mahatari; but these also collect some trifling dues which have not been let with the sayer or duties on markets; for there is no regular system of finance. These dues are those on marriages, (Bihadani,) on contracts of concubinage, (Sagora,) and a fine on adulterers of rupees 2-10/16, levied by the collector, besides the fine that goes to the Raja; for the man who has farmed the duties on the markets takes a part of the fine, amounting to rupees 2-10/16. The following will show the sums collected on these heads in the year Sambat 1867, (A.D. 1809.)
| zila. | saptari. | Land-rent. | Marriages. | Concubines. | Adulterers. |
| Pergunah | Khalisa | 10,015 | 75½ | 50 | 25 |
| Jagadal | 2,485 | 25 | 12½ | - | |
| Pakri | 13,345½ | 55½ | 25 | 30 | |
| Maljhumna | 754½ | 15 | 5 | - | |
| Rayjhumna | 941½ | 25 | 7½ | 10 | |
| Pakuya | 855½ | 10 | 5 | 5 | |
| Gudagari | 501½ | 25 | 7½ | 20 | |
| Rampurbehara | 481 | - | 5 | - | |
| Mahishan | 501½ | 20 | 5½ | - | |
| Khonjvaghni ) | Totally waste | ||||
| Majhoya ) | |||||
| Dhanchhoyar ) | |||||
| Vihar ) | |||||
| ------- | ------- | ------- | ------- | ||
| Total | 29,881 | 251 | 123 | 90 | |
| zila. | mahatari. | Land-rent. | Marriages. | Concubines. | Adulterers. |
| Pergunah | Mahatari | 9,115½ | 103 | 50 | 25 |
| Korari | 10,025 | 40½ | 10 | 16 | |
| Khesraha | 11,212 | 50 | 25 | - | |
| Pihan | 7,855½ | 80 | 40 | 65 | |
| -------- | -------- | -------- | -------- | ||
| Total Rupees | 38,208 | 273½ | 125 | 106 |
The establishment is nearly similar to what is maintained in Vijaypur. A great part of the rents are farmed. The rent is paid by so much a biga for each kind of crop. The biga is of the same size as in Morang. The following is the rate:
| According to Country measure. | According to Calcutta measure. | |||
| Rupees. | Anas. | Anas. | Pies. | |
| Rice (Sali) | 4 | 10 | 14 | 7¼ |
| Mustard (Turi) ) Corocanus (Maruya) ) | 3 | 10 | 11 | 6¾ |
| Cotton | 3 | 12 | 11 | 10 |
| Tobacco and Kitchen Gardens | 5 | 0 | 15 | 9½ |
All ranks pay the same rate. Tradesmen pay a ground rent for their houses of rupees 5. 10. included in the land-rent, and a capitation tax to the Sayer of rupees 1. 10. Those who have regular shops in the market-places pay to the Sayer rupees 7. 10, and nothing for ground rent. Washer-men, barbers, tailors, and shoe-makers, pay no capitation.
The Sayer, consisting of the capitation on tradesmen, and of the duties levied on goods sold, and grain exported, is farmed to two men for Saptari, one paying 3254 rupees, and the other 3?35½; and for Mahatari, to one man paying 6595½.
The rents on the pasture of buffaloes is farmed at 1431 rupees for Saptari, and 3956⅛ rupees for Mahatari.
The duty on those who make catechu is farmed in Saptari for 1015 rupees, and in Mahatari for 1212 rupees.
The duties on timber are farmed in Saptari for 2462 rupees, and in Mahatari for 2225 rupees.
The duties on boats loaded with timber are farmed in Saptari for 2441 rupees, and in Mahatari for 345.
The duty on birds for both is farmed at 698½ rupees.
The duties levied at the Golas, or custom-houses, have been farmed for three years at 100,000 rupees, or 33,333⅓ a year; but in this bargain are included the duties at Varaha kshetra and Vijaypur, for which the renter pays 1500 rupees annually to the priest of the former place, and 2000 to the Subah of Morang; so that the customs here are actually farmed at 29,833 rupees a-year. The person who has farmed these rents, Achal Thapa, resides at Bhangraruya on the Kosi, and has endeavoured to secure a monopoly; but his plans have not been very successful, and he will be a heavy sufferer by the interruptions of commerce that have ensued in consequence of the disputed frontier.
The total revenue collected by the Subah is as follows:
| Rupees | |
| Land-rent and several casualties | 68,957 |
| Pasture | 5,386 |
| Catechu | 2,227 |
| Timber cutters | 4,687 |
| Duties on boats loaded with timber | 2,786 |
| Duties on birds | 698 |
| Customs at Golas | 29,833 |
| Duties on markets or Sayer | 12,985 |
| --------- | |
| Total | 127,559 |
Exclusive of the Rajangka or income tax, he pays to the Raja 58,000 rupees a-year.
There is very little land granted for the support of the army, or officers of government, and no great religious establishment.
At Jaleswar, in Mahatari, south from Janakpur, the Raja has a manufacture of saltpetre and gunpowder.
There is only one mine of iron at Sisuya, near the Kosi.
The Tharu cast, resembling, in its manners, the Gangayi of Morang, composes the greatest part of the population on the plain. Next to these, are nearly equal parts of the impure Bhawars, and of the military and agricultural tribe of Brahmans, called Aniwar, both of whom have, at different times, been sovereigns of the country. Immediately under the hills are many Batars, who speak the Hindwi language. The lower hills are occupied by Sringguyas, a branch of the Limbu tribe, and by Magars, and Rajputs or Khas. The Magars have been lately introduced.
The northern parts of this middle division of the principality of Lohangga, form the jurisdiction of the Subah of Khatang, who possesses an extensive region of mountains, bounded by the Arun on the east, and on the west by the Tamba Kosi, which separates it from the territory of Bhatgang, one of the three principalities into which Nepal Proper was divided. Towards the south it descends to the Kamal, which, in part, separates it from Makwanpur. On the north it is bounded by the snow hills, which separate it from Thibet or Lasa, and, in this part, advance far south.
The land revenue has been almost entirely granted to the different officers of the Gorkhalese government, and there is no Sayer, nor customs, so that the Raja chiefly receives the income tax, (Rajangka,) fines, and the profits of mines. The Subah pays only 12,000 rupees a-year, and about 3000 rupees as Rajangka. This district maintains two companies of 120 fusileers each.
The forts are Hedang, where the Subah resides; Chaudandi, where the Rajas formerly lived; Rawa, near the junction of the San and Dudh Kosis; Chariyagarhi, on the Kamal; and Hatuya, at the junction of the San Kosi and Arun, where a Serdar often has a military station.
At the temple of Siva in Halesi, where the Dudhkosi and Sankosi unite, is a very great fair in February.
With Thibet there are two routes of communication.
On the Dudhkosi is Lamja, to which the Bhotiyas come at all seasons. The Alps extend two day’s journey beyond it, on the banks of the Dudhkosi; afterwards there is a plain country. The road from Kalesi to Lamja Gola is as follows:
One day’s journey to Rawa, a large town with a fort. The country fully occupied.
One day to Hakula, a large village. The country here, also, is well inhabited.
One day’s journey to Jubing, a large village.
One day to Ghat, a village inhabited chiefly by Bhotiyas, the climate being too cold for the mountain Hindus.
One day’s journey from thence to Lamja, also inhabited by Bhotiyas. The imports are as usual from that country, but there are no duties.
The other route to Thibet, from this district, is towards Dudhkunda, a place in Thibet, where there is a very great annual fair. The road, commencing at Lengleng, at the junction of the Tamha and San Kosi, is as follows:
One day to Namari, a large village.
One day to Jirikampti, where the Raja of Gorkha has 10,000 or 12,000 cows on fine plain land, kept waste on purpose.
One day to Gama, a large village inhabited by Bhotiyas.
One day to Goyang, a similar village.
One day to the snowy mountain Pangmo. Dudhkunda is a little way among the Alps, but is subject to Thibet.
The commerce by the Tamba kosi goes by Phala, a Gola or custom-house in the former territory of Bhatgang.
The roads from the San Kosi to the mountains are difficult, but, for a part of the way, people can ride on horseback.
From Chatra to Nepal the road is rather better, but, in many places, the rider must dismount. After, however, passing the falls of the Kosi at Chatra, the San Kosi is navigable in canoes, to the junction of the Risu, where it turns to the north. The Arun is navigable to Hedang.
The best route, by land, from Chatra to Nepal, is as follows:
On the first day’s journey, cross the Kosi to Mayna, and then the San kosi to Lasuniya.
A day’s journey from Lasuniya to Kuta.
One day’s journey to Khatang, which may be five or six coses north from the San kosi.
From Khatang to Kamtel, one day.
To Halesi, at the junction of the Dudhkosi, one day.
To Teliya, about three coses from the San kosi, one day.
To Bangnam, on the west of the Lekho, one day.
To Chupulu, one day.
To Mantali ghat, on the Tamba kosi, one day. The village is on the west side.
To Puchi ghat, on the San kosi, one day.
To Dumja, on the Rusi, one day.
To Dapcha, on the north side of the Rusi, one day.
To Banipa, at the head of the Rusi, on the hills that bound the valley of Nepal, one day.
The mines in this district are numerous, as will appear from the map.
There are no markets, (Hats,) but some shops in all the towns.
The chief place in Khatang is Dalka, on the Tamba kosi, upon a plain extending to Puchigat, on both sides of the Tamba kosi, and about a cose in width. This valley extends down the San kosi, from one-half to one cose in width. Dalka is a town like Timmi, in the valley of Nepal, which, I suppose, may contain 4000 people, and is chiefly inhabited by Newars, and built of brick. At it there is a celebrated temple of Bhim Sen, one of the sons of Pandu. The Pujari is a Newar, and the temple is considered as the eastern boundary of Nepal Proper.
The most valuable district which the Raja of Nepal possesses, is that which formed the western division of the principality, founded by Lohangga, although the district called Mahatari has been separated, and annexed to the Subah of Saptari. The Subah of this district resides usually at Makwanpur, on the hills, but, in the cold season, he visits the plains and resides at Baragarhi, from whence he is often called the Baragarhi Subah. His jurisdiction extends from the Rato, on the east, to the Trisul Gangga, and Gandaki, on the west; and from the Company’s territory, on the south, to the San kosi, and Rusi, on the north. In some parts, towards the north, this boundary was disputed between the Rajas of Patan, in Nepal, and the Rajas of Makwanpur. One would naturally have supposed, that the boundary would have been determined by the mountain called Lama dangra, which extends from the Trisul gangga to the Arun, and which, except by the Vagmati or Vagwati, is crossed by no river, all those from its north side falling into the Trisul gangga, Vagmati, or Kosi. In fact, where I passed this mountain at Chisapani, a little above the fort, I was shown an old wall on the summit, which was said to have been the boundary; but I am told, that the copper mine on the north side of the hill belongs to Makwani, and that the boundary goes thence obliquely towards the north-east, so that it includes many villages between Lama Dangra, and the Rusi, and San kosi rivers.
When Colonel Kirkpatrick visited Nepal, 168a it would appear that the Subah of Makwanpur, or Baragarhi, governed the whole country from the Kosi to the Gandaki, divided into five Zilas, which he names Subtuni, (Saptari,) Mohtuni, (Mahatari,) Rohuttut or Rohtut, Bareh, (Baragarhi,) and Persa, (Pasara.)
One-half of this territory is on the level country, called Tariyani, and is exactly on the same footing with the level of Morang, Saptari, and Mahatari.
About one-fourth of the district consists of low hills, very thinly occupied; and one-fourth consists of high mountains.
The most remarkable places of strength are the fort of Makwanpur, where the Rajas formerly dwelt; Hariharpur, commanding the Vagmati; Sinduli, (Seedly R.) and Chisapani, commanding two passages through the mountain called Lama dangra; Chayenpur, on the San kosi; and Kumbi, Gar Pasara, Kurarbas and Baragarhi, commanding the plain. Chisapani, the most important, and Gar Pasara, both of which I have seen, are altogether contemptible; and it is probable that the others are still worse. Baragarhi, (Barra Gharry,) according to Colonel Kirkpatrick, 168b is a mean place, containing 30 or 40 huts, and its fort is not more respectable than Gar Pasara. In the whole district, there is not one considerable town.
At Hethaura, Sinduli, and Bichhakhori, customs are collected, but none of them are marts for the sale of goods. On the plain country are several markets, (Hats,) but I have not learned the names nor situations of the whole.
I did not learn the particulars of the revenue of this district, but was told at Kathmandu, in a general way, that the Subah pays annually 100,000 rupees. Colonel Kirkpatrick 169 estimates the money annually remitted by the Subah at 200,000 rupees; but then this Subah held also Saptari, which, paying now 58,000 rupees, should leave 142,000 for the present territory; but, in what Colonel Kirkpatrick states as the remittance, the Rajangka was perhaps included. There are, besides, many mines. The greater part of the hills has been granted in Jaygir to various officers. The plains alone are rented on account of the court.
On the plains, the population consists chiefly of Tharus and Aniwars. The great cast on the hills is the Murmi, and this is also the case on the north of the valley of Nepal. About the forts are some Rajputs, many of the spurious breed of Khas, and a good many Magars.
The inhabitants of this part of the Tariyani, which I had an opportunity of seeing, are quite the same in their circumstances, language, dress, persons, and customs, with the Hindus of the northern part of Behar. The peasantry are extremely nasty, and apparently indigent. Their huts are small, dirty, and very ill calculated to keep out the cold winds of the winter season, for a great many of them have no other walls but a few reeds supported by sticks in a perpendicular direction. Their clothing consists of some cotton rags, neither bleached nor dyed, and which seem never to be washed. They are a small, hard-favoured people, and by no means fairer than the inhabitants of Bengal, who are comparatively in much better circumstances.
Having finished my account of the principality, founded by Lohangga, the youngest son of Mukunda, in the eastern parts of the territory, now subject to Gorkha, I proceed to give an account of the territory adjacent to the west, which fell to the lot of the other branches of the same family.
Makunda Sen the 1st, when he provided for his sons, gave Champaranya to his brother, who left it to his son Rama Singha, descended of whom was another Makunda Sen, whose son, or grandson, is supposed to have been destroyed by the ghost of a Brahman, whom he had offended, and the country now belongs to the Raja of Betiya. This is an account given by Samar Bahadur. Others say, that Rama Sen, or Rama Singha, was a son of Makunda the 1st, who obtained Tilpur and Rajpur, both in the Company’s territory, as I intend hereafter to describe.
I have already mentioned, that Binayak, said to be the eldest son of Makunda, received the territory on the plain now called Butaul. Jasu Sen, the son of Binayak, did nothing worth remark, but left his patrimony to his son Damodar Sen, who, in the same manner, begat Balabhadra Sen, and he begat Ambar Sen, who succeeded to Palpa, the line of Manik having failed. He was succeeded by his son Gandharba Sen, who begat Udyata Sen, but survived his son, and was succeeded by Makunda Sen, his grandson, who had wars with most of his neighbours, conquered Gulmi, and recovered some of his dominions that had been seized by the Raja of Gorkha. In the course of his wars with a Muhammedan Nawab, he took some guns and flags, as trophies of victory. He had five sons. 1. Mahadatta S. who succeeded. 2. Suravir S. 3. Karuvir S. 4. Chandravir S. And, 5. Dhwajavir S. Mahadatta had three sons. 1. Prithwi Pal S. 2. Rana Bahadur S. And, 3. Samar Bahadur S. Prithwi Pal S. succeeded his father, and left one son named Ratna Sen, who is the present representative of the family. This is the account contained in the manuscript composed by Rana Bahadur, already mentioned. I shall now give some farther detail.
Gandharba Sen of Palpa and Binayakpur made a considerable addition to his dominions, having, with the assistance of his allies, the Rajas of Gulmi and Kachi, seized on the territories of an impure Magar chief, who resided at Balihang. This chief, of whose family there are no remains, had large possessions, both on the hills and plains, especially on the latter. These were divided among the three allies, Palpa taking the best share. There was a small territory, however, called Khidim, about the division of which the three chiefs could not agree. After much squabbling, it was determined that it should be given to a Brahman, whose descendants held it, until the country was seized by the late Raja of Gorkha and Nepal, who gave it to his father-in-law, the Raja of Gulmi.
Makunda Sen the 2d held Binayakpur Palpa and a great part of Balihang, and was at the head of an alliance of petty chiefs, composed of Gajarkot, Rising, Ghiring, Argha, Khachi, and Gulmi, which last, after a vain attempt at conquest, he was obliged to relinquish. Narabhupal, Raja of Gorkha, had married his aunt, daughter of Gandarbha, and he received kindly at his court his cousin Prithwi Narayan, the son of Narabhupal, while that chief was a young man, very slenderly provided. One of Prithwi’s most early acts was to subdue the three first mentioned allies of Makunda; but from their territories he was soon expelled, and this is what in the manuscript is called recovering part of his dominions from Gorkha. After the death of Prithwi Narayan, his son Singha Pratap showed so much favour to a Swarup Singha, whom he had raised from a low rank to the important office of Karyi, that, on account of the envy which was excited, the favourite was under the necessity of flying to the Company’s territory. There some European gentlemen took notice of him, and supported him with money. Having introduced himself to the unfortunate widow of Karna Sen, chief of the eastern branch of the family, whose only child, as I have already mentioned, had been poisoned by the intrigues of Prithwi Narayan, Swarup obtained authority from this lady to proceed to Palpa for assistance; and having gone there, Makunda gave him his youngest son Dwaja vir to be adopted by the old lady, and to assert the claims of his family. The melancholy fate of this youth has been already detailed. At the time of his murder Swarup Singha was at Calcutta, soliciting assistance. On his return he was invited to Kathmandu, and all envy, it was said, having died away, large promises were made, and the mother of the Raja’s heir gave an oath, that he should meet with no harm. Immediately, however, after his arrival he was confined, and in less than a year he was killed.
Makunda Sen procured from the Nawab Vazir a grant of the extensive estate of Tilpur, and of that part of Rajpur, which is on the west side of the Gandaki, and had once, as lately mentioned, belonged to a branch of his family; but in the latter he never acquired proper authority, owing to the intrigues of the Kanungo, or register.
This enterprising chief married the eldest daughter (Maha Kumari) of his ally the Raja of Argha, and on this occasion presented his father-in-law with an estate situated on the plain, and called Tuppah Bandar; although he continued to pay the revenue to the Nawab. This was part of the spoil taken from Balihang by his grandfather.
Mahadatta Raja of Palpa was very much in favour with Asofud Doulah, the Nawab Vazir, who confirmed to him all his hereditary or acquired lands on the plains, at an easy rate; and, going there frequently to hunt, seems to have amused himself with the Raja’s children. The youngest son Samar, a lame but shrewd man, seems in particular to have attracted his notice, and he bestowed on him the title of Nader Shah, by which he is much better known than by his proper name.
Mahadatta also entered into the strictest alliance with Bahadur Sahi, younger son of Prithwi Narayan, and regent of Gorkha during the minority of his nephew Rana Bahadur. In order to cement the friendship, Mahadatta gave his daughter in marriage to the regent, which, on account of her birth, was considered as a very honourable connexion for the chief of Gorkha. These friends soon entered into a most iniquitous combination. The Gorkha family had hitherto entirely failed in all their attempts to extend their dominions to the west, and, if Palpa had continued to assist the neighbouring Rajas, it is probable, that their resistance to Gorkha might have been continued with success; but the father and son-in-law agreed, that they should make a common cause, and divide the spoil. This scheme completely succeeded, and Damodar Pangre, a Khas by birth, but representative of one of the chief families in Gorkha, and a most gallant officer, was sent in command of the regent’s forces. After the conquest, Damodar took for his master the lion’s share, but allowed Mahadatta to retain as master Gulmi, Argha, and Kachi, three of the states that had been long in alliance with his family, and which he was bound to protect, not only by the duty of alliance, but of kindred, for the Raja of Argha was his uncle. The other three allies, who had been saved by his father, were abandoned to the power of Gorkha, and annexed to Nepal. Mahadatta was very soon forced to eat the fruit of his villany. Damodar advanced the conquests of his nation to the west, and, having subdued Kumau, all resistance to his force on the hills was in vain, and Mahadatta was soon deprived of all the hope of protection, that he might have had from the power of his son-in-law the regent, the young Raja of Gorkha having put his uncle to death. The friendship of the Nawab Vazir, however, saved Mahadatta, nor was any encroachment made on Palpa, so long as he lived.
Prithwi Pal succeeded his father, when very young, and was endowed with great personal vigour, nor was he, I believe, at all scrupulous about means; but he seems to have been rash and credulous, which rendered him totally unable to resist the wiles of the people of Gorkha, who were afraid to use open violence, on account of his connexion with the Nawab Vazir. They did not therefore molest his ancient dominions, nor any of the territory that he had acquired on the plains, all of which was tributary to the Nawab; but, immediately after his accession, Rana Bahadur, king of Gorkha and Nepal, compelled the Raja of Palpa to restore the mountains of Gulmi to Siddhi Pratap, the legal heir of that country, whose sister Rana Bahadur had married.
When Rana Bahadur of Gorkha determined to place the sovereignty in the hands of Yuddha Vikram Sahi, his illegitimate son, he invited Prithwi Pal to perform the ceremony of Tika, under pretence that he was desirous of obviating the defects of his son’s birth, by having the mark of royalty placed on his forehead by a person of Prithwi Pal’s high rank; for, among the hill chiefs he was considered as the most eminent by birth, and the Raja of Yumila had been expelled from his dominions; nor did the Gorkha family, after the acquisition of Nepal, acknowledge the superiority of its chief. The real object, however, of the invitation, was in all probability to have power over Prithwi Pal; for he remained in a kind of confinement until January 1803, when the noble and high-spirited lady, wife of Rana Bahadur, who then governed Nepal, had the magnanimity to allow him to return to his own territories, although his father had treacherously stript hers of his dominions, and, although there is strong reason to suspect, that Damodar Pangre, discontented with the illegitimacy of Yuddha Vikram, had entered into a conspiracy to dethrone that young prince, and to place Prithwi Pal on the throne of Nepal.
When Rana Bahadur had returned from Banaras, had assumed the management of affairs, as regent for his son, and had put to death Damodar Pangre, and the other discontented nobles of his kingdom, his first care was to secure Prithwi Pal. He accordingly sent an embassy to that chief, requesting his sister in marriage, and making the most profuse offers of increasing the territories of his future brother-in-law. The lady was sent, accompanied by her brother Rana Bahadur, for Prithwi Pal was suspicious; and, although invited, did not attend. The lady and her brother were most kindly received by Rana Bahadur of Gorkha, who said to the chief of the same name, I have been a king, and should therefore think myself degraded by worshipping you, (according to the Hindu custom,) when I received your sister from your hands; it will be therefore highly agreeable to me, if your brother, who is a prince my superior in birth, would attend to give away his sister. The Guru, or spiritual guide of the Palpa Raja, was in the suite of the princess, and was dispatched in order to persuade Prithwi Pal, in which he succeeded, by declaring, that Rana Bahadur had before him taken the most solemn oaths to do his guest no injury. Whether Rana Bahadur had actually done so, or whether the Brahman was bribed, and told a falsehood to obtain his end, I cannot take upon myself to say, either circumstance being abundantly compatible with the characters of the persons; but Prithwi Pal had no sooner reached Kathmandu, with about 400 attendants, than these were disarmed, he and his principal officers were put in close confinement, and no more mention was made of the marriage. No one can pity the fate of Prithwi Pal; as, in order to ingratiate himself with his intended brother-in-law, he took with him, and delivered to Rana Bahadur, the widow and only surviving son of his friend Damodar Pangre; who, when that gallant veteran and his elder sons had been murdered by the tyrant, had fled to Palpa for refuge. The Raja of Gorkha was, however, afraid of driving the Palpa family to extremities, and compelling it to seek refuge in the territories of the Company, which had received from the Nawab Vazir the sovereignty of the low countries belonging to Palpa, and might be disposed to give its powerful support.
When mortally wounded by his brother, the Raja of Gorkha placed the authority of the kingdom, and the protection of his son, in the hands of Bhim Sen, a very vigorous rash young man, who, owing partly to the moderation of the Company’s negotiations with Rana Bahadur, by him attributed to fear, and partly to the hope of protection from the Chinese, seems to have beheld the British government with contempt. One of his first measures, about the end of June 1804, was to put the Raja of Palpa and all his officers to death. It is said by some that, under pretence of the conspiracy to which I have alluded, he inflicted most severe tortures on the unfortunate chief; but others maintain, that his throat was cut, like that of the others, without any form of investigation or delay. Bhim Sen acted with the utmost promptitude in obtaining his object. His father, Amar Singha, was raised to the English rank of general, sent with a considerable force, and in less than a month from his son’s elevation, took possession of Palpa without resistance; nor did he hesitate to advance into the low country, which belonged to the Raja of Palpa, as a subject of the Company. Had Bhim Sen confined himself to the hills of Palpa, it is almost certain that he would have met with no disturbance from the British government; but he still perhaps congratulates himself on having understood the British government better than Rana Bahadur; for, although he has not been allowed to keep undisturbed all the low country that was subject to Palpa, he has for some years held a considerable portion.
On the approach of General Amar Singha to Palpa, in July or August 1804, the widow of Prithwi Pal, with her son Ratna Sen, his uncle Samar Bahadur, usually called the Lal Dewan, or Nader Shah, and his grand-uncle Suravir, who held the office of Chautariya, fled to a house which the family had at Madhuvani in Tilpur. The unfortunate lady died there, and the Raja was removed to Gorakhpur, where he has ever since remained, but in such constant apprehension of assassination, that it has been judged necessary to have his house secured by a guard of regular seapoys. The Company have allowed him a pension in lieu of the profits which he would have had from his remaining estates, of which the collector has assumed the entire disposal; for owing to the encroachments made by Amar Singha, and the devastation that has followed in what remains, it is altogether impossible for him to fulfil the engagements into which his father’s agents entered with Mr Rutlege, the gentleman who had the management of the country ceded by the Nawab vazir to the Company. This pension was altogether inadequate to support the number of persons by whom he was followed; and even his venerable grand-uncle Suravir, son of Makunda Sen, suffered such mortifications, that he had determined to perish on the place where his son had suffered death, for this youth had accompanied his cousin Prithwi Pal. The old man, after taking an affectionate leave of some of the family adherents in Tilpur, and weeping with them a whole day, went to Palpa and presented himself to Amar Singha, who was moved with compassion, and said, though we have killed your son, and overthrown your family, we will do you no injury, but will provide for you in a manner very different from your friends the English. There has accordingly been settled on him an income sufficient to supply his wants. I am not sure that this has proceeded from generosity; but it has produced some effect on the minds of the populace. If it was intended to lull the fears of the family into a fatal security, it has hitherto completely failed.
The extent and boundaries of Palpa will be better seen from the maps than explained by description. The country, independent of Butaul, is in general lower and warmer than the valley of Nepal Proper. The greatest crop is transplanted rice, next to that broadcast rice, then maize, then the pulse called urid, almost equal in quantity to the maize, then the Lathyrus sativus, called dubi kerao, then the Eleusine corocanus, or maruya, then the Ervum lens, or masuri, then four kinds of sesamum, and the cruciform oil seeds, like mustard and rape, then three kinds of the pulse called kurthi, and then a little of the grains called sama and kodo. Much ginger is reared. The sugar-cane grows very large and juicy, but is eaten without preparation.
When the colony from Chitaur first took possession of Palpa, it belonged to a Magar chief, and the people were of that tribe. Brahmans, but mostly of the spurious breed called Jausi, are now the most numerous class; next to these are the Khas; and the Magars only occupy the third place.
Since the Raja of Gorkha and Nepal has seized on this country, the seat of government has been removed to Tansen, a town at some distance west from Palpa, with a tolerable road between them. This is now the residence of the General Amar Singha, formerly called Thapa, and the Subahs, or civil officers, governing the petty principalities to a considerable distance, are under his authority. He has with him a large force of regulars, (fourteen or fifteen companies,) which he has for some time been assiduously increasing, and to enable him to put this measure into execution, a great part of the free land has been resumed. The plan adopted on this occasion was to say to the Brahmans who held the land, “you are impure fellows, who have degraded yourselves by doing many things totally inconsistent with the character of the sacred order. It is impossible, therefore, that you should, as such, be permitted to hold lands; and if you presume to act in the character from which you have degraded yourself, you shall be scourged. For a subsistence, therefore, betake yourself to cultivation; or other drudgeries for which alone you are now fit, and do not bring a disgrace on the character of the sacred order.” In these degenerate days perhaps there is not one Brahman out of fifty who either does not do what he ought to shun, or who does not omit to do what he ought to perform; and all will admit that degraded Brahmans are unworthy of holding such possessions. If the Brahmans, however, were to be the judges of the quantum of such transgressions necessary to occasion the forfeiture of free lands, such an event would seldom indeed happen. But the lay rulers of Nepal judged more strictly; and as they knew that whatever proofs they might bring would produce no conviction, they probably deemed it quite unnecessary to put the parties to any trouble, or to go through the farce of a trial, where the measure to be adopted was predetermined; nor are the chiefs of Nepal men against whom any complaints of injustice are made by those under their authority.
There are many routes from the plain into the hills of Palpa; but, except by a few smugglers, most of these have been deserted since the conquest, for which there seem to be two reasons. The Nepalese are desirous of having only a few open routes, by which an army from the low country might penetrate into the hills, and they think that in a few years the neglected routes will be either altogether forgotten, or be so overgrown with woods as to prevent access. The few remaining roads will then be easily guarded by a small force. But besides the military point of view, they are desirous of having few passages as a point of economy in collecting the customs. Accordingly, so far as they can, they have stopt every pass, except that by Butaul, which, of course, has become a considerable mart, although most inconveniently situated. It stands on the plain, but in a recess of the mountains, and is so dreadfully unhealthy, that no one resides there in the rainy season. The Rajas had a house called Nayakot on a hill overhanging the town, or assemblage of huts; but I am told, that this castle is not sufficiently elevated to be exempt from the effects of the insalubrious air.
The Palpa Rajas possessed also a very important mart in the hills. It is called Rerighat, and is situated on the bank of the Narayani. The best, or rather the only tolerable roads passing through the country either from the east and west, or from the north and south, pass this route; and it seems to be of equal importance either in a military or commercial view. During the cold season there is at Rerighat a fair (Mela) which lasts for three or four months, and is frequented by a great number of traders from all parts of the mountains. The road from Butaul to Rerighat by Morihang, Mosihang, and Tansen, was said to be far from difficult; but what idea a mountaineer annexed to a difficult road is not easy to determine. Some of them say, that loaded oxen could pass; others say that they could not. It is generally admitted, that the easiest route from Rerighat to the plains would be east through Tansen, Rampur, Nayakot, and Dewghat, but this road is at present stopt.
Loaded canoes, I am assured, can pass up the Gandaki, or Narayani, all the way to Rerighat, except at a narrow rapid between two rocks at a place called Gongkur, a little above Dewghat. There they must be unloaded and dragged up empty. Timber in floating down this passage is apt to fall across the channel, and to stick between the rocks; but this may be obviated by tying a rope to one end of the logs so as to allow them to float end on. Canoes can ascend to Dewghat with little difficulty. There are, indeed, three rapids; one above Bhelaunji to which large boats can go with ease; a second at the junction of the Arhung; and a third at Khairiyani, near Dewghat; but in the dry season canoes or small boats may be dragged up loaded. In floods the navigation is altogether unadvisable, the river being then of tremendous rapidity.
Near Tansen, the present capital, there was formerly a mine of iron, but, since the conquest, copper has been discovered in the same place, and now, it is said, the mine produces that metal to the value of 50,000 rupees a-year. In the small territory of Khidim lately, as I have said, annexed to Palpa, is a mine of lead.
I received very little information concerning the Tanahung branch of this family. It is said to be descended of Bihangga, or Bhringga, son of Makunda Sen, who lived ten or eleven generations ago. After some generations the then chief of Tanahung, it is said, gave Rising as an appanage to a younger brother, although, as I shall afterwards state, there may be some doubt entertained on this point. Afterwards, on the failure of the Champaranya, or Rajpur branch of this colony from Chitaur, the then Raja of Tanahung secured a part called Ramnagar, which is situated in the district of Saran, under the protection of the Company, and is now all that belongs to the family. No chief resisted with such gallantry and effect the rising power of Prithwi Narayan of Gorkha as the Raja of Tanahung, by whom the forces of that perfidious prince were defeated in a most decisive battle; nor was any attempt afterwards made to extend the dominions of Gorkha to the west until the Raja of Palpa was gained, as I have already mentioned. How the overthrow of Tanahung took place I have not learned; but the Raja made his escape to Ramnagar, and retains only what he held of the Company. His country, that was formerly independent, consists of two portions; one on the hills that surround Gorkha on the west and south, and one in the valley of the Raputi, which is adjacent to the southern portion of what is on the hills. This valley is inhabited by the ordinary Hindus of Mithila. It contains three Pergunahs or baronies, Chitan, Belan, and Sengjhayat, of which the two former contain a good deal of cultivation. The road through them along the Raputi to Hethaura is tolerably level, and might be easily made good; while I understand that from Ramnagar by Bakraghat there is a pretty good road to Chitan over the low hills, by which the valley is bounded on the south. The direct road from the plain to Hethaura by Bichhakhori is, I know, very difficult; but some allege, that there is along the banks of the torrent, in which the road now goes, a very good route, which has been shut up by the present government of Nepal. Colonel Kirkpatrick describes another route through these hills; but, from all accounts, it is more difficult than any of the others.
The mountains of Tanahung were inhabited by the same races as Palpa, and nearly in the same proportions. Its southern division contained three towns, Yogimara, Upadrang, and Kavilas; the first of which is said to be large, and a military station of some importance, although I did not learn the title of the officer commanding, nor the extent of his force. The circumstance of the military station, however, strongly confirms the statement of Samar Bahadur, who alleges, that by these three towns is one of the easiest routes to Nepal, of which the following is a detail given by Sadhu Ram.
From Sivapur Ghat on the Gandaki, in the Company’s territory, to Bhelongji in Nepal, the distance is 2½ coses, very bad road, but large boats can go up the river. From Bhelongji to Benmohar the distance is 3 coses, the river having some rapids. Near Benmohar the Raputi joins the Gandaki or Narayani; and there is a road through a level country, partly cultivated, to Hethaura. From Benmohar to the Arung Dumohan the distance is 3 coses. At this place also are some rapids. From Arun Dumohan to Leraghat is a distance of 3½ coses without rapids. From Leraghat to Dewghat are two days’ journey, having the cultivated lands of Chitan to the right, and Nawalpur, the residence of a Subah, to the left. From Dewghat to Kavilas is one day’s journey east through a hilly country, in some parts cultivated. Kavilas is a village near the Trisul Gangga, which is larger than the Narayani above Dewghat. From Kavilas to Upadrang is a day’s journey through a hilly country. Upadrang is a town and military station, with the Trisulgangga one-quarter cose to the north. It must be observed, that Kanak Nidhi reverses the situation of the two last places; but Sadhu Ram’s position is supported by Colonel Kirkpatrick. From Upadrang to Yogimara, or Yogimaya, is a day’s journey east. Yogimara is a large village on a hill one-quarter cose south from the Trisulgangga. From Yogimara to Chitlang, in the lesser valley of Nepal, is two days’ journey; and the road seems to pass through the valley, which Colonel Kirkpatrick calls Doona Baisi, and fully describes. 184 From his account it would appear, that, from this valley, besides the route leading to Chitlong, there is another leading to Thankot in the greater valley of Nepal, and avoiding the difficult passage of Chandangiri, which lies between Chitlong and Kathmandu. Samar Bahadur says, that on the whole route there is no great ascent; but the Brahman Prati Nidhi alleges, that the route is both circuitous and steep. At any rate, it has been stopt by the present government of Nepal.
In the western wing of Tanahung were the capital and Bandi, two places of some consequence. The two maps differ a good deal in the details of this principality; nor do I know to which the preference should be given.
The mountains of Tanahung contained mines of iron, but no others.
It was said, by Samar Bahadur, that Rising, Ghiring, and Gajarkot, formerly belonged to Tanahung, and were given as an appanage to a younger brother, among whose descendants they were afterwards subdivided, and the three chiefs, to whom they belonged, are universally looked upon to be of the same family; but here a great difficulty occurs. The Tanahung family, as well as the Palpa branch, is very generally admitted to be descended of the Chitaur family, and to be of the highest and purest tribe on the hills, east of the river Kali; but these three petty chiefs wallow in all the ancient abominations of the mountaineers. That Samar Bahadur was mistaken, I see no reason to suppose; especially as these three chiefs were in league with his family, and as Rising seems to have belonged to his ancestor Makunda the 1st, who founded at the Dewghat, in that territory, a celebrated temple, where he died. I shall not take upon myself, however, to say, whether we are, from the circumstance, to infer, that the whole members of this family have no just claim to be descended from the Chitaur colony, but were impure mountaineers, who had this pedigree invented to flatter them, when they turned from their impure ways, and were induced to follow the Brahmans. It is possible, that the first chief of the Rising family, who obtained that country as an appanage, may have been of illegitimate birth, and that, his mother being impure, he may have been brought up in a hankering after the flesh-pots, from which it has been impossible to wean his descendants.
Rising, as I have said, was given by a Raja of Tanahung to a younger son. The territory was always petty, and, according to Prati Nidhi, Dewghat seems to have been resumed by Tanahung; but Sadhu Ram alleges, that so long as the principality of Rising continued independent, Dewghat was its port, and enjoyed some trade, which has been stopt by its present rulers. The image of Siva, contained in the temple, is called Makundeswar, from the founder. There is a great assembly of votaries on the Sivaratri, and another on the Khichri. Some of this family are said to remain, but where, I have not heard. The country and its inhabitants do not differ materially from Palpa, but it contains no mines.
Ghiring and Gajarkot, which belonged to two collateral branches of Rising, were still more petty than that state, but did not differ in any other considerable respect.
Section III
Nepal Proper
Name.—History previous to the Conquest by the Gorkhalis.—Extent and Topography.—Population.—Buildings.—Revenue.—Trade.—Coins.—Weights.—Measures.—Agriculture.—Tenures.—Crown Lands.—Lands held for Service.—Charity Lands.—Tenants.—Implements.—Crops.—Manufactures.—Price of Labour.—Slaves.—Diet.
I must next proceed to describe Nepal Proper, which is bounded on the east, south, and south-west, by the territory above mentioned. I have to regret, that various restraints, by which my inquiries were checked, while at Kathmandu, prevented me from obtaining much information that I was anxious to procure. In particular, I obtained little or no information concerning the history of the princes who governed Nepal at the time of the conquest; except that the Newars had been long subject to a family of their own nation, all the members of which assumed the name of Mal, and, for some time previous to the conquest, had separated into three lordships, Kathmandu or Kathmaro, Lalita Patan, and Bhatgang, which circumstance greatly facilitated the enterprise of the chief of Gorkha.
Nepal is a country celebrated in Hindu fable, and is said to be written thus in the Purans, attributed to Vyas; but in the country itself, it is commonly said, that its proper name is Niyampal, derived from a certain Niyam, a Muni, or very holy person, the Nymuni of Colonel Kirkpatrick. 187a This, however, is probably some modern conceit, as the Brahmans of both south and north agree in writing the name Nepala, or Nepal, and as the fables on which this etymology is built, as Colonel Kirkpatrick justly observes, 187b merit no attention.
As I myself procured little or no historical account of Nepal Proper, previous to its conquest by the Raja of Gorkha, I might altogether refer on the subject to Colonel Kirkpatrick’s account, contained in his eighth chapter; but for the sake of connection, and in order to communicate my opinions on the subject, I shall here give an abstract of Colonel Kirkpatrick’s account, referring to his own work for particulars.
Colonel Kirkpatrick 187c quotes books, which he calls Hurrumunt Khund and Ooter Khund, probably portions of the Sri Bhagwat, for copious details concerning Nepal, during the time that it continued one of the favourite haunts of the Hindu deities, that is, during the Satya Yug, or Golden age; nor have we any reason to regret, that, instead of detailing such idle fables, he has contented himself with a mere reference to this work. Afterwards he goes on to give a series of princes, who are said to have governed Nepal in subsequent ages, commencing with Niyam Muni, or as he writes Nymuni. In this part of his work Colonel Kirkpatrick quotes no authority; but, as he brings the lists down to the termination of the Newar dynasty in 1767, his authorities are probably quite modern, and, as he supports the doctrine of the Newars having come from Gar Samaran, which they deny, his authorities must be founded on the legends of the Brahmans, much of which probably may be inventions perfectly recent, but some foundation may have been taken from ancient works, mangled to suit them for modern systems of Hindu chronology.
However this may be, Niyam Muni and his eight descendants are said 188a to have governed during the Treta and Dwapar Yugs, or the Silver and Brazen Ages, which, according to the present system, lasted for many hundred thousand years. The eight successors of Niyam Muni governed 188b four hundred and ninety-one one-third years, which requires rather an unwarrantable stretch of faith to believe; but, even admitting this, what remains to Niyam Muni is altogether beyond measure. This, perhaps, is owing to the works originally consulted having been composed before the present system of chronology was invented. It is more to the purpose to observe, that these princes have Sangskrita names, and therefore probably came from the plains; and that, except Niyam and his immediate successor, all of them are called Gupt; which shows that they were of the cow-herd tribe.
This dynasty was deprived of power by Bhul Singh of the Rajput tribe, and descended of Mehip Gopal, who came from Semrounghur (Gar Samaran) and Jamnukpou, (Janakipur.) He and his two descendants both having Sangskrita names, governed a hundred and eleven seven-twelfth years. Gar Samaran, it must be observed, was not built for many ages after the time of this dynasty; but Bhul Singh may have come from Janakipur, which was in the vicinity of the place where Gar Samaran was afterwards built. Whatever title these princes may have assumed, there is no reason to suppose that they were of the ancient Kshatriyas, descended of the sun, who resided at Janakipur, and governed Mithila, as no such name as Mehip Gopal appears in any list of the princes of Mithila that I have seen. Indeed, the title Gopal rather implies, that, like the former dynasty, the descendants of Mehip belonged to the low tribe of cow-herds.
This dynasty, whatever may have been its origin, was expelled by the Kerrats, (Kiratas,) of whom 27 princes governed 1630 years. The names of these princes, as might be expected, from what I have said of the tribe Kirata, are entirely barbarous.
The barbarian Kiratas were expelled by Nevesit, a Chetree (Kshatriya) of the Surejbunsi (Suryabangsi) race, of whose descendants 33 princes governed 1702 years. These princes had Sangskrita names, although Colonel Kirkpatrick, 189a speaking of one of them, who built the temple of Sambhunath, says, that they were Thibetians, who, after having been expelled by the Newars, obtained the name of Khat Bhotiyas, which they preserve to this day. Many of them took the title of Burmah, 189b on which account Colonel Kirkpatrick calls them Burmahs, probably meaning Varmas; and it is probable that these are the Varmas celebrated in the Purans, and had no connection with the Burmas of Ava, as Dr Leyden supposed. 189c Both, indeed, were of the sect of Buddha, who are usually called Brahmas by the Hindus, and the word Burma, Burmah, or Birmah, is probably a corruption of that appellation.
The Ahirs, (Ahiras, another name for cow-herds,) who were originally the sovereigns of Nepal, then recovered their dominions, and three of them governed 175 years. These must have been descendants of Niyam Muni. They have Sangskrita names, with the addition of Gupt, to mark their descent and tribe.
After these the Burmahs, descended of Nevesit, again recovered Nepal, and during 46 reigns governed 1869-1/6th years, which, by some error in the printing, or addition, is made 2869-1/12 years. Three sons of the last of these 46 princes governed successively, but the length of their reigns is not stated. One of them left a daughter, named Suttey Naik Deby, (probably Satya Nayeka Devi,) and married to Harrir Chander Deo, (probably Harihara Chandra Deva,) Raja of Banaras, by whom she had a daughter, Raj Letchmi, (Raya Lakshmi,) who was queen of Nepal.
This lady was succeeded by Hurr Singh Deo Raja of Semrour, (Hari Singha Deva of Samaran,) who introduced the Newars, and 190 expelled the Thibetians, now called Kath Bhotiyas, who since occupy chiefly the mountains near Kuti. This event happened in the Newar year 444, (A.D. 1323.)
The length of time allotted in the preceding account to these reigns is quite inadmissible, and on an average, I think, that more than ten years should not be allowed for each. According to this, we may form the following estimate.
Niyam and his eight descendants would govern 90 years, beginning A.D. 33, nearly about the time that Sakya introduced the doctrine of the Buddhas into these mountainous regions, and it was he who probably introduced Sangskrita names, and any considerable degree of civility among the mountain tribes. We know abundantly, that most of the successors of Niyam continued to adhere to the doctrine of Sakiya, as the Kiratas Burmahs and Newars occupy by far the greatest portion of the subsequent space, and were no doubt of the sect of Bouddha.
The three descendants of Mehip Gopal would govern 30 years, beginning A.D. 173.
The Kiratas would govern 270 years, commencing A.D. 303.
The Bhotiyas, descended of Nevesit, would govern at first 330 years, beginning A.D. 473.
The descendants of Niyam Muni, after recovering their old patrimony, would govern 30 years, beginning A.D. 803.
The Bhotiyas would again govern 490 years, beginning A.D. 833.
In the account of the Newars I have already stated, that this people totally deny their having come from the plains, or that their princes were descended of Hari Singha of Gar Samaran, and the people of Mithila, in which Gar Samaran is situated, altogether deny that Hari Singha ever left their country. I am therefore inclined to suppose, that the Mal family, which afterwards governed Nepal, are in fact the descendants of the last queen of the Burmah race, who, under the influence of her father from Banaras, may have introduced the doctrine of cast, and other customs, in which the Newars differ from the Thibetians, and thus separated their subjects from that portion of their tribe who retained their ancient customs, and who were afterwards distinguished by the name of Khat Bhotiyas.
Jat Mull, according to Colonel Kirkpatrick, 191 in the sixth generation from the founder of the Newar dynasty, was a great conqueror; but divided his kingdom into the three principalities which existed when the country was conquered by the Gorkhalis. Runjeet Mull (Ranjit Mal) of Bhatgang, in the seventh generation from Jat Mull, entered into a league with Prithwi Narayan of Gorkha against Kathmandu, which ended in the total subjugation of his house in the year 1767, so that thirteen generations held the government for 444 years, which coincides very exactly with the calculation of the venerable Herodotus.
The finest parts of Nepal consist of two delightful vallies separated from each other by the mountain Chandangiri; but these vallies, called Great and Little Nepal, do not include the whole of Nepala Desa, which is one of the fifty-six regions of Hindu geography. It extends also a considerable way over the countries watered by streams which run from the outside of the mountains that inclose the greater valley, and which fall into the Gandaki on the west, and the Kausiki on the east. The real boundaries are four celebrated places of pilgrimage; Nilkantha, eight days’ journey north from Kathmandu; Nateswar, three days’ journey south; Kaleswar, two days’ journey west; and Bhimeswar, four days’ journey east. The whole territory between these places is holy ground, and is properly called Dhama. This holy land, according to the Brahmans, is inhabited by 5,600,000 Bhairawas and Bhairawis. The former are male spirits of Maha Deva, or Siva, and the latter are female spirits of the Sakti, who is the wife, the mother, and the divine power of that deity. The whole territory within these boundaries was not, however, subject to the Newan chiefs who governed Nepal, and a large part in the vicinity of Nilkantha in particular, until the rise of the house of Gorkha, was subject to Thibet.
Nilkantha is a place much frequented by pilgrims, and which would seem to possess many natural curiosities. I therefore shall here annex an account of the best route to it, in hopes that it may be of use to some fortunate traveller, who may procure access to visit the Alps of Nepal. The traveller ought to proceed to Yogimara, the route to which I have mentioned before.
From Yogimara it is one day’s journey north and east to Mahes Domohana, a large village on a hill, at the junction of the Mahes with the Trisulgangga. The Mahes rises at Bhenjhongga, a village three coses west from Kirtipur, in the greater valley of Nepal.
From Mahes Domohana to Devighat is a distance of 2½ days’ journey, with not above two or three villages on the whole route. Devighat is a large village, where the Tazi or Tadi joins the Trisulgangga, and where there are annually several assemblies for the people to bathe at the junction of the streams. Kanak Nidhi, it must be observed, places a Devighat much lower down, at the junction of the Trisulgangga with the Gandi, but the Devi Ghat at the junction of the Tadi and Trisulgangga, or Daiby Ghaut, as he calls it, is that described by Colonel Kirkpatrick, 193 at considerable length. It is dedicated to Maha Maia, or Bhawani, concerning whom, Colonel Kirkpatrick, or his editor, seems to have fallen into several errors, saying, “that Bhowani is Daiby, (so he writes the words,) in her character of universal mother, or in other words Nature.” Now, Devi and Bhawani have exactly the same meaning, that is, the Goddess; and Maha Maia is not universal mother, but great mother; nor is Bhawani ever worshipped as the Genetrix naturæ, as universal mother might imply, but as the Sakti, or power of Siva, who is the God of destruction, and her worship is entirely that of fear.
North from this Devighat, six hours’ (two pahars) journey, is Nayakot, a town of Nepal Proper, situated on a hill, on the east side of the Trisulgangga. It contains about 12,000 houses, mostly occupied by Newars, and is built of brick like Kathmandu. The Court often retires here in the winter, the situation being warmer than Kathmandu. The town is situated on a hill, overhanging a valley, which Colonel Kirkpatrick 194 estimates to be 2200 feet lower than Kathmandu, on which account, it is not habitable after the middle of April, being subject to the Ayul.
From Nayakot north, one day’s journey, is Dhayabung, a village chiefly inhabited by Bhotiyas, and situated on a high hill at the Bitrawati ghat. The Bitrawati comes from the east, and has a course of four or five hours’ (1½ pahar) journey in length.
North from Dhayabung, one day’s journey, is Dhunchi, a Bhotiya village, on a large hill, south from the Trisulgangga.
From Dhunchi east, one day’s journey, is Dhimsa, a large Bhotiya village, not now subject to Gorkha. From Dhimsa to Gosaingsthan there are no inhabitants, and the country is covered with snow. Three hours’ journey from Dhimsa, the pilgrims come to Ganes Gongera, where there is an image of Ganes, to which the pilgrims resort. They then proceed about seven or eight hours’ journey (two or three pahars) to Bara Nilkantha, where, during the fair, there are many shops. There are eight springs, one of which is hot, and emits a blue flame from its surface. East from thence one-half cose, is a pool called Gaurikunda. Another pool, named Suryakunda, is about one-half cose farther east; and immediately beyond that, rises the immense peak of Gosaingsthan, from the east-side of which a branch of the Kausiki issues. On a mountain south from Gosaingsthan, and called Mahamandal, are found lead, zinc, or tutenague, mica in large plates, and rock crystal.
From Dhunchi there is a road to Kerung, one day’s journey north. This has lately been ceded to the Chinese by the governors of Nepal.
Considerable illustrations of this route up the Trisulgangga, by Nayakot to Nilkantha, and Kerung, 195 may be found in the 5th Chapter of Kirkpatrick’s Account of Nepaul, page 107, etc.
I have already given an account of the Newars, and of the mineral productions of the valley of Nepal, and now proceed to treat of some other circumstances, relating partly to the former, and partly to the present state of things, when Nepal has become the seat of a foreign government; although by this arrangement, I must here detail much of what I have to state concerning the family which now reigns, and to which I must afterwards return.
The following is the route to Kathmandu, by which I went to that city, and which is the one most frequented by merchants from the low country, especially by those trading to Patna, which is the principal mart for this commerce.
From the Company’s boundary near the Bera river are about ten miles to Gar Pasara, over an open plain, little of which is cultivated. An old fort, and many plantations of Mango trees, show that formerly it has been in a better state. We crossed the Bera, and passed some way along the banks of another river. Even in the end of March, these rivers are full of water, and contain no large banks of sand, as is usual in India. With industry, they might be applied most advantageously to irrigate the fields. The water is dirty, and owing to the quantity of rotten vegetable matter which it brings from the forest, and which at this season is little diluted, it is reckoned very unwholesome. Gar Pasara is a small village with a large tank. Near it is a brick house built by Singha Pratap, the present Raja of Gorkha’s grandfather, who in the cold season sometimes resided in the Tariyani, on the improvement of which he bestowed considerable attention.
From Gar Pasara to Bichhakor is about fourteen miles. The three first miles are clear, the remainder passes through a stately forest, with little or no underwood, but some long grass and reeds. For seven miles the ground in the forest is nearly level, and a very little trouble would make the road fit for carts. The remaining road passes along the lower part of some small hills, which are rather stony, and it crosses the rough and wide channels of some torrents, which in the cold season are perfectly dry; yet a small labour would render the whole way from Gar Pasara to Bichhakor passable for carts. At present it is perfectly good for laden cattle. There is no water by the way. Bichhakor contains about a dozen huts, and affords no supplies except wood and water, of which last there is a very fine spring, and several small streams in a very wide stony channel, the only clear place in the vicinity.
Bichhakor derives its name from the place abounding in scorpions. There is no cultivation near it, and the only inhabitants are a few Parbatiyas, or mountain Hindus. They reside at the place to collect some duties, and for the accommodation of travellers, and by long habit have become inured to the climate, and enabled to resist its baneful influence, which, from the end of March, till the beginning of December, is exceedingly destructive to all strangers. The temperature of the air at Bichhakor is sensibly cooler than at Gar Pasara, and we found the heat of the spring to be 74° Fahrenheit’s thermometer, which may be considered as the average heat of the place.
From Bichhakor to Hethaura is about sixteen miles. For the first seven miles the channel serves as a road; but both sides consist of low steep hills and precipices; the former covered with thick woods, among which are many pines. The ascent on the whole is considerable, but is nowhere steep; and with a little pains, the road might be made very good for loaded oxen, or even for light carriages. Even now, cattle convey along it on their backs the usual burthen of grain. About seven miles from Bichhakor, the road proceeds to the right from the channel, through a very strong pass called Chiriyaghat, or bird passage. It is commanded by two hills, which are less than a mile from the river, and which, although steep, are not high. The road between them is narrow, but in other respects is not bad. Colonel Kirkpatrick 197 considers Chiriyaghat as the name of the whole ridge, and not as that of the pass, as the name would seem to imply, and as I understood. From Chiriyaghat to Hethaura, the road is very good for loaded cattle, and might be easily rendered fit for carts. It descends gently through a country that rises into small swells, and has few trees, but is intersected by several dry water courses. About a mile from Hethaura, the Karara, coming from the east, passes the road. The ford is perfectly easy, and the road from thence to Hethaura is good, leading through a stately forest. From Chiriyaghat to Hethaura, there is no water except the Karara, a dirty black stream, which it is unsafe to drink, being black and unwholesome.
The route to Hethaura above described by Gar Pasara, or as he writes it Goolpussra, 198a or Goorpussra, 198b according to Colonel Kirkpatrick, possesses decided advantages over that by the Bhareh pass, situated farther east.
Hethaura stands on a fine plain, about a mile wide, which is bounded on the north by the Raputi, and on the south by the Karara. The soil of this plain is good, but none of it is cultivated, and most of it is covered with stately forests of the Sakhuya or Sal, which are kept clear of underwood, by burning at this season the fallen leaves and dry grass. This is done to all the forests in the neighbourhood, and every night of my stay, the surrounding hills were illuminated in a very grand manner.
The Raputi is a beautiful rapid clear stream, which, having come from the north, turns here to the west, and after having been joined by the Karara some way below, passes till it joins the Gandaki, through a valley, the lower part of which is cultivated, but all near Hethaura is waste, although the plain there would admit of a considerable extent of cultivation, should ever the jealousy of the Nepal government be so far removed as to allow the forests to be cleared. This, however, is not likely soon to be the case, as these forests increase the insalubrity of the air at Hethaura, which is one of the most important stations that could be chosen by invaders coming from the south. All kind of stores and provisions can be transported to it with ease, and it is a fine situation, admitting of a large camp. This might be secured by taking Makwanpur, a fortress situated about five miles to the eastward on a high hill. The people of Nepal are very jealous concerning Makwanpur, Hariharpur, and Sinduli, as the possession of these would give an enemy the entire command of the Tariyani.
The heat at Hethaura is much more temperate than that of the Tariyani; but, as the warm season advances, the air becomes exceedingly unhealthy, which seems to be chiefly owing to the want of cultivation.
For the accommodation of merchants, Hethaura has a brick building, which surrounds a square court. There are also a few shops.
From Hethaura to Bhimphedi is a distance of about eighteen miles, leading through a narrow defile, between high and steep hills, overgrown with thick woods. The Raputi winds through the defile in an extraordinary manner, so that it is crossed twenty-two times by the way. It is a strong, rapid, clear stream, not too deep to prevent it from being easily forded, so far as the water is concerned; but the channel is filled with rounded slippery stones, that render the fords very bad; when we went, bridges had therefore been constructed of trees laid from stone to stone, and covered with earth, so that cattle might have passed with tolerable ease, nor is the road very bad. From Hethaura to Bhimphedi is usually reckoned one day’s journey; but in returning, I halted by the way, on a clear space, called Maka Paka, which, although of small extent, and uneven, afforded abundance of wood and water; while at Bhimphedi the supply of the latter is scanty, and it is practicable from Maka Paka to go over the hill of Chisapani, and in one day to reach the fine rivulet called Panauni, which is on its north side. Between Maka Paka and Hethaura are a few cleared spots, like it cultivated by rude tribes, who shun all communication with travellers, and dwell in the recesses of forests which protect them from the Gorkhalese.
About fourteen miles from Hethaura, and a little way from Maka Paka, the road leaves the immediate bank of the Raputi, and ascends a very steep and strong bank, called Dokaphedi, from whence to Bhimphedi there is a fine level.
At Bhimphedi, the valley of the Raputi entirely ceases, and the high mountains called Lama Dangra divide it from the country on the north watered by the branches of the Vagmati. A large channel, one of the branches of the Raputi, passes Bhimphedi; but in the dry season it contains no water, and the inhabitants receive a scanty supply from a small spring. Water, however, might probably be procured in abundance, by digging wells in the channel of the torrent.
The height of Bhimphedi, above Hethaura, is very considerable, and the influence of the Ayul is much later in extending there, owing to the coolness of the air. At sunrise, on the 8th April, while the thermometer in the air was at 67° of Fahrenheit’s scale, it sunk to 63° upon being immersed into the spring. This may be considered as the average heat of the place, which is about 27° 30′ of north latitude. Here the mercury in our barometer sunk out of sight below the scale, which descended only to twenty-six inches; nor during our stay in Nepal did the mercury ever reach that height. At Bhimphedi, the vegetable productions put on a strong resemblance to those of Europe. It is a small village inhabited by Parbatiyas, and where some public buildings have been erected for the accommodation of passengers. Some shops afford grain, and such articles of consumption as Hindu travellers usually require.
From Bhimphedi to the copper mine (Tamrakhani) on the Panauni, is about 5½ miles over the chain of mountains called Lamadangra, and by the pass called Chisapani. The mountain is of great elevation, and very steep, but not very rugged; nor are the woods thick, although the trees are lofty. Except in steepness, the road is not bad.
About a mile and a half from Bhimphedi, I came to a fort called Chisapani, considered as the bulwark of Nepal; but it is by no means fitted to inspire us with respect for the skill of the engineers of Gorkha. It is situated on the declivity of the hill, so that an assailant might go round by the right, and when he had got above it, even with musquetry, the garrison could not show their faces on the works. Its form will be understood from the sketch.
The center in which the gates are is commanded by the two wings. The whole is built of brick, without any ditch. The wall on the upper side is about thirteen feet high; but on the lower front, the height of the parapet being carried round on a level, the elevation may be eighteen feet. This fort is always guarded by a company of seapoys; and, if fully garrisoned, might contain two hundred men. Round the fort a space has been cleared from trees; but so steep is the hill, that an enemy resting at the edge of the forest, and within two hundred yards of the fort, is not from thence visible. Immediately above the fort is a small village and market, (bazar;) but the Hindu engineers have been so improvident, that the only supply of water is about half a mile higher up the mountain. There, near the road, is a small spring of fine clear water, like that at Bhimphedi. It is called Chisa Pani, or the cold water, and is reckoned unwholesome, probably from people having suffered by drinking it rashly, when they have been heated by ascending the hill: for being a pure spring, it is probably excellent water.
For about a mile beyond the spring, the road continues to ascend, although with a more moderate declivity than below the fort. At the summit of the hill are some old fortifications, which were said to form the boundary between Nepal Proper and Makwanpur. The view from thence is said to be very grand, but a thick haze in all directions hindered me from seeing any thing except the neighbouring hills.
From this summit to the Panauni river, there is a very steep descent of about two miles through a beautiful forest of oaks, which is clear from underwood, and ornamented with the purple flowers of a large rhododendron, and with innumerable parasitical plants, having splendid and odorous flowers. In this forest, on account of its northern exposure, the pine does not thrive. The road over this mountain called Chisapani, is on the whole fatiguing; nor will it admit of any load being transported by cattle. To conduct a road over such a mountain, with proper slopes, so as to enable carriages to pass, is a work not to be expected from the natives, who, even if they were able to contrive such a work, would be afraid to put it in execution; as they would consider it as likely to afford too free an intercourse with their more powerful neighbours; and jealousy of strangers is the predominant principle in the Nepal government.
The Panauni is a clear rapid stream, with various branches, which come from the west and north, and water the country called Lahuri, or Little Nepal. All these branches unite where the road descends from Chisapani, and run to the east to join the Vagmati. Having crossed the Panauni twice, and observed in its channel numerous large masses of grey granite, I halted to breakfast at a small village named Tamra Khani. Near it is a productive copper mine, which the jealousy of the people hindered me from seeing, nor could I procure any of the ore, except a few small fragments. Tamra Khani, or the copper mine, is a small village inhabited by mountain Hindus, (Parbatiyas,) and situated in a very narrow part of the valley, which is straitened by an insulated hill on the north side of the river. Although its situation is low, yet being subject to continual high winds, this place is by the natives considered as very cold.
From thence I proceeded about six miles, and having at first followed the principal stream of the Panauni, and then one of its branches, I halted a little beyond Chitlong, after having had a good view of Lahuri Nepal. Except in dimensions, this so much resembles the larger valley, that I need not take up much time in its description. The road through it frequently crosses the river, and ascends a steep hill above a village named Marku; but this might be in a great measure avoided. The whole valley is not only clear of woods, but very bare. Its surface is extremely uneven, but is finely watered by numerous springs and rivulets, so that it is well cultivated, and produces much grain. The whole appearance of Lahuri Nepal, and its vegetable productions, strongly resemble those of the wilder parts of Britain; and, during my stay, I was entertained with the note of an old acquaintance, the cuckoo. The air of the higher part of the valley where we encamped is much cooler than that of Kathmandu, and was so sharp to our relaxed habits, that our winter clothing became comfortable, although Chitlong is situated nearly in twenty-seven degrees and a half of north latitude. I judge from the temperature of the springs, as they issue from the earth, that its mean heat is 58½ degrees of Fahrenheit’s scale. The winters, however, are never severe; and at that season the fields produce a crop of wheat, while in summer they yield one of rice. The great inferiority of this country, when compared with the mountains of Europe, consists in its pasture, which is very poor. It is, however, of a more nourishing quality than the rank grass of the Tariyani; for the cattle of Chitlong are in excellent condition when compared with those below the mountains.
Lahuri Nepal formerly belonged to the Raja of Lalita Patan. Its chief town called Chitlong, is well built, and its inhabitants are mostly Newars.
From Chitlong is about four miles to Thankot in the greater valley of Nepal. The road is very bad and rough, and conducts through forests over a mountain named Chandangiri, and nearly as difficult of ascent and descent as Chisapani. It derives its name, signifying sandal mountain, from one of the fables in the Hindu mythology, which states, that the goddess Parwati, the wife of Siva, rubbed herself with the powder of this fragrant wood while she sat on the mountain. Colonel Kirkpatrick calls this Chandraghiri, or the Mountain of the Moon. 204 On the highest part of the pass a house has been built for the accommodation of passengers. In the wooden carved work of this building are some very indecent figures, which by the natives are considered as fit ornaments, even in places erected from religious motives, as all these houses for the accommodation of travellers are.
Thankot is a small town, finely supplied with wood and water. It stands on a rocky eminence at the south west corner of the valley of Nepal, in a district separated from the other parts of the plain by a low ridge of hills. On the most conspicuous part of this ridge stands Kirtipur, a considerable town. This part of the valley seems to be a good deal elevated above the portion which contains Kathmandu; and I found the heat of a spring in a small wood above Thankot to be 59½ degrees of Fahrenheit’s thermometer. From Thankot to Kathmandu is about seven miles over very uneven cultivated fields, with no roads but foot-paths.
The larger valley of Nepal is somewhat of a circular form, and is watered by numerous branches of the Vagmati, which flow from the surrounding hills towards the centre, and unite into one stream a little way south from the capital. From the place of junction the Vagmati runs south, and goes to the Tariyani, after having forced a passage through the mountains. Taken in the largest sense, therefore, the valley of Nepal comprehends all the grounds watered by these branches of the Vagmati, and, according to this definition, it is about twenty-two miles from east to west, and twenty miles from north to south. This extent is every where bounded by a chain of hills, all of which are steep, and some of them rise into high mountains. Of these the most remarkable are Shiva, or Siwapuri, on the north, Nagarjun on the west, Chandangiri on the south-west, Pulihu on the south east, and Devikot on the east. It must be observed, that from these hills, various branches reach a considerable way into the plain, and separate from it small vallies, most of which are considerably elevated above the general level, and from these vallies issue the various streams by which the country is irrigated. The larger valley, reduced by these branches, may be about fourteen miles each way. A person placed in the centre of this extent would consider the whole as one great level, but on travelling about, he frequently comes to very deep hollows, excavated by the various branches of the river, which flow with a very gentle current in large sandy channels. Except after heavy rains, these are almost always fordable, and are commonly sunk fifty or sixty feet perpendicular below the general level of the plain.
It appears evident to me, that Colonel Kirkpatrick 206 judged rightly in supposing that this valley has formerly been a lake, which has gradually deposited all the alluvial matter that now forms the different substrata of the plain. The extent of the lake may in all places be traced by that of the alluvial matters, above the edges of which generally appear irregularly shaped large stones, which, having rolled down from the hills, stopped at the water’s edge as usual in the lakes of hilly countries. The memory of the lake is preserved in the fables contained in the books of the natives, which mention the deity by whom the mountain was cleft to drain off the water, together with numerous circumstances connected with this event. The following is an account of these fables that was communicated to me by Colonel Crawford. When the valley of Nepal was an immense lake, an incarnation of Buddha was born in that country. A petition was therefore made to the gods requesting that the lake might be drained, that the valley might be filled with inhabitants, and that thus the number of the followers of Buddha might increase. The gods attended to this petition, and ordered Menjoo Dev’ to evacuate the waters by making a cut through the mountains. This he performed with one blow of his scimitar, and ever since, the waters of the Vagmati have flowed through the gap, which he then formed. The spirit who had presided over the lake was a large serpent, who, finding his water become scanty, and the dry land beginning every where to appear, became exceedingly wroth, but he was pacified by the gods, who formed for his residence a miraculous tank, which is situated a little to the southward of Lalita Patan. This tank has a number of angles, all of which cannot be seen at once from any station; they can only, therefore, be numbered by walking round the tank; the miraculous nature of which, in the opinion of the natives, is fully demonstrated by no two persons who make the attempt to number these angles, being able to agree concerning this important point.
The Brahmans, it must be observed, have invented another story, equally extravagant, and attribute the blow which cleared the valley to Anirudha, the grandson of Krishna, who at the same time killed Sangkhasur, who until then had been lord of Nepal.
The Vagmati must always have flowed from the valley, to carry away the vast body of water collected in the rainy season, and which evidently was confined by a narrow ledge of rocks, which crosses the channel of the river, where it enters the southern mountainous district. At that time the bottom of the lake must have been a smooth cavity, and it must have been surrounded by small narrow glens, pouring their streams into the lake, as they now do into the valley. As the river gradually wore away the rock, over which it must have been precipitated in a cataract, the water in the lake would subside, and the various streams running from the glens would form deep excavations in the soft matter that had formerly been deposited by the water; and this operation would go on, till the ledge of rock was entirely worn away, and a stop was put to the sinking of the river, by the immerse mass of rock opposed to its influence.
While the lake existed, there must have appeared in it two islands, which now form hills. The one is called Sambhunath, or rather Swayambhunath, as being, in the opinion of the Bouddhists of Nepal and Thibet, a favourite residence of the Supreme Being. It is an elegant hill, with two peaks occupied by religious buildings, and covered with the most stately trees. It is a conspicuous object from almost every part of the valley, and every where appears to great advantage.
The description given of the Temple of Buddha on this hill by Colonel Kirkpatrick 208 is not very accurate, and the drawing is bad, especially in representing the upper part quadrangular, while in reality it is round. It is generally admitted to be the most ancient temple or edifice in Nepal, and, indeed, Colonel Kirkpatrick states, that it was built by Maun Deo, (Mana Deva,) who, according to him, was the sixty-first prince of the country, before the year of Christ 1323. Allowing ten years for each reign, this would place the building of the temple in the beginning of the eighth century, which, from its appearance, is fully as early a date as can be admitted.
The other hill is larger, but not so high, and is greatly celebrated among the followers of the Vedas. It is venerated as being the residence of Siva, under the name of Pasupatinath, and of his wife, under the name of Guhyiswari. The hill is covered with trees, and has a temple dedicated to each of the deities. These temples are frequented by great numbers of pilgrims, who, by visiting the holy place, expect to be ever afterwards secured from being born an animal lower than man. The hill, in a large part of its circumference, is washed by the Vagmati, which is there a holy river; and all the Hindus of Nepal wish to expire with their feet immersed in its stream, and are desirous, that after death they should be burned on its banks.
The two copperplate engravings, taken from drawings by Colonel Crawford, will give an idea of the scenery in the valley of Nepal. No. 1. represents the temple of Bouddhama in Kasacheit, the most favourite place of worship with the Khat Bhotiyas, or ancient inhabitants of the country. In the distant parts of the back ground are peaks of the Himaliya mountains rising through the clouds. No. 2 gives a distant view of Kathmandu towards the right, and Lalita Patan towards the left, with the temple of Jagannath between them, and in front of Lalita Patan, the Queen’s Garden, in which the British Embassy was lodged. The town of Kirtipur is seen on a hill behind Kathmandu.
In Nepal Proper, the Parbatiyas are not near so numerous as the Newars. The valley of Nepal seems to be exceedingly populous; but when the natives, as usual, talk of 18,000 houses in Kathmandu, 24,000 in Lalita Patan, and 12,000 in Bhatgang, they certainly grossly exaggerate. The persons of all ages and both sexes may in these towns amount to such numbers, and in Kathmandu may perhaps somewhat exceed this calculation. There are, besides, in this small valley several other considerable towns, such as Timmi, Kirtipur, Dewapatan, Sangghu, and Thankot.
Colonel Kirkpatrick observes, 209 that “we are altogether unfurnished with any documents that would warrant our hazarding even a conjecture on the number of people, the materials we possess for judging of the population of the valley of Nepaul itself being at the best extremely vague, and enabling us only to state it loosely at about half a million.” In p. 161, he reckons 48,000 or 50,000 people in Kathmandu, which seems to me considerably exaggerated.
The Parbatiyas do not, like the Newars, delight in towns and villages, and, except the followers of the court, few reside in Kathmandu, or other cities of Nepal; neither are they so much addicted to large brick buildings; for the princes of the Gorkha family, although they have united very extensive dominions under their authority, have been contented with the palace of the petty chief of Kathmandu, or Kathmaro, as it is often called. This, indeed, is a large building, but of so singular a form, that our terms of art could not be applied to describe its architecture. It possesses no magnificence, and seems to have been inferior to the palaces of Lalita Patan and Bhatgang. All the three, however, are works of astonishing magnitude, considering the small extent of country subject to the princes by whom they were built. The great families of Gorkha have occupied the best houses of the Newars, or have built others in the same style, some of which are mansions that in appearance are befitting men of rank. The greater part of the Parbatiyas, however, retain their old manners, and each man lives on his own farm. Their huts are built of mud, and are either white-washed or painted red with a coloured clay. They are covered with thatch, and, although much smaller than the houses of the Newars, seem more comfortable, from their being much more neat and clean. Their usual form may be seen in the foreground of the copperplate No. 1.
Near the palace of Kathmandu is the shrine of Tulasi Bhawani, (Toolaja Bhowani, 210) who, with Gorakhanath, is the tutelar deity of the reigning family. There is no image of this deity which is represented by a Yantra, or cabalistical figure. In order to impress the subjects with awe, no person is admitted into this shrine except the Raja, the Rani or Queen, the Guru or spiritual guide of the prince, and the Pujari or priest, who is always of the Guru’s family. In order probably to add more to the awe of the place, Prithwi Narayan is said to have offered some human sacrifices; but the deity is reported to have reprimanded the prince in a dream, and ever since the victims offered have been buffaloes, sheep, and goats. After the proper ceremonies have been performed, the throat of the animal is cut, in the outer part of the temple, before the multitude, and the blood is carried into the shrine by the priest, or by the prince.
Colonel Kirkpatrick 211 describes the twenty most remarkable temples of Nepal, excluding the two greatest, Sambhunat and Bouddhama, as being heterodox; but he was not aware, that the same reason should have induced him to exclude the temples of Matsyendranath, (Mutchendernath,) and Gorakhnath, (Goorukhnath.) I may, however, refer to his account for all that requires to be mentioned on this subject.
Nepal Proper is immediately under the management of the Bahradar, or great officers of the court. Kathmandu, for the support of the court, pays annually 18,000 rupees, Lalita Patan pays 18,000, Bhatgang 14,000, and Kirtipur 7000.
About three years ago, a kind of perpetual settlement was made on these crown lands. Each farm was assessed at a certain quantity of grain, which the farmer might either pay in kind, or in money, at the market price. Much benefit would have resulted to the Company, had Lord Cornwallis adopted such a plan. A very large portion of Nepal Proper has been alienated, either in fee or in charity lands. A fine town, named Sangghu, is the Jaygir, or jointure lands of the Maha Rani, or Queen Regent, and is worth annually 4000 rupees. Dewa Patan, a still larger place, belongs entirely to the temples of Pasupatinath and Guhyiswari.
The trade of Nepal was formerly pretty considerable, although the territories of the Raja produce few articles for exportation, except iron, copper, and drugs. At present the defects in the police, and the total want of credit, partly owing to the weakness of the law, and partly to the falsehood of the people, have in a great measure put a stop to the commerce which passed through the country. Its nature was as follows:
Some merchants of Kasmir carried their manufactures by the way of Ladak to Kutti, and other towns in Thibet, in order to procure the wool produced in these countries by the Shawl goat. These manufactures were partly used in Thibet, partly sent to Siling or Sining, on the western frontier of China, by the way of Degarchi and Lassa, and partly sent to Patna by the way of Kathmandu. These Kasmirians have factories at Lassa, Siling, Patna, and Kathmandu. They brought from China such goods as answered for the demand of Nepal and Kasmir, among which tea and silks were the principal articles; and from Patna they carried to China otters’ skins, to the annual amount of about 50,000 rupees. These otters’ skins are procured in the neighbourhood of Dhaka in Bengal.
Again the merchants of Bhot or Thibet brought for sale to Kathmandu paper, coarse woollen cloths, horses, Shawl goats, common goats, sheep, Chaury cattle, chauries, (changwari or chaungri,) musk, salt, sal ammoniac, hurtal or yellow arsenic, borax, quicksilver from China, gold-dust, silver, preserved fruits, such as almonds, walnuts, raisins, and dates, and drugs, such as Indian madder or manjit, chirata, and charas, or extract of hemp. Formerly the Lamas of Degarchi (Teeshoo) and Lassa sent much bullion to the mint at Kathmandu, and made a very liberal allowance for having it coined; but the rapacity of Rana Bahadur induced him to alloy the money, which of course put an entire stop to this source of wealth. Of these articles, the greater part of the musk, chaungris, hurtal, borax, and bullion, are sent to Patna, or the low country. From thence again are brought up buffaloes, goats, broad-cloth, cutlery, glass ware, and other European articles, Indian cotton cloths, mother of pearl, pearls, coral, beads, spices, pepper, betel nut and leaf, camphor, tobacco, and phagu, or the red powder thrown about by the Hindus at their festival called Holi. Most of these articles, together with many utensils of wrought copper, brass, bell-metal, and iron, are sold to the merchants of Thibet.
The borax and salt are said to be brought from a lake, which is situated nearly north from Kathmandu, about fifteen days’ journey beyond the Brahmaputra. They are conveyed to Nepal on the backs of a large kind of sheep, of which many have four horns, and which seem to be the common beasts of burthen in all the countries towards the sources of the Indus, Ganges, and Brahmaputra. The annexed figure represents a wether of this breed. Each wether, according to what I heard, carries about eighty pounds weight; but Colonel Kirkpatrick 214a states the load at forty-two pounds, which is more probable. These sheep are about the size of the larger breeds in England.
Captain Turner 214b describes a sheep used in Thibet for carrying burdens, but that is probably different from what I have mentioned, as he takes no notice of the sheep of this breed having four horns, and states them to be of a small size. Each carries only from twelve to twenty pounds.
In Nepal accounts are kept thus: 4 Damas = 1 Paisah; 4 Paisahs = 1 Ana; 8 Anas = 1 Mohur. The Ana is an imaginary money. The coin called a Mohur varies in its rate of exchange, but is commonly worth 34 Paisahs. The Paisah always exchanges for 4 Damas. On Prithwi Narayan’s accession, he called in all the gold and silver money and recoined it, so that I could procure no pieces of a more ancient date than his reign. Ever since that period the value of the coin has continued the same, and is as follows.
Gold coins are called ashruffies; but the full ashruffy is not coined. The fractions in use are halfs, quarters, and eighths. The half ashruffy is by the Court paid away at the rate of 14 Mohurs; and at this value it is a legal tender of payment between man and man, unless silver has been specially stipulated. In the market, however, the half ashruffy usually exchanges for 12½ Mohurs. It weighs 84¼ grains; and, according to an assay made at Calcutta, is worth nearly three Calcutta rupees, or nearly six shillings and threepence at the mint price.
The coins analogous to the rupee of Hindustan and its fractions are collectively called Madarmali. Colonel Kirkpatrick writes this word 215 Mehnder mulie, applies it only to the Mohur or Mohr, as he calls it, and says that the word is derived from the name of a prince. The integer is called Pura Rupiya, or Du Mohur, and is seldom seen. The half is called the Mohur, and is the common silver currency in the country. When new it weighs 84¼ grains, and is worth six anas, 10⅝ pies, or 43/100 of the Calcutta rupee. The quarter is called Adha Mohur; the eighth is called Suki.
Besides the Madarmali, there is a wretched small silver coin called Dama, of which the value in exchange is variable; but commonly 136 Damas are given for one Mohur.
The copper coins are Paisas, Half-Paisas, and a few Quarter-Paisas. These last are of the same value with the Dama, but the minute silver coin is considered as more convenient than the Paisa of copper. I am indeed persuaded that no great inconvenience arises from a very minute coinage in circulation; and that, without any loss, we might entirely dispense with the use of a copper currency.
The weights in use are founded on the Paisa, but these are by no means uniform. On an average, however, they may be taken at 162 grains Troy weight.
72 Paises = 1 Ser = lb. avoirdupois 1.666.
3 Sers = 1 Dharni = lb. 4.998.
The Dharni may therefore be considered as equal to five pounds avoirdupois. It is also divided into two Bisulis, and four Barapuls.
Grain is always sold by measure.
8 Manas = 1 Pathi = 152 cubical inches.
20 Pathis = 1 Muri = Winchester bushels 2-344/1000.
The whole lands in Nepal have long been divided into what are called Khets or fields, each of which is estimated in ordinary seasons to produce 100 Muris, or 234½ bushels of Paddy, or rice in the husk. About the year 1792 Ranjit Pangre, then one of the Karyis, by the orders of Rana Bahadur, made a survey of the valley; but the result has been kept secret. The people know only that he estimated each of their possessions at a certain number of Rupinis, and that on an average twenty-five of these formed one Khet. They also observed, that in good soils he used a rod seven cubits and a half in length, and in bad soils he employed one nine cubits and a half long. Some people who had resided at Patna informed my Brahman, that the Rupini was nearly of the same size with the Biga of that city, which is one-third of an English acre; and this is the only foundation that I have for the calculations which I have made.
It must, however, be observed, that, according to the information received by Colonel Kirkpatrick, 216 the average Rupini contains only 3¾ Kathas of the Calcutta measure, or only 3/16 of what was reported to me; and if his information is considered more likely than mine to be correct, all the statements which I have subsequently given, concerning the produce of an acre in Nepal, must be augmented in that proportion. For instance, I have stated the rice in the husk produced by an acre to be about 28 bushels; but, according to the information given to Colonel Kirkpatrick, it ought to be almost 150 bushels. This induces me to place no great confidence in part of the information given to the Colonel; for, as I shall afterwards have occasion to state, I have no doubt that the crops of rice near Calcutta are more abundant than those of Nepal.
In Nepal the pastures and forests are in general commons, and any person that pleases may use them; but some forests are reserved for the Court. Although these forests contain many oak, chestnut, pine, and yew trees, none of these are by the natives esteemed of much value; but for carpenter’s work a preference is given to the Champa or Michelia, which is certainly a good kind of timber.
Nothing is paid for pasture; but, as it is very scarce, and as the Newars do not employ cattle in agriculture, very few are bred in the country. A few milch cows are kept in the towns, and still more in the narrow vallies inhabited by Parbatiyas, who use cattle in their ploughs. Buffaloes and goats are imported from the low country; and horses, chaungri-cattle, shawl-goats, common goats, and sheep, are brought from Bhot. They become tolerably fat on the pasture of the hills, which, although scanty, seems to be nourishing. Captain Knox killed two female buffaloes, that had been fattened entirely on grass; and they made tolerable beef.
No taxes are paid to government for houses.
The arable lands are partly retained as the immediate property of the Court, for defraying the household expenses of the Raja. The whole of the rice land near Nayakot is reserved as the Raja’s proper farm, and is cultivated by his servants and slaves, under the superintendency of a steward: and the same management is observed with a considerable number of fruit and flower gardens, in the valley of Nepal, and with an extensive pasture on the banks of the Kosi. The produce is not sold, but serves for the consumption of the Court, and for distributing in charity at temples, and to religious mendicants. By far the greater part, however, of the lands reserved for the use of the Raja, is let to tenants, as I have before mentioned. The extent of these has at different times varied; but I believe they have never produced a net income of more than a million of mohurs. The only other public revenues are the fines levied from offenders, which are sometimes considerable; the customs, which are very trifling; and some small profits arising from the mines, from elephants, and from the sale of Sal or Sakhuya timber, from the forests below the mountains. The demands on the treasury, however, are very few; for not only every officer, civil and military, and every, soldier, but even the private servants, and principal slaves of the Raja, are paid by lands granted for their support.
The lands thus granted in fee for service are called Chakran, and in general are resumable at pleasure, and follow the office of the person by whom they are held; but some branches of the Royal family, and some of the families of distinction, have enjoyed certain lands ever since the time of Prithwi Narayan, and it would not be safe to attempt a resumption of such property. Some persons have even been permitted to alienate such lands by sale; but to do so, the consent of the Court must be obtained. I procured no information on which I could attempt to calculate the amount of these two kinds of Chakran lands.
Another kind of property, which pays no rent nor tax, and which is not resumable, is called Khairat zemin, or Charity land, which is the Birtha or Brhemoter land of Colonel Kirkpatrick, (p. 92, 93.) This is of two kinds; part belongs to Brahmans Bangras, or Achars; and another part has been granted for the support of temples. The whole amount of this kind of land is not equal to that reserved by the Crown for its own purposes.
The Khairat that is given to religious men is of two kinds. The first is called Yamapatri, which is given when the Raja bestows Dhana in order to procure the remission of his sins. This can never revert to the Crown, but, in case of the family to which it was granted becoming extinct, it goes to the temples of Pasupatinath and Changgu Narayan. The second kind of Khairat given to religious men is bestowed on account of their piety and learning; and, on failure of heirs, reverts to the Crown. This kind may be sold, if the proprietor obtain the consent of the Raja.
The lands belonging to the temples are in fact held by the priests, (Pujaris,) who are bound to defray the expenses of worship. They are removable at the pleasure of the Raja.
This Khairat or Brhemoter land, Colonel Kirkpatrick says, is also divided into two kinds, Koos Brhemoter and Soona Brhemoter, the owners of which are perhaps the same with those called to me Bitalpas and Brittiyas, mentioned in page 164, although this is not very certain. The Koos Brhemoter land, according to the Colonel, is rarely bestowed but on Brahmans, and that with a very solemn investiture. Land of this kind is rent-free, saleable, and hereditary, but for certain crimes it may be forfeited. Presents are often given, especially on the accession of a new Raja. The Soona Brhemoter has been granted to certain Newars, and other natives of countries subjected by the Gorkhalis, and continued by the conquerors for a considerable fine under each succeeding prince, but it is saleable and hereditary.
Landholders, who do not cultivate their own estates, in general let them for one-half of the grain produced. Money rent can seldom be procured, and is very low. It varies from four to twelve anas a Rupini, which produces at least four Muris of Paddy, one half of which, or the rent usual when paid in kind, is worth about fifty anas, and if it be good land, it produces also a winter crop.
Most great proprietors, however, like the Raja, employ stewards with their servants and slaves, to cultivate some land for supplying their families. The great, therefore, seldom go to market, which, among a lawless people, is an advantage for the lower classes, although it subjects travellers to great inconveniency from the want of markets. It is besides alleged, that the lower classes, in the vicinity of these farms, often suffer by being compelled to labour without an adequate remuneration.
When lands are alienated by sale, they bring from 1600 to 2000 Mohurs a Khet, which high price is owing to the very small quantity of land that is brought to market.
The persons who rent lands from the owners are of two kinds: first, the Kuriyas, who occupy free (Khairat) land, are exempted from any services to government, except the repairing of roads, and the attending on armies employed on certain duties; and, secondly, the Prajas, who occupy the crown land, whether that be held by the Prince, or granted in Jaygir. The Prajas are bound to perform various services at the call, both of government and of their immediate masters. The rent which both usually pay is one-half of the produce, with an annual fine of between two and three rupees for each Khet. Where the land is tolerable, these terms are considered as favourable for the tenant, and enable him to support a family with ease.
The following is the account which my Brahman gives of the agriculture of the Newars.
The hoe used by the Newars has been represented by Colonel Kirkpatrick, (in the uppermost figure of the plate opposite to page 100 of his Account of Nepaul,) but the figure is not good. It seems a very awkward instrument, as the blade is fixed by a long neck, so as to stand parallel to the short handle, at about the distance or six inches. The labourer, therefore, must either stoop exceedingly, when at work, or must sit on his heels, which is the most usual posture. Still these people use it with great dexterity, and one man in three days digs up a Rupini. After each hoeing, the women and children break the clods with a wooden mallet fixed to a long shaft, which does not require them to stoop. Almost the only other implement of agriculture these people have is the Khuripi, or weeding iron, and some fans for winnowing the corn. In Nepal, however, they have in some measure made a further progress than in India, as they have numerous water-mills for grinding corn. The stones are little larger than those of hand-mills, and the upper one is turned round by being fixed on the end of the axis of the water wheel, which is horizontal, and is placed under the floor of the mill, with which the stones are on a level. This wheel consists of six blades, about three feet long, and six inches broad, which are placed obliquely in the axle-tree. On these blades, the water falls down an inclined plane of about eight or ten feet in perpendicular height. The hopper is a basket perforated at the bottom, but has no contrivance to shake it. The people at one of the mills which we examined said, that, in one day, it could grind twelve Muris, or rather more than twenty-nine bushels.
In Nepal, rice is the great crop, and the ground fit for it is of two kinds, which differ in the manner, and in the time of their cultivation, so as to make two harvests of rice: but no one field, in one year, produces two crops of this grain.
Colonel Kirkpatrick indeed mentions, 222 that some fields yield two crops of rice successively, the one coarse, and the other fine, besides affording in the same year a crop of wheat. This, however, I presume, does not allude to Nepal Proper, but to some of the warmer vallies in the dominions of Gorkha; as where he goes on, in the 99th page, to describe the expense of cultivation, he mentions the ploughings, an operation which is not employed in the agriculture of the Newars.
The first kind of ground produces the crop called Gheya, is the highest, and there is no necessity for its being absolutely level, as the fields are not inundated. From the 13th of March to the 11th of April, this ground is hoed; and, having been well manured with dung collected in the streets, it is hoed again. A week after this, the field is hoed two or three times, and is well pulverized with the mallet. About the 12th of May, after a shower of rain, the field is slightly hoed, and the mould is broken, and smoothed with the hand. Small drills, at a span’s distance from each other, are then made by the finger, which is directed straight by a line. At every span-length in these drills are placed four or five seeds of the rice, called Uya Dhan, which is the only kind cultivated in this manner. The seed is covered by the hand, and a very small quantity only is required. In about five days the young corn comes up in small tufts, just as if it had been transplanted. From the 13th of June to the 15th of August, when the corn is about a cubit high, the weeds are removed with the spud. About the latter period, slugs, worms, and insects, fill all the moister fields in Nepal, and in order to be rid of them, the farmers keep a great number of ducks, which, at this season, they turn into the fields, to devour the vermin. The Gheya crop ripens about the 1st of September, and by the middle of the month the harvest is finished. The ears only are cut off, and next day the grain is beat out, and generally dried in the streets. Very little of the crop is made into Hakuya, a process that will be afterwards mentioned. After the Gheya crop has been cut, the field is in general cultivated with radishes, mustard, or some other crop, that is usually sown about the time.
By far the greater part of the rice ground, and that the lowest and the best, is of the kind which produces the crop of rice called Puya. The kinds of rice which are cultivated in this crop are very numerous, and it would be tedious to mention their names, as I have no observations to make on any one in particular. The fields which produce this crop must be perfectly level, as they are inundated during the greater part of the process of cultivation. Therefore, as the plain is by no means even, it has been divided into terraces. So much pains has been bestowed on this part of agriculture, that on the steep descents leading down to the rivers, there have been formed many terraces not above two feet wide. The numerous springs and rivulets that issue from the surrounding hills have been conducted with great pains to irrigate these terraces, and have been managed with considerable skill.
The cultivation of the Puya crop commences between the 13th of May and 12th of June, during which the field is hoed two or three times, and manured with dung, if any can be procured. At any rate, it is always manured with the kind of earth called Koncha, which I have already described. The banks that confine the water are then repaired; and about the 12th of June, when, either by the rain or by the irrigation from aqueducts, the fields have been inundated, and the soil has been by the hoe reduced to mud, the seedlings which have been raised in plots sown very thick, are transplanted by the women. The men perform all the other parts of the labour. This is a time of festivity as well as of hard work; and the people are then allowed a great freedom of speech, to which they are encouraged by large quantities of intoxicating liquors, in a share of which even the women indulge. The transplanting ought to commence from the 12th to the 15th of June, and ought to be finished by the Amavasya of Asharh, but this is a moveable feast. On the Krishna Chaturdasi, which happens on the day preceding the Amavasya, the Maha Rani or Queen, with her slave girls, (Ketis,) transplant a small plot within the palace, and it is reckoned an unlucky circumstance when this is not the last planted field in the valley.. The fields are always kept under water, and weeds are not troublesome. The few that spring up are removed by the spud. This crop begins to ripen about the 15th of October, and by the 1st of November the harvest is completed, after which a considerable portion of the land is cultivated for wheat or other winter crops.
The Puya rice is cut down close by the ground. The finer kinds of rice are immediately thrashed, as is likewise all that which is intended for seed; but the greater part is made into what is called Hakuya. This is done with a view of correcting its unwholesome quality: for all the grain produced in the valley of Nepal is thought by the natives to be of a pernicious nature. The manner of preparing Hakuya is as follows: The corn, immediately after having been cut, is put into heaps, ten or twelve feet diameter, and six or eight feet in height. These are covered with wet earth, and allowed to heat for from eight to twelve days, and till they may be seen smoking like lime-kilns. After this the heaps are opened, and the grain is separated from the straw by beating it against a piece of ground made smooth for the purpose. Both grain and straw are then dried in the sun. The grain is called Hakuya, and the straw is the fuel commonly used by the poor, for fire-wood is very dear. According to the accounts received by Colonel Crawford, this manner of preserving rice was discovered by accident. Many years ago one of the towns was besieged by an enemy that came so suddenly as not to allow the citizens time to gather in the crop, which had just then been cut. The citizens, rather than allow the enemy to benefit by their corn, determined to throw it into the water and cover it with earth. In this manner it remained about a week, when the enemy were compelled to retire. When the grain was taken up it was found to have begun to rot, but necessity having compelled the people to eat it, they found, to their astonishment, that it was much better and more salutary than the grain which had been prepared in the usual manner. It is only the Newars that eat this Hakuya.
The crops of rice in Nepal appeared to me very poor when compared with those of Bengal; and, if my Brahman was rightly informed concerning the extent of a rupini, they are really so. The rupini produces four muris of paddy, or 9-376/1000 bushels, but near Calcutta the biga (supposed to be of the same extent) of good ground produces often 640 sers, or 19-82/100 bushels. The difference of price, however, in the two countries makes the value of the produce in Nepal the greater of the two. I have already stated that the value of four muris of paddy in Nepal is usually 13M. 2A. 2D., or about 54 rupees. But near Calcutta in harvest the usual price of 640 sers of paddy, is 5 rupees 5 A. 4 P. If no error has been made in estimating the extent of a rupini, the acre of good land in Nepal produces rather more than 28 bushels of paddy, or rice in the husk.
Immediately after the Puya crop has been cut, the ground is formed into beds by throwing the earth out of parallel trenches upon the intermediate spaces. On these about the middle of November is sown wheat, or sometimes a little barley. These ripen without farther trouble, and are cut from the 12th of April to the 12th of May. The seed for a rupini is stated to be one pati, and the produce is stated to be two muris. This would make the seed about the fifth part of a bushel an acre, and the produce about fourteen bushels; but this seems to me greatly exaggerated. I have never seen more wretched crops, and most of the fields of wheat are quite choked with hemp, (Cannabis sativa,) which in Nepal is a troublesome and useless weed. The wheat and barley are mostly used for making fermented or distilled liquors.
Pangdu Kodo, or Maruya, is the Cynosurus Corocanus of Linnæus, of which I saw much growing on some of the higher parts of the plain. It seems to thrive well. The Maruya is sown from the 13th of June to the 14th of July, and twenty days afterwards is transplanted. It is ripe about the middle of September, and produces four muris a rupini.
In thrashing this corn, Colonel Crawford saw the Newars Flail using a kind of flail, an implement which I have never observed in India. Three pieces of Bamboo, about eighteen inches long, were fastened together in a parallel manner, at about a finger’s breadth asunder, and then fixed to a peg, which passed through a hole in the end of a longish pole that was a little bent. The instrument seemed to require considerable dexterity in its management, but appeared to answer the purpose intended.
The Sana Kodo of the Parbatiyas is probably the Paspalum kora of Wildenow. It also is transplanted, ripens in October and November, and produces as much as the Pangdu Kodo.
The Muccai and Muruli of the Parbatiyas are both by the Newars called Kaunguni, and are varieties of the Holcus sorghum. They are chiefly planted in the small vallies that open into the plain, and on high terraces, that have a bad supply of water.
The Urid, or Kala Mas of the Parbatiyas, is by the Newars called May; and Dr Roxburgh, in his manuscripts, calls it Phaseolus minimoo, from its Telinga name. In Nepal this is the most common pulse. It is sown about the 1st of July, and reaped about the 1st of September. A rupini produces about ten patis, or an acre about three bushels and a half.
The Seta Mas of the Parbatiyas, or Chica May of the Newars, Dr Roxburgh has raised from seed, which I sent from Nepal. He thinks it a new species, which he calls Phaseolus ocultatus. It is sown about the 1st of July, reaped the 1st of October, and produces the same quantity that the urid does.
The Lato, Rato, or Ruta mas of the Parbatiyas, is by the Newars called Hayngu may. It also appears to Dr Roxburgh to be an undescribed species, and he has given it the name of Phaseolus calcaratus. It is sown and reaped at the same time with the preceding, and yields the same produce.
The Lal mung of the Parbatiyas is also called Hayngumay by the Newars. The seeds of this plant, which I sent to the botanical garden, show it to be a Phaseolus, that is by Dr Roxburgh considered as a nondescript, and he calls it the Phaseolus racemosus.
The Mung of the Parbatiyas, and the Muk or Mugy may of the Newars, is the Dolichos Mungo of Linnæus. Three manas are sown on a rupini about the 1st of July, and about the 1st of November produce eight patis.
The Seta, and Cala Bhot Mas of the Parbatiyas, are called Musa and Gya by the Newars. They are two varieties of the Dolichos soja, the one of which has yellow flowers and white seeds, and the other has black seeds, and purplish flowers. The former is ripe about the 1st of November, the latter about the 1st of September. Their seed and produce are equal to those of the mung.
The Mosuri of the Parbatiyas, and Mosu of the Newars, is the Ervum lens of botanists. About the 1st of November two manas are sown on a rupini; and about May produce twelve patis.
The same is the case with the Pea, or Pisum arvensis, called Kerao by the Parbatiyas, and Caigo by the Newars.
The mustard called Sarishi by the Parbatiyas, and Turi by the Newars is mostly cultivated as a pot-herb. It is sown about the middle of October, and is cut before it flowers. Another, which by the Newars is called Ika, is the Sinapis ramosa of Dr Roxburgh. About the 1st of February two manas are sown on a rupini, and about April produce two muris of seed. The ground is afterwards cultivated for rice.
Sesamum is called Til by the Parbatiyas, and Hamo by the Newars. It grows commonly wild as a weed, but very little of it is cultivated.
The sugar-cane is planted in considerable quantities, and seems to thrive. The Newars make a very little extract, soft sugar, and sugar-candy; but a large proportion of the cane is eaten without preparation. It is planted about the 1st of April, and is cut, from the middle of November to the middle of May. The juice is generally expressed by a lever.
Ginger, the Puli of the Newars, is planted about the 1st of April, and dug up in October or November.
The common radishes are by the Parbatiyas called Mulu, and by the Newars Kipo, and are very much cultivated. They grow in vast abundance all the year, except from the 15th of November to the 10th of February. In order to procure a supply of this useful article, for three months of winter, a large quantity is sown about the 1st of September, and pulled about the 1st of November. The roots are then buried in a pit for six or seven days, during which they seem to undergo a kind of half putrid fermentation; as when they are taken out of the pit, and dried in the sun, they exhale a most powerful stench. These dried roots are called Sinky, keep all winter, and, although offensive to the smell, enter largely into the diet of the poorer Newars. These, owing partly to the great quantity of sinky and of garlic which they eat, and partly to the dirtiness of their linen, exhale a worse smell than any people I have ever been among.
Methi, or Fenugreek, grows at all seasons, except from the 15th of November to the 12th of January. It is used only as a pot-herb, and is the one most commonly consumed in Nepal.
Khira, or cucumbers, grow to great perfection, and with another cucurbitaceous plant called Kangkari, are ripe from the 13th of June to the 15th of August.
The garlic is planted about the 1st of January, and is taken up from the 12th of April to the 12th of June.
Bera, or the Solanum Melongena, is sown about the 1st of May, and is ripe about the 1st of October.
In the hilly parts of the country, the common potatoe (Solanum tuberosum) has been introduced, and grows tolerably: but it does not thrive so well as at Patna, owing probably to a want of care.
The Sakarkandh (Convolvulus batatas) succeeds better. It is planted about the 1st of April, and is taken up from the middle of October to the middle of December.
Most of the European kitchen vegetables have been introduced: but they are only to be found in the gardens of men of distinction, and in very small quantities.
When Colonel Kirkpatrick visited the country, 230 the only kitchen vegetables (meaning, I presume, European) were cabbages and peas, both of which were of the worst kind. They had, he says, the Thibet turnip, but cannot raise it any more than the potatoe, without receiving the seed annually. This, compared with what I observed, indicates some degree of progressive improvement.
None of their fruits are good, except the oranges and pine apples; but both of these are in great perfection. The peach is every where wild, and is also reared in gardens: but it does not ripen till long after the rainy season has commenced, and is generally half rotten before it becomes soft. At Kathmandu the Plantain tree (Musa) dies to the ground in winter, but the roots are not killed, and in the spring send up fresh stems. Some good plantains come from Nayakot, and other valleys, that are situated lower than the capital is.
Such is the account I could procure of the cultivation in the plains of Nepal. On the sloping faces of the hills, bounding the smaller vallies in its vicinity, I observed another mode of cultivation. The soil there is not formed into terraces; but in April is pared and burned, and then is sown with Sama, or the Panicum Italicum, with Tangni or Kakun, which is the Panicum colonum, and with Kaungni, which is the Holcus Sorghum. When the soil is in heart, these produce very good crops, and once in the three or four years the field is allowed a season’s fallow. This seems to be the kind of land which Colonel Kirkpatrick calls Kohrya. 231a
In Nepal, the Gangja, Charas, or Cannabis sativa, as I have already mentioned, is a common weed: but in that country it is not cultivated, although much used for the purpose of intoxication. The dried leaves are brought from the Tariyani, but are reckoned heating, and are not so much used as the extract, which is called Charas: of this Thibet produces the best. The proper manner of preparing Charas is by making incisions into the stem, and collecting the juice, in the same manner as opium is produced from the capsules of the poppy. A coarser kind is prepared from the expressed juice of the hemp.
Colonel Kirkpatrick 231b gives a different account of the manner of preparing this drug, which, he says, is procured by rubbing the leaves of the plant Jeea, until the resin adheres to the fingers, from which it is scraped off with a spathula. The plant called Jeea is no doubt the Cannabis sativa, nor can much reliance be placed on the information which the Colonel received on this subject: as the person who gave it has evidently been inaccurate, when he stated concerning the Gangja and Subje produced from the same plant, that the former is prepared from the flowers and the latter from the leaves; while, in fact, the one is the dried plant, and the other the expressed juice.
The dose of Charas is from ten to twelve grains made up into a pill, which is smoked like tobacco. The dried leaves, or Gangja, are taken in the same manner, and both produce violent intoxication. While we were in Nepal, a shopkeeper, who attended the camp, smoked so much Charas that he died. From the accounts given me by those who saw him, he became stupid, but not irrational, and complained of nothing except thirst, for which he two or three times drank water. As it was not looked upon as any thing extraordinary, I did not hear of the circumstance till some hours after the man’s death. He did not intend to kill himself; but, in the course of his indulgence, repeated the dose too often.
Two kinds of coarse cotton cloth, called Khadi and Changa, are woven by the Newar women of all ranks, and by the men of the Parbatiya cast, called Magar. The cotton grows in the hilly parts of the kingdom, and is sufficient for the consumption; but none is exported from Nepal Proper. These cloths constitute the dress of the middling and lower classes of people, although woollen would be better fitted for the cold of a Nepal winter. All those, however, that are not very poor, can afford to have woollen blankets, which are manufactured by the Bhotiyas, who even in summer wear no linen. The whole dress of the higher ranks in Nepal is imported, and consists chiefly of Chinese silks, shawls, and of the low country muslins and calicoes. The military alone wear European broad cloth.
In Lalita Patan and Bhatgang there is a very considerable manufacture of copper, brass, and Phul, which is a kind of bell-metal. The bells of Thibet are superior to those of Nepal: but a great many vessels of Phul are made by the Newars, and exported to Thibet, along with those of brass and copper. Iron vessels and lamps are also manufactured for the same market.
A very strong paper, remarkably well fitted for packages, is made at Bhatgang, from the bark of a shrub, which I call the Daphne papyrifera. The supply, however, is not adequate to the demand, and not only the paper, but a considerable quantity of the raw material is imported from Bhot. The bark is exceedingly strong and pliable, and seems to be the same with certain tape-like bandages, employed by the Chinese in tying many of their parcels.
At Kathmandu the common daily hire for a labouring man is two anas. Merchants pay three Mohurs for every porter who brings a load from Hethaura, and five Mohurs from Gar Pasara. The porter takes three days to come from the former, and five days from the latter; but he must return empty; the hire is therefore four anas a day. The usual load is twenty Dharnis, or a hundred pounds; but some strong men carry a half more. They carry their loads in a basket called Doka, of which a representation is given in the plate opposite to page 39 of Kirkpatrick’s Nepaul. Persons of rank, who do not choose to walk or ride on horseback, usually travel in what is called a Dandi, which is a hammock suspended on a pole, and carried by from four to six men, as represented in the plate opposite to page 39 of Kirkpatrick’s Nepaul. When a woman goes in a Dandi, a cloth thrown over the pole conceals her from view. This conveyance is well fitted for a mountainous country, where few of the roads will admit of the use of a horse. For a Dandi, to convey them from Kathmandu to Gar Pasara, merchants pay twenty-four Mohurs: carpenters and blacksmiths receive three anas a day: bricklayers two anas and a half: goldsmiths, for every two Mohurs weight of gold they work up, are allowed four anas: for working silver, they receive one-sixteenth part of the metal. According to the fineness of the work, the labourers obtain from one to two Mohurs for every Darni of copper which they manufacture.
The want of labouring cattle among the Newars renders the operations of husbandry so tedious, that at many seasons every person in the family capable of labour must be employed; and as no one can be left to take care of the young children, these must be carried to the field. As this is often at a distance from the house, the poor villager may be often seen carrying his infants in two baskets suspended over his shoulder by a bamboo. In these baskets some food also is taken, as the family does not return until night. An oblong mat also forms a usual part of what is carried into the field. This mat defends the children as well as the victuals from the sun and rain, and is sometimes used by the labourers for the same purposes, especially when they are employed in weeding the rice fields. As that operation is performed during the rainy season, the labourers would suffer considerably, unless they kept off the water by a mat tied over their heads and covering their backs, while their arms are left at liberty.
In Nepal most of the domestic servants are slaves. A male slave is called a Keta, and costs about thirty Mohurs. A female is called Keti, and costs about the same price; but, if young and handsome, she will bring ten Mohurs additional. There are some Brahmans who are slaves even to Rajputs: but they are not degraded by the name Keta, and are employed in great families, either as cooks, or in the service of the private chapels. All other ranks are sold for common slaves: and persons of the best families have often been degraded by the Rajas, and given to the Damais or Tailors, by which they lose not only their liberty, but their cast, which is of more importance to a Hindu. In general, however, among the higher tribes, the cast of the slave is respected, and no duty is imposed on him, by which that would be injured. It is reckoned very disgraceful for any persons but those of the lowest rank, to sell their children to any person of impure birth, or who is an infidel. Still, however, this is occasionally done by persons of high birth, who happen to be in necessitous circumstances; nor do the parents on this account lose cast. They would, however, inevitably become outcasts, should they ever afterwards admit their child into their house, even were he to be set at liberty by his master. Most of the slaves, it must be observed, have been born free. A few have been degraded, and sold by the Raja on account of crimes alleged against them: but by far the greater part have been sold by necessitous parents. All the Ketis, even those belonging to the Queen, are prostitutes, and therefore seldom have children. The masters in general do not give their slave girls any other allowance than a small quantity of rice; and a great many of them are so obdurate, that even this allowance is stopped, when sickness prevents the slave from working. The poor creatures are therefore forced to sacrifice their chastity, in order to procure clothing; and beggary is the usual resource of those who are old and infirm. The Ketis of the court, indeed, are allowed some privileges, and have a considerable influence among the young men of family. In the day time they attend the Maha Rani or queen; and when she goes out, some of them armed with swords follow her on horseback, and form her body guard. They are well dressed, and ride astride like men. They are allowed to carry on intrigues with any person of good birth: but the young Rajputs of the guard are their usual favourites. Some Brahmans and Bankers from the low country, induced by the beauty of these girls, have formed connexions with them; but they have in general paid dearly for their indulgence. Fidelity to one mistress is not a virtue among such men, and the Ketis of the court think the whole corps bound to punish any infidelity against one of their number, nor will the police interfere to prevent them from plundering the delinquent of his whole property. The slaves of private persons are not only ill fed, but are hardly wrought. The common duties imposed on them are to wash, to bring fire-wood from the mountains, to clean the cooking utensils and the house, and to carry the umbrella.
Rice is the great article of support in Nepal. Along with their rice the poorest people eat raw garlic and radishes; they also fry radishes, fenugreek, or lentiles, in water mixed with salt, capsicum, and turmeric. To these, people in more easy circumstances add oil or ghiu; and those who are rich add a great deal of animal food. Even the poorest are able occasionally to sacrifice a pigeon, a fowl, or a duck, and of course they eat these birds. No Hindu eats any meat but the flesh of sacrifices; for he considers it as a sin to kill any animal for the purpose of indulging his appetite; but, when a sacrifice has been offered, the votary may without blame eat what the Deity does not use. We observed, that even the Rajputs in Nepal were so fond of animal food, that, to the utter astonishment of our low country Hindus, they drank the blood of the sacrifices as it flowed from the victim.
Section IV — The Countries Belonging to the Chaubisi and Baisi Rajas
Chaubisi Rajas.—Pamar Family, Impure Branch.—Bhirkot, Garahang, Dhor, Pure Branch.—Nayakot.—Satahung.—Kaski.—Lamjun.—Gorkha, Topography, History.—Prithwi Narayan.—Singha Pratap.—Bahadur Sahi.—Rana Bahadur.—Bhim Sen.—Royal Family.—Kala Macwani Family.—Gulmi, Khachi, Argha, Dhurkot, Musikot, Tama.—Family of Bhingri and Khungri.—Family of Piuthana.—Family of Poin.—Malihang Family.—The Samal Family; Malebum; Galkot; Rugum; Musikot; Jajarkot; Bangphi; Gajal; Dharma; Jahari; Satatala; Malaneta; Saliyana; Dang; Chhilli.—The Baisi Rajas.—Dalu Dailek.—Duti.—Yumila.—Taklakot, with the adjacent parts of Thibet subject to China.
Immediately west from Nepal Proper is a country of considerable extent, which had long consisted of 24 petty estates, whose chiefs were collectively called the Chaubisi Rajas. Yet it would not appear that they were all connected by any common union for defence, by a common extraction, or by any other tie. They all, indeed, acknowledged the superiority of the Yumila Raja, of whom some account will be afterwards given; but besides these 24 chiefs, he had many others in similar dependence, which, however, conferred very little authority on the superior, whose power seems chiefly to have been confined to exhort his vassals in the support of a balance of power, and to confer the mark (Tica) of supreme authority on the heirs of each chief. His superior rank was, however, never disputed, and his call seems long to have met with a good deal of attention, when directed to procure assistance, in preventing one chief from swallowing up the dominions of another. The 24 chiefs, according to Kanak Nidhi, were the Rajas mentioned in the following list; but other lists differ considerably.
| 1. | Piuthana | 9. | Palpa | 17. | Gajarkot |
| 2. | Malebum or Parbat | 10. | Garahang | 18. | Rising |
| 3. | Galkot | 11. | Poin | 19. | Ghiring |
| 4. | Isma | 12. | Satahung | 20. | Tanahung |
| 5. | Dhurkot | 13. | Birkot | 21. | Lamjun |
| 6. | Argha | 14. | Nayakot | 22. | Gorkha |
| 7. | Khachi | 15. | Kaski | 23. | Tarki |
| 8. | Gulmi | 16. | Dhor | 24. | Musikot |
Of the other lists, which I received, it would be useless to give a detail, but I shall mention that given to Colonel Kirkpatrick, 238 referring to the names given in my list by prefixing the number. (21) Loomjoong. (15) Kashki. (20) Tunhoo or Tunnohoo. (3) Gulkoat. (2) Purbut or Mullibum. (14) Noakote or Nuwakote. (11) Pyoon. (12) Luttohoon. (10) Gurhoon. (18) Reesing. (19) Ghering. (16) Dhoar. (9) Palpa. (8) Goolmi. Wigha. (7) Khanchi. Dang. (24) Musikote. (1) Purthana. Jhilli. Suliana. (5) Dhoorkote; and (4) Isma. He thus omits Gorkha, Tarki, Gajarkot, and Argha of the list which I have given; although I suspect, that his Wigha is no other than Argha, for in page 288, he reckons Urghaloor as one of the 24 chiefs, and in page 297 he speaks of the territories of the Urgho Raja. I have indeed little doubt, that Wigha is a mistake of the editor for Urgho, and that Urghaloor was originally written Urghapoor, poor or pura being a common termination of the names of Indian cities. Gorkha was probably omitted by the Gorkhali who gave him the information; as its being included would have been acknowledging the former supremacy of Yumila, which the chiefs of Gorkha now wish to disavow. In place of Tarki and Gajarkot, Colonel Kirkpatrick’s list introduces Dang and Jhilli, (Chhilli,) both of which I have placed in the class containing twenty-two chiefs, although perhaps on slender grounds.
Several of these chiefs had entered with others into leagues for mutual defence, as the interpositions of Yumila, although of some weight, were by no means sufficient to procure security. The leagues were sometimes connected by a common descent in the chiefs, and such were called Athabhai, or eight brothers; while other leagues were composed of chiefs who were of different origins. Such leagues were called Satbhai, or seven brothers.
Among the leagues I heard of the following:
I. Lamjun was at the head of a league composed of Tanahung and Kaski; but Tanahung was followed in war by Dhor, and Kaski by Satahung, without any reference to the union of these states with Lamjun.
II. Birkot was at the head of a league containing Garahang, Poin, and Nayakot.
III. Palpa was at the head of a league composed of Gajarkot, Rising, Ghiring, Argha, Khachi, and Gulmi.
IV. Malebum had in alliance Gulkot.
V. Piuthana had in alliance Musikot and Isma, and also the two petty chiefs of Khungri and Bhingri, who, although their territories were surrounded by those of the Chaubisiya Rajas, were not included in the number of these chiefs.
Gorkha, I was informed, was always completely unconnected, and independent of all these alliances; nor did I learn that Dhurkot or Tarki were in a contrary situation.
I shall now proceed to give an account of the chiefs who governed this assembly of states, and of their countries.
I have already given an account of the family of highest rank, including the Rajas of Palpa, Tanahung, Rising, Ghiring, and Gajarkot; because this family possessed also large estates to the east of Nepal Proper. It therefore remains to describe the other 19 states.
I shall first mention the family which at present has obtained almost universal empire over the mountains north from the Company’s provinces, and does not content itself with a gentle rule, such as that exercised by the Rajas of Yumila, but has seized the entire dominion and power of the conquered countries, and assumes a menacing countenance even to the Company.
The family pretends to be of the Pamar tribe; but it is alleged, as I have already explained, that this is a mere fable, and that, on the arrival of the colony from Chitaur, this family were Magars. One of its branches, however, has long adopted the Hindu rules of purity, and has intermarried with the best families, although not without creating disgust; and the other branch remains in primitive impurity, although we have seen that the same is the case with the Chauhans, who long pretended to a great superiority over the chiefs of Gorkha.
The first persons of the Gorkha family, of whom I have heard, were two brothers named Khancha and Mincha, or Nimcha, words altogether barbarous, and in no manner resembling the high sounding titles of the family of the sun, from whom the Pamars pretend to be descended. From whence these persons came, I did not learn; but Khancha was the founder of the impure branch of the family, and Mincha was the chief of Nayakot.
The impure branch of the family possessed Bhirkot, Garahang, and Dhor, which afterwards separated under three chiefs of the same house; but Bhirkot seems to have been the head of the whole, as its chief was at the head of a league containing Nayakot, the most ancient family of the pure descendants of Mincha. Bhirkot is a very petty state, consisting entirely of mountains, and containing neither mines nor mart of any consequence.
The same is the case with Garahang, whose chief adhered to the league with his kinsman of Bhirkot. The capital, (Rajdhani or Durbar,) of the same name with the country, is situated on the top of a hill, with no water nearer than a cose. In such a situation, only 60 or 70 huts surrounded the chief’s castle, which was built of brick.
The impure chief of Dhor did not join in the league of his kinsmen; but followed in battle the pure chiefs of Tanahung. His country was as petty and as mountainous as that of his kinsmen, but contained some iron mines.
I now return to Mincha, whose descendants were reclaimed from their impurity by the Brahmans.
Mincha was Raja of Nayakot, and the chiefs of this place, although they lived pure, continued to the last to follow in war the impure representative of Khancha, who governed Bhirkot. Nayakot was very petty; but, besides the capital, contained a town of some note, named Limi, but no mines of any consequence.
A collateral branch of the Nayakot Rajas obtained a similar state called Satahung, which, besides the capital, contained a town called Gengdi. The capital, of the same name with the territory, is situated on a hill, and contained about 250 thatched huts, besides the brick castle of the chief. In the whole territory there might have been 1500 houses. The Raja’s share of the land revenue amounted to 2000 rupees a-year. He followed in war the chief of Kaski. The most numerous tribe among his subjects was the Khasiya.
A second collateral branch of the Nayakot family was Kaski, a more powerful state than that of the chief from which it sprang. I believe that the territory of this chief towards the hills was much wider than is represented in the map of Kanak, for I was informed, that Gorkha had no communication with the Bhotiyas, his country being narrowed there between Kaski and Nepal. It may, however, have happened, that the want of communication was owing to the impracticability of the mountains, and not to the shortness of the frontier. The chiefs of Kaski leagued with Lamjun, a collateral branch of their own family, but had as a follower in war their kinsman of Satahung. Although adjacent to the mountains covered with perpetual snow, the southern parts are rather warmer than the valley of Nepal Proper, but the parts adjacent to the snowy peaks were inhabited by Bhotiyas, and next to these were some Gurungs. The warmer parts were occupied by Brahmans, Khasiyas, and the persons of low tribes necessary as artisans. The mountains here formed an uninterrupted and impenetrable barrier towards the north. The chief possessed some mines of copper; and, besides the capital, there is a considerable town called Pokhara, which is a mart frequented by merchants from Nepal, Palpa, Malebum, etc. and afforded duties that in so poor a country were reckoned considerable. The capital by Colonel Kirkpatrick 242 is called Buttolachoor, is situated among hills on the Seti river, (Saite, K.) which is very deep but narrow.
Kaski, the ancient capital, Colonel Kirkpatrick places 7 coses west from Buttolachoor, with Surrungkoat, a large town with a fort on a hill between them.
The chief of Lamjun was descended from a younger son of Kaski, and was originally powerful, the sum appropriated from the land revenue, for his family expense, being 22,000 rupees a-year; and he was not only followed in war by his kinsman the chief of Kaski, but by the Raja of Tanahung. Lamjun, after the loss of Gorkha, was a cold country bordering on the snowy peaks of Emodus, and inhabited by Bhotiyas, with some Brahmans and Khasiyas in the warmer vallies. It contained no mine of any importance, nor any town of note, except the capital; and the chief advantage, after the loss of Gorkha, that the Raja enjoyed, was the commerce with Bhotan or Thibet, which was carried on through a passage in Emodus called Siklik. Many goods were conveyed by this route to Lamjun, and from thence, by the way of Tarku, Tanahung, Dewghat, and Bakra, into the low country; but this trade has been interdicted by the present government of Nepal, which is very jealous of the Raja of Tanahung, to whom Bakra still is secured by the Company’s protection. Siklik, however, is still the residence of a Subah or civil governor, and is probably the place called Seshant in the map of Kanak. The name merely implies a frontier place, but among the hills is used to imply a place inhabited by barbarians; that is, such as reject the doctrines of the Brahmans. In both meanings the term is applicable to Siklik, as its inhabitants, Bhotiyas and Gurungs adhere to the Lamas, and it is the frontier town towards the empire of China.
One of the Lamjun Rajas, according to Prati Nidhi, had a younger brother named Darbha Sahi, who as usual held the office of Chautariya; but rebelled, and took to himself Gorkha, the southern part of the principality, paying 12,000 rupees of the 22,000 that came to the chief for his support.
Gorkha is rather warmer than the valley of Nepal, and its chief inhabitants were Brahmans and Khasiyas, in about equal numbers, with rather fewer Magars, the Brahmans being the chief cultivators, and the Khas and Magars the fighting men. The capital Gorkha is situated on a very high hill, and was the only place of note in the territory. It is said to contain about 2000 houses, and the temple of Gorakhanath, who is one of the tutelar deities of the reigning family. From this circumstance we may perhaps infer, that the proper name of the place is Gorakha, and that, previous to having adopted the doctrines of the Brahmans, this family had received the Zogis, or priests of Gorakhanath, as their spiritual guides.
Colonel Kirkpatrick 244 states the old boundaries of Gorkha to have been the Trisulganga (Tirsoolgunga) on the east, and the Marichangdi (Mursiangdi) on the west. In place of the former he should have stated the Gandi; but from what he says, (in page 122,) it would seem that he confounded the Gandi with both the Setiganga and Trisulganga.
Nara Bhupal or Nribhupala, according to Prati Nidhi, was the sixth or seventh in descent from Darbha. The account which I received in Nepal does not materially differ. The first chief of Gorkha was, however, there called Rama Sahi, whether a different name for Darbha, or his son, I do not know; but his descendants were as follows: 1. Puran. 2. Chhatra. 3. Dambar. 4. Virbhadra. 5. Prithwi Pati. 6. Nribhupal. These chiefs entered into none of the leagues formed by their neighbours, trusting to their own vigour chiefly, for their country was very poor.
The chiefs of Gorkha being cut off from any direct communication with either the low country or Thibet, and having no mines nor other productions as a basis for commerce, were considered as insignificant, but Nribhupal procured in marriage, first, a daughter of the Palpa family; and, secondly, a daughter of the sixth son of the chief of Malebum, both of whom added much to his dignity.
His eldest son Prithwi Narayan (Purthi Nerayn in Kirkpatrick) was a person of insatiable ambition, sound judgment, great courage, and unceasing activity. Kind and liberal, especially in promises to his friends and dependants, he was regardless of faith to strangers, and of humanity to his enemies, that is, to all who opposed his views.
When a very young man, he visited Banaras, and having met with what he considered insolence at some (Chauki) custom-house, instantly put the officers to death. He was concealed from the police by a (Vairagi) person dedicated to religion, who, induced by most abundant promises, conveyed the highland chief in safety to his cousin, Makunda Sen, Raja of Palpa, by whom he was very kindly received, and furnished with the means which enabled him to undertake his first enterprises. I have already mentioned the manner in which he repaid this friendship, and in which he conquered the countries that the Chitaur colony held on the east of the Gandaki. Some account of the invasion of Nepal by this chief is given by Colonel Kirkpatrick, 245 and in the Asiatick Researches will be found a more full narration by an eye-witness of the manner in which he acquired that country, to which he immediately transferred the seat of government, although his nobles and soldiers despise the name of Nepal, and call themselves Gorkhalis. I have also mentioned his total failure in an attempt to extend his dominions to the west, towards which, during the remainder of his government, and that of his son, the Marichangdi continued to be the boundary to the west, as it had been in the time of his ancestors.
The Vairagi, who had saved the life of Prithwi Narayan at Banaras, no sooner heard of the conquest of Nepal, than he repaired to that country, and reminded the chief of his promises. These the chief did not attempt to deny; but said, that, as the promises had been extorted by fear, he would give nothing. The Vairagi, having assembled 500 of the religious order of Nagas, attempted to use force; but the whole horde was taken, and put to death, an event of great use to Bengal, which these ruffians had been in the habit of plundering.
Prithwi Narayan, besides his personal endowments, was much indebted for success to the introduction of firelocks, which until his time were totally unknown among the hills; and, so far as he was able, he introduced European discipline, the value of which he fully appreciated. His jealousy of the European character always, however, prevented him from employing any of them in his service, and he is said to have strongly recommended to his successors to follow, in this respect, his example. How far this may have been judicious, I cannot say; but it has certainly prevented his troops, although in many respects well organized, from making considerable progress in tactics, or in a dexterous use of their arms, and these are probably much more defective than his descendants and their officers think.
Prithwi Narayan died about the year 1771, and left two legitimate sons; Singha Pratap, who succeeded his father, and Bahadur Sahi, who, after his brother’s death, was regent of the kingdom during his nephew’s minority, although he had excited the jealousy of Singha Pratap, and had with difficulty saved his life by living in exile.
Singha Pratap’s attention, as I have mentioned, was chiefly directed to secure the conquests towards the east, in which, as I have said, he seems to have had as few scruples as usual in his family. He died in 1775, at Devighat, and left his kingdom to his son Rana Bahadur, placed in charge of his uncle Bahadur Sahi, a very active enterprising prince, and of his mother Rajendra Lakshmi, a princess of a similar character.
Two such enterprising personages could not agree: and, until the princess’s death, there were constant disputes, sometimes the one, and sometimes the other, acquiring the ascendancy, and then confining or banishing their adversary. Yet it is alleged, that in times of reconciliation, marriage had been proposed between them, the custom of the lower casts of Hindus, at least, not only permitting, but requiring a younger brother to espouse his elder brother’s widow. That such a proposal should ever have been made, being contrary to the customs which at present prevail among the high casts, is rather improbable; and, perhaps, owes its origin to a desire of flattering Rana Bahadur, whose treatment of his uncle required an apology. The people of Palpa indeed allege, that, during the life of Singha Pratap, a more criminal intercourse had actually taken place between the two regents, and that it was to revenge the disgrace thrown on his family, that Rana Bahadur proceeded to extremities against his uncle. Were this true, the attempt to unite their differences by a marriage might be supposed possible: but I attribute the origin of such a story to the disappointed hopes of the Palpa family, which, after having entered into an iniquitous league with Bahadur Sahi, found itself in consequence reduced to a state of dependancy.
I have already mentioned the manner in which Bahadur Sahi thus connected himself with the Palpa family, and the success that attended Damodar Pangre, the officer who was most judiciously employed, and who then held the office of Karyi. Except Palpa, and its share of the spoil, this officer speedily reduced the whole country from Gorkha to the boundary of the country called Garhawal, the capital of which is Srinagar. At the same time, the dominion of Gorkha was extended over the Sikim Bhotiyas of the east, as I have already mentioned; and several other chiefs of the Bhotiya nation towards the north were reduced to obedience.
So far the greatest success had attended the regent, when he was tempted to adopt a very rash measure. Sumur, a discontented brother of the Tishu Lamas from Degarchi, came to Nepal, and told the needy chief wonderful stories concerning the wealth of the convent, in which the Tishu Lama, spiritual guide of the Chinese Emperor, resided. Inflamed with a desire for plunder, and without having the slightest pretence or intercourse with that priest, a large body of Gorkhalis (it is said 7000) overcame all the obstructions of a long and very difficult route, and succeeded in carrying back a large booty, although closely pursued by a Chinese army, that came to the assistance of the Lama. This army having been greatly increased, about the time when Colonel Kirkpatrick visited Nepal, advanced to Dhayabung, and compelled the regent to submit to several indignities, although it had suffered severely from the climate, and the poverty of the country. For the particulars, however, I may refer to the Account of Colonel Kirkpatrick, 248a and of Captain Turner, 248b whose opportunities of acquiring information were superior to mine. So far as I can learn, the people of Gorkha were very much discontented with the regent for submitting to the indignities which the Chinese demanded; and they seem to have thought, that the invading army had been reduced to a situation rather to offer than demand submission. The submission was, however, not impolitic; for I believe, that the tribute agreed upon has never even been demanded, much less expected, and the Gorkhalis are in the habit of saying, that, should they have any dispute with the English, their only formidable neighbour, they will claim the protection of the Chinese, with whose influence over the Company they seem to be much better acquainted than one would have expected. The Chinese general consented to move back on receiving a supply of grain for his army, and fifty virgins as an homage for his sovereign; but no stipulation was made for the restoration of the plunder of Degarchi. It was given out at Kathmandu, that the virgins threw themselves from the precipices on the route, and perished rather than submit to the embraces of infidels defiled by every impure food: but I have since learned, that their sense of honour did not carry them to such lengths, and that the Chinese placed them in a convent near the frontier. The people of Thibet procured no satisfaction for the injury, and Chinese garrisons having been placed through their country, they have become more subject than ever to that empire, and most of their petty chiefs have been put to death or banished, while the Chinese have since extended their conquests still farther west. The dominions of Nepal are therefore the only thing that separates them from the British power, and saves them from political discussions, managed free from the control of their own forms, and from exposing to their officers and people the view of a nation far their superior in power.
It is alleged, that at length the regent’s ambition overcame his sense of duty, and that he intended to keep his nephew in confinement, and seize the government. The people of Palpa allege, that he had secured the assistance of his brother-in-law Mahadatta Sen. Certain it is, that he was suddenly dispossessed of power by his nephew, and died in confinement, some say by the Raja’s own hand, while others assert that he was starved to death.
Bahadur Sahi, although a prince of great vigour, is supposed to have been uncommonly superstitious; yet from some anecdotes related by Colonel Kirkpatrick, 250 it would appear, that he was very capable of evading with skill the performance of troublesome ceremonies, and that he could speak on religion with the popish missionaries without harshness, but with a considerable quickness of repartee. His superstition was probably, therefore, of that nature which is usually assumed by princes placed in difficult situations.
Rana Bahadur received little or no education from his guardians, but was allowed to indulge in every vice, surrounded by minions and young profligates of the court. These not only assisted him in the pursuit of low vices, but encouraged his natural propensity to cruel diversions. He had no sooner secured his rights to the throne, and assumed the power of the state, than he showed the restless ambition of his family by an attack on the Yumila Raja, whom all the mountain chiefs acknowledged as their liege lord. The Yumila chief, although he had been thrown off his guard by all manner of professions, having an extensive territory, made a stout resistance, but was finally compelled to seek refuge in the country of the Vazir.
Rana Bahadur had married a daughter of the Gulmi Raja, to whom he showed some favour, compelling the Raja of Palpa to give up to that chief several estates, of which he had been stript by Mahadatta Sen; but, perhaps being disgusted by his wife’s having no children, he soon neglected that virtuous and high-minded lady, and very openly cohabited with other women. He first had a son by a common slave girl, and then one by the daughter of a Brahman. This gave great offence to the sacred order, but the ungovernable fury of the Raja’s temper hushed all complaints. As a means of disturbing him, however, the skilful in astrology (Jyotish) published a prophecy, foretelling that the Raja would not long survive his beauteous favourite of the sacred order, who would soon be seized with a disease. As the latter circumstance happened, the Raja, who, like other Hindus, had no doubt in the science, was in the utmost consternation. Some of the learned took immediate advantage, and informed him, that, by certain ceremonies performed before a certain image, his favourite might be restored to health. The Raja, caught by this device, advanced what was held to be a very large sum, it is said 100,000 rupees; but without effect, for his favourite died in a few days. The Raja’s ungovernable temper now fully disclosed itself. He not only scourged the Brahmans to make them disgorge his money, but he took the image, and, grinding it to pieces with excrement, threw the fragments into a river. His fears, however, were not abated, and the people, disgusted and terrified at his violence, were ripe for change. It was judiciously suggested to him, that, as he could not expect to survive long, he should endeavour to secure the government to the son of his favourite, by placing him immediately on the throne, (Gadi,) and by making all ranks take the oaths of fidelity to the child. The Raja approved entirely of this measure, and determined to end his days at Banaras, and thus to secure a place in heaven. Every step, however, was taken to secure the young Raja’s authority. The Raja of Palpa was invited to place the mark of royalty (Tika) on his forehead, and some of the conquered chiefs, I believe chiefly those descended of Khancha and Mincha, were induced to be present, and promised an annual pension, on condition of their acknowledging the legitimacy of their illegitimate kinsman: and so much weight has been attached to this acknowledgment, that the pensions, I am told, are still continued.
Before all these ceremonies had been performed, much time had elapsed. Although, therefore, every preparation had been made for the Raja’s departure for Banaras, and although he had conferred the regency on his surviving favourite the slave girl, his wife having refused to accept of the office, and having insisted on accompanying her lord, Rana Bahadur, no longer called Raja but Swami, finding himself very well, seems to have repented of what he had rashly done, and suspecting some trick, was inclined to resume the government. Both people and chiefs were, however, in general averse to this measure, as the violence of his temper was universally feared. The chiefs, therefore, under the direction of Damodar Pangre, informed him, that they, having sworn obedience to the young Raja, would support his government. The Raja fortified himself in the town of Lalita Patan, near the capital, and most of the eastern provinces were disposed to support his authority; but Damodar had shown such prudence and mildness, when he conquered the west, that the people of that quarter were determined to adhere to his cause. Sadhu Ram alleges, that on this occasion, in the country between Gorkha Proper and Garhawal, including Palpa, in the strictest friendship with Damodar, 17,000 men of the sacred order, and an equal number of the military tribes, were ready to support this officer. After some skirmishing, Damodar’s party being evidently the strongest, Rana Bahadur retired privately to Banaras with the character of insanity but, except in an ungovernable ferocity and cruelty of temper, and in a credulity, evidently the fault of education, he seems to have been abundantly judicious, and in fact finally overreached all his adversaries.
Rana Bahadur having incurred a considerable debt to the British Government, which supplied his wants at Banaras, a treaty was entered into for a gradual repayment, and for the residence of a British officer at Kathmandu; and Captain Knox, with whom I went, entered their territory in February 1802. We had been there only a few days, when the officers, who came to meet us, and who were very friendly disposed, were thrown into great trouble by the arrival of the princess, Rana Bahadur’s wife. The unprincipled chief had connected himself with one of these frail but pure beauties, (Gandharbin,) with which the holy city abounds, had stript his wife of her jewels to bestow them on this wanton companion, and finally had turned his wife out of doors. As the slave regent had the meanness to seize on the income of the town, assigned for the princess’s dowry, the poor lady was reduced to the utmost distress, and conceived that we were her enemies, being on an embassy to the low woman, by whom she had been so shamefully used. She therefore stirred up to destroy us a certain Masan Raut, who had under him many thieves and robbers, with whom he plundered the borders. We received, however, timely notice, and our guard being all night under arms, no attempt was made, although the sentries saw hovering round parties of men, who, no doubt, had come in the expectation of finding some unguarded part.
As might have been expected, under such circumstances, the slave girl’s regency had been from the first marked with weakness. The two most powerful chiefs then in Nepal were Brahma Sahi of the royal family, and Damodar of the house called Pangre, which, ever since the conquest, has been the most powerful family among the Gorkhalis. Damodar had strengthened his influence by the marriage of his sister into the distinguished family of the Viswanaths, and had procured the command of most of the fortresses, which he intrusted to the care of his own dependants. The eldest of his nephews, of the Viswanath family, was then a fine young man named Kritimohun. Him the regent appointed Karyi, and in his abilities reposed the highest confidence, which was supposed to have been increased by her regard for his person. Far from supporting his uncle, this rash young man removed all the adherents of the Pangre family from the command of the fortresses, and gave them in charge to dependants of his own, and of Rudravir his illegitimate brother. In the meanwhile, envy raised against him many enemies, and he was assassinated by persons of a rank too elevated to be publicly mentioned. Among these was Sri Krishna Sahi, one of the legitimate princes of the royal family, who was compelled to fly into the Company’s territory; but the principal odium and suspicion fell on Damodar Pangre, the young minister’s uncle. As the regent never liked this chief, the circumstance was made a pretence for attempting his ruin, and for the elevation of Brahma Sahi to the principal authority in the government. This personage having joined with two brothers of the Viswanath family, and with Sher Bahadur, illegitimate brother of Rana Bahadur, seized on the two sons of Damodar Pangre; but the old man could not be touched; he was too much versed in affairs, and was too strongly supported by his friends, and especially by two warlike brothers. With these he retired from court; and when Captain Knox approached the frontier, in the beginning of 1802, was living in sullen retirement. At this time an apparent reconciliation took place between Brahma Sahi and Damodar Pangre; both came to receive the English embassy; and the sons of Damodar were liberated. The probable cause of this reconciliation was the elevation of a low man to the principal confidence of the regent, while the charge of her conscience and heart was in possession of a young Sannyasi or religious mendicant, one of the finest formed men that I have ever seen. Both circumstances gave offence to the people.
On our arrival in the valley of Nepal, in April, we found a young illegitimate Raja, about six years of age, whose nominal chief minister, Chautariya, was an illegitimate brother, two years older than himself, and son of the regent slave girl, who had in fact given the whole power to a very low person, which occasioned universal disgust. Damodar Pangre, who had met us on the frontier, did not accompany us to the court, for what reason I do not exactly know; but it is probable that he scorned the low favourite, who had been raised to the chief authority in the kingdom. The only man of weight at the court was in fact Brahma Sahi, descended of the royal family; but whether or not legitimate, I cannot say. He was, however, highly respected by the people, and has fewer of the vices of his family than usual, with much good sense and moderation.
Soon after our arrival we learned, that the distressed princess, spouse of Rana Bahadur, terrified at the thought of remaining in the unhealthy forests during the rainy season, deprived of means to support her in the Company’s territory, and probably encouraged by Damodar Pangre, intended to come up to Nepal without leave; for the regent could not bear the approach of her former mistress, and yet would not give her the stipulated dower. People were therefore sent, who brought up all the male attendants of the princess in irons; and it was hoped, I believe, that she would perish in the woods. Necessity, however, added boldness to her measures, and she advanced with ten or twelve female attendants to Chisapani, a fortress commanding the entrance into Nepal. It was evident, however, that the commiseration of the people was daily gaining strength, and the timidity of the regent gave daily an increase of power to the princess. An additional company of Seapoys was sent to Chisapani, as if soldiers were the proper persons to stop the progress of a few helpless women. The officer commanding had received positive orders to refuse the princess admittance; but he contented himself by executing merely the letter of his orders. He took in all his garrison, shut the gates, and allowed the lady and her attendants to walk quietly round the walls. Much anxiety was now evident at the capital, and another company of Seapoys was dispatched to Chitlang, with positive orders to prevent the princess from advancing farther; and, if the arrears of dower had accompanied the officer, I do not believe that she would have made any attempt; but the sordid dispositions of the regent and her favourite did not suffer them to part with money. The officer commanding the company met the poor princess and her attendants on the road, and, being a man of true honour, with a good deal of difficulty mustered courage to disclose his orders. When he had done so, the high-born lady, unmoved by fear, pulled out a dagger, and saying, will you presume to oppose the lawful wife of a Gorkhali Raja, while going to her own estate? she struck him on the arm; on which, although wounded, he immediately retired, quite ashamed of the service on which he had been employed; and his men required no orders to follow his example. The princess that morning entered the valley of Nepal, and halted about five miles from the capital. No sooner was this known than she was joined by Damodar Pangre, and all ranks flocked to pay their respects, and among them all the officers of government, except the low favourite, who immediately fled towards Thibet.
The regent, thus deserted, retired with the Raja and her son to the sanctuary of a temple, taking with her all the money in the treasury and the jewels of the crown. Next day the princess entered the capital, and, after a short negotiation, took upon herself the regency, and settled on her base-born rival an income, which, had she received, she would never have given any trouble. In the whole transaction, indeed, she showed great magnanimity; and the only stain on her character, so far as I know, during so difficult a scene, was her conduct to the wife of the low man, whom the late regent had elevated to the office of Serdar. This unfortunate woman was put to the torture, to make her disclose where her husband had concealed his treasure; but, I believe, the treasure was imaginary, and the report of his having accumulated wealth arose, I imagine, in base minds, envious of his sudden rise, and anxious to gratify their envy by misrepresentations to the princess regent. The man, indeed, bore on the whole a good character; and the meanness of his birth and education, with some low conduct, arising more from these misfortunes than from any inclination to evil, are the only things for which I ever heard him blamed.
The new regent placed in her chief confidence Damodar Pangre, the officer in the country of by far the highest reputation; and although she consulted him chiefly, she expressed great anxiety for her husband’s return. She also showed the utmost jealousy of the British embassy as likely to interfere with that event; and in the end of March 1802 we left the capital. It was probably at the instigation of Damodar, that the Palpa Raja, as I have mentioned, was allowed to return home. Whether or not these chiefs had entered into any conspiracy, as has been hinted, I do not know; but it is generally believed, that Damodar, so far as he was able, opposed the return of Rana Bahadur, which certainly was neither desirable for Nepal nor its neighbours. The natives in general believe, that he wrote a letter to a gentleman of rank at Banaras, requesting his influence to keep Rana Bahadur at that city; and that this letter, by the treachery or mistaken policy of the gentleman, came into the hands of this ferocious chief. He instantly departed by post, and was in the dominions of Nepal before any one suspected that he had left Banaras. He was cordially received by his faithful wife, although he did not fail to send to Banaras for the wanton beauty, by whom he had been there captivated, and who must have cost him great sums, if we can judge from the style in which she now lives at Banaras, to which she returned on his death.
On his approach to the capital, Rana Bahadur was met by Damodar Pangre, at the head of a large body of armed men. This certainly had an alarming appearance, and the intention of a man so prudent and reserved as Damodar must always remain uncertain; but the prince, supported by the advice of Bhim Sen, a young attendant, showed no sign of fear, and called aloud to the officers and men, “Now show whether you will have me or Damodar for your lord?” on which the whole joined him, and the gallant veteran, and his eldest son, were bound.
Rana Bahadur contented himself with the title of Swami or Lord, and, finding that the oath of fidelity had still a considerable influence among the troops, acted merely as regent for his son; but, in action, he never hesitated to assume the full power of the prince. Soon after, having shown the letter to Damodar, he delivered him and his son to the public executioner. As leading to the place, the young man proposed resistance, and a sudden attempt might have put them in possession of arms, which, with their known courage, and the veneration for their character, where no higher authority was present, might have overcome the guard. The old general, however, recommended submission, lest their attempt might have proven totally fatal to their house. He appears to have here also acted with his usual judgment; as his only surviving son was spared by Rana Bahadur, when treacherously delivered up by the Palpa Raja, as I have above mentioned; and the young man, I believe, now holds the office of one of the Karyis, the whole soldiery viewing the family with affection, and considering it entitled to have one of its members always in possession of that dignity.
Immediately after this, Rana Bahadur determined to enlarge his dominions, and with that view entrusted Bara Amar Singha with a large force. This officer Rana Bahadur, when he arrived from Banaras, found in confinement, in which he had been placed by his old commander, Damodar Pangre, and, on this account, he was justly considered as more faithful to the prince. He rapidly seized on Garhawal, and extended the power of Gorkha beyond the Yamuna; where, had it not been checked by Ranjit Singha, the Sikh chieftain, it would soon have extended to the boundary of Kasmira.
I have already mentioned the arts by which Rana Bahadur inveigled Prithwi Pal, and the chief officers of that prince, into his power; in which he showed no symptoms of insanity, unless a shameless perfidy be considered as such. His career, however, was then near a close. Most of the chief officers were disgusted, and kept in constant terror by the remembrance of Damodar Pangre’s fate, with whom most of them had been intimately connected; and each daily expected, that this connection might be made a pretence for his ruin; for the regent or lord consulted only a young man named Bhim Sen, vigorous, ambitious, and unprincipled as himself. A conspiracy is said to have been formed with a view of placing the Palpa Raja at the head of affairs; and Sher Bahadur, an illegitimate brother of the regent, who long had held the high office of Chautariya, is supposed to have been concerned. In order to remove his brother from such dangerous enterprises, the regent ordered him to join the army in the field, but he declined. The regent was then very angry; and, while in full court, sent for his brother, with orders to bring him by force if he declined. Sher Bahadur followed the messengers into the court, and being asked, if he would join the army, declined by saying, we are sons of the same father, go you and I will follow. What may be exactly meant by this phrase in an ambiguous language, I cannot say; certainly, however, it so enraged Rana, that he ordered his brother for execution; but, while no one was aware, the brother drew his sword, and gave the regent a mortal blow. He was instantly put to death by Bhim Sen, into whose hands the regent, before he expired, delivered his son, the Raja, and commanded all persons to obey his authority.
When the Raja expired, Bhim Sen immediately retired to another room, commanding a view of the court, in which the guard was assembled, and, having addressed the soldiers, and received a promise of their support, he immediately surrounded the hall, in which the court was assembled, and put to death all the most active persons, under pretence, at least, of the conspiracy, and there is reason to suspect, that what he alleged was not destitute of foundation. On this occasion, Bidur Sahi, an illegitimate son of the royal family, then one of the Chautariyas, Narasingha Karyi, Tribhuvan Karyi, and about fifty military officers, were killed. On the same day he put to death the Palpa Raja, and his chief officers, as has been already mentioned; and his father, Amar Singha, immediately seized on the dominions of that chief. Some variations are told in the circumstances of this event, but the above I consider as the best authenticated.
Rana Bahadur, although he could not treat his wife with kindness, nor even decency, does not seem to have been altogether unmoved by her noble conduct; and, after his return from Banaras, had enlarged her father’s dominions. Fortunately for Bhim Sen, the high-spirited lady accompanied the body of her faithless husband on the funeral pile and freed the new regent from her presence, which might have been very troublesome. For his subsequent conduct in seizing on her father’s petty states, which was done when he seized Palpa, it will be difficult to account, except on the principle of insatiable rapacity. The tragedies of his first day’s government of course stopped all observations on his conduct. Disliking to have at the capital a person so venerable, and of such high rank as Brahma Sahi, he induced that chief to accept the government of Kumau or Almora, the most honourable in the kingdom, and augmented in dignity by the new title of Raja Brahma Sahi, exempt from ambition, and knowing from his character that he was safe from danger, accepted the office as more suited to his great years, than the dangerous intrigues of Kathmandu. The remote government of Saliyana is occupied by his brother Rudravir, but the youngest brother Hasthadal, and all his legitimate male issue, are held at Kathmandu, no doubt as hostages; for all the family is suspected not only of disaffection, but of being too friendly to the English. Hasthadal, however, is now one of the Chautariyas. The command of the army in the west has been continued to Bara Amar Singha, whose birth gives him no pretension to raise disturbances; but who has good abilities, and there is reason to believe is firmly attached to the present ruler. Bhim Sen, himself, now in the vigour of youth, and of the most determined courage, has probably very ambitious views. Whether or not he may think these promoted by his disputes with the English, I do not know; but the Raja approaches manhood, and the objections to his succession are very numerous, while the disputes with the English have been a pretence for assembling a very large force, (twenty-five companies under the son, and thirteen companies under the father,) and for thus attaching to his family a very large proportion of the army. The army in the west is under the command of Bara Amar Singha, father of Ranadhwar, the chief confidant and coadjutor of the young minister.
From the following genealogical table of the legitimate descendants of Narabhupal or Nribhupal, composed in spring 1803, it will appear, that the line of Prithwi Narayan ended in Rana Bahadur; nor do I know what has since become of the other branches of the family. They were in obscurity when the table was composed, and their condition since has probably in no way been altered, at least for the better; and at any rate, they are distant relations to Rana Bahadur, nor are they descended from Prithwi Narayan, the favourite hero of the nation. Every male of the family, legitimate or not, takes the title of Sa, Sahi, or Saha, which is always used in conversation and writing, but need not be repeated in the table.
There was another family, which contained six petty chiefs, Gulmi, Khachi, Argha, Musikot, Dhurkot, and Isma; all of whom, except Musikot, had adopted the rules of purity, and took the title of Sahi, or Saha, like the chiefs of Gorkha; but it is not alleged, that the two families had any connection, except by marriage, and two of the branches of the family, of which I am now giving an account, Gulmi and Musikot, called themselves Kala Makwani, although no one knows from whence they came, nor the origin of the appellation. The Rajas of Gulmi, Khachi, and Argha, followed Palpa in war; Dhurkot stood independent; and Isma and Musikot followed Piuthana.
It is probable, that Gulmi was the original seat of the family, as Khachi and Argha are acknowledged to be collateral branches; but with the claims of the other three chiefs I am not acquainted. Gulmi, the capital of the state so named, is situated on a hill, the ascent of which is said to be three miles in length. The castle is built of bricks, and covered with tiles. The town contained 500 houses, mostly thatched. There is no water within a quarter of a mile of the town. A part of the great mart, called Rerighat, mentioned in the account of Palpa, belonged to the chief of Gulmi. His territory contains mines of zinc, (dasta,) cinnabar, (sabita,) and copper, of which one is on a hill, called Chandrakot, and another on Arakul Pahar, near the former. These mines would appear to be valuable. The allied chiefs of Palpa, Gulmi, Khachi, and Argha, as I have mentioned, about the beginning of the eighteenth century, destroyed the Magar chief of Balihang, and divided among themselves his dominions, both on the hills and plains. The division seems to have given rise to sundry bickerings. The capital, which was situated on a hill near the plains, and fortified, fell to the share of Palpa; but Gulmi and Khachi received a large share of the plains. Makunda Sen of Palpa, about the middle of the last century, contrived to seize on Gulmi, by the intrigues of a Brahman, named Kanak Nidhi, who gives me the account, and he delivered the fortress to an officer of his master’s, named Kirtibamb Thapa; but that person very soon restored the place to its lawful owner. I have already mentioned the base manner in which Mahadatta of Palpa joined with his son-in-law, Bahadur Sahi of Gorkha, and how he obtained Gulmi, Khachi, and Argha, as the dear bought fruit of his perfidy. These, however, he was allowed to possess, so long as he lived. Siva Saha, the dethroned chief of Gulmi, retired to Ramnagar, where he found refuge with the exiled chief of Tanahung, and while there, gave his grand-daughter in marriage to Rana Bahadur, the young Raja of Gorkha and Nepal, who no sooner obtained the government, than he compelled Prithwi Pal to restore the hills of Gulmi to his wife’s father; and when he returned from Banaras, and had secured Prithwi Pal in confinement, the original possessions of the Gulmi family were augmented by the whole of the hills of Balihang; but this flourishing state lasted only for a few weeks, as, on the death of Rana and his high-minded spouse, all her father’s possessions were seized by the rapacious Bhim Sen, who now governs Nepal. Sidhi Pratap, the chief of Gulmi, is supposed to be still in the mountains; but others allege, that he has died without issue. He is supposed to have been about the thirtieth chief of his race.
In Gulmi and Balihang one-half of the people are Khasiyas, one-eighth Brahmans, of whom many are of pure birth, (Upadhyayas,) and few illegitimate, (Jausi.) The remainder of the population consists of impure tribes of cultivators and artificers.
The principal crop in these hills is the rice, which is reaped in the beginning of winter, (Aghani.)
The chief of Khachi, a younger branch of Gulmi, profited much by the spoils of Balihang, and had a fine territory on the plain adjacent to his hills. In the latter were no mines, except one of iron; but at the foot of the hills was a considerable mart, called Barakadwar, the trade of which, however, has been almost totally forced to Butaul, since the chief of Gorkha has seized on both countries. It is said, that there is a still more important pass, called Khor, four coses east from Barakadwar. This is said to be the easiest of all the ascents to the mountains, and leads to the town of Khachi, from whence there are routes in many directions leading to places at a great distance, without any very difficult ascent or descent. The town of Khachi, which was the capital, stands on a hill plentifully supplied with water. The town contained about 300 houses, mostly thatched; that of the chief was built of brick. The Raja’s share of the land revenue on the hills, besides the lands for supplying the officers and soldiers, amounted to 4000 rupees a-year, and from the plain he annually procured from 500 to 1500 rupees, according as the cultivators were discontented or satisfied. Some of the officers had lands free of rent on the plains; but, as usual among the mountaineers, the whole revenue from the plain went to the chief. On the hills of this state 5-16ths of the people were Khasiyas, Brahmans and Rajputs 3-16ths, and low cultivators and artisans 8-16ths. The last Raja’s name was Durgar Sahi, who was expelled by Mahadatta of Palpa, as already mentioned. I have not heard of his subsequent fate.
Argha belonged also to a collateral branch of Gulmi, which is supposed by some to have become extinct; but others allege, that the son of the last chief is now in Nepal. It had a small territory on the plain, bestowed by Makunda Sen in consequence of a marriage; but both hill and plain were seized by his son, as I have mentioned. Argha, the capital, is on a hill, four coses in ascent, on the summit of which, round the chief’s castle, are about 150 houses, while there are 350 about the middle of the ascent. The houses have mud walls and thatched roofs. Water is plenty at the lower town, but is a quarter of a mile distant from the upper. The hills possessed no mines, nor any considerable mart. The Raja’s share of the land rent amounted to about 4000 rupees a-year, and the whole of his territory might contain 5000 houses. Not above 100 of these belonged to Brahmans, and the number of Rajputs was quite trifling. One half of the people were Khasiyas, the other half impure cultivators and tradesmen.
Concerning Dhurkot I learned nothing but what has been already mentioned, and that its chief had one iron mine. It was rendered subject to Gorkha by Damodar Pangre.
Musikot was the residence of the chief of this name, who had a brick-house on a hill close to the Barigar river, and, unlike the other chiefs of his race, rejected the pure doctrines of the Brahmans. The house of the chief was surrounded by 400 houses of his subjects, mostly thatched. He had no possessions on the plain, and his whole territory might contain 3000 houses, of which 5-16ths were occupied by Rajputs, 1-16th by Brahmans, mostly of spurious birth, (Jausis,) 4-16ths by Khasiyas, and 6-16ths by impure cultivators and tradesmen. Most of the Rajputs were of the Raja’s family, a circumstance uncommon on the hills, where the governing families seem seldom to have propagated to nearly such an extent, and were often rather weak. The Raja’s share of the landed revenue was estimated at 2000 rupees a-year. There was no great mart, but near the Barigar there is a mine of copper. The great crop here, also, is winter rice. When Damodar Pangre seized the country, the chief and many of his family went to Kathmandu, where a great part has obtained service.
Isma, the last chief of this family, resided at a fortress of the same name, situated on a lofty hill, of very difficult access, three coses in ascent. Horses could not ascend more than half way, where there were about 250 houses. Round the castle, on the summit, were 50 or 60. These houses are thatched huts, with walls of stone or planks. On the hill are several springs of water. The Raja had no possessions on the plain, and his subjects might amount to 2500 houses, from whom his share of the rent might amount to 2000 rupees. One half of his subjects were Khasiyas, 1-8th pure Brahmans, (Upadhyayas,) 1-16th bastard Brahmans, (Jausis,) 1-16th Rajputs, and 1-4th low cultivators and tradesmen. The country contained neither mines nor marts. It must, however, be observed, that both in this country and in Musikot, Corundum (Kusan) is found in detached masses, either on the surface or mixed with the soil. Some of it is bluish like lead, and some is of a copper colour. The pieces seldom exceed 4lbs. or 5 lbs. in weight. It affords no revenue. The chiefs of this family waged a constant war with their kinsman of Musikot, and the twenty-third or twenty-fourth of them married a daughter of Makunda Sen of Palpa, so that Mahadatta leagued with the chief of Gorkha to destroy his nephew.
The Raja of Piuthana, among these petty chiefs, was a person of some consequence, and was followed in war by Isma and Musikot, two chiefs of the last mentioned family. He was also followed by the chiefs of Khungri and Bhingri, whose countries were surrounded by Piuthana; and I think, that in all probability these two belonged to the Chaubisiyas, although they are not mentioned in Kanak Nidhi’s list; and I must confess, that the latter I have heard arranged with the twenty-two Rajas. All that I learned concerning these chiefs is, that they were of the same family, followed Piuthana in war, and were very petty. The situation of their countries will be seen in the maps.
Piuthana had no mines of value, but it possessed a considerable tract on the plain, and paid the revenue of this through the Raja of Bangsi, after Mahadatta of Palpa had been freed from that vassalage by the Nawab Vazir. This territory on the plain, called Siwaraj, is, therefore, claimed by the Bangsi family; but is in possession of the Raja of Gorkha. The chief of Piuthana pretends to be a Chandel Rajput, nor had his family subdivided into different branches. The town, from whence he derived his title, is situated on a hill, the ascent to which is two coses in length. Round their chief’s house, which was built of brick after the fashion of Kathmandu, were about 400 houses, mostly mud-walled huts with thatched roofs. The Jimri, called Rapti in the low country, passes on its south side. The whole territory on the hills and plains contained about 2500 houses, of whom 5-16ths were Khasiyas, 3-16ths Brahmans, one-half low cultivators and tradesmen. There were a very few Rajputs and Newars. Manik Chandra possessed this country in quiet, and was succeeded by Mati Chandra, who retired without a struggle, when attacked by Damodar Pangre. Rudra Chandra, his son, now resides at Ramnagar with the Tanahung Raja, for the people of Gorkha seized on Siwaraj, when they took possession of Piuthana, although it then belonged to the Nawab Vazir, and should now form a part of the Gorakhpur district. They at first cajoled the Bangsi Rajah, promising to pay more than the chief of Piuthana had done; but, after the first year, he got nothing. The present representative of the family, in 1814, was about twenty-eight years of age, and is supposed to be the twenty-fifth chief of his race. If so, his pretence to be a Chandel is probably ill-founded, as no true Rajputs are said to have settled so early in these hills.
Poin was a very petty chief, who followed in war the impure chief of Bhirkot, but was himself pure, and called himself a Sirnet, saying that he came from the mountains south-west from the Yamuna. Poin is situated on a high hill, where much snow falls, and there is intense cold. At this capital were only 120 houses, and the whole in the territory amounted to only 2000; but there were iron and copper mines in the country, and the Raja, for his share of the revenue, had 4000 rupees a year.
In the list of the twenty-four Rajas given by Kanak Nidhi, a Tarki Raja is mentioned; but I heard no account of any such person, nor does any such place appear in the maps. In place of Tarki I suspect, therefore, we must introduce the very petty chief of Malihang, usually called the Sat Bisi, or seven-score Raja, because his revenue amounted to 140 rupees a year; a poverty which renders St Marino an empire.
There remain two countries, Malebum or Malebamba, and Galkot, which, by all the authorities that I consulted, were included among the Chaubisiya or twenty-four Rajas, and, therefore, I shall treat of them here, although I suspect an inaccuracy. It is said, that there was a certain impure chief of the Jariya tribe, who had very extensive dominions. The daughter and heiress of this chief married a Gautamiya Brahman, and by him had twenty-two sons, each of whom obtained a share of his grandfather’s dominions, and among these, besides Malebum and Galkot, are the northern Musikot, Jajarkot, Jahri, Bangphi, Rugun, and Salyana, all reckoned in a class called the Baisi or twenty-two Rajas. I have not been able to procure a complete list of these chiefs, some of whose dominions extend farther north than the knowledge of my informants; but I think, that the above mentioned circumstance of the twenty-two descendants of a common origin must have given rise to the classification, and that Malebum and Galkot in fact belong to the Baisi, thus making room for Khungri and Bhingri in the Chaubisiyas, among whom they are placed in the maps. The same conclusion may be drawn from a circumstance stated of Nag Bamba of Malebum; who is said in his wars to have led twenty-two chiefs to battle.
The Brahman common ancestor of this family settled first at Takam, where his father-in-law probably resided, and this place is in Malebum, or Parbat, as the country is often called, on account of the immense mountains that it contains. This division of the grandfather’s estate was always by far the most powerful, and was probably the share of the eldest son. The Brahman was named Dimba Ray, which savours rather of a barbarous race. On his marriage he called himself a Samal Rajput, and all his descendants have imitated his example, although, according to the custom of the country, they should be reckoned Khasiyas, being descended of a Brahman father and impure mother. I have never before, nor any where else, heard of a Gautamiya Brahman; and the Gautamiya tribe of the plains is a spurious branch of the Gautama Rajputs, formerly very powerful near Allahabad; and I suspect that Dimba Ray belonged to this race.
Some generations after the fortunate marriage of this chief, the seat of government was removed from Takam to Dhoral Thana, usually called Malebum, and situated at the junction (Beni) of the Mayangdi, Mehagdi of Kirkpatrick, with the Narayani. On this account the town is often called Beni Shahar or Beniji, while Dhoral is the name of the castle by which it is commanded; Malebum is a term applicable to both. Nag Bamba was then Raja, and he was a person eminent for strength and courage. A prize-fighter (Mal) from Dilli, who had previously overcome all those in three principalities that dared to engage him, was conquered by Nag Bamba, on which occasion the king (Padshah) sent him the title of Nag Bamba Mal. This chief and his allies had afterwards a long continued war with his sovereign lord, the Raja of Yumila, who wished to possess himself of Thenikot.
Long after this Raja Male Bamba Mal communicated his name to the principality. His son was Saha Bamba Mal, who was succeeded by his son Kirti Bamba, reckoned the sixtieth in descent from Dimba, but more probably from the first of the barbarian race from whom Dimba procured the country. The government of Kirti Bamba gave great dissatisfaction to his officers, who wished to dethrone him, and to place in his stead his own son Nrisingha Mal, then a child. This gave Bahadur Saha an opportunity of conquering the country with little difficulty. The Raja with his son retired to Balirampur, in the dominions of the Nawab Vazir, where the father shortly died, and the son, unable to suffer the heat, retired to the hills, and lives near Bhirkot on a small allowance from the Raja of Nepal.
Parbat or Malebum is a very elevated cold country, one-fourth of the whole being occupied by mountains covered with perpetual snow. It contains the remarkable hot springs of Muktanath, with mines of sulphur, cinnabar, iron, and copper, and some allege of zinc, (Dasta,) although by others this is denied. The mines of copper are said to be twenty-five in number, and produce a great revenue, besides what is used in the country and Thibet, sending large quantities to the plains of India. It also has three mines of Abrac or mica, and several places abound in rock crystal, (Phatik.) The crystals are said to be sometimes found as thick as a man’s thigh, but their usual size is five or six inches in length. Gold also is found in the sands of several rivers, especially in the Krishna Gandaki or Narayani, the Bakhugar or Bathugar, the Modi, and the Mayangdi.
The upper part of the river, which in the plains of India is called the Gandaki, is called Kali, and, rising near a place called Damodur kund, runs through the territories of a Bhotiya chief, called the Mastang Raja, who is, or at least when I saw him in 1802, was tributary to Gorkha; but there is reason to think, that since that time the Chinese have compelled the Raja of Gorkha to cede both Mastang and Kerung. On passing the highest peaks of Emodus, the Kali enters Malebum, and receives from the east a small stream called the Narayani, which rises near the perennial snow from the warm sources of Muktanath, a very celebrated place of pilgrimage. The usual love of fable multiplies the number of these sources to 1000; but Sadhu Ram, who has visited the place, reduces the number to seven, and the most remarkable is the Agnikund or spring of fire, which is in a temple. The spring is not remarkably copious, but is perennial, and issues from among stones, accompanied by a flame, which rises a few inches. The water falls immediately into a well (Kund) or cistern, which is about two feet wide. On the whole, so far as I can understand the description, it entirely resembles the Sitakunda near Chitagang, that is, the water has no connexion with a subterraneous fire, and the flame is occasioned by the burning of an inflammable air, that issues from the crevices of a rock, over which the water has been artificially conducted. The streams of the Kali and Narayani unite at Kagakoti, take the name of Narayani, and are also called Krishna, Gandaki, and Salagrami, from the number of stones of that kind, which the channel contains.
Concerning these places Colonel Kirkpatrick states, 273 that four journeys beyond the capital, is situated Muktanath, within half a mile of which the Gandaki takes the name of Salagrami. It rises north from Muktanath, and not far from Kagbeini (Kagakoti) in the direction of Mastang, a place of some note in Upper Thibet, and twelve days’ journey from Malebum. Three days’ journey beyond Muktanath is Damodarkund, a celebrated spring or natural reservoir. The breadth of the Narayani at Beni, the capital of Malebum, is said not to exceed thirty yards wide. Colonel Crawford laid down the upper part of this river’s course, from the authority of a Lama, who accompanied the Mastang Raja, which is better than that received by Colonel Kirkpatrick.
Thakakuti, some way below Kaga Koti, is the chief mart for the trade with Thibet through Mastang, and may contain one thousand houses. The Narayani is no where fordable below this place, and is crossed in some places on wooden bridges, (Sangga,) and in others on jholas or bridges of ropes made of rattans connected by cords of tough grass. Thakakuti is situated in a fine valley extending from Dhumpu to Kaga Koti, which is compared to the valley of Nepal, but is not so wide, and the hills around are covered with perennial snow. The plain is sandy. Danakoti, some way below Dhumpu, is a place of some trade. There is there a bad hill, but except over that, oxen could, with some difficulty, carry loads all the way from Rerighat to Kaga Koti. Goods are, however, conveyed mostly, if not entirely, on men’s shoulders, or on sheep. Dhorali, the former abode of the Rajas, with the adjacent town of Beni, is still the most considerable place in Malebum. Kusma on the Modi, near its junction with the Narayani, has some commerce, but the great route of trade goes through the hills straight from Dhorali to Rerighat, and from thence to Butaul, without at all following the course of the river. Baglungchaur, according to Colonel Kirkpatrick, 274 is a large town and fort situated in a valley, and very opulent and populous.
In the whole country it is supposed, that there are 100,000 families, of whom three-fourths are Gurungs, occupying chiefly the country west and north from the capital, which is called Seshant. This country is cultivated with the hoe, and the crops are, 1. Barley, 2. Uya, which, I presume, is rye, the natives saying, that it is neither barley nor wheat, but has a resemblance to both. It must, however, be confessed, that it may merely be the kind of rice called Uya, which is reared on the high uneven land, that, in treating of Nepal Proper, I have mentioned in the account of agriculture; for the natives speak of the objects of natural history with such a want of precision, that much reliance cannot be placed on their comparisons. 3. Maruya, or Eleusine Corocanus, 4. Kanguni, (Panicum Italicum;) and, 5. Phaphar, said by some to be a species of Amaranthus, called Amardana in the low country; but others say that this is a mistake. The other crops are inconsiderable. The other part of the country, south and east from the capital, is called Khasant. One half of its inhabitants are Brahmans, mostly of the bastard (Jausis) race, who plough and carry burthens; one-fourth consists of Khasiyas, who call themselves Khatris; and one-fourth consists of other Hindus of a lower birth, but called also Khasiyas. Very few of even these spurious Hindus have settled among the Gurungs, and very few of the latter have remained in the Khasant. The houses in both parts have in general stone walls, and are thatched. Some of those belonging to the Gurungs have two stories.
Galkot, which belonged to a chief of the same family with Malebum, is a territory of small extent, but contains three mines of copper, and one of iron, which would be very productive, were there a sufficient number of miners, (Agari;) but there are only a few, and these have an exclusive right to work the mines. Although a cooler country than the valley of Nepal, it is the best cultivated in these parts, partly with the hoe, partly with the plough. Except in Malebum, the latter alone is used in all the territories hitherto described. The Raja’s share of the revenue, including the mines, amounted to 3500 rupees a year. The whole number of inhabitants were reckoned at 3000 houses, of whom a half were low tribes of cultivators and tradesmen; one-fourth Khasiyas, and one-fourth Rajputs and Brahmans. The chief’s house called Galkot was on a hill, the ascent to which is reckoned five coses long. Around it were 500 houses, mostly thatched huts. Colonel Kirkpatrick 276 calls Galkot a considerable fort and town. The Raja, on being attacked by order of Bahadur Saha, submitted quietly, and remained in the country.
As I have said, these two last chiefs have been included among the Chaubisiya or twenty-four Rajas, agreeable to the reports I heard; although I think it probable that they actually belonged to the Baisi or twenty-two Rajas.
At Rugun resided one of the twenty-two Rajas, whose territory was adjacent to Malebum on the west; but my informants had very little knowledge of that part of the country.
West from Rugun is Musikot, the chief of which also is said to have been one of the twenty-two Rajas.
West again from Musikot is Jajarkot, whose chief also belonged to the same class, and to the alliance, at the head of which was the chief of Malebum.
South from Jajarkot is Bangphi, which belonged to another of the twenty-two Rajas.
In the same direction I heard of Gajal, Dharma, and Jahari, three petty states also in alliance with Malebum, and probably belonging to three of the twenty-two Rajas, but that was not stated. Their situations are not placed in the maps, and Dharma may perhaps be a tribe of Bhotiyas, that was formerly subject to Yumila, and bore the name of Dharma.
In the maps again, I observe Satatala among the twenty-two Rajas; but I procured no verbal account of the place, and its name implies seven petty districts, so that, in place of being one petty state, it should have perhaps been marked as seven.
Malaneta is near it, and belonged to a chief of the Malebum family, who lived in strict alliance with the Raja of Saliyana of the same race. The Malaneta Raja had no mines nor plain country, and was very poor.
Saliyana is also called Khasant, 10-16ths of its inhabitants being Khasiyas, or bastards of various kinds, 2-16ths are pure Brahmans, (Upadhyayas,) 1-16th bastard Brahmans, (Jausis,) and 3-16ths consist of various impure tribes. Saliyana, the residence of the chief, is situated on a large hill, and his house was built of brick, and covered with tiles. The other houses were mostly mud-walled huts. The air there is cool, although not so cold as Kathmandu. The Raja fortunately held some part of the plain belonging to the Nawab, and in a valley, between the mountains and a low ridge of hills, had a considerable mart called Jara Pani, or cool water, a tempting name on the burning plains of India. It is ten coses north-east from Balirampur, and is still a considerable thoroughfare, although not so great as Butaul. The Raja possessed also several mines, yet he was so poor, that, when the late chief married a daughter of Prithwi Narayan’s, the young lady complained bitterly to her father, that he had bestowed her on a chief unable to give her food. Prithwi promised to give her the estate of the neighbouring chief of Dang, but died before this was accomplished. It was, however, done by Bahadur Saha, the lady’s brother, and she and her two sons enjoyed their estates quietly, until Rana Bahadur was murdered. Bhim Sen, the present violent ruler, did not respect the daughter of the favourite hero of his country; but, when he seized Palpa, seized also on her estates, carrying her and her younger son to Kathmandu, where he allows them a very scanty subsistence. The eldest son fled to his estates on the plain, fortunate in having the protection of the Nawab Vazir, with whose dominions the chiefs of Gorkha do not interfere. Why they respect them more than the Company’s, I do not exactly know; but that they do so is certain. This branch of the Malebum family is supposed to have governed for about 50 generations.
The Raja of Dang, the next neighbour to Saliyana, has adopted the rules of purity, and is connected by marriage with the Palpa family; but, whether he was reckoned one of the twenty-two Rajas, I have not learned, although, from his situation and family, being a Samal, that is, of the Malebum race, I think it highly probable. By Colonel Kirkpatrick, however, as I have already mentioned, he and the next chief of his family are both classed among the twenty-four Rajas. The chiefs formerly lived on a high hill called Dang; and, until deprived of this part of their estate, they had there a house called Chaugora; but for some generations they had withdrawn to Phalabamb, which was not on the plain, but on a hill immediately overhanging it. This town is now often called Dang, and consists of huts with mud or wooden walls, the Raja’s house alone being built of brick. On the hills were several mines of iron; but the most valuable part of the chief’s estate was on the plain, and consists of Pergunah Tulasipur, belonging to the Nawab Vazir. A part of this, called the Bhitari Tarai, is separated from the great plain of India by a small ridge of hills. The valley between this small ridge and the mountains is about six coses wide, and belongs partly to Saliyana, partly to Dang. I have already mentioned, that Bahadur Saha took the hills of Dang, and gave them to his sister, the Rani of Saliyana, but New Dang, or Phalabamb, was protected by the Nawab Vazir. Nawab Singha, who was deprived of his estates, was reckoned the fortieth chief of his race. He retired to a house called Barapate, twelve coses north from Tulasipur, and he usually resided there, although he had a house at Tulasipur. His son Dana Bahadur is now Raja of Tulasipur, and is said to have about 25,000 families of vassals. Among these are a few Upadhyayas, Jausis, and Khasiyas near Phalabamb; but the most numerous casts are Brahmas, Puns, and Ales, all impure: there are a good many Majhis and Darwes, both pure, and some Ghartis, partly Misal and partly Bhujal, both impure. Some Ghartis, who are pure, are called Khasiyas.
Chilli is a very small territory, partly on the plains and partly on the hills; but it produced, as the Raja’s share, 2500 rupees a-year. The chief’s residence was on a hill, the ascent to which may be 1½ cose in length. There is round his house a small town containing two hundred houses. He is of the Samal tribe, that is, of the Malebum family, and is a branch of the Dang chief’s house. Being nearly connected with the Gorkha family by marriage, when his estates were seized, he went to Kathmandu, and procured the whole to be restored without even tribute. If Bhim Sen has respected them, he is the only chief from the Tista to the Yamuna, that has retained his estates or power.
According to my ideas, Malebum, Galkot, Rugun, Musikot, Jajarkot, Bangphi, Gajal, Dharma, Jahari, Satatala, Malaneta, Saliyana, Dang, and Chilli, are fourteen of the twenty-two chiefs, so that there are still eight wanting; but Satatala, implying seven petty divisions, may account for six of these, and the two remaining may be Dalu Dailek, or Bilaspur and Duti, although I did not hear any such thing mentioned, and neither Raja is of the Malebum family.
By Colonel Kirkpatrick 279 the twenty-two Rajas are called Bansi, no doubt by an error of the editor for Baessi, or twenty-two. Unfortunately the list, which he procured, is as imperfect as mine, and is as follows.
1. Jumla, (Yumila,) 2. Jajurkote, (Jajarkot,) 3. Cham, 4. Acham, 5. Roogum, (Rugun,) 6. Musikote 2d, (Musikot,) 7. Roalpa, 8. Mullyanta, (Malaneta,) 9. Bulhang, (Balihang,) 10. Dylick, (Dulu Dailek,) 11. Suliana 2d, (Saliyana,) 12. Bamphi, (Bangphi,) 13. Jehari, (Jahari,) 14. Kalagong, 15. Ghoorikote, 16. Gootum, 17. Gujoor, (Gajal?) 18. Darimeea, (Dharma.)
Of these the 1st, so far as I could learn, belonged to neither the twenty-four nor the twenty-two Rajas, but to the common chief of both classes, and the 9th, according to the information which I received, belonged to the class containing twenty-four chiefs. The 10th number confirms my conjecture concerning Dalu Dailek being one of the twenty-two chiefs. No. 3, 4, 7, 14, 15, and 16, are probably six of the seven chiefs, which in my list were included under the common name Satatala. Or if Satatala be considered as the proper name of one territory, the above-mentioned places would serve to complete the list. I have heard nothing myself concerning these places, and can find almost nothing in Colonel Kirkpatrick’s work. From a route, however, which he gives, 280 it would appear that Chhamkote, probably the capital of Cham, is about thirty one miles road distance west from the Karnali river, (Kurnali Kola,) and that Acham is thirty-two miles farther west. Both territories are west from Yumila, and in the route are said to have belonged to its chief. Acham he reckons seventy-two B. miles in a straight line from Duti, (Dhotee,) and about twenty-four from Yumila, four miles road distance, on long routes, giving only one in a direct line.
The country between the Beni and Dalu Basandra, by Sadhu Ram, was called Bilaspur, while by the two Nidhis it was called Dalu Dailek, a name which should be preferred, as farther west there is another Bilaspur. The chief town is at Mathagari, where the government of Nepal, since the conquest, has built a fort. It is probable that Mathagari is the name of this fort, and that the former town was called Bilaspur, but I did not hear this mentioned. This capital contains about one hundred and fifty thatched huts. The chief’s house is built of stone, and partly thatched, partly covered with tiles. The chief was called a Khas, but he rejected the rules of Hindu purity, and was probably one of the real ancient Khasiyas. When attacked by the forces of Bahadur Saha, he retired to some strongholds and began to plunder, on which all persons of his family that could be caught were put to death. This so terrified the chief that he fled; but to what place my informants do not know. There are in the country many Khasiyas, who, I presume, live impure like their former master. There were scarcely any pure Brahmans (Upadhyayas) in the country; but about one-eighth of the people were considered pure, and were called Jausis and Rajputs. The most remarkable thing, by far, in this petty territory is the place of worship called Dalu Basandra. There are three springs (Kunds) supposed to issue from the head, navel, and feet of Vishnu, (Sirasthan, Nabhisthan, and Padukasthan.) The central one is about 1½ cose from each of the extreme springs. At each place, according to Sadhu Ram, who once performed the pilgrimage, there is a small natural pool without any building. The water springs from the sand in the bottoms of the pools, and is very hot. Above the small holes from whence the water issues, of which there are several in each pool, a flame appears on the surface of the water.
West from Dalu Basandra was rather a considerable chief, called the Duti Raja, who, according to Prati Nidhi, pretended to be of the family of the Sun; but, according to Hariballabh, the chiefs of this state were of a collateral branch of the Shalivahan family. According to Prati Nidhi, they had governed for about 40 generations, when Vishnu Sa, the son of Pradipa Sa, was dethroned by order of Bahadur Sahi. He was carried to Nepal, but Prati does not know what has been his fate. According, however, to Hariballabh, the chief who was expelled was Dip Sa, the son of Krishna Sa, the son of Mahendra Sa. He resided some years at Pilibhit, where he died, leaving three sons, who have retired to Mahmudi, in the Nawab’s country, in great distress, the army of Gorkha having seized the whole of their lands on the plains, as well as on the mountains. I have, however, heard it stated, that very lately the heir has been taken into favour, and restored to his estates, on condition of paying an annual tribute. The country extended to the Kali-nadi, or Black-water, which separated it from Kumau, and through its centre passes the Setigangga, or White River. On the banks of this is a fine valley, two coses long and one broad, in which stands Dipal, the capital, surrounded on three sides by the river. It contains about 400 houses built of stone, and roofed with the same material. The Rajas possessed some territory on the plains. Of the whole population, pure (Upadhyayas) Brahmans composed a fourth, the bastard Jausis an equal share, Khasiyas 3-16ths, and low labourers and tradesmen 5-16ths. The principal crop was winter rice, the second Urid, the third Kurthi, and the fourth barley; all the others were small. The oil-seed chiefly reared was the Til, or Sesamum.
To the north of all these petty chiefs, and reaching within two days’ journey of Dipal and Mathagari, is an extensive country called Yumila, which, towards the west, was once bounded by the territory of Gar, or Garhawal, the capital of which is Srinagar; and towards the east by Mastang, as it extended to Kagakoti on the Narayani, at the northern extremity of Malebum; but towards the east it was much straitened by Jajarkot, which extends to within a few coses of Chhinachhin, the capital. Large territories also had been gradually seized from its prince, by the chief of Kumau, who had extended his dominions to the snowy mountains.
The chief of Yumila was a Rajput, and he was long acknowledged as the supreme lord or king over all the mountain chiefs towards the west; at least, as all my informants from that quarter declared, and they extended his authority to the east also; but this was entirely denied by Hariballabh, and in these parts his information is more to be trusted than that of the others. We may safely, however, conclude, that his superiority was acknowledged everywhere between the Kali river and Nepal. His authority, however, was still more limited than that of the late Cæsars of Germany, his subjects frequently levying war, not only against each other, but against their sovereign; nor was there any assembly of states from which he could obtain assistance against a common enemy. His power probably resembled that possessed by those who were called the sovereign kings of India, before the Muhammedan conquest, and consisted in three privileges. Each chief sent him an annual embassy, with presents; he bestowed the mark of royalty (Tika) on each heir, when he succeeded; and he had a right to interfere in keeping the stronger from overrunning the weaker; and to exhort all chiefs to preserve the balance of power. Except persuasion, however, no means seem to have existed to enforce co-operation. Still, however, the evident common benefit of such a power seems long to have given it some effect; although, in the struggle for universal dominion by the chiefs of Gorkha, it never seems on any one occasion to have been employed.
Etawargiri is a merchant nominally dedicated to religion, (Atithi,) who was born at Chhinachhin, and who still adheres to the Raja. He left the country when very young, but has since made three journeys thither to purchase horses, there being at the place several merchants of this order, who deal to a considerable amount. They carry up metals, spices, and cloths; and bring down cow tails, salt, horses, a woollen cloth called Pheruya, medicinal herbs, musk, etc.
Etawargiri, setting out from Tulasipur, in the dominions of the Vazir, crossed the Bheri, and proceeded through Jajarkot, the territory of which reaches within three coses of Chhinachhin; but from Jajarkot to the boundary took him nine days over a hilly country. At the boundary he entered a fine plain cut with deep ravines, like that of Nepal, but well cultivated. It is said to extend eight coses from north to south, and fifteen from east to west. It is cultivated by the plough drawn by oxen, and produces much wheat, barley, phaphar, and uya; with some urid, peas, lentiles, and maize, and a little transplanted rice. Sugar-cane, kodo, (Paspalum frumentaceum, Roxb.) and chana, (Cicer arietinum, Lin.) will not grow there, for there is snow in winter. In this level part of the country, each ploughgate of land is said to pay ten rupees a-year; but in the high poor parts of Yumila, one rupee is the rent.
According to the accounts which Colonel Kirkpatrick received, 284 this valley is nearly of the same extent as that of Nepal, but is rather more contiguous to the Himaliya mountains, and more chequered with low hills. The ridge of mountains immediately to the north is called Seela pahar, (Sweta pahar, white mountain,) and makes part of the greater Himaliya.
Chhinachhin is a large scattered place. All the houses are built of brick or stone, and have flat roofs. The two most remarkable temples at Chhinachhin, at least in the opinion of Etawargiri, belong, of course, to Siva. The one is called Chandranath, the other Bhairav’nath. In the daily market are exposed for sale the birds called Manal and Dhangphiya, mentioned above, (page 95,) and another called Chakuri, which I do not know, unless it be the Chakor, mentioned in page 95. These are commonly eaten. There are also exposed for sale many sheep and goats, loaded with salt, musk, medicinal herbs, and a seed called Bariyalbhera. Near Chhinachhin there are some of the cattle whose tails form the chaungri 285 chamar, or changwari, of the vulgar tongue, and the chamari of the Sangskrita, and they are very numerous in the hilly parts. Sadhu Ram says, that in Bhot there are three kinds of cow; the Changwari, the Lulu, and the Jhogo. The tails of all the kinds are bushy from the root, but those of the changwari are the most valuable. None of these kinds of cattle have the undulated dew-lap of the Indian cattle.
Besides the plain on which Chhinachhin is built, the Rajas held a very great extent of narrow vallies and mountains, many of the latter perpetually covered with snow. Towards the east, the country extended fifteen days’ journey to Bhot. I know from other circumstances, that it reached to Kagakoti on the Narayani, which is said to be about nineteen miles east from Butaul, and Chhinachhin is nearly north from Dalu Basandra, which, according to the map that I procured, is 124 miles west from Butaul; the fifteen days’ journey gives, therefore, 143 miles direct distance, or about 9½ miles for each. Chhinachhin, at this rate, allowing it to be six miles from the boundary, would be about ninety miles north from Jajarkot, which is nearly north from Dalubasandra, and Jajarkot, according to the map deposited in the India House, is 108 miles from the plains of India. But to admit these situations as accurate, we must suppose, that the snowy mountains take there a great bend to the north, which is not said to be the case, and we must, therefore, allow that Jajarkot stands much farther south than it is placed in the map; and that Yumila is much nearer Jajarkot than Etawargiri supposes.
Colonel Kirkpatrick gives a route from Beni, the capital of Malebum, to Chhinachhin, the two places lying east and west, distant by the road 250 coses. Their actual distance, by the native maps, being about 143 miles, will give, on a long route, rather more than half a mile (0.57) of direct horizontal distance for the cose of road distance.
One of the most important productions of Yumila is salt, which is said to come from a place called Mukhola, reckoned ninety or a hundred miles road distance from Chhinachhin, towards the north-east. It is said, that, at Mukhola, there is a large space, containing many pools, that in winter are covered with snow. When this melts in spring, the water is thrown out, and cattle arc turned into the muddy pools to tread the bottom with their feet. As summer advances, a crust of salt is formed, and removed. I do not understand the nature of such a process, and suspect some mistake, as the dialect spoken by Etawargiri was not clearly understood by any of my people, much less by myself.
About half way between Chhinachhin and Mukhtanath is a frontier fortress of Yumila called Tibrikot. It is remarkable for a temple of the goddess Tibrisundari.
About one-fourth of the people in this country are Brahmans, Rajputs, and Khasiyas, who follow the doctrines of the present Hindu law. The Bhotiyas are on the whole the most numerous tribe, and with Gurungs, Rohanis, Khatis, and Rahals, all impure mountain tribes, make up the remaining three-fourths, who chiefly adhere to the Lamas. The language spoken at Court was the Khas, but differed very much from that of Palpa or Gorkha; even the titles of the chief officers of government were totally different, although the same forms of administration were established. For instance, the Chautariya of Palpa was in Chhinachhin called Hitan, and the Karyi of the former was the Bist of the latter.
According to Hariballabh the Rajas of Yumila were of the Suryabangsi tribe, and were admitted to be pure, so as to intermarry with the chiefs of Kumau and Garhawal. They had penetrated into the northern hills about 500 years ago; but, as I have above mentioned, were far from having expelled or persecuted the ancient inhabitants. It was said by the Mahanta of the Janmasthan at Ayodhya, that they first settled in the Almora country, and thence removed to Yumila; and as the Duti Raja, acknowledged to be of the Shalivahan family, is also called a Suryabangsi, I think it probable, that the Rajas of Yumila are the descendants and representatives of Asanti and Basanti, and this will explain the vassalage to them, which all the eastern chiefs avowed, although the people of Kumau, by whom the Yumila chiefs were stript of the best part of their dominions, deny this vassalage, and pretend to knew nothing of their descent.
When Rana Bahadur attacked the country, it is universally admitted, that he was opposed by Sobhan Sahi; but, according to Etawargiri, this person was Raja, while Kanak Nidhi says that he was the Raja’s brother, and Hariballabh alleges that that he was the uncle of the chief. For two years he resisted the troops of Gorkha, and had collected a force of 22,000 men; but Rana Bahadur, watching a favourable opportunity when most of these had retired to their homes, completely surprised the country, and acted with such vigour and cruelty, that no force durst afterwards assemble. A son of Sobhan, named Munsur Sahi, has fled for protection to the Taolakhar or Taklakhar Bhotiyas, and Hariballabh says, that the old chief is now at Lasa. He also says, that the Raja was carried to Kathmandu, where he died after some confinement. He was not used harshly, and was allowed two rupees a-day for his subsistence. A son of the Yumila chief, and acknowledged as the heir of the family, but whether son or nephew of Sobhan Sahi, I do not know, lives at Tulasipur, in the Vazir’s country, along with the Dang Raja, his former vassal.
Yumila on the north is bounded by the great snowy ridge called there Humla, by which it is separated from the country of the Taolakhar or Taklakhar Bhotiyas, now certainly subject to China, and in the map of Hariballabh their capital is called Taklakot.
Near Taklakot, between two parallel ridges of Emodus covered with everlasting snow, Hariballabh places two lakes, Manasa Sarawar Vulgo Manasarawar, and Ravanhrad, which receives the water flowing from the former. On their west side is a vast peak named Kailasa, which the Hindus suppose to be the residence of the Gods. The valley, east and west from the lakes, and extending to a great width between the two ridges of the snowy mountains, is deeply covered with snow in winter, and then the shepherds retire lower down; but in summer it is covered with flocks, the pasture being short, close, and rich. A river flows from each end of the Ravanhrad, or rather from each lake. That going to the west is called the Satadru and Satrudra, and turning to the south forms what we call the Sutluj. It must, however, be observed, that, according to Hariballabh, there rises from the northern ridge of that eastern part of the valley another river, which, as in the Chinese map of Thibet published in Duhalde, runs west parallel to the Satrudra. Hariballabh does not know its name. It was called to him the river of Ladak, as passing that city. From many other persons I have learned, that this river of Ladak passes north from Kasmira; and, if not the chief branch, is at least one of the greatest of those which form the Indus.
The river that flows to the east from the lakes is named the Karanali, and, according to Hariballabh, who has seen this part of its course, after flowing a short way in that direction, passes through the southern ridge of snowy mountains, and waters Yumila; but he does not know that part of its course, and has only heard that it passes on the west side of Dalu Basandra. Kanak Nidhi calls the river thus passing Dalu Basandra, the Sonabhadra; but Sadhu Ram told me, that its name is the Karanali, or Salasu, for many rivers of these parts have a variety of appellations, that is very perplexing to the geographer. He says, that west from Dalu Basandra, it is a river as wide as the Gandaki, where that river comes into the plain, which I have formerly described. Etawargiri says, that the Karanali passes near the salt mines of Yumila, and then turns west, passing north from Chhinachhin, in which case it must take a very large bend to the east from Ravanhrad, and then another to the west, before it reaches Dalu Basandra.
As connected by trade with Yumila, I may here mention, that the Chinese, in the, part of Thibet, north-east from Manasarawar, and beyond the second range of Emodus, have a very valuable gold mine. It can only be wrought in summer, and those who wish to mine pay seven Mashes of gold for every solid cubit of mineral that they dig. They also give to the government all pieces of gold which they find that weigh more than three Mashas; all the smaller bits they keep to themselves. Thirteen Mashas are equal to a Furrokhabad rupee, that is, each contains between thirteen and fourteen grains.
Chapter Second — Of the Countries West From the River Kali
Kumau; History, State.—Garhawal; History, State.—Sirmaur.—Twelve Lordships.—Besar.—Hanur.
Kumau is a very considerable territory bordering with Duti on the east, the boundary being the Kali Nadi. On the west it has Garhawal or Gar, and it extends a considerable way into the plains of Bareli; but all that it has there is subject to the Company.
It is generally agreed, that the founder of the family of Kumau was Thor Chandra, a needy, but high born descendant of the family of the Moon, who, about 350 years ago, left Jhausi or Pratishthan, opposite to Allahabad, in quest of fortune. He was accompanied by a pure Brahman, equally necessitous, and named Jaydev, from whom the two Nidhis, my informants, claim a descent. According to Hariballabh, the two adventurers agreed that they should repair to the hills, and endeavour to procure service. If they succeeded, they should by degrees invite some comrades, and by their assistance, they expected to overpower their master, and seize his dominions, which were to be equally divided. They accordingly found service from an impure chief of the Jar or Magar cast, it is not worth while investigating which, my informant considering both equally vile. This fellow had a small territory, for which he paid tribute in peace to the Rajas of Karuvirpur; who, although of pure and high extraction, scandalously suffered their subjects to wallow in abomination. Having secured this man’s favour, and invited some pure men like themselves, the two servants cut off their master, expelled the monsters his subjects, and settled the country with pure Hindus, building the town of Champawati, or Kurmachal, as it is called in the language of the Gods; but the word in the language of men has somehow been corrupted into Kumau.
The soldier, when not actuated by zeal for purity, was an honourable man; and, no sooner had he acquired this territory, than he offered the half of it to the priest; but Jaydev declined the troublesome office of government, and contented himself with stipulating for the hereditary office of register (Kanungo) and steward (Zemindar) for all the estates, which the prowess of the Rajas might acquire. Thor Chandra was succeeded by his son Kamir C., whose son, Nirbhaga C., having died without legitimate heirs, the chief officers sent to Jhausi, and procured as a chief another needy descendant of the Moon. His whole revenues amounted to about 3000 rupees a-year, and like his predecessors, pure and impure he paid tribute to the Rajas of Karuvirpur.
In this state the family continued, until the time of Bala Kalyan C., son of Kirti C., son of Bhishma C., son of Guru Gyangn C. This Kalyan married a daughter of the Raja of Duti, a collateral branch of the Karuvirpur family, and by her obtained Sor, as an addition to his inheritance. Their son, Rudra C., was a man of great abilities. In his time the family of his sovereign, the Karuvirpur king, was involved in dissensions, twenty competitors claiming the succession. Rudra, having a high character, was chosen by these unfortunate chiefs as umpire; and entered the capital under pretence of investigating their claims. When in full possession, he declared that they were all low fellows, descended only of Shalivahan, while he was a descendant of the illustrious Budha, and, therefore, seized on the sovereignty, giving each competitor a little land in a place called Manur in the Pergunah of Pali, where their descendants still remain, and are called Manuriya Rajputs. Rudra now built Almora, and made it the seat of his extended government. This was in the time of the Mogul Akbur, one of whose officers, having attacked Almora, was defeated, and Rudra advancing into the plain, obtained a jaygir eighty coses long and five wide, then overgrown with woods. The intelligent chief, however, brought inhabitants, and settled six Pergunahs, Rudrapur, Sabna, Belahari, Nanakamata, Kasipur, and Reher, which produced a revenue of 1,000,000 rupees; and in the first mentioned Pergunah he built a fort of the same name. He afterwards became a favourite of the kings, who granted him permission to coin money in the royal name, and Persian character. No other hill chief had a mint except Nepal, the Rajas of which have always coined money in their own name, and in the Nagri character. Rudra finally took Siragar from his kinsman the Raja of Duti, for he was one of those great men that do not hesitate about trifles. He was succeeded by his son Lakshmi, who was a saint, and had four sons. The three eldest, Dilip C., Vijay C. and Trimala C. succeeded each other, and had no male issue. Nila Singha, the youngest brother, left a son, Baz Bahadur, who succeeded his uncle Trimala, and was another man of great activity. He attacked the Yumila Raja, who after the overthrow of Karuvirpur, was probably the proper representative of Asanti, and who was acknowledged as liege lord by all the chiefs of the mountains. From this prince Baz Bahadur took Danpur, Joyar, and Dharma. Joyar was a very large territory, including Baropathi and Munsiyari; and both it and Dharma, like the other territories of Yumila, were chiefly inhabited by Bhotiyas, and other impure monsters, who, on the conquest, were totally expelled or destroyed, and the rules of purity established. Jagat C., son of Gyangn C., son of Udyot C., the son of this Baz Bahadur, was, like his great-grandfather, a conqueror, and took Chaudas from Yumila, after which the family began to decline. His son, Devi C., had a dispute with Muhammed Shah, which was amicably settled by means of Raja Jaya Singha. He had no son, and was succeeded by Kalyan C. his grand-uncle, the youngest son of Udyata C. This old man was succeeded by his son Dip, who had the misfortune to be born dumb, and to give himself entirely up to religious exercises, leaving the whole management of his affairs to his wife and officers. His first favourite was Jaya Krishna, a Brahman descended of Jaya Deva, the companion of Thor Chandra. This person, by the intrigues of the queen, (Rani,) was displaced, and the power transferred to Mohan Singha, a person of the chief’s family, who was in command of the army. He soon displeased the lady, and, being a man of ungovernable passions, he retired to Dundiyu Khan, a Rohilla chief; and, having procured some assistance, returned and put the lady to death. Jaya Krishna now applied to Hafez, another chief of the Rohillas, who gave him some men, with whom he put Mohan to flight. This chief retired to Lakhnau, and watched there, until he learned that Jaya Krishna was employed in collecting the revenues of the country. He then, with a small band, advanced suddenly, and privately seized Almora, and, having sent the poor creature Dip, and his four sons, to the fortified hill of Siragar, he declared himself Raja, and, as usual, took the title of Chandra. His first care was to inveigle Jaya Krishna into his power, which he did by numerous assurances of friendship, and offers of employment. The Brahman was outwitted, and went into the castle of Kotaghat, where, as he advanced to embrace the Raja, who stood with open arms, a soldier struck off his head. Mohan then imprisoned Harsha Dev, the brother of Jaya Krishna; and, thinking himself firmly established, ordered Dip and his four sons to be thrown over the castle wall, which was done, and they were dashed to pieces. Jaya Deva, however, an uncle of Harsha Dev, went to Lalit Sa, Raja of Garhawal, and, having obtained 4000 men from him, drove out Mohan C.; but could not release his nephew, who being very warlike, was considered as of great importance, and was carried off by Mohan; soon after, however, he contrived to escape. The uncle and nephew then conferred the government on Pradyumna Sa, a younger son of their benefactor, the Raja of Garhawal, who took the title of Chandra, while the uncle was appointed (Nayeb) chief civil minister, and the nephew commander of the forces, (Bukhshi.) On the death of his father, Pradyumna, during three years, disputed for the succession of Garhawal with his elder brother Jayakirti; but without success. The elder brother, then dying without male issue, Pradyumna became undisputed owner of Garhawal and Kumau. He had a younger brother named Parakrama, of a very intriguing disposition, who, having been gained by Mohan Chandra, persuaded Pradyumna to dismiss Harsha Dev, who retired to the low country; and Kumau, being entrusted to weak hands, was recovered by Mohan Chandra, who held it for sixteen months. Harsha Dev’ could no longer suffer this, but attacked his enemy, and, having taken him and his son prisoners, he put them both to death. In this he vented his hatred on the father by a barbarous refinement of cruelty. Under pretence of not shedding royal blood, he kept his unfortunate rival without food, and daily beat him, until he expired. It is said that he suffered for seventeen days, but this seems incredible. The Brahman then placed on the throne a certain Siva Chandra, who was alleged to be of the family of Kumau, and acted as his chief minister. About this time the forces of Golam Kader having been dispersed by the Mahrattas, many of them were engaged by Lal Singha, whom some call the son, and others the brother of Mohan Chandra. With these troops this chief drove out Harsha, who fled to Garhawal. He there entered into an alliance with Parakrama, the Raja’s brother, his former enemy, and both attacked and defeated Lal Singha, who had advanced into Garhawal to meet them. He was driven into Almora, where he contrived to form a treaty with Parakrama, by which Mahendra, the son of Mohan, was made Raja, and Harsha was placed in confinement. From this, however, he soon contrived to escape, and retired to the plains. Siva Chandra was allowed to escape, as having been a mere tool in the hands of the Brahman. In this state were affairs, when Damodar Pangre, the officer commanding the troops of Gorkha, sent his brother Jagajit and Amar Singha Thapa to attack the country. They were joined by Harsha Dev’, and met with very little resistance. Lal Singha and Mahendra Chandra the Raja retired to Rudrapur, where Mahendra died, leaving a son named Pratap Singha. Their valuable estates in the low country are in the Company’s possession, nor has it been determined to whom they will be given; for there are several competitors. Pratap claims as heir to the family, but his father was an usurper, although it would appear, that all other more direct lines of the family have now failed. Harsha claims as heir of Jaydev, who, by the agreement with Thor Chandra, should be Zemindar (collector) and Kanungoe (register) for the whole, availing himself of the interpretation, which has been given in our courts to the term Zemindar, (landlord.) The widow of Siva Lal claims, as her husband, being deputy of Harsha, was in actual possession when the country was ceded by the Nawab. The widow of Lal Singha and Siva Lal are allowed pensions.
Almora on the Soyal contains, according to all accounts, about 1000 houses. According to Hariballabh, it is situated on the narrow ridge of a hill abounding in fine springs of water. Champawati, the ancient capital, called Kurmachal in the Sangskrita, may contain 200 or 300 houses, and is cooler than Almora. The only other towns are Ganggoli and Pali, each containing about 100 houses. In these towns the houses are built and roofed with stone, and several are two or three stories high. The population of the hills was estimated by Prati Nidhi at 50,000 families. All the impure tribes had been destroyed, except a very few Jars and Magars in Baropathi, that had been lately taken from Yumila, under which government these people enjoyed full toleration. The Brahmans are not numerous, all living a pure life, and abstaining from intercourse with the low tribes. The Rajputs form the most numerous class, but all, who are poor, except the descendants of Shalivahan, hold the plough. The Sudra tribes of cultivators are Ahir, Jat, Lodi, and Chauhan. Near Agra the Jats by other casts are reckoned the same with Ahirs; although, being there powerful, in their own territories they call themselves Rajputs. In the mountains they are considered as mere Sudras, and different from the Ahirs, an undoubted tribe of the plains, as are the Lodi; but I suspect, that the Jats and Chauhans of the mountains are original tribes converted to Hindu purity; for one of the Chauhan chiefs, at the time of the conquest of Gorkha, was still impure, although acknowledged to be of the same family with those who pretend to have come from Chitaur.
The mountains produced copper, lead, and iron, and the Panar river produced gold; but no mine was of great value. The chief crop is summer rice, but there is also much wheat, and some barley. The parts conquered from Yumila are cold, but abound in pasture, and produce great flocks of sheep. The whole rents of the mountains, exclusive of lands granted to Brahmans, amounted to 125,000 rupees a-year, the whole of which, as usual west from the Kali river, was collected by the Raja’s officers; but since the conquest, much has been granted to the army of Gorkha. The government is one of the best in the country, and with the title of Raja, is held by Brahma Saha, one of the Chautariyas.
There is much intercourse with the part of Thibet subject to China, which empire in the Khas dialect is called Hung. Between the countries there are three passes through the southern ridge of Emodus, Joyar, Dharma, and Beyas. The two last are the easiest, but they are inferior to Riti in Garhawal. Beyas is in a portion of Yumila that has been annexed to Almora, since the conquest by Gorkha.
The country now called Garhawal or Gar, at least in part, formerly belonged to a petty chief of low birth, but pure manners, who resided at Chandpur, and paid tribute to Karuvirpur. About 350 years ago, a Pangwar Rajput, named Ajayapal, came from the plains, and entered into the service of the chief of Chandpur, whom he soon after took occasion to expel. The descendants of Ajayapal paid the customary tribute to the prince of Karuvirpur, who, as usual in India, seems to have given himself no concern about these internal commotions among his tributaries. After Karuvirpur fell, the Rajas of Chandpur paid tribute to Almora; but, while Lakshmi Chandra held the latter government, Mahipat Sa, Raja of Garhawal, at the persuasion of a religious man, who promised success, declared himself independent. This person built Srinagar, and made it the capital of his dominions, on which account his descendants are usually known to Europeans as Rajas of Srinagar. This chief was succeeded by his son Syam Sa, who died without male issue, and was succeeded by Futeh Sa, his uncle’s son. This chief incurred a great stain by delivering up to Aurungzeb one of that king’s brothers, who had taken refuge in the mountains. As a reward for his treachery he received the Jaygir of Dun and Chandi, two low country estates. Futeh had two sons, Upendra and Dilip, and was succeeded by the former, who took from the chief of Besariya the countries of Ranigar and Barahat, on the upper parts of the Yamuna and Ganges rivers. When he died, his lady was pregnant, and no chief was appointed until the result was known, which shows that the government and succession were firmly established. The widow having been delivered of a daughter, Pradipa Sa, the son of Dilip, a boy five years old, succeeded quietly, and governed seventy-five years. He was an active prince, administered his affairs with great attention, and had several wars with Nuzuf Khan, who governed the petty remains of the Mogul empire. His son and successor was Lalit Sa, who, as above mentioned, made his younger son Raja of Kumau. Mention has also been made of the manner in which this son, named Pradyumna, succeeded his brother as Raja of Garhawal. After the conquest of Kumau, Jagajit Pangre and Amur Singha, the officers commanding the army of Gorkha, in conjunction with Harsha Dev, the turbulent Brahman often already mentioned, attacked Garhawal. They had fought two years, and were on the point of succeeding, when they were recalled by Bahadur Saha, the regent of Gorkha, in consequence of a Chinese army approaching the capital. The commanders of Gorkha, especially Jagajit, complied most reluctantly, and made a peace with Garhawal. The Brahman, their associate, now considering their affairs desperate, on being desired to accompany them, treated the request with insolence, asking who they were, that he should follow. They had, however, only retired a little way, when information was brought, that peace had been made with the Chinese, on which the Brahman immediately fled.
Garhawal enjoyed a respite, until Rana Bahadur returned from Banaras, when he sent Amar Singha Karyi with 3000 fusileers, and an equal number of irregulars, to extend his territories to the west. No pretext, I believe, was held out for the attack; indeed, so far as I can learn, the natives do not consider the holding out any pretence as at all necessary or proper in war, although, in treating with Europeans, they have now learned to make very appropriate observations on the subject. Rana Bahadur, on the contrary, when collecting this force, I am credibly informed, gave very publicly out, that it was destined to go either to Calcutta or Pekin, he had not exactly determined which; and had he considered the force adequate, there is no doubt that he would have made the attempt, although he was on very good terms with both governments. This violence, however, was suddenly directed against the helpless Pradyumna, who made little or no resistance; but with his brothers Parakrama and Pritama, and his son Sudarsan, retired to Dun, and from thence to Keni near Haridwar, in the territory then lately acquired by the Company. There, very contrary to the wishes of his brother Parakrama, the Raja sold the family throne for 150,000 rupees. This sum enabled him to raise some forces, with which the three brothers returned to Dun, and fought the army of Gorkha near Gurudhana. The Raja was killed, Parakrama escaped to Haridwar, and Pritama, having been shot through the foot, was taken prisoner, but is kindly used, and has married a daughter of Brahma Sahi, the governor of Almora. Sudarsan, the undoubted heir of the family, in 1814, was with Sir Edward Colebroke at Futehgar. He was then about twenty six years of age, and has, it is said, good abilities; but was addicted to an expense ill suited to his means, which were very slender. His uncle Parakrama died without children, in the country of the Sikhs.
Chandi was taken from the family by Asof ud doulah, the Nawab Vazir. Dun, having been a Jaygir from Aurungzeb, should belong to the king at Dilli; but it has been seized by the government of Nepal. It produced a rent of 50,000 rupees a-year. The rent of the mountains amounted to 400,000 rupees, the whole levied by the Rajah’s officers, but a large proportion has been granted to the military establishment by the government of Gorkha. There are three valuable mines of copper, the Raja’s share of which was 76,000 rupees. Salt is imported from Thibet, with which there are three communications. One, a little west from Ganggotri, is difficult. The other two lead from the vicinity of Badrinath. That by Manu has no supply of fuel, but that by Riti is reckoned the best passage through Emodus, at least in these western parts. At Tapoban, towards Badrinath, is a hot spring. Rock crystal abounds in the vicinity of the snow.
The country near Emodus is very cold, and produces many sheep. The lower hills are warm, and produce most rice and wheat, but also many other crops.
Srinagar the capital is in a very hot valley, and contains about 2000 houses. There is no other town, but many celebrated places of worship, which seem to have been sacred among the Hindus for many ages. How these people came to establish places of worship in countries that, until of late, were occupied entirely by impure infidels, can, in my opinion, be only accounted for by supposing, that, when these places of worship became fashionable, the Hindus had not become pure, nor had they adopted the faith now reckoned orthodox. Four of the five places called Prayag, all celebrated as places of great sanctity for bathing, were in this principality, as is also the source of the most sacred of rivers, called therefore the Ganggotri, or source of the river. It comes from the southern face of the southern ridge of Emodus. Kedarnath is a temple dedicated to Siva, but the works are petty, and ruinous. Badrinath, dedicated to Vishnu, was lately rebuilt at a considerable expense by orders of Daulat Rao Sendhiya. Near the temple is the village called Kalap gram. The Hindus, who know nothing of the place except from books, imagine that many holy persons have retired to this place, where they have been living for many thousand years, in quiet expectation of better times. To pilgrims, who go there in expectation of meeting these personages, a cave is shown as the place of their residence; but as the cave is filled with snow, there is no fear of the good folks being disturbed, until these degenerate times pass away, and the age of gold is restored.
The whole original tribes have been expelled from this sacred territory.
West from Garhawal and the Yamuna, is the territory of Siramaura or Sirmaur, the capital of which is Nahan. It lately belonged to a family of the Raythaur tribe, which had held the country for about fifteen generations, and was descended from a younger son of the Jaysalmer family. The first Raja of Sirmaur, whom Hariballabh recollects, was Vijay Prakas, who married a daughter of Jagat Chandra of Kumau. He was succeeded by his son Pradipa Prakas, who, like his father, was a tame inoffensive man. His son Kirti Prakas succeeded when eight years old, and died in his twenty-sixth year; but during this period of youth he fought many battles with the Mogul officers, and took from them Larpur, Narayangar, Ramgar, and Pangjaur, all on the plains of India; but he left there untouched Rayapur, which belonged to a Chauhan, whose sister he had married. He would not consent to pay any tribute for these acquisitions, but obtained a grant of them in Jaygir from Ali Gouhur the Mogul, giving 100,000 rupees as a present. Turning then against his neighbour chiefs, he strengthened his frontier to the west by the conquest of Jagatgar, reckoned a very strong place, which had belonged to the Raja of Nurpur. He also attacked the Raja of Bilaspur, and wrested from his authority the superiority of twelve petty chiefs, who did not obtain the title of Raja, but were called Thakurs or Ranas. These had formerly paid tribute to the Raja of Bilaspur, and followed the standard of that chief in war; but these duties were now transferred to the chief of Sirmaur. This vigorous youth then attacked Garhawal, and endeavoured to wrest from its chief the fertile territory of Dun; but he died at Kalsi, after several fruitless battles had taken place between his brother Iswari Singha, and Lalit Sa, the chief of Garhawal. This young chief, by three wives, left four sons, and was succeeded by the eldest, Jagat Prakas, aged ten years. When in his fourteenth year, he set out for Kangra to marry the sister of Sangsar Chandra, the chief of that country; but on the way was met by the Raja of Bilaspur, his mortal enemy, who refused a passage through his territory. The youth, with the premature vigour of his family, instantly cut his way through his opponents, and married the lady. His brother-in-law wished to persuade him to return by the low country, and thus to avoid any contest; but the young hero disdained to show any mark of fear before his bride, and her brother giving an addition of 2000 men to his suite, they forced their way back. Having made a pilgrimage to Jaganath, Jagat Prakas determined to accomplish the conquest of Dun, which had been relinquished on his father’s death, and he soon succeeded. He died at the age of 28 years, leaving no male issue, and was succeeded by his brother Dharma Prakas.
At this period Sangsar of Kangra, having become very violent, made an attack on the Rajas of Mundi and Bilaspur, who applied for assistance to Dharma of Sirmaur. This chief having received from them 200,000 rupees, and having been promised as much more, joined them with his forces, and the three Rajas advanced together to fight Futeh Chandra, the brother of Sangsar, who commanded the forces of Kangra. They were, however, entirely defeated, and Dharma fell in the battle. He was succeeded by his brother Karna Prakas. Sangsar now persuaded the Raja of Hanur to turn against his ally and chief, the Raja of Sirmaur, promising that he would render him independent, and place him at the head of the twelve chiefs that had been alienated from Bilaspur, and rendered tributary to Sirmaur. On this Karna invited to his assistance Amar Singha, the officer who commanded the forces of the Nepal government in Garhawal. This officer sent to his assistance Bhakti Thapa with 1000 fusileers, and these, united to the troops of Sirmaur, advanced to the west in search of their enemies. They were soon, however, compelled to retire by the united forces of Sangsar and Hanur. On this Sangsar entered into a negotiation with Krishna Singha, the son of Iswari Singha, the uncle of Karna, and with his assistance plundered the family of that chief. He fled for assistance to Amar Singha, who advanced with his whole forces, and soon subdued Hanur, and the adjacent countries, leaving Karna in the possession of his estates. Afterwards Amar Singha attacked Kangra; and, when he was compelled by Ranjit Singha, king of Lahaur, to make a disastrous retreat, he applied to Karna, requesting an interview.
The chief of Sirmaur, thinking the affairs of the Nepalese desperate, at least in that quarter, sent an insolent reply, on which he was immediately attacked by Ranajor, the son of Amar Singha, and fled without resistance. The troops at Gorkha then took possession of all his estates on the hills, while various chiefs seized on those upon the plain. His cousin Krishna retains Narayangar, which he seized, when he plundered his kinsman’s family. Karna lives near Rayapur with the chief of that place, who is his relation. His wife and son have gone to Lodhyana, in hope of procuring assistance from the English.
When the Raythaurs arrived, the territory of Sirmaur was occupied by two tribes of Khas, called Bhats and Kanets, of which the former was, as it still is, by far the most numerous, and they now form the greater part of the cultivators or Zemindars. Until the arrival of the Raythaurs, it is admitted that no Brahmans resided in the country; yet Hariballabh contends, that even then the Kanets and Bhats were not of the aboriginal infidel Khasiyas, but were descended of pure Sudras, who had come from the plains, on which their Gurus and Purohits resided, and made them occasional visits. These Bhats must not be confounded with the poets or parasites of the plains, and in their own country do not wear the thread of distinction; but some, who have gone to the low country, on finding the high rank which the Bhats there enjoy, have put on the thread, and call themselves poets.
The mountains of this state produced a rent of 70,000 or 80,000 rupees a-year. The low country gave 200,000. The chief crops on the mountains were rice and wheat. West from the Yamuna there are no mines of copper, and few even of iron; but one of these is in Sirmaur.
Nahan contained about 1000 houses, mostly built of stone, and in rather a cool situation. Kalsi, the only other town, contains about 100 houses.
Hariballabh does not remember the names and situations of all the twelve petty states governed by Thakurs or Ranas, who were tributary to Sirmaur, and followed its chief in war. The tribute was very inconsiderable. Among them were the following.
Dharmapur belonged to Dalel Singha, a Baghatiya Rajput, who was killed by the chief of Hanur. The lord (Thakur) did not live at Dharmapur, but the name of his capital has escaped the memory of Hariballabh. Taksal is the largest place in the country, and has about 200 houses. It is the principal mart for ginger and turmeric, which are produced most abundantly in the estates of the twelve lords, (Bara Thakurai,) and in Sirmaur.
The lordship of Arki, east from Dharmapur, belonged to a Gagat Singha, expelled by Amar Singha, who now has his head-quarters at the capital of this petty state, a town containing about 300 houses, besides the huts in the cantonments. His force consists of 3000 fusileers, and 1000 men armed with matchlocks, but they have a great body of followers, male and female, and these last are eager and expert plunderers.
The lordship of Kothar was very petty.
Mahalok was a little better.
Bhajji was still better, having an annual rental of 15,000 rupees.
Kengothal was worth about 50,000 rupees a-year.
Kumarsen paid annually 30,000 rupees.
Borbhakan paid 15,000 or 16,000.
Between the three last mentioned there was another lordship, of which Hariballabh does not recollect the name, nor does he recollect either the names or situations of the three remaining lordships.
North from the countries of these lords is Besar, a country of little value, but its chief was independent, and was called Raja. Many of his subjects were Bhotiyas, although he himself was a pure Rajput. The country is very cold, and produces many sheep. By the side of the Satrudra there is a very good route to Thibet, and much wool is imported that way. Rampur, the capital, contained between 400 and 500 houses. Anup Singha, who was lately Raja, died four or five years ago, leaving an infant son, who was immediately attacked by the troops of Gorkha. These seized on the capital; but the Bhotiyas carried their young chief to the fastnesses of the country, and reject the yoke of strangers.
I have already mentioned the Raja of Hanur, whose country bounds Sirmaur on the west, and whose rebellion and subsequent invasion of that state introduced the overwhelming power of Gorkha. The Rajas are of the Chandel tribe, and of the same family with the chiefs of Kumau and Kahalur. The earliest Raja that Hariballabh remembers was Bhup Chandra, who was a violent man, and held not only the country of Hanur on the mountains, but that of Palasi on the plains. This was worth 50,000 rupees a-year, while the mountains paid about twice as much. The chiefs did not pay any tribute, but in war they followed the standard of Sirmaur. Bhup Chandra was succeeded by his son Gaja Chandra, whose son Rama Chandra joined Kangra against Sirmaur, as already mentioned. On the approach of Amar Singha he retired to Palasi, which was saved by the interposition of Colonel Ochterlony, who threatened to interfere, and Amar Singha contented himself with the hills. Nalagar, which, until of late, was the capital of Hanur, contained about 500 houses; but Rama Chandra built a new town farther in the hills, and Nalagar was neglected. The new town he called after his own name, as he does also another town which he has built since he settled on the plain.
SUPPLEMENT TO THE ACCOUNT OF NEPAL.
some information respecting the petty chiefs who still remain independent to the west of the dominions of nepal or gorkha.
Kangra.—History.—State.—Kahalur.—Bhomor.—Kottahar.—Yasawal.—Datarpur.—Gular.—Nurpur.—Chamba.—Kullu.—Mundi.—Sukhet.
The intelligence procured from Hariballabh extending somewhat farther west than the present dominions of Gorkha, but to no great distance, it may be given as a Supplement to the foregoing Account.
The country between the Satadru or Sutluj and Kasmira in ancient times belonged to Susarma, a chief of the family of the Moon, who was a principal ally (Paksha) of Durjadhan, competitor for the kingdom of India, at the commencement of this iron age. In the terrible battle, which settled the succession in the family of his adversaries, Susarma escaped, and his descendants long governed his country. The genealogy of this family is said to be contained in the Mahabharat, but is not to be found in the Sri Bhagwat, or other books from which I have had the Indian genealogies extracted. The Raja of Kangra pretends to be descended of this family, which, he alleges, has enjoyed uninterrupted possession of at least a part of its original estate, until the present day. The late Rajas, however, have been called Katauch Rajputs, for what reason I do not know; and the present chief is said to be desirous of being called a Chandel, for this tribe is generally admitted to be descended of the family of the Moon. Many others, however, allege, that the Katauch tribe sprang from the sweat of the goddess, spouse to Siva, when she was cut to pieces; and, when these were scattered by her husband and Vishnu, her thorax fell at Kangra, which has ever since been considered as holy; and once, probably, this descent was considered more honourable than that from the family of the Moon. No one, in fact, knows the real origin of the family, which, however, is generally admitted to be old, and to have consisted of fifty or sixty chiefs, of whom the first is usually said to have been a Bhup Chandra. Hariballabh does not remember any of his successors, until the time of Abhay Chandra. He had three sons, the eldest named Nirbhag C., and the youngest Gharnan Singha. The former had no son, and, when he died, his youngest brother was in the service of Pradipa of Garhawal, who was then at war with Siva Dev’, the general of Kumau. This crafty Brahman gave the needy chief 700 Ashrufies of gold, and induced him to withdraw his men, and return to his own country. On his arrival he found his brother just dead, and nine or ten of his kinsmen squabbling about the succession. He therefore took off their heads, and ascended the throne, (Gadi.) He subdued several Rajas, such as Kottahar and Ghowasin, became a terror to all the petty chiefs in the vicinity, and removed the seat of government from Jaya Singhapur to Sujanpur, which he founded; for the fortress and town of Kangra had been long in the hands of the Muhammedans. He was succeeded by his son Tikayit Chandra, who, in his fourteenth year of age, had a son named Sangsar Chandra, the present chief. When eighteen years of age, Tikayit C. was caught by Khan Bahadur, who was Subahdar of Lahaur under Muhammed Shah. He was confined for some years, and then restored to liberty, but died at the age of twenty-five years, leaving the country to his young son. This youth became the most violent and formidable chief of his family, and recovered Kangra from the Muhammedans. All the neighbouring chiefs were then afraid, and he extended his conquests on the plains by seizing on the estate called Rajawara, which belonged to the king of Dilli. He removed the seat of government to Nadaun, but has many places of residence, especially a fine fortified garden at Alumnagar. I have already mentioned his dispute with Gorkha, during which Amar Singha besieged, or rather blockaded, the citadel of Kangra, for he was in possession of the town. He was opposed by Anirudha, the son of Sangsar. Bhakti Thapa besieged Sujanpur, which was defended by Man Singha, brother of Sangsar, and by Harsha Dev’, the warlike Brahman of Kumau, often already mentioned. Sangsar himself, with a small body of chosen men, hovered round the besieging armies; but, these being likely to prevail, he invited to his assistance Ranjit Singha, who affects to be called king of Lahaur; and with his assistance the forces of Gorkha were repulsed with great loss. For this assistance, however, he paid dearly, as he ceded to Ranjit the fort and city of Kangra, and the fort of Kotta, with a territory of 50,000 rupees a-year, and all the petty chiefs now despise his authority, and respect the power of Lahaur. He still, nevertheless, retains a territory yielding from 900,000 to 1,000,000 rupees a-year.
The town of Kangra is open, and, before the attack by Amar Singha, contained about 2000 houses. Near it is the temple of the goddess, which is supposed to contain many rich ornaments of gold. The fort is the strongest in these parts. The situation is rather warm. Kotta, although inferior to Kangra, is considered as a stronghold of importance.
Sujanpur, which remains to Sangsar, contains about 2000 houses, and is surrounded by lines, which are said to be twelve coses in circumference, and besides the town, contain twenty-four villages, in which there may be 3000 houses.
Nadaun, the present capital, contains about 500 houses. Jwalamukhi was a considerable town, where many Gosaing merchants had settled; but during the disturbances it was plundered by the Raja of Gular, who had joined Amar Singha. At this place, where the tongue of the Goddess fell, in the dispersion of her members, above-mentioned, there is a small temple, perhaps twenty feet square. It is paved with large stones, and from a hole in one corner, perhaps two inches in diameter, there issues a constant flame, that at the lowest ebb rises about eighteen inches, but in the rainy season it issues with great violence, and flame bursts from several parts of the floor, and also from some places without the temple.
Although most parts of the country are high, the ascents from the plains below are easy, and the summits of the hills are level, so that a large proportion is fit for cultivation, and is well occupied. The poor live much on maize. Great quantities of rice arc exported to Lahaur, and there is plenty of sugar-cane.
None of the infidel tribes remain. The most numerous cast is said to be that called Jat, to which not only the Ranjit of Lahaur belongs, but also Ranjit of Bharatpur. The tribe is considered pure, but in Kangra, is not permitted to wear the thread of distinction, belonging to the military tribe.
Kahalur I have already mentioned as belonging to a branch of the Chandel family, that governed Kumau and Hanur. It was always able to resist Kangra, but has been occasionally squeezed by the Muhammedans, and by the Sikhs of Lahaur. Devi Chandra is the first Raja that Hariballabh remembers. So long as he lived, he was able to resist all his neighbours, and entered into a friendship with Prithwi Narayan of Gorkha, which has continued uninterrupted between their descendants, so that Maha Chandra, the son of Devi, lives under the protection of Amar Singha. The family at one time possessed Govindapur on the plain; but this was long ago seized by various petty Sikh chiefs. The country on the hills may produce 100,000 rupees a-year. Bilaspur, the capital, is the best town in these parts, and contains about 3000 houses, better built than usual. They consist entirely of stone, and are two or three stories high, with flat roofs. The air is very temperate, and snow falls occasionally in winter.
On the west side of the Satadru or Sutluj is one of these vallies called Dun, which is contained between the great range of mountains on the north, and a low ridge on the south. This valley is divided among many petty chiefs. Its east end, called Bhomor, belonged to a Rajput who had only the title of Rana: but, although he always leagues himself with some powerful chief, whom he follows in war, and from whom he receives protection, he may be called independent, as he pays no tribute. His revenue may be 8000 or 9000 rupees a-year.
West from Bhomor, the Dun, or valley, is for some way occupied by petty Sikh or Singha chiefs, who, like all those beyond the Satadru, are under the king of Lahaur.
Between these Singhas and the territory of Kangra, the hills are occupied by the petty state of Kottahar, which, as I have mentioned, was subdued by the chiefs of Kangra; but Mahipat, its owner, having joined Amar Singha, was by him replaced in his patrimony, which he retains. Although small, Kottahar is a fine country, and produces 50,000 or 60,000 rupees a year. Raypur, the capital, contains between 200 and 300 houses.
West from Kottahar is the lordship of Yasawal, to which belong part of the hills, and part of the valley or Dun. For its size, it is exceedingly rich, as it produces about 200,000 rupees a-year. It belongs to Amed Singha, a pure Rajput, who is squeezed sometimes by Sangsar and sometimes by Ranjit, and is compelled to follow them in war. He resides at Rajgar or Rajpur, which is by nature strong, and contains about 2000 houses. It is colder than Nadaun. The chief possesses on the plain a fort called Setabgar.
West from Yasawal is the chief of Datarpur, who has also some territory in the valley and some on the hills. These may annually produce 40,000 rupees.
West from Datarpur is such another lordship, called Siva, the revenue of which may be 25,000 rupees a-year. Like the chief of Datarpur, the lord of Siva is squeezed by both Sangsar and Ranjit.
On the hills between these two petty chiefs and Kangra is Gular, whose chief is of the same family with Sangsar, but he pays tribute to Ranjit. His country is very productive, and pays about 250,000 rupees a-year. Haripur, his capital, contains from 1000 to 1500 houses, which are reckoned very well built.
West from Gular and Siva is Nurpur, the Raja of which possesses part of the hills, part of the Dun or valley, and part of the great Indian plain. What he has on the latter is called Pathankot, from the name of his tribe, for he is a Pathaniya Rajput, not a Pathan Muhammedan. Dalel Singha, the last chief, survived his son, and was succeeded by his grandson, Vir Singha, who married a daughter of Sangsar. His revenue may be 250,000 rupees a-year. Nurpur, the capital, contains about 2500 houses, among whom are some settlers from Kasmira, who have fifty looms employed in weaving shawls.
North from Nurpur is an extensive dominion, situated on both sides of the Rawi, and called Chamba. A long ridge of mountains, the summits of which are covered with perpetual snow, separates from the great ridge of Emodus, near the source of the Bepasa, or Bayas, and, running to the south-east, passes near Kangra, then crosses the Rawi, and finally bends to the north-west, towards Kasmira. This ridge, called Pariyat, in general forms the south-east boundary of Chamba; but, on its south side, the chief possesses a territory called Rillu. This was invaded by Sangsar, and Ray Singha, the chief of Chamba, was killed in its defence. The territory was restored to Iswari, the son of Ray, on condition of his paying annually 17,000 mans of rice. This tribute was transferred to Ranjit, along with the fortress of Kangra.
The parts of Chamba beyond the Pariyat mountains are very cold, and have several communications with Thibet, but Hariballabh knows that part by report alone.
Separated, in general, by the Pariyat mountains from Chamba, is the country of Kullu, watered in the centre by the Bayas, called Bepasa in the Sangskrita, but its territory extends to the Satadru of the sacred language, which, in the dialect of men, is called Satarudra. Kullu is extensive, but cold, mountainous, and barren, producing, however, many sheep. The grains which grow there are mostly phaphar, chuya, and uya. The chuya, from the description given, would seem to be the Holcus sorghum, although the coldness of the situation renders this doubtful. There is a very good communication between Kullu and Thibet; and the intercourse has been so free, that all alliances with the chief, although admitted to be a pure Rajput, are scouted by the purer inhabitants of the southern mountains. His name is Ratra Singha, the son of Pritama.
South from Kullu is Mundi, a smaller but better country, which possesses a mine of iron, and another of culinary salt, the latter of which is valuable. So far as I can understand the description, it is a rock salt, very full of impurities, so that one-half is lost in the processes of lixiviation and evaporation, which are requisite to fit it for use. The two mines produce annually a revenue of 150,000 rupees, and the lands produce as much. The present chief, named Iswari Sen, is a pure Rajput. Mundi, his capital, contains about 1000 houses, all of stone. Kamalgar, towards the southern frontier, is reckoned a very strong place, situated on a great hill.
Sukhet is a narrow territory, hemmed in between Mundi and the Satadru, which separates both from the dominions of Gorkha. The Raja Prakas Sen is related to the chiefs of Mundi, and Sangsar has married his sister. The country produces about 100,000 rupees a-year, but has no mines. Sukhet, the capital, may contain 500 houses. The Raja possesses a fort called Dahar, which defends him from the attacks of Kahalur.
Notes7
Asiatick Researches, Vol. II. p. 307.
10 Nepaul, p. 150.
11 Kirkpatrick’s Nepaul, pp. 159, 162, and 163.
17 Nepaul, p. 193, 196.
21a Nepaul, p. 185.
21b Nepaul, p. 184, 185.
25 Nepaul, pp. 184 and 281.
26a Nepaul, pp. 249–252.
26b Nepaul, p. 123.
29 Nepaul, pp. 149, 150.
30 Nepaul, pp. 183, 184.
41a Nepaul p. 158.
41b Nepaul p. 159.
43 Nepaul, p. 186.
46 Nepaul, p. 265.
49 Vol. 1. p. 311.
50a Nepaul, p. 265.
50b Ib. p. 221–49.
51 Nepaul, p. 186.
52 Nepaul, p. 180.
55 Nepaul, pp. 249–252.
59 Nepaul, p. 148.
67a Saul, Kirkpatrick’s Nepaul, pp. 17 and 35, Shoræa robusta, Roxb.
67b Sissoo, Kirkpatrick’s Nepaul, pp. 17 and 35.
67c Sulla, Surreen dhool, and Dboobke, Kirkpatrick’s Nepaul, pp. 33 and 43.
70 Nepaul, p. 171.
74 Kohrya, Kirkpatrick, p. 94.
78a Nepaul, p. 177.
78b Nepaul, p. 177.
83a Phulaced, Kirkpatrick’s Nepaul, p. 79, Bhang, id. p. 81.
83b Kirkpatrick’s Nepaul, p. 81.
83c Chillownia, Kirkpatrick’s Nepaul, p. 79.
84a Nepaul, p. 79.
84b Vol. VII. p. 63.
85a Nepaul, p. 79.
85b Nepaul, p. 90.
85c Nepaul, p. 76.
85d Nepaul, p. 81.
85e Nepaul, p. 81.
88a Nepaul, p. 282.
88b (From the Errata to this volume.) “The map intended to have been placed here, when this was printed, has been judged unnecessary, and the capital letters, denoting the different peaks alluded to, have been placed in the general map.”
90 Nepaul, p. 58.
91 Asiatick Researches, Volume XI. p. 444.
92a Asiatick Researches, Volume XI. p. 443.
92b P. 445.
93 Nepaul, p. 133.
95a Moonal, Kirkpatrick’s Nepaul, p. 131.
95b Damphia, Kirkpatrick’s Nepaul, p. 131.
95c Nepaul, p. 131.
101 Nepaul, p. 196.
104 Nepaul, p. 204.
107 Nepaul, p. 201.
110 Nepaul, p. 124.
111 Nepaul, p. 102.
112 Nepaul, p. 214.
154 Nepaul, p. 42.
168a See his Account, p. 40.
168b Nepaul, p. 13.
169 Nepaul, p. 41.
184 Nepaul, p. 85.
187a Nepaul, p. 256, etc.
187b Nepaul, p. 169.
187c Nepaul, p. 255.
188a Page 169.
188b Page 256.
189a P. 148.
189b P. 265.
189c See his Treatise on the Languages of Eastern India, in the 10th volume of the Asiatick Researches.
190 P. 148.
191 Page 268.
193 Nepaul, page 119.
194 Page 115.
195 Kheero, Kirk.
197 Nepaul, p. 22.
198a Nepaul, page 14.
198b Nepaul, page 30.
204 Nepaul, p. 66.
206 Nepaul, p. 170.
208 Nepaul, p. 147, &c.
209 Nepaul, p. 183.
210 Kirkpatrick’s Nepaul, p. 191.
211 Nepaul, p. 188–192.
214a Nepaul, p. 134.
214b Embassy to Thibet, p. 302.
215 Nepaul, p. 217.
216 Nepaul, p. 95.
222 Nepaul, p. 98.
230 Nepaul, p. 181.
231a Nepaul, p. 94.
231b Nepaul, p. 142, 143.
238 Nepaul, p. 284.
242 Nepaul, p. 290.
244 Nepaul, p. 123.
245 Page 270.
248a Nepaul, Appendix, No. 1. by Mr Duncan.
248b Embassy to Thibet, p. 437.
250 Nepaul, p. 120.
273 Nepaul, p. 287.
274 Nepaul, p. 289.
276 Nepaul, p. 288.
279 Nepaul, p. 283.
280 Nepaul, p. 297.
284 Nepaul, p. 292.
285 Chowri, Kirkpatrick’s Nepaul, p. 133.