Account of the Muskohge Nation, &c.
Their country is situated, nearly in the centre, between the Cheerake, Georgia, East and West-Florida, and the Choktah and Chikkasah nations, the one 200, and the other 300 miles up the Missisippi. It extends 180 computed miles, from north to south. It is called the Creek country,146 on account of the great number of Creeks, or small bays, rivulets and swamps, it abounds with. This nation is generally computed to consist of about 3500 men fit to bear arms; and has fifty towns, or villages. The principal are Ok-whûs-ke, Ok-chai, Tuk-ke-bat-che, Tal-lâ-se, Kow-hé-tah, and Cha-hâh. The nation consists of a mixture of several broken tribes, whom the Muskohge artfully decoyed to incorporate with them, in order to strengthen themselves against hostile attempts. Their former national names were Ta-mé-tah, Tae-keo-ge, Ok-chai, Pak-ká-na, Wee-tam-ka; with them is also one town of the Sha-wa-no, and one of the Nah-chee Indians; likewise two great towns of the Koo-a-sâh-te. The upper part of the Muskohge country is very hilly—the middle less so—the lower towns, level: These are settled by the remains of the Oosécha, Okone, and Sawakola nations. Most of their towns are very commodiously and pleasantly situated, on large, beautiful creeks, or rivers, where the lands are fertile, the water clear and well tasted, and the air extremely pure. As the streams have a quick descent, the climate is of a most happy temperature, free from disagreeable heat or cold, unless for the space of a few days, in summer and winter, according to all our American climes. In their country are four bold rivers, which spring from the Apalahche mountains, and interlock with the eastern branches of the Missisippi. The Koosah river is the western boundary of their towns: It is 200 yards broad, and runs by the late Alebahma, to Mobille, eastward. Okwhuske lies 70 miles from the former, which taking a considerable southern sweep, runs a western course, and joins the aforesaid great stream, a little below that deserted garrison; since the year 1764, the Muskohge have settled several towns, seventy miles eastward from Okwhuske, on the Chatahooche river, near to the old trading path. This great lympid stream is 200 yards broad, and lower down, it passes by the Apalahche, into Florida; so that this nation extends 140 miles in breadth from east to west, according to the course of the trading path.
Their land is generally hilly, but not mountainous; which allows an army an easy passage into their country, to retaliate their insults and cruelties—that period seems to advance apace; for the fine flourishing accounts of those who gain by the art, will not always quiet a suffering people. As the Muskohge judge only from what they see around them, they firmly believe they are now more powerful than any nation that might be tempted to invade them. Our passive conduct toward them, causes them to entertain a very mean opinion of our martial abilities: but, before we tamely allowed them to commit acts of hostility, at pleasure, (which will soon be mentioned) the traders taught them sometimes by strong felt lessons, to conclude the English to be men and warriors. They are certainly the most powerful Indian nation we are acquainted with on this continent, and within thirty years past, they are grown very warlike. Toward the conclusion of their last war with the Cheerake, they defeated them so easily, that in contempt, they sent several of their women and small boys against them, though, at that time, the Cheerake were, the most numerous. The Choktah were also much inferior to them, in several engagements they had with them; though, perhaps, they are the most artful ambuscaders, and wolfish savages, in America.—But, having no rivers in their own country, very few of them can swim, which often proves inconvenient and dangerous, when they are in pursuit of the enemy, or pursued by them. We should be politically sorry for their differences with each other to be reconciled, as long experience convinces us they cannot live without shedding human blood somewhere or other, on account of their jealous and fierce tempers, in resentment of any kind of injury, and the martial preferment each obtains for every scalp of an enemy. They are so extremely anxious to be distinguished by high war-titles, that sometimes a small party of warriors, on failing of success in their campaign, have been detected in murdering some of their own people, for the sake of their scalps. We cannot expect that they will observe better faith towards us—therefore common sense and self-love ought to direct us to chuse the least of two unavoidable evils; ever to keep the wolf from our own doors, by engaging him with his wolfish neighbours: at least, the officious hand of folly should not part them, when they are earnestly engaged in their favourite element against each other.147
All the other Indian nations we have any acquaintance with, are visibly and fast declining, on account of their continual merciless wars, the immoderate use of spirituous liquors, and the infectious ravaging nature of the small pox: but the Muskohge have few enemies, and the traders with them have taught them to prevent the last contagion from spreading among their towns, by cutting off all communication with those who are infected, till the danger is over. Besides, as the men rarely go to war till they have helped the women to plant a sufficient plenty of provisions, contrary to the usual method of warring savages, it is so great a help to propagation, that by this means also, and their artful policy of inviting decayed tribes to incorporate with them, I am assured by a gentleman of distinguished character,148 who speaks their language as well as their best orators, they have increased double in number within the space of thirty years past, notwithstanding their widows are confined to a strict state of celibacy, for the full space of four years after the death of their husbands. When we consider that two or three will go several hundred miles, to way-lay an enemy—the contiguous situation of such a prodigious number of corrupt, haughty, and mischievous savages to our valuable colonies, ought to draw our attention upon them. Those of us who have gained a sufficient knowledge of Indian affairs, by long experience and observation, are firmly persuaded that the seeds of war are deeply implanted in their hearts against us; and that the allowing them, in our usual tame manner, to insult, plunder, and murder peaceable British subjects, only tempts them to engage deeper in their diabolical scenes of blood, till they commence a dangerous open war against us: the only probable means to preserve peace, is either to set them and their rivals on one another, or by prudent management, influence them to employ themselves in raising silk, or any other staple commodity that would best suit their own temper and climate. Prudence points out this, but the task is too arduous for strangers ever to be able to effect, or they care not about it.
Before the late cession of East and West Florida to Great Britain, the country of the Muskohge lay between the territories of the English, Spaniards, French, Choktah, Chikkasah, and Cheerake.—And as they had a water carriage, from the two Floridas; to secure their liberties, and a great trade by land from Georgia and South-Carolina, this nation regulated the Indian balance of power in our southern parts of North-America; for the French could have thrown the mercenary Choktah, and the Missisippi savages, into the scale, whenever their interest seemed to require it. The Muskohge having three rival Christian powers their near neighbours, and a French garrison on the southern extremity of the central part of their country ever since the war of the year 1715; the old men, being long informed by the opposite parties, of the different views, and intrigues of those European powers, who paid them annual tribute under the vague appellation of presents, were become surprisingly crafty in every turn of low politics. They held it as an invariable maxim, that their security and welfare required a perpetual friendly intercourse with us and the French; as our political state of war with each other, would always secure their liberties: whereas, if they joined either party, and enabled it to prevail over the other, their state, they said, would then become as unhappy as that of a poor fellow, who had only one perverse wife, and yet must bear with her froward temper; but a variety of choice would have kept off such an afflicting evil, either by his giving her a silent caution against behaving ill, or by enabling him to go to another, who was in a better temper. But as the French Alebahma Garrison 149 had been long directed by skilful officers, and supplied pretty well with corrupting brandy, taffy, and decoying trifles at the expence of government, they industriously applied their mischievous talents in impressing many of the former simple and peaceable natives with false notions of the ill intentions of our colonies. In each of their towns, the French gave a considerable pension to an eloquent head-man, to corrupt the Indians by plausible pretexts, and inflame them against us; who informed them also of every material occurrence, in each of their respective circles. The force of liquors made them so faithful to their trust, that they poisoned the innocence of their own growing families, by tempting them, from their infancy, to receive the worst impressions of the British colonists: and as they very seldom got the better of those prejudices, they alienated the affections of their offspring, and riveted their bitter enmity against us. That conduct of the Christian French has fixed many of the Muskohge in a strong native hatred to the British Americans, which being hereditary, must of course increase, as fast as they increase in numbers; unless we give them such a severe lesson, as their annual hostile conduct to us, has highly deserved since the year 1760. I shall now speak more explicitly on this very material point.
By our superintendant’s strange pursuit of improper measures to appease the Muskohge, as before noticed, the watchful French engaged the irritated Great Mortar to inspire his relations to cut off some of our traders by surprise, and follow the blow at the time the people were usually employed in the corn-fields, lest our party should stop them, in their intended bloody career. They accordingly began their hostile attack in the upper town of the nation, except one, where their mischievous red abettor lived: two white people and a negroe were killed, while they were in the horsepen, preparing that day to have set off with their returns to the English settlements. The trader, who was surly and ill-natured, they chopped to pieces, in a most horrid manner, but the other two they did not treat with any kind of barbarity; which shews that the worst people, in their worst actions, make a distinction between the morally virtuous, and vicious. The other white people of that trading house, happily were at that time in the woods;—they heard the savage platoon, and the death, and war-whoop, which sufficiently warned them of their imminent danger, and to seek their safety by the best means they could. Some of them went through the woods after night, to our friend towns; and one who happened to be near the town when the alarm was given, going to bring in a horse, was obliged to hide himself under a large fallen tree, till night came on. The eager savages came twice, pretty near him, imagining he would chuse rather to depend on the horse’s speed, than his own: when the town was engaged in dividing the spoils, his wife fearing she might be watched, took a considerable sweep round, through the thickets, and by searching the place, and making signals, where she expected he lay concealed, fortunately found him, and gave him provisions to enable him to get to our settlements, and then returned home in tears: he arrived safe at Augusta, though exceedingly torn with the brambles, as his safety required him to travel through unfrequented tracts. In the mean while, the savages having by this inflamed their greedy thirst for blood, set off swiftly, and as they darted along sounding the news of war, they from a few, increased so fast, that their voices conveyed such thrilling shocks to those they were in quest of, as if the infernal legions had broken loose through their favourite Alebahma, and were invested with power to destroy the innocent. The great Okwhusketown, where they reached, lay on the western side of the large easternmost branch of Mobille river, which joins a far greater western river, almost two miles below the late Alebahma; and the English traders store-houses lay opposite to the town. Those red ambassadors of the French, artfully passed the river above the town, and ran along silently to a gentleman’s dwelling house, where they first shot down one of his servants, and in a minute or two after, himself: probably, he might have been saved, if he had not been too desperate; for a strong-bodied leading warrior of the town was at his house when they came to it, who grasped him behind, with his face toward the wall, on purpose to save him from being shot; as they durst not kill himself, under the certain pain of death. But very unluckily, the gentleman struggled, got hold of him, threw him to the ground, and so became too fair a mark.—Thus the Frenchified savages cut off, in the bloom of his youth, the son of J. R. Esq;150 Indian trading merchant of Augusta, who was the most stately, comely, and gallant youth, that ever traded in the Muskohge country, and equally blest with every social virtue, that attracts esteem. The very savages lament his death to this day, though it was usual with him to correct as many of the swaggering heroes, as could stand round him in his house, when they became impudent and mischievous, through the plea of drinking spirituous liquors: when they recover from their bacchanal phrenzy, they regard a man of a martial spirit, and contemn the pusillanimous.
While the town was in the utmost surprise, the ambitious warriors were joyfully echoing—“all is spoiled;” and sounding the death-whoop, they, like so many infernal furies commissioned to destroy, set off at full speed, dispersing their bloody legions to various towns, to carry general destruction along with them. But before any of their companies reached to the Okchai war-town, (the native place of the Great Mortar) the inhabitants had heard the massacre was begun, and according to their rule, killed two of our traders in their house, when quite off their guard: as these traders were brave, and regardless of danger by their habit of living, the savages were afraid to bring their arms with them, it being unusual, by reason of the secure situation of the town. A few therefore entered the house, with a specious pretence, and intercepted them from the fire-arms, which lay on a rack, on the front of the chimney; they instantly seized them, and as they were loaded with large shot, they killed those two valuable and intrepid men, and left them on the fire—but if they had been a few minutes fore-warned of the danger, their lives would have cost the whole town very dear, unless they had kindled the house with fire-arrows.
Like pestilential vapours driven by whirlwinds, the mischievous savages endeavoured to bring desolation on the innocent objects of their fury, wherever they came: but the different flights of the trading people, as well as their own expertness in the woods, and their connections with the Indians, both by marriage and other ties of friendship, disappointed the accomplishment of the main point of the French diabolical scheme of dipping them all over in blood. By sundry means, a considerable number of our people met at the friendly house of the old Wolf-King, two miles from the Alebahma Fort, where that faithful stern chieftain treated them with the greatest kindness. But, as the whole nation was distracted, and the neighbouring towns were devoted to the French interest, he found that by having no fortress, and only forty warriors in his town, he was unable to protect the refugees. In order therefore to keep good faith with his friends, who put themselves under his protection, he told them their situation, supplied those of them with arms and ammunition who chanced to have none, and conveyed them into a contiguous thick swamp, as their only place of security for that time; “which their own valour, he said, he was sure would maintain, both against the French, and their mad friends.” He was not mistaken in his favourable opinion of their war abilities, for they ranged themselves so well, that the enemy found it impracticable to attack them, without sustaining far greater loss than they are known to hazard.—He supplied them with necessaries, and sent them safe at length to a friendly town, at a considerable distance, where they joined several other traders, from different places, and were soon after safely escorted to Savanah.
It is surprising how those hardy men evaded the dangers they were surrounded with, especially at the beginning, and with so little loss. One of them told me, that while a party of the savages were on a corn-house scaffold, painting themselves red and black, to give the cowardly blow to him and his companion, an old woman overheard them concerting their bloody design, and speedily informed him of the threatening danger: he mentioned the intended place of meeting to his friends, and they immediately set off, one this way, and another that, to prevent a pursuit, and all met safe, to the great regret of the Christian French and their red hirelings. I was informed that another considerable trader, who lived near a river, on the outside of a town, where he stood secure in the affection of his savage brethren, received a visit from two lusty ill-looking strangers, without being discovered by any of the inhabitants. They were anointed with bear’s oil, and quite naked, except a narrow slip of cloth for breeches, and a light blanket. When they came in, they looked around, wild and confused, not knowing how to execute the French commission, consistently with their own safety, as they brought no arms, lest it should have discovered their intentions, and by that means exposed them to danger. But they seated themselves near the door, both to prevent his escape, and watch a favourable opportunity to perpetrate their murdering scheme. His white domestics were a little before gone into the woods; and he and his Indian wife were in the storehouse, where there chanced to be no arms of defence, which made his escape the more hazardous. He was nearly in the same light dress, as that of his visitants, according to the mode of their domestic living: he was about to give them some tobacco, when their countenances growing more gloomy and fierce, were observed by his wife, as well as the mischievous direction of their eyes; presently therefore as they bounded up, the one to lay hold of the white man, and the other of an ax that lay on the floor, she seized it at the same instant, and cried, “husband fight strong, and run off, as becomes a good warrior.” The savage strove to lay hold of him, till the other could disengage himself from the sharp struggle the woman held with him; but by a quick presence of mind, the husband decoyed his pursuer round a large ladder that joined the loft, and being strong and swift-footed, he there took the advantage of his too eager adversary, dashed him to the ground, and ran out of the house, full speed to the river, bounded into it, soon made the opposite shore, and left them at the store-house, from whence the woman, as a trusty friend, drove them off, with the utmost despight,—her family was her protection. The remaining part of that day, he ran a great distance through the woods; called at night on such white people, as he imagined his safety allowed him, was joined by four of them, and went together to Pensacola. Within three or four days march of that place, the lands, they told me, were in general, either boggy and low, or consisting of sandy pine-barrens. Although they were almost naked, and had lived for many days on the produce of the woods, yet the dastardly Spaniards were so hardened against the tender feelings of nature in favour of the distressed, who now took sanctuary under the Spanish flag, as to refuse them every kind of assistance; contrary to the hospitable custom of the red savages, even towards those they devote to the fire. A north-country skipper, who rode in the harbour, was equally divested of the bowels of compassion toward them, notwithstanding their pressing entreaties, and offers of bills on very respectable persons in Charles-Town. But the commandant of the place soon instructed him very feelingly in the common laws of humanity; for on some pretext, he seized the vessel and cargo, and left the narrow-hearted miser to shift for himself, and return home as he could: those unfortunate traders were kindly treated however by the head-man of an adjacent town of the Apalahche Indians, who being a considerable dealer, supplied them with every thing they stood in need of, till, in time, they were recalled; for which they soon very thankfully paid him and the rest of his kind family, with handsome presents, as a token of their friendship and gratitude.
In the mean while, some of the eloquent old traders continued in their towns, where the red flag of defiance was hung up day and night, as the French had no interest there: and, in a few other towns, some of our thoughtless young men, who were too much attached to the Indian life, from an early pursuit in that wild and unlimited country, chose to run any risk, rather than leave their favourite scenes of pleasure. In the day-time, they kept in the most unfrequented places, and usually returned at night to their friend’s house: and they followed that dangerous method of living a considerable time, in different places, without any mischance. One of them told me, that one evening, when he was returning to his wife’s house on horse-back, before the usual time, he was overtaken by a couple of young warriors, who pranced up along aside of him. They spoke very kindly according to their custom, that they might shed blood, like wolves, without hazarding their own carcases. As neither of them had any weapons, except a long knife round their neck in a sheath, they were afraid to attack him, on so hazardous a lay. Their questions, cant language, and discomposed countenances, informed him of their bloody intentions, and cautioned him from falling into any of their wily stratagems, which all cowards are dextrous in forming. When they came to a boggy cane-branch, they strove to persuade him to alight, and rest a little, but finding their labour in vain, they got down: one prepared a club to kill him, and the other a small frame of split canes tied together with bark, to bear his scalp—seeing this, he set off with the bravado whoop, through the high lands, and as he rode a swift horse, he left them out of sight in an instant. He took a great sweep round, to avoid an after-chase. At night, he went to the town, got fire-arms, and provisions, and soon arrived safe in Georgia.
Other instances may be related, but these will suffice to shew how serviceable such hardy and expert men would be to their country, as heretofore, if our Indian trade was properly regulated; and how exceedingly preferable the tenth part of their number would prove against boasted regular troops, in the woods. Though the British legions are as warlike and formidable in the field of battle, as any troops whatever, as their martial bravery has often testified; yet in some situations they would be insignificant and helpless. Regular bred soldiers, in the American woods, would be of little service. The natives and old inhabitants, by being trained to arms from their infancy, in their wood-land sphere of life, could always surround them, and sweep them off entirely, with little damage to themselves. In such a case, field-pieces are a mere farce. The abettors of arbitrary power, who are making great advances through the whole British empire, to force the people to decide this point, and retrieve their constitutional rights and liberties, would do well to consider this. Is it possible for tyranny to be so weak and blind, as to flatter its corrupt greatness with the wild notion of placing a despotic military power of a few thousand regular troops, over millions of the Americans, who are trained to arms of defence, from the time they are able to carry them—generally inured to dangers, and all of them possessing, in a high degree, the social virtues of their manly free-minded fore-fathers, who often bled in the noble cause of liberty, when hateful tyranny persisted in stretching her rod of oppression over their repining country? Tyrants are obstinately deaf, and blind; they will see and hear only through the false medium of self-interested court-flatterers, and, instead of redressing the grievances of the people, have sometimes openly despised and insulted them, for even exhibiting their modest prayers at the foot of the throne, for a restoration of their rights and privileges. Some however have been convinced in the end they were wrong, and have justly suffered by the anathematizing voice of God and a foederal union. That “a prince can do no ill” is a flat contradiction of reason and experience, and of the English Magna Charta.151
Soon after West-Florida was ceded to Great-Britain, two warlike towns of the Koo-a-sah te Indians removed from near the late dangerous Alabahma French garrison, to the Choktah country about twenty-five miles below Tumbikbe 152—a strong wooden fortress, situated on the western side of a high and firm bank, overlooking a narrow deep point of the river of Mobille, and distant from that capital, one hundred leagues. The discerning old war-chieftain of this remnant, perceived that the proud Muskohge, instead of reforming their conduct towards us, by our mild remonstrances, grew only more impudent by our lenity; therefore being afraid of sharing the justly deserved fate of the others, he wisely withdrew to this situation; as the French could not possibly supply them, in case we had exerted ourselves, either in defence of our properties, or in revenge of the blood they had shed. But they were soon forced to return to their former place of abode, on account of the partiality of some of them to their former confederates; which proved lucky in its consequences, to the traders, and our southern colonies: for, when three hundred warriors of the Muskohge were on their way to the Choktah to join them in a war against us, two Kooasâhte horsemen, as allies, were allowed to pass through their ambuscade in the evening, and they gave notice of the impending danger. These Kooasâhte Indians,153 annually sanctify the mulberries by a public oblation, before which, they are not to be eaten; which they say, is according to their ancient law.
I am assured by a gentleman of character, who traded a long time near the late Alebahma garrison, that within six miles of it, live the remains of seven Indian nations, who usually conversed with each other in their own different dialects, though they understood the Muskohge language; but being naturalized, they were bound to observe the laws and customs of the main original body. These reduced, broken tribes, who have helped to multiply the Muskohge to a dangerous degree, have also a fixed oral tradition, that they formerly came from South-America, and, after sundry struggles in defence of liberty, settled their present abode: but the Muskohge record themselves to be terræ filii, and believe their original predecessors came from the west, and resided under ground, which seems to be a faint image of the original formation of mankind out of the earth, perverted by time, and the usual arts of priest-craft.
It will be fortunate, if the late peace between the Muskohge and Choktah, through the mediation of a superintendant, doth not soon affect the security of Georgia, and East and West-Florida, especially should it continue long, and Britain and Spain engage in a war against each other: for Spain will supply them with warlike stores, and in concert, may without much opposition, retake the Floridas; which they seem to have much at heart. A Cuba vessel, in the year 1767, which seemed to be coasting on purpose to meet some of the Muskohge, found a camp of them almost opposite to the Apalache old fields, and proposed purchasing those lands from them; in order to secure their liberties, and, the same time, gratify the inherent, ardent desire they always had to oppose the English nation. After many artful flourishes, well adapted to soothe the natives into a compliance on account of the reciprocal advantages they proposed, some of the Muskohge consented to go in the vessel to the Havannah, and there finish the friendly bargain. They went, and at the time proposed, were sent back to the same place, but, as they are very close in their secrets, the traders know not the result of that affair; but when things in Europe require, time will disclose it.
As the Muskohge were well known to be very mischievous to our barrier-inhabitants, and to be an over-match for the numerous and fickle Choktah, the few warlike Chikkasah, by being put in the scale with these, would in a few years, have made the Muskohge kick the beam. Thus our southern colonists might have sat in pleasure, and security, under their fig-trees, and in their charming arbours of fruitful grape-vines. But now, they are uncertain whether they plant for themselves, or for the red savages, who frequently take away by force or stealth, their horses and other effects. The Muskohge chieftain, called the “Great Mortar,” abetted the Cheerake against us, as hath been already noticed, and frequently, with his warriors and relations, carried them as good a supply of ammunition, as the French of the Alebahmah-garrison could well spare: for by order of their government, they were bound to reserve a certain quantity, for any unforeseen occasion that might happen. If they had been possest of more, they would have given with a liberal hand, to enable them to carry on a war against us, and they almost effected their earnest wishes, when the English little expected it; for as soon as the watchful officer of the garrison, was informed by his trusty and well instructed red disciple, the Great Mortar, that the Cheerake were on the point of declaring against the English, he saw the consequence, and sent a pacquet by a Muskohge runner, to Tumbikbe-fort in the Choktah country, which was forwarded by another, and soon delivered to the governor of New-Orleans: the contents informed him of the favourable opportunity that offered for the French to settle themselves in the Cheerake country, where the late Fort-Loudon stood, near the conflux of Great Telliko and Tennase-rivers, and so distress our southern colonies, as the body of the Cheerake, Muskohge, Choktah, Aquahpa, and the upper Missisippi-Indians headed by the French, would be able to maintain a certain successful war against us, if well supplied with ammunition. Their deliberations were short—they soon sent off a large pettiaugre, sufficiently laden with warlike stores, and decoying presents; and in obedience to the orders the crew had received of making all the dispatch they possibly could, in the third moon of their departure from New Orleans, they arrived within a hundred and twenty computed miles of those towns that are a little above the unhappy Fort-Loudon: there they were luckily stopped in their mischievous career, by a deep and dangerous cataract; the waters of which rolled down with a prodigious rapidity, dashed against the opposite rocks, and from thence rushed off with impetuous violence, on a quarter-angled course.154 It appeared so shocking and unsurmountable to the monsieurs, that after staying there a considerable time, in the vain expectation of seeing some of their friends, necessity forced them to return back to New Orleans, about 2600 computed miles, to their inconsolable disappointment.
These circumstances are now well known to our colonies: and, if our state policy had not sufficiently discovered itself of late, it would appear not a little surprising that the Great Mortar, should have such influence on the great beloved man, (so the Indians term the superintendant) as to move him, at a congress in Augusta, to write by that bitter enemy of the English name, a conciliating letter to the almost-vanquished and desponding Choktah—for where the conquerors have not an oblique point in view, the conquered are always the first who humbly sue for peace. This beloved epistle, that accompanied the eagles-tails, swans-wings, white beads, white pipes, and tobacco, was sent by a white interpreter, and Mesheshecke, a Muskohge war-chieftain, to the perfidious Choktah, as a strong confirmation of peace. Without doubt it was a master stroke of court-policy, to strive to gain so many expert red auxiliaries; and plainly shews how extremely well he deserves his profitable place of public trust. I am assured by two respectable, intelligent, old Indian traders, G. G. and L. M. G. Esq;155 that they frequently dissuaded him from ever dabling in such muddy waters; for the consequence would unavoidably prove fatal to our contiguous colonies. This was confirmed by a recent instance—the late Cheerake war, which could not have commenced, if the Muskohge and Cheerake had not been reconciled, by the assiduous endeavours of an avaricious, and self-interested governor. If any reader reckons this too bold, or personal, I request him to peruse a performance, entitled, “A modest reply to his Excellency J. G. Esq;” printed in Charles-town, in the year 1750,156 in which every material circumstance is sufficiently authenticated.
When we consider the defenceless state, and near situation of our three southern barrier colonies to the numerous Muskohge and Choktah—what favourable opinion can charity reasonably induce us to form of the continued train of wrong measures the managers of our Indian affairs have studiously pursued, by officiously mediating, and reconciling the deep-rooted enmity which subsisted between those two mischievous nations? If they could not, consistent with the tenour of their political office, encourage a continuance of the war, they might have given private instructions to some discreet trader to strive to influence them, so as to continue it.
It is excusable in clergymen that live in England to persuade us to inculcate, an endeavour to promote peace and good will, between the savages of the remote desarts of America; especially if they employ their time in spiritual affairs, to which they ought to be entirely devoted, and not as courtiers, in the perplexing labyrinths of state affairs: but what can be said of those statesmen, who instead of faithfully guarding the lives and privileges of valuable subjects, extend mercy to their murderers, who have a long time wantonly shed innocent blood, and sometimes with dreadful tortures? The blood cries aloud to the avenging God, to cause justice to be executed on their execrable heads: for a while they may escape due punishment, but at last it will fall heavy upon them.
When the superintendant’s deputy157 convened most of the Muskohge head-men, in order to write a friendly mediating letter to the Chikkasah, in behalf of the Muskohge, the Great Mortar, animated with a bitter resentment against any thing transacted by any of the British nation, introduced a considerable number of his relations, merely to disconcert this plan. The letter, and usual Indian tokens of peace and friendship, were however carried up by a Chikkasah trader: but the Great Mortar timed it so well, that he soon set off after the other with ninety warriors, till he arrived within 150 miles of the Chikkasah country, which was half way from the western barriers of his own; there he encamped with 83, and sent off seven of the staunchest to surprize and kill whomsoever they could. Two days after the express was delivered, they treacherously killed two young women, as they were hoeing in the field; all the people being off their guard, on account of the late friendly tokens they received, and the assurance of the white man that there were no visible tracks of any person on the long trading path he had come. This was the beginning of May, in the year 1768, a few hours after I had set off for South-Carolina. As soon as the sculking barbarians had discharged the contents of their guns into their innocent victims, they tomohawked them, and with their long sharp knives, took off the scalps, put up the death whoo-whoop-whoop, and bounded away in an oblique course, to shun the dreaded pursuit. The Chikkasah soon put up their shrill war-whoop, to arm and pursue, and sixty set off on horse-back, full speed. They over-shot that part of the woods the enemy were most likely to have fled through; and four young sprightly Chikkasah warriors who outran the rest, at last discovered, and intercepted them;—they shot dead the Great Mortar’s brother, who was the leader, scalped him, and retook one of the young women’s scalps that was fastened to his girdle. Three continued the chase, and the fourth in a short time overtook them: soon afterward, they came up again with the enemy, at the edge of a large cane-swamp, thick-warped with vines, and china briers; there they stopped, and were at first in doubt of their being some of their own company: the pursued soon discovered them, and immediately inswamped, whereupon the four were forced to decline the attack, the disadvantage being as four to eight in an open engagement. In a few days after, I fell in with them; their gloomy and fierce countenances cannot be expressed; and I had the uncourted honour of their company, three different times before I could reach my destined place, on account of a very uncommon and sudden flow of the rivers, without any rain. Between sunset and eleven o’clock the next day, the river, that was but barely our height in the evening, was swelled to the prodigious height of twenty-five feet perpendicular, and swept along with an impetuous force.
It may not be improper here to mention the method we commonly use in crossing deep rivers.—When we expect high rivers, each company of traders carry a canoe, made of tanned leather, the sides over-lapped about three fingers breadth, and well sewed with three seams. Around the gunnels, which are made of sapplings, are strong loop-holes, for large deer-skin strings to hang down both the sides: with two of these, is securely tied to the stem and stern, a well-shaped sappling, for a keel, and in like manner the ribs. Thus, they usually rig out a canoe, fit to carry over ten horse loads at once, in the space of half an hour; the apparatus is afterwards commonly hidden with great care, on the opposite shore. Few take the trouble to paddle the canoe; for, as they are commonly hardy, and also of an amphibious nature, they usually jump into the river, with their leathern barge a-head of them, and thrust it through the deep part of the water, to the opposite shore. When we ride only with a few luggage horses, as was our case at Sip-se, or “Poplar,” the abovementioned high-swelled river, we make a frame of dry pines, which we tie together with strong vines, well twisted; when we have raised it to be sufficiently buoyant, we load and paddle it across the stillest part of the water we can conveniently find, and afterward swim our horses together, we keeping at a little distance below them.
At the time we first began to search for convenient floating timber, I chanced to stand at the end of a dry tree, overset by a hurricane, within three feet of a great rattle snake, that was coiled, and on his watch of self-defence, under thick herbage. I soon espied, and killed him. But an astrologer, of twenty years standing among the Indians, immediately declared with strong asservations, we should soon be exposed to imminent danger; which he expatiated upon largely, from his imagined knowledge of a combination of second causes in the celestial regions, actuating every kind of animals, vegetables, &c. by their subtil and delegated power. I argued in vain to hush his groundless fears: however, while the raft was getting ready, another gentleman, to quiet his timorous apprehensions, accompanied me with fire-arms, pretty near the path in the beforementioned cane-swamp, and we staid there a considerable while, at a proper distance apart—at last we heard the well-mimicked voice of partridges, farther off than our sight could discover, on which one of us struck up the whoop of friendship and indifference; for I knew that the best way of arguing on such occasions, was by a firmness of countenance and behaviour. I then went near to my companion, and said, our cunning man was an Aberdeen wizard, as he had so exactly foretold the event. The savages had both discovered our tracks, and heard the sound of the ax. We soon met them; they were nine of the mischievous Ohchai town, who had separated from the rest of their company. We conversed a little while together upon our arms, and in this manner exchanged provisions with each other—then we went down to the bank of the river, where they opened their packs, spread out some hairy deer and bear skins with the fleshy side undermost, and having first placed on them their heavy things, and then the lighter, with the guns which lay uppermost, each made two knots with the shanks of a skin, and in the space of a few minutes, they had their leathern barge afloat, which they soon thrust before them to the other shore, with a surprisingly small deviation from a direct course, considering the strong current of the water. When our astrologer saw them safe off, he wished them a speedy journey home, without being exposed to the necessity of any delay. He was soon after carried safe over on our raft, though once he almost over-set it, either by reason of the absence, or disturbance, of his mind. Had he contracted a fever, from the impending dangers his knowledge assured him were not yet past, the cold sweat he got when left by himself, while we were returning with the raft, and afterward swimming with the horses, must have contributed a good deal to the cure. Soon afterwards, we came in sight of their camp in a little spot of clear land, surrounded by a thick cane-swamp, where some traders formerly had been killed by the Choktah. Our astrologer urged the necessity of proceeding a good way farther, to avoid the danger. I endeavored to convince him by several recent instances, that a timorous conduct was a great incentive to the base-minded savages, to do an injury, not expecting any defence; while an open, free, and resolute behaviour, a show of taking pleasure in their company, and a discreet care of our firearms, seldom failed to gain the good will of such as are not engaged in actual war against our country: he acquiesced, as I engaged to sit next to the Indian camp, which was about a dozen yards apart from our’s. He chose his place pretty near to mine, but in the evening, I told him, that as I did not understand the Muskohge dialect, nor they much of the Chikkasah language, I would give him the opportunity of diverting himself at leisure with them, whilst on account of the fatigues of the day, I would repose myself close at the root of a neighbouring tree. This method of encamping in different places, on hazardous occasions, is by far the safest way. I told them, before my removal to my night quarters, that he was almost their countryman, by a residence of above twenty years among them,—their chieftain therefore readily addressed him, and according to what I expected, gave me an opportunity of decently retiring. But when he expected a formal reply, according to their usual custom, our astrological interpreter spoke only a few words, but kept pointing to the river, and his wet clothes, and to his head, shaking it two or three times; thereby informing them of the great danger he underwent in crossing the water, which gave him so violent a head-ach, as to prevent his speaking with any pleasure. I laughed, and soon after endeavoured to persuade him to go over a little while to their camp, as I had done, and by that means, he might know better their present disposition; he replied with a doleful accent, that he was already too near them, to the great danger of his life, which he now too late saw exposed, by believing my doctrine of bringing them to observe friendly measures, instead of pushing beyond them as he had earnestly proposed. I asked him how he could reasonably fear, or expect to shun a sudden death, no[158] account of his knowledge of the starry influences, and skill in expounding dreams, and especially as he seemed firmly to believe the deity had pre-determined the exact time of every living creature’s continuance here: upon this he prevaricated, and told me, that as I knew nothing of astrology, nor of the useful and skilful exposition of important dreams, neither believed any thing of witches and wizards being troublesome and hurtful to others, he could not imagine I believed any thing of a divine providence or a resurrection of the dead; which were evidently, alike true, as appeared both by divine writ, and the united consent of every ancient nation. He said, people were ordered to watch and pray; I therefore could not be ruled by the scripture, for why did I go to bed so soon, and leave all that trouble to him. I told him, I wished he might by prayer, obtain a calm composure of mind. He said, I was the cause of all his uneasiness, by inducing him, contrary to his over night’s bloody dream, to lie so near those wolfish savages. Then, in an angry panic, he cursed me, and said, he should not that night have prayed there, only that the devil tempted him to believe my damned lies, and sin against the divine intimations he had received just before.
Within half a day’s ride of Augusta, I met the gentlemen who were appointed to meet certain head-men of the Muskohge, to run a line, between Georgia and the Muskohge country. The superintendant’s deputy before-mentioned, accompanying them; I then informed him of the bad situation of the Indian trade, both in the Chikkasah, and Muskohge nations—The cause thereof—The dangerous policy of having reconciled those jarring warlike savages—the ill disposition of the latter toward us,—and it was the opinion of all the traders (one excepted) that nothing, but their hot war with the Choktah, prevented them from executing their mischievous intentions against us. I said this to the commissary before the several gentlemen; but his conduct, and that of his brother officer in the Chikkasah country, were no way correspondent to the advice. While he benefited the ungrateful Muskohge, and gave them a plea to injure the traders, he was free from personal danger, from the red quarter; but one night at camp, after the line had been, at the friendly and artful persuasions of G. G. Esq; run above twenty miles beyond the southern limites agreed upon, he almost fatally experienced the effects of their revengeful temper; which cannot be restrained when they imagine themselves really injured, and afterwards insulted: for as he was chiding a noted warrior with sharp language, the savage leaped up, seized the other’s gun, cocked, and presented it against his breast; but luckily he could not discharge it, as it was double-tricker’d, contrary to the model of their smooth-bored guns. The public prints, however, echoed the success of our directors of Indian affairs, on this important occasion; though it was entirely owing to the abilities and faithful application, first, of Mr. G. G. and afterwards of Mr. L. M. G. which the deputy almost prevented by his imprudent conduct, that had nearly cost him also his life, and endangered the public tranquility.
In the year 1749, when I was going to Charles-town, under the provincial seal of South-Carolina, with a party of the Chikkasah Indians, the small-pox attacked them, not far from the Muskohge country; which becoming general through the camp, I was under the necessity of setting off by myself, between Flint river, and that of the Okmulgeh. I came up with a large camp of Muskohge traders, returning from the English settlements: the gentlemen told me, they had been lately assured at Augusta by the Cheerake traders, that above a hundred and twenty of the French Shawano might be daily expected near that place, to cut off the English traders, and plunder their camps, and cautioned me, with much earnestness at parting, to keep a watchful eye during that day’s march. After having rode fifteen miles, about ten o’clock, I discovered ahead through the trees, an Indian ascending a steep hill: he perceived me at the same instant, for they are extremely watchful on such dangerous attempts—Ambuscade is their favourite method of attack. As the company followed their leader in a line, each at the distance of a few yards from the other, all soon appeared in view. As soon as I discovered the foremost, I put up the shrill whoop of friendship, and continually seemed to look earnestly behind me, till we approached near to each other, in order to draw their attention from me, and fix it that way, as supposing me to be the foremost of a company still behind. Five or six soon ran at full speed on each side of the path, and blocked up two vallies, which happened to be at the place of our meeting, to prevent my escape. They seemed as if their design was to attack me with their barbed arrows, lest they should alarm my supposed companions by the report of their guns. I observed that instead of carrying their bow and quiver over their shoulder, as is the travelling custom, they held the former in their left hand, bent, and some arrows. I approached and addressed them, and endeavoured to appear quite indifferent at their hostile arrangement. While I held my gun ready in my right hand about five yards distant from them, their leader who stood foremost came and struck my breast with the but-end of one of my pistols, which I had in my left hand: I told him with that vehemence of speech, which is always requisite on such an occasion, that I was an English Chikkasah; and informed him by expressive gestures that there were two tens of Chikkasah warriors,159 and more than half that number of women, besides children, a little behind, just beyond the first hill. At this news, they appeared to be much confused, as it was unexpected for such a number of warlike enemies to be so near at hand. This Shawano party consisted only of twenty-three middle sized, but strong bodied men, with large heads and broad flat crowns, and four tall young persons, whom I conjectured to be of the Cheerake nation. I spoke a little to a hair-lipped warrior among them, who told me he lived in Tukkasêhche, a northern town of that country. The leader whispered something to his waiter, which, in like manner, was communicated to the rest, and then they all passed by me, with sullen looks and glancing eyes. I kept my guard till they were out of arrow-shot, when I went on at a seemingly indifferent pace. But, as soon out of their view, I rode about seventy miles with great speed, to avoid the danger of a pursuit, as I imagined they would be highly enraged against me for their double disappointment. About sun-set of the same day, I discovered more Indians a-head; but, instead of sounding the usual whoop of defiance, I went on slowly, and silently, a little way, reasoning with myself about the safest method in so dangerous a situation: I had apprehensions of their being another party of the Shawano company, separated in that manner to avoid a pursuit; which otherwise might be very easy, by the plainness of their tracks, through the long grass and herbage. But, at the critical time, when I had concluded to use no chivalry, but give them leg-bail instead of it, by leaving my baggage-horses, and making for a deep swamp, I discovered them to be a considerable body of the Muskohge head-men, returning home with presents from Charles Town, which they carried chiefly on their backs. The wolf-king (as the traders termed him)160 our old steady friend of the Amooklasah Town, near the late Alebahma, came foremost, harnessed like a jack-ass, with a saddle on his back, well girt over one shoulder, and across under the other. We semed equally glad to meet each other; they, to hear how affairs stood in their country, as well as on the trading path; and I to find, that instead of bitter-hearted foes, they were friends, and would secure my retreat from any pursuit that might happen. I told them the whole circumstances attending my meeting the Shawano,161 with their being conducted by our deceitful Cheerake friends, who were desirous of spoiling the old beloved white path, by making it red; and earnestly persuaded them to be on their guard that night, as I imagined the enemy had pursued me when they found I had eluded their bloody intention. After a long conversation together, I advised them to go home through the woods, to prevent a larger body of the lurking enemy from spoiling them, and their beloved country, by the loss of so many old beloved men, and noted warriors. I said this, to rouse them against the Cheerake; well knowing that one pack of wolves, was the best watch against another of the same kind. They thanked me for the friendly notice I gave them, and the care I shewed for their safety, and engaged me to call the next day at a hunting camp, where was a war-leader, the son of the dog-king of the Huphale-Town, with a considerable number of their people, and desire them to remove with all speed to their camp, at the place they then fixed on. We smoked tobacco, and parted well pleased. According to promise, I went the next day to the camp, and delivered their message, which was readily complied with. The Shawano whom I had eluded, after rambling about, and by viewing the smoke of fires from the tops of high hills and trees, and carefully listening to the report of guns, fell in with two Chikkasah hunters, who were adopted relations of the Muskohge, and killed, and scalped them, and then ran off to the northern towns of the Cheerake. This was the true and sole cause of the last war between the Muskohge and Cheerake: and the following account of the cause of those nations entering into amity with each other, will, on the strictest enquiry, be found as true. The cause and direful effects are still feelingly known to great numbers of the suffering inhabitants, which I insert by way of caution to states-men hereafter.
As the Indians have no public faith to secure the lives of friendly messengers in war-time, their wars are perpetuated from one generation to another, unless they are ended by the mediation of some neutral party. A very polished courtier presided in South Carolina,162 who was said to have cast a very earnest eye on the supposed profits of the Cheerake trade, which were much lessened by the Muskohge war; and, in order to establish it at its former value, so as to be worth some hazard, he exerted himself to reconcile the Muskohge and Cheerake. If he succeeded, he was sure to be something in pocket, and could report at home, the profound peace he had effected between those nations by his unwearied endeavours. He accordingly applied to some of the most intelligent and leading traders among those warring savages, and atempted to persuade them by the ruling motive of mutual interest, to be reconciled through his brotherly mediation. Though the Cheerake were great losers in the war, yet the surviving relations of those who had been killed without equal revenge of blood, were at first inflexible, and deaf to the mediation: but, by the oratory of some of their own speakers who had not suffered, connected with our traders persuasions, each separate family at last consented to meet their enemies, at the time and place appointed by brotherly request, and there bury the bloody tomohawk under ground, and smoke together, out of the friendly white pipe. But, as the Muskohge were conquerors, and frequently returned home in their favourite and public triumphant manner, and had then no mischievous views against the English, as at present, it was a very difficult task to reconcile them to our beloved man’s pacific measures: their head-men had great sway over the ambitious, and young rising warriors, and by the former manly conduct of South-Carolina, in obtaining speedy redress for every material injury, the more sensible and honest part of the old leading men were as much averse to peace, as the light-headed warriors. They well knew the fickle and ungovernable temper of their young men, and ambitious leaders, when they had no red enemies to war with, to obtain higher war-titles by scalps—and their wisdom saw at a distance, the dangerous consequences that must attend a general peace: for a considerable time, therefore, they highly inveighed, and firmly guarded against it. But when a man’s private interest coincides with what he intends to accomplish, he is assiduous and more intent to effect it. This was verified by the unwearied diligence of the prime magistrate alluded to; he knew the Indians could not kill so many deer and beaver in the time of war as of peace, and by his address, he persuaded several of the leading traders, even contrary to their own outward security and inward choice, to exert their strongest endeavours with the Muskohge for a reconciliation with the Cheerake. The chief of those trading gentlemen, who unwillingly involved himself in this pernicious affair, was the humane and intelligent L. M’G—l—wr—, Esq.163 Each had their lessons, to set forth the reciprocal advantages of the contending parties, by such a coalition; but it was finished by that gentleman’s earnest and well-timed application, connected with his great natural sense, and easy flow of their own bold figurative way of expression—and their favourable opinion of his steady, honest principles. Since that unlucky period, he has as often lamented his success in that affair, as the discerning honest rulers of the Muskohge opposed it. He told me, that when he was soliciting some of the head-men to comply with the fraternal proposals of our kindly ruler, he unexpectedly met with a very sharp repulse;—for, when he had finished his oration, on the disadvantages of frowning war, and the advantages of smiling peace, an old war-leader retorted every paragraph he had spoken, and told him, that till then he always had reckoned the English a very wise people, but now he was sorry to find them unwise, in the most material point: adding, “You have made yourself very poor, by sweating, far and near, in our smoky town-houses and hot-houses, only to make a peace between us and the Cheerake, and thereby enable our young mad people to give you, in a short time, a far worse sweat than you have yet had, or may now expect. But, forasmuch as the great English chieftain in Charles Town, is striving hard to have it so, by ordering you to shut your eyes, and stop your ears, lest the power of conviction should reach your heart, we will not any more oppose you in this mad scheme. We shall be silent concerning it; otherwise, I should be as mad as you, if I reasoned any more with one who is wilfully blind and deaf.”
A number of their warriors met at Charles Town, at the time appointed: their high-stationed English friend then took a great deal of pains to inform them of the mutual advantages, that would accrue to them, by a firm peace, and he convinced their senses of it, by a visible proof; for he borrowed from one of them an arrow, and holding each end of it in his hands, he readily broke it, which surprized none of the red spectators, except the owner,—they did not then regard it as a symbolical performance, but a boyish action. He again requested from the same young warrior, the loan of his remaining sheaf of arrows, who reluctantly gave them, as he feared they would all singly fare the fate of the former. But, when he held the bundle by each end in his hands, and could only bend it a little, he revived the watchful owner, and pleasingly surprized the attentive savages, as he thereby had strongly demonstrated to them, that vis unita fortior, upon which he expatiated, in easy fine language, to the great joy of his red audience. By such evidence, they were induced to shake hands firmly together; and likewise to endeavour to preserve a perpetual union with all their neighbouring nations, lest the wolf should attack them separately. And ever since that impolitic mediation, they have been so strongly convinced of their great advantage and security, by a close friendly union with each other, that all the efforts of the wise and honest Georgia patriot, Governor Ellis, in concert with the Indian trading merchants, to dissolve it in the year 1760, proved abortive with the wary and jealous Muskohge, while we were at war with the Cheerake—and many of the out-settlers of Georgia and South Carolina were plundered and murdered by them, without sparing women or children; many instances of which we were too often well acquainted with on the spot. The Cheerake, however, stood in such great awe of about sixty Chikkasah warriors, that except once when they were repulsed by a treble inferior number, they durst not attempt any sort of attack on Georgia barriers, during the whole continuance of the war. The wisdom of the ruling members of that weak colony directed them, in their dangerous circumstances, to chuse the least of two evils,—to humour, and bear with those mischievous Muskohge, rather than involve themselves in a complicated war with those two confederated nations; which must have ruined Georgia, in the weak condition it then was. And, notwithstanding they have considerably increased since, both in wealth and number of inhabitants, it is probable, the colony is now less capable of bearing with any sort of firmness, a sudden shock from these savages, than they were at that time. For, though the people were then fewer in numbers; yet their settlements were more compact. By this means, they could easily join in social defense, on any alarm: and, as the circumstances of most of them did not tempt them to enervating luxury, so the needful exercises they daily pursued, enabled them to make a diversion of ranging the woods, when occasion required. Plantations are now settled, often at a great distance from each other, even to the outmost boundaries of the colony, where commonly the best gunsmen reside, but who probably would be cut off by surprize, at the first onset: and, lower down, their dispersed settlements are often separated, either by difficult or unpassable morasses,—slow running black waters,—or broken salt-water sounds; which of course would be a great impediment to the people supporting each other: so that each plantation is exposed to a separate assault, by a superior body of those cunning savages, who attack, and fly away like a sudden thunder gust. We have no sure way to fight them, but in carrying the war into the bowels of their own country, by a superior body of the provincial troops, mixed with regulars; and as we can expect no mercy in case of a defeat, we should not despise their power, but prepare ourselves for a sure conquest.
ACCOUNT
OF THE
CHOKTAH NATION, &c.
The Choktah country lies in about 33 and 34 Deg. N. L. According to the course of the Indian path, their western lower towns are situated two hundred computed miles to the northward of New Orleans; the upper ones an hundred and sixty miles to the southward of the Chikkasah nation; 150 computed miles to the west of the late dangerous French Alebahma garrison, in the Muskohge country; and 150 to the north of Mobille, which is the first settlement, and only town, except New Orleans, that the French had in West-Florida.
Their country is pretty much in the form of an oblong square. The barrier towns, which are next to the Muskohge and Chikkasah countries, are compactly settled for social defense, according to the general method of other savage nations; but the rest, both in the center, and toward the Missisippi, are only scattered plantations, as best suits a separate easy way of living. A stranger might be in the middle of one of their populous extensive towns, without seeing half a dozen of their houses, in the direct course of his path. The French, to intimidate the English traders by the prodigious number of their red legions in West-Florida, boasted that the Choktah consisted of nine thousand men fit to bear arms: but we find the true amount of their numbers, since West-Florida was ceded to us, to be not above half as many as the French report ascertained.164 And, indeed, if the French and Spanish writers of the American Aborigines, had kept so near the truth, as to mix one half of realities, with their flourishing wild hyperboles, the literati would have owed them more thanks than is now their due.
Those who know the Choktah, will firmly agree in opinion with the French, concerning them, that they are in the highest degree, of a base, ungrateful, and thievish disposition—fickle, and treacherous—ready-witted, and endued with a surprizing flow of smooth artful language on every subject, within the reach of their ideas; in each of these qualities, they far exceed any society of people I ever saw. They are such great proficients in the art of stealing, that in our store-houses, they often thieve while they are speaking to, and looking the owner in the face. It is reckoned a shame to be detected in the act of theft; but, it is the reward they receive, which makes it shameful: for, in such a case, the trader bastinadoes the covetous sinner, almost as long as he seems sensible of pain. A few years ago, one of the Chikkasah warriors told me, he heard a middle-aged Choktah warrior, boast in his own country, at a public ball-play, of having artfully stolen several things from one and another trader, to a considerable amount, while he was cheapening goods of us, and we were blind in our own houses.
As their country is pleasantly interspersed with hills, and generally abounds with springs and creeks, or small brooks; and is in a happy climate, it is extremely healthful. Having no rivers in their country, few of them can swim, like other Indians; which often proves hurtful to them, when high freshes come on while they are out at war. Their towns are settled on small streams that purl into Mobille river, and another a little to the southward of it. Koosah, the largest town in their nation, lies within 180 miles of Mobille, at a small distance from the river which glides by that low, and unhealthy old capital. The summer-breezes pass by Mobille, in two opposite directions, along the channel of the river; and very unhealthy vapors keep floating over the small semicircular opening of the town, which is on the south-side of the river, opposite to a very low marsh, that was formed by great torrents of water, sweeping down rafts of fallen trees, till they settled there, and were mixt with the black soil of the low lands, carried, and subsiding there in the like manner. From thence, to the opposite shore, the river hath a sandy bottom, and at low water is so very shallow, that a person could almost walk across, though it is two leagues broad. The southern side of the river is so full of great trees, that sloops and schooners have considerable difficulty in getting up abreast: and for a considerable distance from the sea-coast, the land is low, and generally unfit for planting, even on the banks of the river. About forty miles up, the French had a small settlement of one plantation deep, from the bank of Mobille river. The rest of the land is sandy pine barrens, till within forty miles of the Choktah country, where the oak and the hiccory-trees first appear; from whence, it is generally very fertile, for the extensive space of about six hundred miles toward the north, and in some places, two hundred and fifty, in others, two hundred and sixty in breadth, from the Missisippi: This tract far exceeds the best land I ever saw besides in the extensive American world. It is not only capable of yielding the various produce of all our North-American colonies on the main continent, as it runs from the south, towards the north; but, likewise, many other valuable commodities, which their situation will never allow them to raise. From the small rivers, which run through this valuable large tract, the far-extending ramifications are innumerable; each abounding with ever-green canes and reeds, which are as good to raise cattle in winter, as the best hay in the northern colonies. I need not mention the goodness of the summer-ranges; for, where the land is good, it always produces various sorts of good timber, such as oak of different kinds; hiccory, wall-nut, and poplar-trees. The grass is commonly as long and tender, as what the best English meadows yield; and, if those vacant fertile lands of the Missisippi were settled by the remote inhabitants of Virginia, the Ohio, and North-Carolina, they, from a small stock, could in a few years raise a prodigious number of horses, horned cattle, sheep, and swine, without any more trouble than branding, marking, and keeping them tame, and destroying the beasts of prey, by hunting them with dogs, and shooting them from the trees. Soon they might raise abundance of valuable productions, as would both enrich themselves and their off-spring, and, at the same time, add in a very high degree to the naval trade and manufactures of Great-Britain.
The Choktah flatten their foreheads with a bag of sand, which with great care they keep fastened on the scull of the infant, while it is in its tender and imperfect state. Thus they quite deform their face, and give themselves an appearance, which is disagreeable to any but those of their own likeness. Their features and mind, indeed, exactly correspond together; for, except the intense love they bear to their native country, and their utter contempt of any kind of danger, in defence of it, I know no other virtue they are possessed of: the general observation of the traders among them is just, who affirm them to be divested of every property of a human being, except shape and language. Though the French at Mobille, and some at New Orleans, could speak the Choktah language extremely well, and consequently guide them much better than the English (notwithstanding we gave them a far greater supply of every kind of goods than they could purchase) yet, the French allowed none of them arms and ammunition, except such who went to war against our Chikkasah friends. One of those outstanding companies was composed also of several towns; for, usually one town had not more than from five, to seven guns. When the owners therefore had hunted one moon, they lent them for hire to others, for the like space of time; which was the reason, that their deer-skins, by being chiefly killed out of season, were then much lighter than now. The French commandant of Tumbikpe garrison supervised the trade, as none was ever chosen to preside in so critical a place, unless well and early acquainted in the dialect, manners, and customs of the savages. The French Indian garrisons consisted of chosen provincial families, who had not the least spark of that haughty pride and contempt, which is too often predominant, at least among the ignorant part of the soldiery, against all, except their own fraternity. (The Choktah were known to be of so fickle, treacherous, and bloody a disposition, that only three or four pedlars were allowed to go among them at a time: when they returned to the fort, the same number went out again, with as many trifles as a small barrel would conveniently contain. Thus they continued to amuse the savages of low rank, but they always kept the head-men in pay.) These, at every public meeting, and convenient occasion, gave stated energetic orations in praise of the French; and, by this means, the rest were influenced. The pedlars thus got almost what they were pleased to ask, in return for their worthless trifles. All the way up the numerous streams of the Missisippi, and down those of Canada river, their wisdom directed them to keep up the price of their goods, and, by that means, they retained the savages in the firmest amity with them; no trader was allowed among them, except those of sufficient skill, in that dangerous sphere of life, and of faithful principles to government. The French very justly say, the English spoil the savages, wherever their trade extends among them. They were too wise ever to corrupt them, according to our modern mad schemes. They had two great annual marts, where the Indians came to traffic for their deer-skins, beaver, and peltry; the one, at Montreal; and the other, at the Illinois, under the cannon of those garrisons. But the Philadelphians,165 in order to ingross the trade of the latter place, by a foolish notion of under-selling the old French traders, have ruined, and, as I am lately informed, entirely discontinued it. They who speak so much in favour of lowering the Indian trade, ought first to civilize the savages, and convince them of the absolute necessity there is of selling the same sort of goods, at various prices, according to different circumstances, either of time or place. While the present ill adapted measures are continued, nothing less than the miraculous power of deity can possibly effect the Indians reformation; many of the present traders are abandoned, reprobate, white savages. Instead of shewing good examples of moral conduct, besides their other part of life, they instruct the unknowing and imitating savages, in many diabolical lessons of obscenity and blasphemy.
When the English were taking possession of Mobille, the French commander had given previous orders to a skilful interpreter, to inform the Choktah, that his Christian Majesty, for peace-sake, had given up Mobille garrison to the avaricious English nation; but at the end of three years, the French would return and see to what purpose they had applied it. The Choktah believed the declaration to be as true, as if several of their old head-men had dreamed it. The fore-sighted French knew their fickle and treacherous dispositions, and that by this story, well supported with presents, they would be able, when occasion required, to excite them to commence a new war against us. The masterly skill of the French enabled them to do more with those savages, with trifles, than all our experienced managers of Indian affairs have been able to effect, by the great quantities of valuable goods, they gave them, with a very profuse hand. The former bestowed their small favours with exquisite wisdom; and their value was exceedingly inhanced, by the external kindly behaviour, and well adapted smooth address of the giver. But our wise men in this department, bestow the presents of the government, too often, in such a manner as to rivet the contempt they have imbibed against us; for I have been frequently upbraided, even by the old friendly Chikkasah, when inebriated, that the English in general despised their friends, and were kindest to those who most insulted and injured them; and, that the surest way for the red people to get plenty of presents, was not to deserve them, but to act the murdering part of the ill-hearted Muskohge. In confirmation of their strong invectives, they recited above seventy instances of the Muskohge having murdered the English, not only with impunity, but with silent approbation; as they soon afterward received large presents, which must be either as a due for the bloodshed, or tribute given through fear. They enumerated some facts, which were attended with shocking circumstances: as, an innocent mother of good report, and two of her little children, put to slow torture in boiling water; and several of the like nature, which the Muskohge themselves had informed them of in a way of boasting, and to induce them to imitate their mischievous, but profitable example. While we bear any cool premeditated acts of Indian hostility with that crouching base behaviour, such passive conduct will serve only to tempt the Indians to advance in their favourite science of blood, and commence a general war. For cowards they always insult and despise, and will go any distance to revenge the blood of one of their tribe, even that of an old woman.
As it was confidently reported, that a military government would be continued by us in West Florida, till it was thick settled, the French inhabitants imagining that event could not happen till doom’s-day, mostly retired to New Orleans, in order to shun such a tyrannic police. They were afraid of being imprisoned, and whipped, at the Governor’s166 caprice, and even for things unnoticeable in the eye of the law; for as he ruled imperial over the soldiery, he would expect all his orders to be readily obeyed by every other person, without any hesitation. Such things are too common in a military government, and it was fatally experienced in this. In order to establish his absolute power, as the merchants, and other gentlemen at Mobille, of generous principles despised it, he found a plea to contend with one of them, though it was both illegal, and entirely out of his element. A Choktah having bought a small brass-kettle of one of the principal merchants of that place, was persuaded by a Frenchman, to return it, bring the value to him, and he would give him a better one in its stead; for there happened to be a very small crack of no consequence, and scarcely discernible, just above the rim. The Indian accordingly went to return it; but the gentleman would not receive it, as it was good, and fairly sold at the usual price. The Choktah went back to the Frenchman to excuse himself in not being able to deal with him, as proposed; who persuaded him to complain to the Governor of the pretended injustice he had received from the merchant—he did, and the ruler gladly embraced the opportunity to gratify his pride, and aggrandize his power. He immediately sent some of his underlings, with a positive verbal command to the gentleman, to cancel the bargain with the Choktah, and deliver to him what he claimed, on receiving his own: the free-born Briton excused his non-compliance, in a rational and polite manner, according to his constant easy behaviour. Upon this, like a petty tyrant, the chief sent a file of musqueteers for him. When he appeared before his greatness, he asserted the common privileges of a trading free subject of Great Britain, with decent firmness; and set forth the ill consequences of giving the troublesome savages an example so hurtful to trade, with other arguments well adapted to the occasion. The return was, an order to thrust the gentleman into the black-hole of the garrison, where he was detained and treated as a capital criminal, till, by the loss of health through the dampness of that horrid place, the love of life prompted him to comply with every demand. Had he waited the award of a court-martial, probably he would have had justice done him; for, except a couple of the officers of the commander’s own principles, all the rest blamed, if not despised him for his haughtiness and ungenerous principles. This is a genuine sample of military governments—the Canadians may expect many such instances of justice and humanity in consequence of the late Quebec act, if it be not repealed. While this military man acted in the magisterial office, though in pain when not triumphing over those peaceable subjects who would not stoop before him below the character of freemen, to flatter his lordly ambition; yet it was affirmed, he could not stand the sight of the inebriated Choktah. One instance of his passive conduct toward them, deserves to be recorded—As the centinels at the gates of his house, were strictly ordered not to resist the savages, these soon became so impudent as to insult them at pleasure; and one of them, without the least provocation, struck a soldier (while on his duty standing centry) with a full bottle on his head, with that violence, as to break his scull, the unfortunate soldier languished, and died, by the blow, without the least retaliation; though so absolutely needful in our early state of settling that part of the continent.
We well know the fate of the British Americans in general, as to property, liberty, and life, if their court-enemies could but metamorphose them into asses, and quietly impose upon them military men as governors, and magistrates, to inforce a strict obedience to their grasping hand, and boundless will. But, may our wise statesmen henceforth rather keep them at home, and place them over such mean spirits as have sold their birth-rights for a mess of pottage, and are degenerated from every virtue of the true and brave Englishman!
Though the French Americans were as desirous of purchasing Indian deer-skins and beaver as the English could well be; yet they wisely declined, where the public peace and security required it. By their wisdom, they employed the savages, as occasion offered, and kept them entirely dependant. They distributed through each nation, a considerable number of medals and flourishing commissions, in a very artful gradation, so as to gratify their proud tempers, and obtain an universal sway over them. They also sent a gun-smith to each of their countries, to mend the locks of their guns, at the expence of government: and any warrior who brought his chieftain’s medal as a certificate, was waited on, and sent off with honour, and a very bon grace, to his entire satisfaction: with this, and other instances of good conduct, they led the savages at pleasure. When the French evacuated the Alebahma garrison, the Muskohge despitefully objected against receiving any such favours from us. Even our old friendly Chikkasah were only tantalized with our friendship on that occasion, for the gun-smith was recalled—which, joined with the rest of the bad conduct of our managers of Indian affairs, vexed them so exceedingly, that they were on the point of committing hostilities against us, in the year 1769; so widely different is our Indian-trading conduct from that of the French.
They wisely preferred the security of their valuable, but weak country to the dangerous profits of trade; they kept the best orators and the head-men as pensioners, on their side, and employed the rest of the warriors in their favourite science against the Chikkasah. As with the high placed mercenaries in Great Britain, so it will be a very difficult task (for some time) to manage any of the Indians well, particularly the Choktah, unless they in some manner receive a favourite bribe, under the name of presents, as they usually had from the French. By reason of our misconduct, and the foolish distribution of presents, since Florida was ceded to us, they have been twice on the point of breaking with us, though the managers of our Indian affairs were at the same time echoing in the public papers of Georgia and South-Carolina, the peaceable and friendly disposition of all the savage nations around the colonies. The Choktah were designed to strike the first blow on their traders, and immediately to follow it on the inhabitants of Mobille; which, they imagined, they could easily effect by surprise in the night, and so enrich themselves with an immense booty. The first of those bloody plans was concerted against us, October the 18th 1765. The cause of which I shall relate.
In the eastern part of the Chikkasah nation, there is a young, and very enterprising war-leader, called “the Torrepine Chieftain,” or “The leader of the land-tortoise family:” his ambitious temper, which one of the traders at first imprudently supported against our old friendly war chieftain, Pa-Yah-Matahah, has unhappily divided the nation into two parties, which frequently act in opposition to any salutary measure, which is either proposed, or pursued by the other. The Torrepine chief received an embassy from the Muskohge Great Mortar to engage him against us, through a false pretence that we intended to take their lands, and captivate their women and children; as the vast strides we lately made through that extensive tract, from Georgia to New Orleans, and up the Missisippi, all the way to the Illinois, he said, would clearly convince so wise a people. He exhorted the Choktah war-leaders and old beloved men to rouse their martial tempers to defend their liberty and property, and preserve their holy places, and holy things, from the ambitious views of the impure and covetous English people, to listen to the loud call of liberty, and join heart and hand in its generous defence, which they now could easily effect, by crushing the snake in its infant state; whereas delay would allow it time to collect strength, to the utter danger of every thing they held as valuable—that now was the time to avert those dangerous evils, and that their mutual safety was at stake. He assured them from repeated experience, that the very worst that could befall them would be only a trifling scolding in their ears, and presents in their hands to make up the breach. The aspiring Chikkasah leader was, in a great measure, induced to fall in with that cunning deceiver’s measures by having seen above sixty of the Muskohge head-men and warriors, who received considerable presents from Geo. Johnstone, Esq; Governor of West-Florida, at Pensacola. They told him our liberality proceeded intirely from fear; that when they killed any of our despicable and helpless swarms, they always received the like quantity, to quiet the martial hearts of their gallant young warriors; and that the sole reason we were so frugal to the Chikkasah, was owing to their unwise attachments to us; but if they followed their copy, they would soon become as rich as themselves.
If the sagacious, and gallant governor could have executed his will, they would not have thus boasted—he warmly debated in council to order each of them to be secured, as hostages, and kept aboard a man of war in the harbour, till satisfaction was remitted for the unprovoked, and wilful murders that nation had committed on several of his majesty’s peaceable subjects: but his spirited resolution was overborne by a considerable majority of votes. However, when they got home, they told our traders that his excellency’s speech was quite different to that of the beloved white man, meaning the super-intendant, for it was very sharp and wounding; and that his eyes spoke, and glanced the fire also which was burning in his heart. No people are more observant of the passions in the honest face than they. Their eyes and judgment are surprisingly piercing; and in consequence of this Governor’s open, steady, virtuous conduct, all our neighbouring nations honour and love him, to this very day.
The Chikkasah chief sent his bloody embassy to the Choktah by a cunning and trusty uncle, who accompanied me to the late Tumbikpe-fort. I was ignorant of the mischievous plan, till we arrived at camp, near the Great Red Captain’s: there, in bed at night, I plainly overheard the whole, and saw the white swan’s wings, and others painted red and black,—persuasive and speaking emblems of friendship to the one party, and war, blood, and death to the other. They received those base tokens, according to the mischievous intention of those who sent them. As they are fond of novelty, the news was conveyed through the nation, with profound secresy: besides, they were very much rejoiced at so favourable an opportunity of making peace with the Muskohge, who awed them exceedingly, on account of their repeated losses, which were chiefly occasioned by their want of skill in swimming. Tumbikpe garrison, a little before this time, was very unwisely removed; but, to supply that wrong measure, our super-intendant of Indian affairs, stationed here one of his representatives. He was as much unacquainted with the language, manners, and customs of the Indians, as his employer: and yet wrote a considerable volume how to regulate Indian affairs in general, and particularly in the Choktah country. Besides his want of proper qualifications in so nice and difficult an office, he was in his temper so turbulent, proud, and querulous, that his presence instead of quieting the savages, was more than sufficient to disoblige, and distract them, in the most friendly times. He lived in the deserted garrison, as a place of security, kept weighty pullies to the gates, and his own door shut, as if the place had been a monastery; which was the worst measure he could possibly have pursued, considering the proud and familiar temper of those he had to deal with, and the late soothing treatment of the French to them. Kapteny Humma Echeto “the Great Red Captain,” sent word to him he would call there, on a certain day, to confer with him on some material business. On account of their fluctuating councils in so weighty an affair as the intended war, he prolonged the time of going there, for the space of eight days; the gentleman engaged me to stay till the affair was decided. I continued without the least reluctance, as I saw the black storm gathering, and hoped I might be able in some measure to dispel it. When the Red Captain came, his chief business was to demand presents, in the same manner they received them from the French, as the war-chiefs and beloved men were grown very poor; and to know whether our government would enable them to revenge their dead, by bestowing on them ammunition to continue the war against the Muskohge, who highly despised us, and frequently committed acts of hostility against our people. Contrary to my advice, he gave a plain negative to each of his queries, without considering contingencies—Because the neighbouring town was silent, and very few of them came near the fort, he flattered himself that those dangerous tokens proceeded intirely from the cold reception, and frequent denials he had given them; and that for the future, he could live there in a retired and easy manner. But had he taken the trouble to go among them, as I did, he might have seen by their gloomy faces what bitter rancour was in their hearts. Next day, I discovered at the most unfrequented part of the fort, which was near the south east corner, on the river-side, that the wary savages had in the night time forced two of the great posts so far apart, as one person could easily pass through at a time; as such ocular proof might have made my host uneasy, I thought it wrong to molest his tranquillity by the discovery. The Red Chief would now drink no spirituous liquors, though I pressed him to it. They know their weakness then, which might lead them to divulge their country’s secrets,—a great disgrace to a warrior. He went home with his heart greatly inebriated however, on account of the flat denials he had received; especially, as the warriors would depreciate him for his ill success.
In a few days after, I set off with my red companion, and lay all night at the Red Captain’s house, which stands in one of their northern barrier towns. He walked out with me in the evening, but in his discourse, he used as much evasion and craft, as an old fox in his intricate windings to beguile the earnest pursuers. At night his house was very quiet, as if their long heads and treacherous hearts were equally at rest;—but I plainly saw into their favourite and laboured plan, and one of their females told me there was at that time, a great many head-men of different towns, at a neighbouring house, conferring together concerning the white people; and that she believed their speech was not good, as they did not allow any women or boys to hear it. The Red Chief and I parted like courtiers; it soon began to rain, so as to swell the waters to such a considerable height, as rendered them unpassable to horsemen, whose circumstances were not quite desperate. The Choktah leader sent a sprightly young man, his nephew, with me, under pretence of accompanying me and the above-mentioned Chikkasah warrior; but I was not without strong suspicion, that he was sent to shoot me by surprise, as soon as he heard the whooping death-signal in pursuit of me. For they had sent runners to call home those who were hunting in the woods, and the last company of them we met, reaching our camp in the night, staid there till the morning. We conversed together without the least disguise; they were confident the traders were killed, and their favourite war and death-cry would soon reach their listening ears. I thought it improper to make a jest of so serious an affair, and determined to set off, though my red companions endeavored to delay me as much as they could. Early in the morning I took out my saddle, which the Choktah mentioned to the others through a suspicion I intended to make my escape: but they quieted his jealousy, by telling him I did so, only because I was lazy to walk. About half a mile from camp, I soon catched and mounted one of my horses, and set off, keeping clear of the trading path for about four miles, in order to perplex any pursuers that might be sent after me. When my horse tired, I led it on foot through the pathless woods about fifty miles, and heard no more of them. Had the Choktah known how to obtain a sufficient supply of ammunition, they would at this very time, have commenced war against us. That only checked their bloody aim, to their unspeakable grief, and prevented our being engaged in a dangerous war.
All our Indian-traders well know, that the misconduct and obstinacy of the first super-intendant of Indian affairs, was the sole occasion of irritating the Great Mortar to become bitter-hearted against us, and devoting himself with a blood-thirsty desire to injure us, wherever his black policy could reach. And as the first, by his stiff behaviour set on the Mortar,—his successor, by ill-timed presents instead of demanding satisfaction, gave him as good an opportunity as he could have desired, to impress the warriors of his own and other nations, with a strong opinion of our timid disposition, and incapacity of opposing them. The impression of Governor Johnstone’s speech, plainly declares they would not have been so weak as to utter their base threats against us, to the Chikkasah leader at Pensacola, only that they were previously corrupted by the mismanagement of Indian affairs. I am well assured, they frequently applauded his martial conduct when they returned home, and said he was a man and a warrior, which is as great an encomium, as they can bestow on any mortal. May West-Florida, and New Georgiana on the extensive and fertile lands of the meandring Missisippi, have a continual succession of such chief magistrates as Mr. Johnstone, and his worthy successor Montfort Browne, Esq; to study and promote the public good, and cause the balance of justice to be held with an even hand!
The following relation will serve to display what should be our manner of treating the Indians—A white man, on Mobille river, sold spirituous liquors to a couple of the Choktah, till they were much intoxicated, and unable to purchase any more; he then strenuously denied to credit them: their usual burning thirst exciting them to drink more, they became too troublesome for any spirited person to bear with. He took up an ax, at first in his own defence, but when they endeavoured to run off, he, in the heat of passion pursued; and unhappily killed one of them. The other ran, and told his relations the sad disaster. Presently, nothing could be heard through the nation, but heavy murmurs and sharp threats. Governor Johnstone had the murderer soon apprehended, and confined him to be tried in due course of law. This delay of executing justice on one, and whom we only secured from their resentment as they imagined, tempted them to think on a general massacre. Soon after the sitting of the general court, their revengeful hearts became easy: for the man was fairly tried, and condemned, because he did not kill the savage in his own defence, but while he was retreating from him. I have reason to believe the Indians would not have allowed the French, when in garrison among them, to delay shooting any of their people, whom they but even suspected of having killed the meanest of their kindred: for, in the year 1740, the Muskohge, on a false suspicion, forced the commanding officer of the Alebahma garrison, by their loud threats, to kill one of the militia soldiers. When they were leading him to the place of execution, he requested the favour of a bottle of wine, to enable him to die with the firm constancy of an honest French warrior: he received, and drank it off, and declared his innocence of the imputed crime, with his last words. The signal was given, and the soldiers, by order, quickly shot the unfortunate man. But the Englishman, who had been likewise a soldier, would not have been condemned by the mere assertion of the Choktah savage, cost what it would; as it was both repugnant to our law, and too dangerous a precedent to give to so treacherous a people. He was justly condemned on his companion’s oath. His excellency Governor Johnstone acted so fairly and tenderly in this affair, that, by his request, one of the Chikkasah traders was summoned to sit on the trial, as he of a long time knew the base disposition of the Choktah; but no favourable circumstances appearing on his side, he was condemned.
Although the Choktah had their desired revenge, yet, when their leader came parading into Tumbikpe garrison, with a gun he had taken from a white man, whom he murdered on the Chikkasah trading path; our super-intendant’s representative shamefully refused to act the part of the magistrate, or to impower the commanding officer of the Fort to secure the murderer, though he pressed him with manly earnestness, and protested that he would gladly confine him, were it not contrary to the tenour of his commission. The savage having boasted a while after his triumphal entrance, returned exultingly to his country-men, to the shame and regret of the traders. Our white beloved man thought himself best employed in other affairs than these, and doubtless, profitable family jobbs ought to be well minded.
His successor was equally skilful in managing the Indians as himself, though much his inferior. His only merit was, the having been a clerk to the Chikkasah white beloved man, who resigned his place, on account of the discontinuance of his British pay. He corrupted and practised with the Indians, according to the system his teacher pursued. One instance, among many, will shew this: a gentleman came to view the Missisippi lands, from the settlements which are on the Yadkin, a large and beautiful river, that, after gliding down 300 miles to the Sand-hill, Wilmington, and the waste Brunswick, is stiled Cape-Fear-River.167 He was highly pleased with the soil, climate, and situation of the lands he came in quest of: but told me, in a humorous manner, that, when he was at a French man’s house, on the Spanish side of the river, a very lusty Choktah called there, in company with others upon a hunt. As the French Choktah was desirous of ingratiating himself into the favour of the host, he began to ridicule my friend with gestures, and mocking language: the more civilly the Englishman behaved, so much the more impudently the savage treated him. At length, his passions were inflamed, and he suddenly seized him in his arms, carried him a few steps off, and threw him down the bank into the Missisippi. The laugh now turned against him loud; for, if the Indians saw their grandmother break her neck by a fall from a horse, or any other accident, they would whoop and halloo. The Baptist, or dipped person, came out ashamed, but appeared to be very good-humoured after his purification, as he found he had not one of the French wood-peckers to deal with. However, one night, when the gentleman was on his return, the savages pursued, and endeavoured to kill him, and did seize his horses and baggage. He had a narrow escape for his life before he came to Quansheto, where the towns-people of the late Great Red Shoes had settled, and our white beloved man resided. He made his complaint to him, which might have been expected to produce both pity and justice in any heart that was not callous. But, instead of endeavouring to redress his grievance, which he could have easily effected, he aggravated his sufferings by abuse. As the savage had been brought up with the English traders, so as to be called the boy of one of them, and lived in Yashoo, the town of the present Red Shoes, our chief could easily have had every thing returned, had he only demanded it in form. But, like his predecessor, he endeavoured to keep in with the Indians—he deemed their favourable report of his friendly conduct toward them, to be the main point he ought to observe, in order to secure the embassy from suffering damage, whatever became of truth, or justice.
The Choktah have a remote, but considerable town, called Yowanne, which is the name of a worm that is very destructive to corn in a wet season. It lies forty miles below the seven southernmost towns of the nation, toward Mobille, and 120 computed miles from thence, on a pleasant small river, that runs south of the town. As it is a remote barrier, it is greatly harrassed by the Muskohge, when at war with them. Here, a company of them came lately looking for prey; but missing it, as the Choktah were apprized, and staid at home, their pride and disappointment excited them to injure those strangers who chanced to fall in their way. About six miles below the town, they came to the camp of two white men, who were just ready to set off to Mobille, with loaded horses; being resolved not entirely to miss their errand of blood and plunder, they attacked them with their tomohawks, cautious of not alarming the neighbouring enemy by the report of their guns. They speedily dispatched one of them; but the other being strong bodied, very fiery, and desperate, held them a sharp struggle, as it appeared afterward: his gun was found much battered, and the long grass quite beat down for a considerable way round the place where the Yowanne Indians found him suspended in the air. For as soon as those savages perpetrated that diabolical act, they hanged each of them on trees, with the horses halters, and carried away six of the horses loaded with drest deer-skins, as far as Mobille-river. Minggo Humma Echeto, the Great Red Chieftain, of the aforesaid town, on his return from war with the Muskohge, fortunately intercepted them, killed and scalped two, and retook the horses and leather. These, he sent home, as he imagined the owner then resided in the nation, and would gladly redeem them with reasonable presents: while he went down to Mobille to shew his trophies of war, in full hopes of getting a new supply of ammunition from the deputy super-intendant,168 to be used against the common enemy. He flattered himself that the scalps brought into our maritime town, in solemn triumph, would prove a gladsome sight to our people, and enlarge their hearts towards him and his fatigued poor warriors. But he perceived nothing of this kind, of which he complained to me with very sharp language, and returned home, highly incensed against his new English friends.
I have reason to remember this too well; for, a little after those white men were murdered, business calling me to Mobille by myself, I chose to decline the eastern path, and the middle one that leads by the Chakchooma old fields, as they were much exposed to the incursions of the Muskohge; and rode through the chief towns of the nation, along the horse-path that runs from the Chikkasah, nearest the Missisippi, to Mobille. About six miles below the seven-towns that lie close together, and next to New Orleans, I met a considerable party of the leaders and head-warriors returning home from war. We shook hands together, and they seemed very glad to see me. They earnestly dissuaded me from proceeding any farther, advised me to return to their friendly town, and rest awhile among them, declaring, that if my ears were mad, and would not hear their friendly speech, I should surely be killed, the enemy were ranging the woods so very thick. They were good judges of the danger, as they knew the treacherous plan they had concerted together at Yowanne. But the memory of past times, moved them to give me that kindly caution. I thanked them, and said, I wished business allowed me to act according to their advice, and accept of their generous invitation; but it did not: however, if my limited days were not finished before, I would shortly have the pleasure to see them again. I proceeded, and met several parties of the same main company, several miles distant from each other, carrying small pieces of a scalp, singing the triumphal song, and sounding the shrill death-whoop, as if they had killed hundreds. On my resting and smoking with the last party, they informed me, that their camp consisted of two hundred and fifty warriors, under great leaders, who were then returning from war against a town of the Koosaahte Indians, who had settled twenty-five miles above Mobille, on the eastern side of the river; that they had killed and wounded several of them, suspecting them of abetting the Muskohge, and fortunately got one of their scalps, which the warriors of separate towns divided, and were carrying home, with joyful hearts.
A stranger would be much surprised to see the boasting parade these savages made with one scalp of a reputed enemy. To appearance, more than a thousand men, women, lusty boys, and girls, went loaded with provisions to meet them; and to dance, sing, and rejoice at this camp, for their success in war, and safe return. Their camps were made with the green bark and boughs of trees, and gave a striking picture of the easy and simple modes of early ages. Their chieftains and great warriors sat in state, with the assuming greatness of the ancient senators of imperial Rome. I had the honour to sit awhile with them, and was diverted with the old circling and wheeling dances of the young men and women. I smoked with them, and then took my leave of this last camp of rejoicing heroes. The Choktah are the most formal in their addresses, of all the Indian nations I am acquainted with: and they reckon the neglect of observing their usual ceremonies, proceeds from contempt in the traders, and from ignorance in strangers.
I encamped early, and within two leagues of Yowanne, as it seemed to be a good place for killing wild game. I imagined also, that here the people were awed by the Muskohge from ranging the woods, but, it happened otherwise: for, soon after the horse-bells began to ring, two sprightly young fellows came through the cane-swamp, and as enemies, they crawled up the steep bank of the creek, near to me, before I discovered them. My firearms were close at hand, and I instantly stood on my guard. They looked earnestly around, to see for the rest of my company, as it is very unusual for any of the traders, to take that journey alone. I asked them who they were, from whence they came, and what they were so earnestly searching for. They evaded answering my queries, and asked me if I did not come by myself. I told them, without hesitation, that some way behind, my companion rode out of the path to kill deer, as his gun was good, and he could use it extremely well. On this, they spoke a little together, with a low voice; and then told me, that they belonged to Yowanne, and were part of a hunting camp, which was near at hand, and in view of the path. I asked them to sit down, which they did, but their discourse was disagreeable, as my supposed fellow-traveller was the chief subject of it. They said they would go back to their camp, and return to mine soon, to see whether the white man was come from hunting. They went, and were as good as their word; for, they did me the honour to pay me a second visit. As they were so very earnest in that which did not concern them, unless they had ill intentions, the sight of them would have instantly inflamed the heart of one not infected with stoicism, to wish for a proper place to make a due retribution. At this time, the sun was near three hours from setting. The white hunter’s absence was the first and chief subject of their discourse, till evening. As on a level place, all the savages sit cross-legged, so my visitors did, and held their guns on their knee, or kept them very near, with their otter-skin shot pouch over one of their shoulders, as is usual in time of danger. I observed their mischievous eyes, instead of looking out eastwardly toward the Muskohge country, were generally pointed toward the N. W. the way I had come. As by chance, I walked near to one of them, he suddenly snatched up his gun. No friendly Indians were ever known to do the like, especially so near home, and a considerable camp of his own people: innocence is not suspicious, but guilt. He knew his own demerit, and, perhaps imagined I knew it, from concurring circumstances. To see whether his conduct proceeded from a fear of danger, or from accident, I repeated the trial, and he did the same; which confirmed me in my opinion of their base intentions.
In this uneasy and restless manner we continued till sun-set, when one of them artfully got between me and my arms. Then they ordered me to stop the bells of my horses, which were grazing near the camp, (used partly on account of the number of big flies that infest the country.) I asked them the reason—they told me, because the noise frightened away the deer. I took no notice at first of their haughty command, but they repeated it with spiteful vehemence, and I was forced to obey their mandate. They looked, and listened earnestly along the edge of the swamp, but being disappointed of their expected additional prey, in about the space of ten minutes they ordered me to open the bells again. Of the manifold dangers I ever was in, I deemed this by far the greatest, for I stood quite defenceless. Their language and behaviour plainly declared their mischievous designs. I expected every minute to have been shot down: and though I endeavoured to shew a manly aspect, the cold sweat trickled down my face through uneasiness, and a crowd of contrary passions. After some time, in this alarming situation, they told me the ugly white man staid long, and that they would go to their camp a little while, and return again,—they did as they said. To deceive them, I had made my bed as for two people, of softened bear and buffalo skins, with the long hair and wool on, and blankets. My two watchmen came the third time, accompanied with one older than themselves: he spoke little, was artful, and very designing. They seemed much concerned at the absence of my supposed companion, lest he should by unlucky mischance be bewildered, or killed by the Muskohge. I gave them several reasons to shew the futility of their kindly fears, and assured them he usually staid late to barbicue the meat, when he killed much, as he could not otherwise bring it to camp; but that he never failed, on such an occasion, to come some time in the night. The cunning fox now and then asked me a studied short question, in the way of cross examination, concerning the main point they had in view, and my answers were so cool and uniform, that I almost persuaded them firmly to credit all I said. When he could no way trepan me, and there was silence for several minutes, he asked me, if I was not afraid to be at camp alone. I told him I was an English warrior,—my heart was honest—and as I spoiled nobody, why should I be afraid? Their longing eyes by this time were quite tired. The oldest of them very politely took his leave of me in French; and the others, through an earnest friendly desire of smoking, and chatting a little with my absent companion, told me at parting to be sure to call them, by sounding the news-whoop, as soon as he arrived at camp. I readily promised to comply, for the sake of the favour of their good company: and to prevent any suspicion of the truth of my tale, I added, that if he failed in his usual good luck, they ought to supply us with a leg of venison, or we would give them as much, if he succeeded.
And now all was well, at least, with me; for I took time by the fore-lock, and left them to echoe the news-whoop. Yowanne lay nearly south-east from me; but to avoid my being either intercepted on the path, or heard by the quick-ear’d savages, I went a quarter of a mile up the large cane swamp, and passed through it on a south west course, but very slow, as it was a dark thicket of great canes and vines, over-topped with large spreading trees. I seldom had a glimpse of any star to direct my course, the moon being then far spent. About an hour before day-light, I heard them from the top of an high hill, fire off a gun at camp; which I supposed was when they found me gone, and in order to decoy my supposed companion to answer them with the like report; conjecturing he would imagine it was I who fired for him, according to custom in similar cases. I kept nearly at the distance of three miles from the path, till I arrived at the out-houses of Yowanne. As I had never before seen that town, nor gone to Mobille that way, one of the warriors at my request conducted me to the river, which we waded breast-high, and went to the palisadoed fort of Minggo Humma Echeto, which stood commodiously on the bank of the river. He received and treated me very kindly; I concealed what befel me at camp, though I had reason to believe, he was informed of my escape by a runner, as I saw fresh tracks when I returned. I pretended to have come from camp, only to confer with him, concerning the situation of Mobille path, and follow his advice, either to proceed on, or return home, being convinced so great a chieftain as he, who lived in defiance of the Muskohge on that remote barrier, must be a better judge, than any of those I had met. He commended me for my caution, and assured me there were several companies of the Muskohge, then out at war on the path; and that as they hated and despised the English, they would surely kill me, if I continued my journey. I thanked him for his friendly caution, and told him it should not fall to the ground. I soon discovered his great resentment against the English, on account of the impolitic and unkind treatment he had received at Mobille. He reasoned upon it with strong natural good sense, and shewed me in his museum, the two red-painted scalps of the Muskohge who had murdered our people, and left them in contempt hanging like mangy dogs, with a horse’s rope round each of their necks. He then shewed me the flourishing commissions he had received from both French and English. He descanted minutely on the wise and generous liberality of the former, on every material occasion; and on the niggardly disposition and discouraging conduct of the latter, when they ought to stretch out both their hands to those red people who avenged their wrongs, and brought them the scalps of the very enemy who had lately shed their blood. The French never so starved the public cause; and though they frequently gave sparingly, they bestowed their favours with a winning grace, and consummate wisdom.
This conduct of ours excited the crafty Minggo Humma Echeto, to give loose to his vindictive temper; and at the same time, to make it coincide with the general welfare of his country. For as the Muskohge had proved an over-match for them in almost every engagement, and had lately committed hostilities against us in their neighbourhood, he persuaded those head-men I had met, when convened in a council of war, that if they with proper secresy repeated the like hostile act on any of our people who first came that way, and reported it to have been done by the Muskohge, it would certainly obtain that favourite point they had long wished for, of drawing us into an alliance with them against the common enemy, as we must have some of the inward feelings of men for our lost people. Probably, the decree of that red council would have been soon put in execution had it not been for me. When I took my leave of the red chief to return, the drum was beat to convene the people to tell them the cause of my coming to him, and returning home; and that as the women and children had seen me in the town, their late plan of execution must be entirely laid aside. One of the warriors was sent to accompany me, though rather by way of escortment. In my return I called at the before mentioned camp, and put up the whoop; my two former watchmen, on seeing me, resembled wolves catched in a pit, they hung down their heads, and looked gloomy, and wrathful. I asked them why they were ashamed, and why their hearts weighed so heavy; they said they were ashamed for me, I was so great a liar, and had earnestly told them so many ugly falshoods. I said, my speech to them could hurt no honest persons.—My head, my eyes, my heart, assured me their hearts were then like the snakes; and my tongue only spoke the speech of honest wisdom, so as to save myself from being bitten—That it was the property of poisonous snakes, when they miss their aim, to be enraged, and hide their heads in their hateful coil; and concluded, by telling them I went through the woods to Yowanne, to shew them publicly I was not hurt by lurking snakes—and that I would now return to the harmless Chikkasah, and tell them so—on this we parted.
A timely application of proper measures with the savages, is our only method to secure their feeble affections. If those, who are employed for that salutary purpose, justly pursued that point, its effect would soon be openly declared, by the friendly behaviour and honest conduct of the various western nations. But where interest governs, iniquitous measures are pursued, and painters can be got who will flatter the original, be it ever so black. Some of our chiefs, with a certain military officer in West-Florida, like trembling mice, humbly voted not to demand any satisfaction from the savages, for that most shocking act of cool murder I have just mentioned, lest it should provoke them to do us more mischief. But to the honour of George Johnstone, Esq; then Governor of West-Florida, as a representative of the suffering people, he despised such obsequious and pusillanimous councils, and insisted, in his usual manly manner, on an equal revenge of blood, and had it speedily granted, as far as the situation of affairs could possible allow: for by a council of the red Sanhedrim, they condemned three of the chief murderers to be killed, and formally sent down to him two of their scalps to stop the loud voice of blood: but the third made off to the Cheerake, by which means he evaded his justly deserved fate—and too nice a scrutiny at such a time would not have been convenient. All the western Indian nations, bear the highest regard to that paternal governor, and plain friend of all the people: and I record his conduct to do justice to so uncommon a character in America, as well as to engage his successors to pursue the same measures, and copy after him.
The Choktah, by not having deep rivers or creeks to purify themselves by daily ablutions, are become very irreligious in other respects, for of late years, they make no annual atonement for sin. As very few of them can swim, this is a full proof that the general opinion of the young brood of savages being able to swim like fish, as soon as they come into the world, ought to be intirely exploded. The Indian matrons have sense enough to know, that the swimming of human creatures is an art to keep the head above water, which is gained by experience; and that their helpless infants are incapable of it. Probably, the report sprung from their immersing the new-born infants in deep running water by the way of purification.
The Choktah are the craftiest, and most ready-witted, of any of the red nations I am acquainted with. It is surprising to hear the wily turns they use, in persuading a person to grant them the favour they have in view. Other nations generally behave with modesty and civility, without ever lessening themselves by asking any mean favours. But the Choktah, at every season, are on the begging lay. I several times told their leading men, they were greater beggars, and of a much meaner spirit, than the white-haired Chikkasah women, who often were real objects of pity. I was once fully convinced that none was so fit to baffle them in those low attempts without giving offence, as their own country-men. One, in my presence, expatiated on his late disappointment and losses, with the several unexpected causes, and pressingly sollicited his auditor as a benevolent kinsman, to assist him in his distress: but the other kept his ear deaf to his importunity, and entirely evaded the artful aim of the petitioner, by carrying on a discourse he had begun, before his relation accosted him as a suppliant. Each alternately began where they had left off, the one to inforce the compliance of his prayer, and the other, like the deaf adder, to elude the power of its charming him. Nature has in a very surprising manner, endued the Indian Americans, with a strong comprehensive memory, and great flow of language. I listened with close attention to their speeches, for a considerable time; at last the petitioner despairing of impressing the other with sentiments in his favour, was forced to drop his false and tragical tale, and become seemingly, a patient hearer of the conclusion of the other’s long narrative, which was given him with a great deal of outward composure, and cool good-nature.
In the years 1746 and 1747, I was frequently perplexed by the Choktah mendicants; which policy directed me to bear, and conceal as well as I could, because I was then transacting public business with them. In 1747, one of their warriors and a Chokchooma came to me for presents; which according to my usual custom in those times, I gave, though much less than they presumed to expect. The former, strongly declaimed against the penurious spirit of the French, and then highly applauded the open generous tempers of the English traders: for a considerable time, he contrasted them with each other, not forgetting, in every point of comparison, to give us the preference in a high degree. He was endued with so much eloquence and skill as to move the passions, and obtain his point. A considerable number of Chikkasah warriors who were present, told me soon after, that his skilful method of addressing me for a bottle of spirituous liquors, seemed to them astonishing: an old beloved man replied, that the worst sort of snakes were endued with the greatest skill to insnare and suck their prey, whereas, the harmless have no such power.
The Indians in general do not chuse to drink any spirits, unless they can quite intoxicate themselves. When in that helpless and sordid condition, weeping and asking for more ookka hoome, “bitter waters,” I saw one of the drunkard’s relations, who some time before had taken a like dose, hold the rum-bottle to the other’s head, saying, when he had drank deep, “Hah, you were very poor for drinking.” Though I appealed to all the Chikkasah warriors present, that rum never stood on hand with me, when the people were at home, and several time affirmed to the importunate Choktah, that it was entirely expended; yet my denial served only to make him more earnest: upon this, I told him, that though I had no ookka hoome, I had a full bottle of the water of ane hoome, “bitter ears,” meaning long pepper, of which he was ignorant, as he had seen none of that kind. We were of opinion that his eager thirst for liquor, as well as his ignorance of the burning quality of the pepper, and the resemblance of the words, which signify things of a hot, though different nature, would induce the bacchanal to try it. He accordingly applauded my generous disposition, and said, “his heart had all the while told him I would not act beneath the character I bore among his country-people.” The bottle was brought: I laid it on the table, and told him, as he was then spitting very much, (a general custom with the Indians, when they are eager for any thing) “if I drank it all at one sitting, it would cause me to spit in earnest, as I used it, only when I ate, and then very moderately; but though I loved it, if his heart was very poor for it, I should be silent, and not in the least grudge him for pleasing his mouth.” He said, “your heart is honest indeed; I thank you, for it is good to my heart, and makes it greatly to rejoice.” Without any farther ceremony, he seized the bottle, uncorked it, and swallowed a large quantity of the burning liquid, till he was near strangled. He gasped for a considerable time, and as soon as he recovered his breath, he said Hah, and soon after kept stroaking his throat with his right hand. When the violence of this burning draught was pretty well over, he began to flourish away, in praise of the strength of the liquor, and bounty of the giver. He then went to his companion, and held the bottle to his mouth, according to custom, till he took several hearty swallows. This Indian seemed rather more sensible of its fiery quality, than the other, for it suffocated him for a considerable time; but as soon as he recovered his breath, he tumbled about on the floor in various postures like a drunken person, overcome by the force of liquor. In this manner, each of them renewed their draught, till they had finished the whole bottle, into which two others had been decanted. The Chikkasah spectators were surprised at their tasteless and voracious appetite, and laughed heartily at them, mimicking the actions, language, and gesture of drunken savages. The burning liquor so highly inflamed their bodies that one of the Choktah to cool his inward parts, drank water till he almost burst: the other rather than bear the ridicule of the people, and the inward fire that distracted him, drowned himself the second night after in a broad and shallow clay hole, contiguous to the dwelling house of his uncle, who was the Chikkasah Archimagus.
There was an incident, something similar, which happened in the year 1736, in Kanootare, the most northern town of the Cheerake. When all the liquor was expended, the Indians went home, leading with them at my request, those who were drunk. One, however, soon came back, and earnestly importuned me for more Nawohti, which signifies both physic and spirituous liquors. They, as they are now become great liars, suspect all others of being infected with their own disposition and principles. The more I excused myself, the more anxious he grew, so as to become offensive. I then told him, I had only one quarter of a bottle of strong physic, which sick people might drink in small quantities, for the cure of inward pains: and laying it down before him, I declared I did not on any account choose to part with it, but as his speech of few words, had become very long and troublesome, he might do just as his heart directed him concerning it. He took it up, saying his heart was very poor for physic, but that would cure it, and make it quite streight. The bottle contained almost three gills of strong spirits of turpentine, which in a short time, he drank off. Such a quantity of the like physic would have demolished me, or any white person. The Indians in general, are either capable of suffering exquisite pain longer than we are, or of shewing more constancy and composure in their torments. The troublesome visitor soon tumbled down and foamed prodigiously.—I then sent for some of his relations to carry him home. They came—I told them he drank greedily, and too much of the physic. They said, it was his usual custom, when the red people bought the English physic. They gave him a decoction of proper herbs and roots, the next day sweated him, repeated the former draught, and he soon got well. As those turpentine spirits did not inebriate him, but only inflamed his intestines, he well remembered the burning quality of my favourite physic, which he had so indiscreetly drank up, and cautioned the rest from ever teizing me for any physic I had concealed, in any sort of bottles, for my own use; otherwise they might be sure it would spoil them, like the eating of fire.
The Choktah are in general more slender than any other nation of savages I have seen. They are raw-boned, and surprisingly active in ball-playing; which is a very sharp exercise, and requires great strength and exertion. In this manly exercise, no persons are known to be equal to them, or in running on level ground, to which they are chiefly used from their infancy, on account of the situation of their country, which hath plenty of hills, but no mountains; these lie at a considerable distance between them and the Muskohge. On the survey of a prodigious space of fertile land up the Missisippi, and its numberless fine branches, we found the mountains full three hundred miles from that great winding mass of waters.
Though the lands of West-Florida, for a considerable distance from the sea-shore, are very low, sour, wet, and unhealthy, yet it abounds with valuable timber for ship-building, which could not well be expended in the long space of many centuries. This is a very material article to so great a maritime power, as Great Britain, especially as it can be got with little expence and trouble. The French were said to deal pretty much that way; and the Spaniards, it is likely, will now resume it, as the bounty of our late ministry has allowed the French to transfer New-Orleans to them, and by that means they are able to disturb the British colonies at pleasure. It cannot fail of proving a constant bone of contention: a few troops could soon have taken it during the late war, for it was incapable of making any considerable resistance; and even French effrontery could not have presumed to withhold the giving it up, if the makers of our last memorable peace had not been so extremely modest, or liberal to them. If it be allowed that the first discoverers and possessors of a foreign waste country, have a just title to it, the French by giving up New Orleans to Great Britain, would have only ceded to her, possessions, which they had no right to keep; for Col. Wood169 was the first discoverer of the Missisippi, who stands on public record, and the chief part of ten years he employed in searching its course. This spirited attempt he began in the year 1654, and ended 1664. Capt. Bolton made the like attempt, in the year 1670. Doctor Cox170 of New Jersey sent two ships Anno 1698, which discovered the mouth of it; and having failed a hundred miles up, he took possession of the whole country, and called it Carolana: whereas the French did not discover it till the year 1699,171 when they gave it the name of Colbert’s-river, in honour of their favourite minister, and the whole country they called Loisinana, which may soon be exchanged for Philippiana—till the Americans give it another and more desirable name.
The Choktah being employed by the French, together with their other red confederates, against the English Chikkasah, they had no opportunity of inuring themselves to the long-winded chace, among a great chain of steep craggy mountains. They are amazingly artful however in deceiving an enemy; they will fasten the paws and trotters of panthers, bears, and buffalos, to their feet and hands, and wind about like the circlings of such animals, in the lands they usually frequent. They also will mimick the different notes of wild fowl, and thus often outwit the savages they have disputes with. Their enemies say, that when at war, it is impossible to discover their track, unless they should be so lucky as to see their persons. They act very timorously against the enemy abroad, but behave as desperate veterans when attacked in their own country. ’Till they were supplied by the English traders with arms and ammunition, they had very little skill in killing deer; but they improve very fast in that favourite art: no savages are equal to them in killing bears, panthers, wild cats, &c. that resort in thick cane-swamps; which swamps are sometimes two or three miles over, and an hundred in length, without any break either side of the stream.
About Christmas, the he and she bears always separate. The former usually snaps off a great many branches of trees, with which he makes the bottom of his winter’s bed, and carefully raises it to a proper height, with the green tops of large canes; he chooses such solitary thickets as are impenetrable by the sunbeams. The she bear takes an old large hollow tree for her yeaning winter-house, and chuses to have the door above, to enable her to secure her young ones from danger. When any thing disturbs them, they gallop up a tree, champing their teeth, and bristling their hair, in a frightful manner: and when they are wounded, it is surprising from what a height they will pitch on the ground, with their weighty bodies, and how soon they get up, and run off. When they take up their winter-quarters, they continue the greater part of two months, in almost an entire state of inactivity: during that time, their tracks reach no farther than to the next water, of which they seldom drink, as they frequently suck their paws in their lonely recess, and impoverish their bodies, to nourish them. While they are employed in that surprising task of nature, they cannot contain themselves in silence, but are so well pleased with their repast, that they continue singing hum um um: as their pipes are none of the weakest, the Indians by this means often are led to them from a considerable distance, and then shoot them down. But they are forced to cut a hole near the root of the tree, wherein the she bear and her cubs are lodged, and drive them out by the force of fire and suffocating smoke; and as the tree is partly rotten, and the inside dry, it soon takes fire. In this case, they become very fierce, and would fight any kind of enemy; but, commonly, at the first shot, they are either killed or mortally wounded. However, if the hunter chance to miss his aim, he speedily makes off to a sappling, which the bear by over-clasping cannot climb: the crafty hunting dogs then act their part, by biting behind, and gnawing its hams, till it takes up a tree. I have been often assured both by Indians and others, who get their bread by hunting in the woods, that the she-bear always endeavours to keep apart from the male during the helpless state of her young ones; otherwise he would endeavour to kill them; and that they had frequently seen the she bear kill the male on the spot, after a desperate engagement for the defence of her young ones. Of the great numbers I have seen with their young cubs, I never saw a he bear at such times, to associate with them: so that it seems one part of the Roman Satyrist’s fine moral lesson, inculcating peace and friendship, is not just, Scœvis inter se convenit Ursis.
At the time Mobille (that grave-yard for Britons) was ceded to Great-Britain, the lower towns of the Choktah brought down all the Chikkasah scalps they had taken, in their thievish way of warring, and had them new painted, and carried them in procession on green boughs of pine, by way of bravado, to shew their contempt of the English. They would not speak a word to the Chikkasah traders, and they sollicited the French for their consent to re-commence war against us, and establish them again by force of arms, in their western possessions; but they told them, their king had firmly concluded upon the cession, through his own benevolence of heart, to prevent the further effusion of innocent blood.—By this artful address, they supported their credit with the savages, in the very point which ought to have ruined it.
When the Choktah found themselves dipped in war with the Muskohge; they sollicited the English for a supply of ammunition, urging with much truth, that common sense ought to direct us to assist them, and deem the others our enemies as much as theirs. But Tumbikpe-garrison was evacuated through the unmanly fear of giving umbrage to the Muskohge, at the very time it would have been of the utmost service to the general interest of our colonies to have continued it.
The commander concealed his timorous and precipitate retreat,172 even from me and another old trader, till the very night he confusedly set off for Mobille by water, and left to us the trouble of apologizing to the savages for his misconduct. But after he got to a place of safety, he flourished away of his wisdom and prowess. As a just stigma on those who abuse their public trust, I cannot help observing, that in imitation of some other rulers, he persuaded the Indians not to pay us any of our numerous out-standing debts, though contrary to what was specified in our trading licences. They have not courage enough to venture their own valuable lives to those red marts of trade; if they had, they would persuade the Indians rather to pay their debts honestly, year by year, as we trust them in their want, and depend on their promise and fidelity. The gentlemen, who formerly traded with the Muskohge, told me that the Georgia-governor, through a like generous principle, forgave that nation once all the numerous debts they owed the traders. But as soon as the Indians understood they would not be credited again, under any circumstances whatsoever, they consented to pay their debts, and declared the Governor to be a great mad-man, by pretending to forgive debts contracted for valuable goods, which he never purchased, nor intended to pay for.
Though the French Louisianians were few, and far dispersed, as well as surrounded by the savages, yet close application and abilities in their various appointments, sufficiently made up their lack of numbers. When, and where, their security seemed to require it, they with a great deal of art fomented divisions among their turbulent red neighbours, and endeavoured to keep the balance of power pretty even between them. Though they had only one garrison in the country of the Muskohge, and another in that of the Choktah, yet the commanders of those two posts, managed so well, that they intimidated those two potent nations, by raising misunderstandings between them, and threatening (when occasion required) to set the one against the other, with their red legions of the north, unless ample satisfaction was speedily given by the offending party, and solemn promises of a strict observance of true friendship for the time to come. How far our super-intendants, and commissioners of Indian affairs, have imitated that wise copy, our traders can feelingly describe: and it will be a happiness, if our three western colonies have not the like experience, in the space of a few years. We assure them, that either the plan, or the means, for producing such an effect, has been pretty well concerted by the authors of that dangerous and fatal peace between the Muskohge and Choktah. Their own party indeed will greatly applaud it, and so will the much obliged Spaniards, especially if they soon enter into a war with Great Britain. It is to be wished, that those who preach peace and good-will to all the savage murderers of the British Americans, would do the same as to their American fellow-subjects,—and not, as some have lately done, cry peace to the Indians, and seek to plunge the mercenary swords of soldiers into the breasts of those of our loyal colonists, who are the most powerful of us, because they oppose the measures of an arbitrary ministry, and will not be enslaved.
In the year 1766, the Choktah received a considerable blow from the Muskohge. Their old distinguished war-leader, before spoken of, Minggo Humma Echéto, set off against the Muskohge, with an hundred and sixty warriors, to cut off by surprise one of their barrier towns: as the waters were low, a couple of runners brought him a message from the nation, acquainting him there were two white men on their way to the Muskohge, and therefore desired him to send them back, lest they should inform them of the expedition, and by that means, endanger the lives of the whole. But though he treated these traders kindly at his war camp, and did not shew the least diffidence of them respecting their secrecy; and sent this account back by the running messengers to his advisers, that the English were his friends, and could not be reasonably suspected of betraying them, if it were only on the situation of their own trading business, which frequently called them to various places,—yet those base-minded and perfidious men violated the generous faith reposed in them, and betrayed the lives of their credulous friends. They set off with long marches, and as soon as they arrived in the country of the Muskohge, minutely informed them of the Choktah’s hostile intentions, and number, and the probable place of attacking the aforesaid camp, to the best advantage. The news was joyfully received, and, as they had reason to believe they could surprise the enemy, or take them at a disadvantage, in some convenient place near their own barriers, a number of chosen warriors well prepared, set off in order to save their former credit, by revenging the repeated affronts the Choktah leader had given them in every engagement. He, in the most insulting manner, had often challenged their whole nation to meet him and his at any fixt time of a moon, and place, and fight it out, when the conquerors should be masters of the conquered—for the Muskohge used to ridicule the Choktah by saying, they were like wolf-cubs, who would not take the water, but the thick swamp, as their only place of security against the enemy. It must here be remembered, that the Indians in general, are guided by their dreams when they attend their holy ark to war, reckoning them so many oracles, or divine intimations, designed for their good: by virtue of those supposed, sacred dictates, they will sometimes return home, by one, two, or three at a time, without the least censure, and even with applause, for this their religious conduct. Thus, one hundred and twenty of these Choktah, after having intimidated themselves apart from the rest, with visionary notions, left the war-camp and returned home. Our gallant friend, Minggo Humma Echeto, addressed his townsmen on this, and persuaded them to follow him against the enemy, saying, it was the part of brave warriors to keep awake, and not dream like old women. He told them their national credit was at stake for their warlike conduct under him; and that honour prompted him to proceed against the hateful enemy, even by himself, though he was certain his townsmen and warlike relations would not forsake him. Forty of them proceeded, and next day they were surrounded by an hundred and sixty of the Muskohge, several of whom were on horseback to prevent their escape. When the Choktah saw their dangerous situation, and that they had no alternative but a sudden, or lingering death, they fought as became desperate men, deprived of hope. While their arrows and ammunition lasted, they killed and wounded a considerable number of the opposite party: but the enemy observing their distressed situation, drew up into a narrow circle, and rushed upon the remaining and helpless few, with their guns, darts, clubs, and tomohawks, and killed thirty-eight. They were not able to captivate but two, whom they destined for the fiery torture: but at night, when the camp was asleep in too great security, one of them fortunately made his escape out of a pair of wooden stocks. They had flattered him with the hopes of being redeemed; but he told them he was too much of a warrior to confide in their false promises. He got safe home, and related the whole affair.
Formerly, by virtue of the pressing engagement of a prime magistrate of South-Carolina,173 I undertook to open a trade with the Choktah, and reconcile their old-standing enmity with the Chikkasah. I was promised to be indemnified in all necessary charges attending that attempt. As the Choktah, by the persuasions of the French, had killed my partner in the trade, I was desirous of any favourable opportunity of retaliating: especially, as we were exposed to perpetual dangers and losses, by the French rewards offered either for our scalps or horses-tails; and as the French were usually short of goods, while Great Britain was at war with them, we were liable to most damages from them in time of peace. They used to keep an alphabetical list of all the names of leading savages, in the various nations where they ingarrisoned themselves; and they duly paid them, every year, a certain quantity of goods besides, for all the damages they did to the Chikkasah, and our traders; which tempted them constantly to exert their abilities, to the good liking of their political employers. It happened, however, that one of the French of Tumbikpe-fort, being guided by Venus instead of Apollo, was detected in violating the law of marriage with the favourite wife of the warlike chieftain of Quansheto, Shulashummashtabe,174 who by his several transcendant qualities, had arrived to the highest pitch of the red glory. He was well known in Georgia and South-Carolina, by the name of Red Shoes; as formerly noticed. As there lived in his town, a number of the Chokchoomah, the senior tribe of the Chikkasah and Choktah, and who had a free intercourse with each of their countries, we soon had an account of every material thing that passed there. I therefore resolved to improve so favourable an opportunity as seemed to present itself, and accordingly soon privately convened two of the leading men of the Chikkasah nation, to assist me to execute the plan I had in view. One was the Archimagus, Pastabe, known in our colonies, by the name of “the Jockey,”—and the other, by that of Pahemingo-Amalahta, who was the only Indian I ever knew to die of a consumption; which he contracted by various engagements with the enemy when far off at war, contrary to their general rule of martial purification. The violent exercise of running a great distance under the violent rays of the sun, and over sandy, or hilly grounds, would not allow him to inswamp, and he fired his blood to such a degree, that a few years after this, when on a visit to our English settlement, he died at Augusta with this ailment. It is needful to mention those well-known circumstances, as the following relation of facts, depends in a considerable measure on them.
We three agreed to send some presents to Red Shoes, with a formal speech, desiring him to accept them with a kind heart, and shake hands with us as became brothers, according to the old beloved speech. Their own friendly messages, and treaties of peace, are always accompanied with so many sorts of presents, as their chiefs number. We in a few days packed up a sufficient quantity, to bury the tomohawk which the French had thrust into their unwilling hands, and to dry up the tears of the injured, and set their hearts at ease, for the time to come, by joining with the English and their old friendly Chikkasah, Inggona Sekanoopa toochenase, “in the triple knot of friendship,” in order to cut off the dangerous snake’s head, and utterly destroy the power of its forked tongue. As our real grievances were mutually the same, and numerous, we gave liberally. Having every thing as well concerted for the embassy, as such occasions require, my two red friends sent a trusty messenger for a couple of the foresaid neutral Indians, who had been a few days in the Chikkasah country, to accompany him late at night to my trading house. They readily obeyed; and, as the good-natured men and their families, through friendship to us, must infallibly have been sacrificed to French policy, if we failed of success, or they were discovered by captives, or any other means, we used the greatest secresy, and placed a centinel to keep off all other persons during our private congress. After we had conversed with them a considerable time, on the necessity of the proposed attempt, and the certainty of succeeding in it, we opened our two large budgets, and read over the strong emblematical contents, according to their idiom, till we gave them a true impression of the whole. The next day we took care to send them off well pleased: and as several material circumstances conspired to assure us they would faithfully discharge the office of trust, which we reposed in them, we in a short time had the satisfaction to hear by other private runners of their countrymen, from our brave and generous patron, Red Shoes, that they were so far from breaking the public faith, that they read to him every material head of our embassy, and urged it with all their powers.
That red chieftain introduced our friendly embassy, with such secresy and address to all the head-men he could confide in, that he soon persuaded most of them in all the neighbouring towns, to join heartily with him in his laudable plan. The sharpness of his own feelings for the base injury he had received from the French, and the well-adapted presents we sent him and his wife and gallant associates, contributed greatly to give a proper weight to our embassy. Such motives as these are too often the mainsprings that move the various wheels of government, even in the christian world. In about a month from the time we began to treat with Red-Shoes, he sent a considerable body of his warriors, with presents to me, as the representative of the English traders, and to my Chikkasah friends, consisting of swans-wings, white beads, pipes and tobacco; which was a strong confirmation of our treaty of peace,—and he earnestly requested of me to inform them with that candour, which should always be observed by honest friends, whether I could firmly engage that our traders would live, and deal among them, as we did with the Chikkasah; for a disappointment that way, he said, would prove fatal, should we entangle them with the French, in resentment of the many injuries they had long unprovokedly done us. I quieted their apprehensions on that material point of jealousy, to their entire satisfaction, and my two Chikkasah friends soon expatiated upon the subject to him, with a great deal of that life, wit and humour, so peculiar to the red Americans. We explained and confirmed anew, the whole contents of our former talk concerning the dangerous French snake; assuring them, that if they did not soon exert themselves against it, as became brave free-men, they would still continue not only poor, and shamefully naked, below the state of other human beings, but be despised, and abused, in proportion to their mean passive conduct,—their greatest and most favourite war-chieftains not excepted, as they saw verified in their chief leader, Shoolashummashtabe. But if they exerted themselves, they would be as happy as our friendly, brave, and free Chikkasah, whom the French armies, and all their red confederates, could no way damage but as hidden snakes, on account of their own valour, and the steady friendship of the English,175—who were always faithful to their friends even to death, as every river and creek sufficiently testified, all the way from the English settlements to the Chikkasah country. We mentioned how many were killed at several places, as they were going in a warlike manner to supply their beloved friends, without any being ever captivated by the numerous enemy, though often attacked at a disadvantage—which ought to assure them, that whenever the English shaked hands with people, their hearts were always honest. We requested them therefore to think, and act, as our brotherly Chikkasah, who by strongly holding the chain of friendship between them and the English, were able in their open fields, to destroy the French armies, and in the woods bravely to fight, and baffle all the efforts of their despicable mercenary enemies, though their numbers of fighting men consisted of few more than one hundred to what the Choktah contained in old hundreds, or thousands. The French, we added, were liberal indeed; but to whom, or for what? They gave presents to the head-men, and the most eloquent speakers of their country, to inslave the rest, but would not supply them with arms and ammunition, without the price of blood against our traders and the friendly Chikkasah; that they themselves were witnesses, a whole town of sprightly promising young men had not now more than five or six guns; but they would learn to kill as many deer as the distinguished Chikkasah hunters, if they firmly shook hands with the English. We convinced them, that the true emblem of the English was a drest white deer-skin, but that the French dealt with them only in long scalping knives; that we had a tender feeling, when we heard the mourning voice of the tender-hearted widow, and only supplied our friends in their own defence, or in revenge of crying blood; but that the French delighted in blood, and were always plotting how to destroy them, and take away their lands, by setting them at war against those who loved them, and would secure their liberties, without any other view than as became brothers, who fairly exchanged their goods. We desired them to view the Chikkasah striplings, how readily their kindly hearts led them to listen to the friendly speech of their English trading speaker, because they knew we loved them, and enabled them to appear in the genteel dress of red people.
At the whoop, they soon appeared, and cheerfully complied with our various requests, to the great satisfaction of our new Choktah friends. The Chikkasah head-men told them with pleasure, that they were glad their own honest eyes had seen the pure effects of love to their English trader; and that their old people, time out of mind, had taught them so. Then they humourously enlarged on the unfriendly conduct of the French in a comparative manner, and persuaded them to keep their eyes open, and remember well what they had seen and heard, and to tell it to all their head-men.
We adjusted every thing in the most friendly manner, to the intire satisfaction of the Choktah. I supplied each of them with arms, ammunition, and presents in plenty—gave them a French scalping knife which had been used against us, and even vermilion, to be used in the flourishing way, with the dangerous French snakes, when they killed and scalped them. They returned home extremely well pleased, echoed every thing they had seen and heard; and declared that the Chikkasah, in their daily dress, far exceeded the best appearance their country-men could make in the most showy manner, except those whom the French paid to make their lying mouths strong. They soon went to work—they killed the strolling French pedlars,—turned out against the Missisippi Indians and Mobillians, and the flame speedily raged very high. One of the Choktah women, ran privately to inform a French pedlar of the great danger he was in, and urged him immediately to make his escape. He soon saddled a fine strong sprightly horse he chanced to have at hand: just as he mounted, the dreadful death whoo whoop was sounded in pursuit of him, with the swift-footed red Asahel, Shoolashummashtabe, leading the chace. Though, from that place, the land-path was mostly level to Tumpikbe-garrison (about half a day’s march) and though the Chikkasah and Choktah horses are Spanish barbs,176 and long winded, like wolves; yet Red-Shoes, far ahead of the rest, ran him down in about the space of fifteen miles, and had scalped the unfortunate rider some time before the rest appeared.
It is surprising to see the long continued speed of the Indians in general—though some of us have often ran the swiftest of them out of sight, when on the chase in a collective body, for about the distance of twelve miles; yet, afterward, without any seeming toil, they would stretch on, leave us out of sight, and out-wind any horse.177 When this retaliating scheme was planned and executing, I was the only British subject in the Chikkasah country; and as I had many goods on hand, I staid in the nation, while we sent down our horses to the first English settlements,—which was full eight hundred miles distant, before the two Floridas were ceded to us. Seventeen were the broken days, according to the Indian phrase, when the Choktah engaged to return with the French scalps, as a full confirmation of their having declared war against them, and of their ardent desire of always shaking hands with the English. The power of the French red mercenaries was however so very great, that Red Shoes could not with safety comply with his deputy’s promise to me, to send the French snake’s head, in the time appointed by our sticks hieroglyphically painted, and notched in due form. The fall time drawing on, obliged me to set off for the Koosah-town, which is the most western of the Muskohge nation, about three hundred miles distant. I was accompanied by my two cheerful and gallant Chikkasah friends, already mentioned, with forty of their chosen warriors, brave as ever trod the ground, and faithful under the greatest dangers even to the death.178 On our way down, escorting the returning cargo, four Chikkasah, who were passing home through the woods, having discovered us, and observing in the evening a large camp of 80 French Choktah in pursuit of us; they returned on our tracks at full speed, to put us on our guard; but though we were so few, and had many women and children to protect, besides other incumbrances, yet as the enemy knew by our method of camping, and marching, we had discovered them, they durst not attack us.
Another time there was a hunting camp of only seventeen Chikkasah, with their wives and children, who were attacked by above sixty Choktah; but they fought them a long time, and so desperately, that they killed and wounded several, and drove them shamefully off, without any loss. It is usual for the women to sing the enlivening war song in the time of an attack; and it inflames the men’s spirits so highly, that they become as fierce as lions. I never knew an instance of the Indians running off, though from a numerous enemy, and leaving their women and children to their barbarous hands.
Soon after we arrived at the upper western town of the Muskohge, which was called Ooe-Asah, and settled by the Chikkasah and Nahchee,179 a great company of Red Shoes warriors came up with me, with the French scalps, and other trophies of war: but because a body of our Muskohge mercenary traders found their account in dealing with the French at the Alebahma-fort, they to the great risk of their own country’s welfare, lodged so many caveats in my way by the mediation of the Muskohge, that I found it necessary to consent that the scalps should be sent with the other trophies, in a Muskohge white deer-skin, to the French fort at the distance of seventy miles, to be buried deep in the ground, instead of sending them by the Choktah runners, to his excellency the governor of South-Carolina, who had engaged me to strive to open a trade with those Indians. These opulent and mercenary white savages being now dead, I shall not disgrace the page with their worthless names. Soon after we had reached the Chikkasah country, Red Shoes came to pay us a friendly visit, accompanied with a great many head-men and warriors, both to be relieved in their poverty, and to concert the best measures of still annoying the common enemy. We behaved kindly and free to them, to their entire satisfaction, and sent considerable presents to many head-men who staid at home, in confirmation of our strong friendship; acquainting them of our various plans of operation against the enemy, in defence of their lives, freedom, and liberty of trade, in which the English and Chikkasah would faithfully support them. Every thing was delivered to them according to our intention, and as kindly received. And as all the Indians are fond of well-timed novelty, especially when they expect to be gainers by it, the name of the friendly and generous English was now echoed, from town to town, except in those few which had large pensions from the French.
In the beginning of the following spring, which was 1747,180 above fifty warriors from several towns of the Muskohge, came to the Chikkasah country, on their way to war against the Aquahpah Indians,181 on the western side of the Missisippi, one hundred and fifty miles above the Nahchee old fields. By our good treatment of them, and well-timed application, they joined a body of Chikkasah warriors under Payah Matahah, and made a fleet of large cypress-bark-canoes, in which they embarked under the direction of three red admirals, in long pettiaugers that had been taken from the French, as they were passing from New Orleans up to the Illinois. They proceeded down the Missisippi to the French settlements, and attacked and burned a large village at break of day, though under the command of a stockade-fort; from which the Chikkasah leader was wounded with a grapeshot in his side. On this, as they despaired of his life, according to their universal method in such a case, they killed most of their unfortunate captives on the western bank of the Missisippi; and enraged with fury, they overspread the French settlements, to a great distance, like a dreadful whirlwind, destroying every thing before them, to the astonishment and terror even of those who were far remote from the skirts of the direful storm. The French Louisianians were now in a desponding state, as we had beaten them in their own favourite political element, in which they had too often been successful even at the British court, after our troops and navies had scoured them out of the field and the ocean. They had no reason here to expect any favour of us, as we were only retaliating the long train of innocent blood of our fellow-subjects they had wantonly caused to be shed by their red mercenaries, and their fears now became as great as their danger—but they were needless; for though the Alebahma French, and many towns of the Muskohge, were in a violent ferment, when the foresaid warriors returned home, yet by the treacherous mediation of the above-mentioned traders and their base associates, the breach was made up. Had they been blest with the least spark of that love for the good of their country, which the savages and French are, they could have then persuaded the Indians, to have driven the French from the dangerous Alebahma; and an alliance with the Chikkasah and Choktah would have effectually destroyed the dangerous line of circumvallation they afterwards drew around our valuable colonies. And as the Cheerake, by their situation, might easily have been induced to join in the formidable treaty, they with encouragement, would have proved far superior to all the northern red legions the French were connected with.
At that time I sent to the Governor of South Carolina, a large packet, relating the true situation of our Indian affairs, directed on his majesty’s service: but though it contained many things of importance, (which the French, under such circumstances, would have faithfully improved) and required immediate dispatch; our Muskohge traders, to whose care I had sent it by some Chikkasah runners, were so daringly base as to open it, and destroy what their self-interested views seemed to require, and delayed the conveyance of the rest a considerable time, to prevent others from reaping the benefit of the trade before them. When I went down, I complained of their misconduct, and the Governor having promised me a public seal, threatened them loudly; but some after circumstances in trade made him to think it not worth while to put his threats in execution. When the French were destitute of goods at Tumbikpe-garrisons, while they were at war with the English, their policy allowed them to suffer several of our traders to deal with the Choktah, without any interruption, in order to keep them quiet; but as soon as they had a proper supply, they excited their treacherous friends to plunder, and kill our people. They, who had the fortune to get safe away, made great returns; which induced some to entertain too high notions of their profits, and so strangers hazarded too much at once. While the French had possession of Tumbikpe, we, who knew them, used to send there only small cargoes from the Chikkasah country, to avoid tempting them too far: but one of our great men was reported to have persuaded a couple of gentlemen to join in company with his brother (well known by the name of the Sphynx company)182 in the Choktah trade, and to have supplied them very largely. They loaded, and sent off 360 valuable horses, which with all other concomitant charges, in going to such a far-distant country, swelled it to a high amount. The traders,183 who were employed to vend the valuable cargo, gave large presents to six of the Muskohge leaders, known to be most attached to the British interest, to escort them, with a body of the Choktah, into the country. They passed by Alebahma, in the usual parade of the Indian-traders, to the terror of the people in the fort. They proceeded as far as a powerful body of our Choktah friends had appointed to meet them, but considerably overstaid the fixed time there, in want of provisions, as their common safety would not allow them to go a hunting: by the forcible persuasion of the Muskohge head-men, they unluckily returned about one hundred and forty miles back on a north-east-course. But a few days after, a party of Choktah friends came to their late camp, in order to encourage them to come on without the least dread, as a numerous party were watching an opportunity to attack the French, and their own slavish countrymen; and that they would surely engage them very successfully, while the traders were fording Mobille-river, eight miles above Tumbikpe-fort, under a powerful escortment of their faithful friends. So wisely had they laid their plan, though it was disconcerted by the cautious conduct of the Muskohge head-men: for they are all so wary and jealous, that when they send any of their people on a distant errand, they fix the exact time they are to return home; and if they exceed but one day, they on the second send out a party on discovery[LVI].
LVI. I shall here mention an instance of that kind: at this time, a hunting camp of the Chikkasah went out to the extent of their winter-limits between the Choktah and Muskohge countries: but being desirous of enlarging their hunt, they sent off a sprightly young warrior to discover certain lands they were unacquainted with, which they pointed to by the course of the sun, lying at the distance of about thirty miles. Near that place, he came up with a camp of Choktah, who seemed to treat him kindly, giving him venison and parched corn to eat: but while he was eating what some of the women had laid before him, one of the Choktah creeped behind him, and sunk his tomohawk into his head. His associates helped him to carry away the victim, and they hid it in a hollow tree, at a considerable distance from their camp; after which they speedily removed. When the time for his return was elapsed, the Chikkasah, next day, made a place of security for their women and children, under the protection of a few warriors; and the morning following, painted themselves red and black, and went in quest of their kinsman. Though they were strangers to the place, any farther than by their indications to him before he set off, yet so swift and skilful woods-men were they, that at twelve o’clock that day, they came to the Choktah camping place, where, after a narrow search, they discovered the trace of blood on a fallen tree, and a few drops of fresh blood on the leaves of trees, in the course they had dragged the corpse; these directed them to the wooden urn, wherein the remains of their kinsman were inclosed. They said, as they were men and warriors, it belonged to the female relations to weep for the dead, and to them to revenge it. They soon concluded to carry off the corpse, to the opposite side of a neighboring swamp, and then to pursue. Having deposited the body out of the reach of beasts of prey, they set off in pursuit of the Choktah: they came up with them before day-light, surrounded their camp, attacked them, killed one, and wounded several, whooping aloud, “that they were Chikkasah, who never first loosed the friend-knot between them and others, nor failed in revenging blood; but ye are roguish Choktah; you know you are likewise cowards; and that you are worse than wolves, for they kill, only that they may eat, but you give your friends something to eat, that you may kill them with safety.” They told them, as they had left their gallant relation unscalped in a tree, they left their cowardly one in like manner, along-side of another tree. They put up the death whoo whoop, returned, scaffolded their dead kinsman, and joined their own camp without any interruption. The reader will be able to form a proper judgment of the temper and abilities of the Indian savages, from these facts.
Our Choktah traders having been thus induced to return to the Muskohge country, proceeded soon afterwards seventy miles on almost a northern course, and from thence to the Chikkasah about west by north—300 miles of very mountainous land, till within forty miles of that extensive and fertile country—afterward, on a southern direction to the Choktah, 160 miles. This was a very oblique course, somewhat resembling the letter G reverted, its tail from Charles-town, consisting of 720 miles, and the head of 530, in all 1250 miles—a great distance to travel through woods, with loaded horses, where they shifted as they could, when the day’s march was over; and through the varying seasons of the year. These traders were charged with great neglect, in being so long before they reached the Choktah country; this was to invalidate the pretensions of two other gentlemen, towards obtaining bills of exchange on the government, according to the strong promises they had, for any losses they might sustain in their Choktah cargo of goods, &c. Notwithstanding the former were utter strangers to the Chikkasah and Choktah, and in justice could only expect the common privilege of British subjects, yet his Excellency bestowed on them a large piece of written sheep-skin, bearing the impression of the threatening lion and unicorn, to frighten every other trader from dealing with the Choktah, at their peril. The Chikkasah traders were much terrified at the unusual sight of the enlivened pictures of such voracious animals. My situation caused me then to be silent, on that strange point; but when the chief of them, who carried those bees-wax-pictures, came to my trading house, chiefly to inlarge on the dreadful power of those fierce creatures,—I told him, as they answered the design, in making so many trembling believers, among the Indians, I did not imagine him so weak as to attempt to impose his scare-crows upon me; but that, as his Excellency had dipped me too deep in a dangerous and very expensive affair, and had done me the honour to send for me to Charles-town on his majesty’s service, at the very time I could have secured them in the esteem of the fickle Choktah, I should not by any means oppose their aim of grasping the whole Choktah trade, be their plan ever so unwise and unfair. The letter the gentleman delivered to me was dated April 22, Anno 1747, in which his excellency acknowledged, in very obliging terms, that I had been very serviceable to the government, by my management among the Choktah, and might be assured of his countenance and friendship. As the rest of it concerned myself in other matters, and contained some things of the measures of government relating to the point in view, it may be right not to publish it: but it is among the public records in Charles-town, and may be seen in the secretary’s office. The traders, after this interview, set off for the Choktah; and I in a few days to South Carolina.
Soon after I arrived at Charles-town, I could not but highly resent the governor’s ungenerous treatment of, and injustice to me, in sending for me to the neglect of my trade, only to carry on his unparalleled favourite scheme,—and I soon set off for the Chikkasah, without taking the least formal leave of his Excellency. By some means, he soon knew of my departure, and persuaded G. G——n, Esq;184 (one of the two friends in South-Carolina, who only could influence me against my own liking) to follow till he overtook me, and urge me to return, and accompany me to his Excellency’s house. At his earnest sollicitations, the gentleman complied, came up with me, and prevailed on me to go back according to request. I had plenty of courtly excuses for my complaints and grievances, and in the hearing of my friend was earnestly pressed to forget and forgive all that was past; with solemn promises of full redress, according to his former engagement of drawing bills of exchange in my favour, on the government, if South-Carolina had not honour enough to repay me what I had expended in opening a trade with the numerous Choktah—besides gratuities for hardships, hazards, &c.
I wish I could here also celebrate his sincerity and faithfulness on this occasion—As I could not well suspect a breach of public faith, after it had been pledged in so solemn a manner, he had not much difficulty in detaining me on sundry pretexts, till the expected great Choktah crop of deer-skins and beaver must have been gathered, before I could possibly return to the Chikkasah country, and from thence proceed to rival the Sphynx-company. Under those circumstances, I was detained so late in November, that the snow fell upon me at Edisto, the first day, in company with Captain W——d,185 an old trader of the Okwhuske, who was going to Savanah. In the severity of winter, frost, snow, hail, and heavy rains succeed each other, in these climes, so that I partly rode, and partly swam to the Chikkasah country; for not expecting to stay long below, I took no leathern canoe. Many of the broad deep creeks, that were almost dry when I went down, had now far overflowed their banks, ran at a rapid rate, and were unpassable to any but desperate people: when I got within forty miles of the Chikkasah, the rivers and swamps were dreadful, by rafts of timber driving down the former, and the great fallen trees floating in the latter, for near a mile in length. Being forced to wade deep through cane-swamps or woody thickets, it proved very troublesome to keep my fire arms dry, on which, as a second means, my life depended; for, by the high rewards of the French, some enemies were always rambling about in search of us. On the eastern side of one of the rivers, in taking a sweep early in a wet morning, in quest of my horses, I discovered smoke on a small piece of rising ground in a swamp, pretty near the edge; I moved nearer from tree to tree, till I discovered them to be Choktah creeping over the fire. I withdrew without being discovered, or the least apprehension of danger, as at the worst, I could have immediately inswamped, secured a retreat with my trusty fire-arms, and taken through the river and the broad swamp, which then resembled a mixt ocean of wood and water. I soon observed the tracks of my horses, found them, and set off. At the distance of an hundred yards from the river, there was a large and deep lagoon, in the form of a semi-circle. As soon as I swam this, and got on the bank, I drank a good draught of rum:—in the middle of the river, I was forced to throw away one of my belt-pistols, and a long French scalping knife I had found, where the Choktah killed two of our traders. When I got on the opposite shore, I renewed my draught, put my fire-arms in order, and set up the war-whoop. I had often the like scenes, till I got to the Chikkasah country, which was also all afloat. The people had been saying, a little before I got home, that should I chance to be on the path, it would be near fifty days before I could pass the neighbouring deep swamps; for, on account of the levelness of the land, the waters contiguous to the Chikkasah, are usually in winter so long in emptying, before the swamps become passable. As I had the misfortune to lose my tomohawk, and wet all the punk in my shot-pouch by swimming the waters, I could not strike fire for the space of three days, and it rained extremely hard, during that time. By being thoroughly wet so long, in the cold month of December, and nipped with the frost, seven months elapsed before I had the proper use of the fingers of my right-hand. On that long and dangerous war-path, I was exposed to many dangers, and yet so extricated myself, that it would appear like Quixotism to enumerate them.
I often repented of trusting to the governor’s promises, and so have many others. The Cheerake, Attah Kullah Kullah, whose name is the superlative of a skilful cutter of wood, called by us, “The Little Carpenter,” had equal honour with me of receiving from his Excellency a considerable number of letters, which he said were not agreeable to the old beloved speech. He kept them regularly piled in a bundle, according to the time he received them, and often shewed them to the traders, in order to expose their fine promising contents. The first, he used to say, contained a little truth, and he excused the failure of the greater part of it, as he imagined much business might have perplexed him, so as to occasion him to forget complying with his strong promise. “But count, said he, the lying black marks of this one:” and he descanted minutely on every circumstance of it. His patience being exhausted, he added, “they were an heap of black broad papers, and ought to be burnt in the old years fire.”
Near the Muskohge country, on my way to the Chikkasah, I met my old friends, Pa Yah-Matahah, the Chikkasah head war-chieftain, and Minggo Pushkoosh, the great Red-Shoes’ brother, journeying to Charles-town, with one of the beaus of the Sphynx-company, to relate the loss of the most part of that great cargo they so unwisely carried at once, and to solicit for a further supply. Those traders, one excepted, were very indiscreet, proud and stubborn. They strove who could out-dress, or most vilify the other even before the Indians, who were surprised, as they never heard the French to degrade one another. The haughty plan they laid, against the repeated persuasions of the other, was the cause of all their losses—they first lost the affection of the free, and equally proud Choktah; for they fixed as an invariable rule, to keep them at a proper distance, as they termed it; whereas I, according to the frequent, sharp, upbraiding language of the familiar savages to them, sat and smoked with the head-men on bear-skins, set the young people to their various diversions, and then viewed them with pleasure.
Notwithstanding the bad treatment I had received; as I was apprehensive of the difficulties they would necessarily be exposed to, on account of their ignorance and haughtiness, I wrote to them, by a few Chikkasah warriors, truly informing them of the temper of the Indians, and the difficulties they would probably be exposed to, from the policy of the French at Tumbikpe; and that though I had purposed to set off for South-Carolina, I would postpone going so soon, if they were of my opinion, that Mr. J. C——l186 (who joined with me in the letter) and I could be of any service to their mercantile affairs. They received our well-intended epistle, and were so polite as to order their black interpretress to bid our red couriers tell us, they thanked us for our friendly offer, but did not stand in need of our assistance. They walked according to the weak crooked rule they had received below, and fared accordingly: for the dis$2 $1 ged savages took most part of the tempting cargo. At this time, the French had only two towns and a half in their interest, and they were so wavering, that they could not rely on their friendship, much less on their ability of resisting the combined power of the rest of the nation; and they were on the very point of removing that useful and commanding garrison Tumbikpe, and settling one on another eastern-branch of the river, called Potagahatche, in order to decoy many of the Choktah to settle there by degrees, and intercept the English traders, on their way up from our settlements. This was as wise a plan as could possibly have been concerted, under the difficult circumstances they laboured at that time. But the unjust and unwise measures of the governor of South-Carolina, in sending his favourite traders with a scarecrow of bees-wax, to keep off others who were more intelligent, gave the desponding French a favourable opportunity to exert their powers, and regain the lost affections of a considerable number of our red allies; for none of our traders had now any goods in the Choktah country, nor were likely soon to carry any there.
Mr. C——l, the trader I just mentioned, was of a long standing among the Chikkasah, and indefatigable in serving his country, without regarding those dangers that would chill the blood of a great many others; and he was perfect master of the Indian language. About a year after this period, he went to Red Shoes’ town, and in a summer’s night, when he was chatting with our great English friend along-side of his Chikkasah wife, a party of the corrupt savages, that had been sent by the French, shot him through the shoulder, and her dead on the spot. Red Shoes afterwards fared the same fate, by one of his own countrymen, for the sake of a French reward, while he was escorting the foresaid gallant trader, and others, from the Chikkasah to his own country. He had the misfortune to be taken very sick on the path, and to lye apart from the camp, according to their usual custom: a Judas, tempted by the high reward of the French for killing him, officiously pretended to take great care of him. While Red Shoes kept his face toward him, the barbarian had such feelings of awe and pity, that he had not power to perpetrate his wicked design; but when he turned his back, then he gave the fatal shot. In a moment the wretch ran off, and though the whole camp were out in an instant, to a considerable breadth, he evaded their pursuit, by darting himself like a snake, into a deep crevice of the earth. The old trader, who was shot through the shoulder, going two years after the death of this our brave red friend, unfortunately a quarter of a mile into the woods, from the spacious clearing of the Chikkasah country, while all the men were on their winter hunt, and having only a tomohawk in his hand, the cowardly French Indians attacked him by surprise, shot him dead, and carried his scalp to Tumbikpe-fort: another white man unarmed, but out of the circle they had suddenly formed, ran for his fire-arms; but he and the traders came too late to overtake the blood-hounds. In this manner, fell those two valuable brave men, by hands that would have trembled to attack them on an equality.
The French having drawn off some towns from the national confederacy, and corrupted them, they began to shew themselves in their proper colours, and publicly offered rewards for our scalps. Of this I was soon informed by two Choktah runners, and in a few days time, I sent them back well pleased. I desired them to inform their head-men, that about the time those days I had marked down to them, were elapsed, I would be in their towns with a cargo, and dispose of it in the way of the French, as they were so earnest in stealing the English people. I charged them with a long relation of every thing I thought might be conducive to the main point in view; which was, the continuance of a fair open trade with a free people, who by treaty were become allies of Great Britain; not subjects, as our public records often wrongly term them—but people of one fire. As only merit in war-exploits, and flowing language and oratory, gives any of them the least preference above the rest, they can form no other idea of kings and subjects than that of tyrants domineering over base slaves: of course, their various dialects have no names for such.
I left the Chikkasah, and arrived in the Choktah country before the expiration of the broken days, or time we had appointed, with a considerable cargo. By the intended monopoly of our great beloved man, in frightening the Chikkasah traders, there were no English goods in the nation, when I went: and the necessity of the times requiring a liberal distribution, according to my former message, that alone must have fallen heavy upon me under the public faith, without any additional expences. A day before I got there, Minggo Pushkoosh, the half-brother of Red Shoes, was returned home from Charles-town,187 and by him I had the honour of receiving a friendly and polite letter from the governor. His main aim, at this sickened time of Indian trade, was to recover the value of the goods that had been lost in the Choktah country. He recommended one of the traders of the Sphynx-company to my patronage, pressing me to assist him as far as I possibly could, and likewise to endeavour to storm Tumbikpe-fort, promising at the same time, to become answerable to me for all my reasonable charges in that affair. I complied with every tittle of the gentleman’s request, as far as I could, without charging him for it in the least. As I had then, the greatest part of my cargo on hand, I lent the other what he stood in need of, that he might regain what his former pride and folly had occasioned to be lost. At that time, powder and ball were so very scarce, that I could have sold to the Choktah, as much as would have produced fifteen hundred buck-skins, yet the exigency was so pressing, I gave them the chief part of my ammunition, though as sparingly as I could—for the French by our pursuit of wrong measures, (already mentioned) and their own policy, had dipped them into a civil war. As I had then no call to sacrifice my private interest for the emolument of the public, without indemnity, so I was not willing to suspect another breach of public faith. Red Shoes’ brother came up freighted with plenty of courtly promises, and for his own security he was not backward in relating them to his brethren; otherwise, they would have killed both him and me; which would have reconciled them to the French, who a few days before, had proposed our massacre by a long formal message to them, as they afterwards informed me. I plainly saw their minds were unfixed, for their civil war proved very sharp. Minggo Pushkoosh and several head-men conducted me from town to town, to the crowd of the seven lower towns, which lie next to New Orleans: but they took proper care to make our stages short enough, that I might have the honour to converse with all their beloved men and chief warriors, and have the favour to give them plenty of presents, in return for so great an obligation. The Indian headmen deem it a trifle to go hundreds of miles, on such a gladsome errand; and very few of them are slow in honouring the traders with a visit, and a long, rapid, poetic speech. They will come several miles to dispose of a deer-skin.
When I arrived at the thick settlement of these lower towns, I began to imagine they had opened a communication with their subterranean brethren of Nanne Yah;188 I was honoured with the company of a greater number of red chiefs of war, and old beloved men, than probably ever appeared in imperial Rome. They in a very friendly manner, tied plenty of bead-garters round my neck, arms, and legs, and decorated me, a la mode America. I did myself the honour to fit them out with silver arm-plates, gorgets, wrist-plates, ear-bobs, &c. &c. which they kindly received, and protested they would never part with them, for the sake of the giver. However, by all my persuasions, they would not undertake to storm Tumbikpe-fort, though I offered to accompany them, and put them in a sure way of carrying it. They told me I was mad, for the roaring of the cannon was as dreadful as the sharpest thunder, and that the French with one of their great balls would tear me in pieces, as soon as I appeared in view.
While they declined a French war, their own civil war became bitter beyond expression. They frequently engaged, one party against the other, in the open fields: when our friends had fired away all their ammunition, they took to their hiccory-bows and barbed arrows, and rushed on the opposite party, with their bare tomohawks, like the most desperate veterans, regardless of life. They did not seem to regard dying so much, as the genteel appearance they made when they took the open field, on purpose to kill or be killed. They used to tell the English traders they were going on such a day to fight, or die for them, and earnestly importuned them for a Stroud blanket, or white shirt a-piece, that they might make a genteel appearance in English cloth, when they died. It was not safe to refuse them, their minds were so distracted by the desperate situation of their affairs; for as they were very scarce of ammunition, the French wisely headed their friend-party, with small cannon, battered down the others stockaded-forts, and in the end reduced them to the necessity of a coalition. These evils were occasioned merely by the avarice and madness of those I have stiled the Sphynx-Company.189
At this dangerous time, the small-pox also was by some unknown means conveyed into the Choktah country, from below: and it depopulated them as much as the civil war had done. The Choktah who escorted me into the Chikkasah nation, were infected with that malady in the woods, and soon spread it among others; these, a little time after, among the Muskohge, who were in company with me, on our way to Charles-town. I unluckily had the honour to receive from the Governor, another polite letter, dated September 17th, anno 1749, citing me, under the great seal of the province, to come down with a party of Indians, as I had given his excellency notice of their desire of paying a friendly visit to South Carolina. And having purchased and redeemed three French captives which the Chikkasah had taken in war, under their leader Pa-Yah-Matahah, I now bestowed them on him, to enable him to make a flourishing entrance into Charles-town, after the manner of their American triumphs. He was very kind to them, though their manners were as savage as his own: excepting a few beads they used to count, with a small silver cross fastened to the top of them, they had nothing to distinguish them, and were ignorant of every point of Christianity. I set off with above twenty warriors, and a few women, along with the aforesaid war-leader, for Charles-town. As the French kept a watchful eye on my conduct, and the commanding officers of Tumbikpe garrison in the Choktah, and the Alebahma in the Muskohge country kept a continual communication with each other, the former equipped a party of their Choktah to retake the French captives by force, if we did not previously deliver them to a French party of the Muskohge, who were sent by the latter as in the name of the whole nation, though falsely, to terrify us into a compliance. We had to pass through the Muskohge country in our way to the British settlements; and though the French were at a great distance, yet they planned their schemes with consummate wisdom: for the two companies met at the time appointed, from two opposite courses of about a hundred and fifty miles apart, on the most difficult pass from Charles-town to the Missisippi, where the path ran through a swamp of ten miles, between high mountains; which were impassable in any other place for a great distance, on either side. Here, the Muskohge left the Choktah company, and met us within half-a-day’s march of their advantageous camping place. The foremost of our party had almost fired on those Muskohge who were a-head of the rest; but, as soon as they saw their white emblems of peace, they forebore, and we joined company. As soon as I heard them tell their errand, I sent out three warriors to reconnoitre the place, lest we should unawares be surrounded by another party of them; but there was no ambuscade. The Muskohge leader was called by the traders, “the Lieutenant,” and had been a steady friend to their interest, till by our usual mismanagement in Indian affairs, he became entirely devoted to the French; his behaviour was confident, and his address artful.
The red ambassador spoke much of the kindly disposition of the French to such of his countrymen as were poor, and of their generous protection to the whole; contrasted with the ambitious views of the English, who were not content with their deer-skins and beaver, but coveted their lands. He said, “the Muskohge were sorry and surprised that their old friends the Chikkasah, in concert with a mad Englishman, should seduce their warriors to join with them to spill the blood of their French beloved friends, when they were by national consent, only to revenge crying blood against the Aquahpah; and that the former would be ashamed to allow the latter to carry those captives, who were their friends, through their nation to Charles-town. But, said he, as the Muskohge are desirous always to shake hands with the Chikkasah, the head-men have sent me in their name, to request you Pa-Yah-Matahah190 and other beloved warriors, to deliver to me those unfortunate prisoners, as a full proof you are desirous of tying fast the old friend-knot, which you have loosed in some measure.” In this manner, the red ambassador of the dangerous Alebahma French captain flourished away and waited for a favourable answer, according to the confident hopes his employer had taught him to entertain, by the strong motive of self-interest.
But though the daring Chikkasah leader, and each of us, according to custom were silent, during the recital of the disagreeable harangue, only by stern-speaking countenances, Pa-Yah-Matahah replied, “O you Muskohge corrupted chieftain, who are degenerated so low as to become a strong-mouthed friend of the French, whose tongues are known of a long time, to be forked like those of the dangerous snakes; your speech has run through my ears, like the noise of a threatening high wind, which attacks the traveller as soon as he climbs to the top of a rugged steep mountain: though as he came along, the air was scarcely favourable enough for him to breathe in. You speak highly in praise of the French; and so do the baser sort of the Choktah, because every year they receive presents to make their lying mouths strong. That empty sounding kettle, fastened at the top of your bundle along side of you, I know to be French, and a true picture both of their messages, and methods of sending them. The other things it contains, I guess, are of the same forked-tongued family; for if your speech had come from your own heart, it must have been straighter. What can be more crooked than it now is? Though I have no occasion to make any reply to your unjust complaints against the English people, as their chieftain, my friend, has his ears open, and can easily confute all you said against his people and himself; yet to prevent any needless delay on our day’s march, I shall give as full an answer to your speech, as the short time we can stay here will allow. Since the time the English first shaked hands with you, have not they always held you fast by the arm, close to their heart, contrary to the good liking of your favourite French? And had they not helped you with a constant supply of every thing you stood in need of, in what manner could you have lived at home? Besides, how could you have secured your land from being spoiled by the many friendly red people of the French, issuing from the cold north? Only for their brotherly help, the artful and covetous French, by the weight of presents and the skill of their forked tongues, would before now, have set you to war against each other, in the very same manner they have done by the Choktah; and when by long and sharp struggles, you had greatly weakened yourselves, they by the assistance of their northern red friends, would have served you in the very same manner, their lying mouths, from their own guilty hearts, have taught you so unjustly and shamefully to repeat of the English. You have openly acknowledged your base ingratitude to your best and old steady friends, who, I believe, could damage you as much as they have befriended you, if you provoke them to it. Allowing the speech you have uttered with your mouth to be true, that you are sent by all the red chieftains of your Muskohge people, were your hearts so weak as to imagine it could any way frighten the Chikkasah? Ye well know, the ugly yellow French have proved most bitter enemies to us, ever since we disappointed them in their spiteful design of inslaving and murdering our poor, defenceless, and inoffensive red brethren, the Nahchee, on the banks of the Meshesheepe water-path. Ye may love them, if it seems good to your hearts; your example that way shall have no weight with us. We are born and bred in a state of war with them: and though we have lost the greater part of our people, chiefly through the mean spirit of their red hirelings, who were continually stealing our people for the sake of a reward; yet they feelingly know we beat them, and their employers, in every public engagement. We are the same people, and we shall certainly live and die, in such a manner as not to sully the ancient character of our warlike fore-fathers. As the French constantly employed their red people in acts of enmity against our English traders, as well as us,—my beloved friend, standing there before you, complained of it to the Goweno-Minggo in Charles-town, (the Governor of South-Carolina) and he gave him Hoolbo Hooreso Paraska Orehtoopa, (their method of expressing our provincial seal, for hoolbo signifies a picture, hooreso marked, or painted, paraska made bread of, and oretoopa beloved, or of high note or power,) I and my warriors gladly shaked hands with his speech; and so did those of your own country, who assured us, they always scorned to be servants to the crafty lying French. At their own desire, our old beloved men crowned them warriors, in the most public and solemn manner. They were free either to shut or open their ears to the English beloved speech. And why should we not be as free to go to war against our old enemies, as you are against yours? We are your friends by treaty; but we scorn a mean compliance to any demand, that would cast a disgrace on our national character. You have no right to demand of me those ugly French prisoners. We took them in war, at the risque of blood: and at home in our national council, we firmly agreed not to part with any of them, in a tame manner, till we got to Charles-town. If the Muskohge are as desirous as we to continue to hold each other firmly by the hand, we shall never loose the friend-knot: we believe such a tie is equally profitable to each of us, and hope to continue it, to the latest times.”
When the French ambassador found he must fail in his chief aim, he with a very submissive tone, requested the Chikkasah war-leader to give him a token, whereby he might get the other captives who were left at home: but as they usually deny with modesty, he told him, he could not advise him to take the trouble to go there, as he believed the head-men had kept them behind on purpose that they should be burnt at the stake, if any mischance befell him and his warriors, before they returned home, on account of his French prisoners. Finding that his threats and entreaties both proved ineffectual, he was obliged to acquiesce. Soon after, we set off, and he and his chagrined mercenaries quietly took up their travelling bundles, and followed us.
On that day’s march, a little before we entered the long swamp, all our Chikkasah friends staid behind, killing and cutting up buffalo: By this means, I was a considerable way before the pack-horses, when we entered into that winding and difficult pass, which was a continued thicket. After riding about a mile, I discovered the fresh tracks of three Indians. I went back, put the white people on their guard, gave my horse and sword to a corpulent member of the Sphynx-company, and set off a-head, shunning the path in such places where the savages were most likely to post themselves. Now and then I put up the whoop on different sides of the path, both to secure myself and intimidate the opposite scout-party; otherwise, I might have paid dear for it, as I saw from a rising point, the canes where they were passing, to shake. I became more cautious, and they more fearful of being inclosed by our party. They ran off to their camp, and speedily from thence up the craggy rocks, as their tracks testified. Their lurking place was as artfully chosen, as a wolf could have fixed on his den. When our friendly Indians came to our camp, it was too late to give chase: they only viewed their tracks. At night, the Chikkasah war-leader gave out a very enlivening war speech, well adapted to the circumstances of time and place, and each of us lay in the woodland-form of a war-camp. As we were on our guard, the enemy did not think it consistent with their safety to attack us—ambuscading is their favourite plan of operation. The next day by agreement, the Indians led the van, and I brought up the rear with the French prisoners. A short way from our camp, there were steep rocks, very difficult for loaded horses to rear and ascend. Most of them had the good fortune to get safe up, but some which I escorted, tumbled backwards; this detained us so long, that the van gained near three miles upon us. I posted myself on the top of one of the rocks, as a centinel to prevent our being surprised by the Choktah, and discovered them crawling on the ground behind trees, a considerable way off, on the side of a steep mountain, opposite to us. I immediately put up the war whoop, and told a young man with me the occasion of it; but he being fatigued and vexed with his sharp exercise, on account of the horses, only cursed them, and said, we were warriors, and would fight them, if they durst come near enough. As I was cool, I helped and hastened him off: in the mean while, I cautioned the captives against attempting to fly to the enemy in case they attacked us, as their lives should certainly pay for it—and they promised they would not. We at last set off, and met with no interruption: the enemy having a sharp dread of our party ahead, who would have soon ran back to our assistance, had they attacked us—About an hour after our company, we got to camp. The Choktah at night came down from the mountains, and creeped after us. Our camp was pitched on very convenient ground, and as they could not surprise us, they only viewed at a proper distance, and retired. But they used an artful stratagem, to draw some of us into their treacherous snares; for they stole one of the bell horses, and led it away to a place near their den, which was about a mile below us, in a thicket of reeds, where the creek formed a semi-circle. This horse was a favourite with the gallant and active young man I had escorted the day before to camp.
As he was of a chearful and happy temper, the people were much surprised to find him at night peevish and querulous, contrary to every part of his past conduct; and though he delighted in arms, and carried them constantly when he went from camp, yet he went out without any this night, though I pressed him to take them. In less than an hour, he returned safe, but confused and dejected. When he sat down, he drooped his head on his hands, which were placed on his knees, and said, the enemy were lurking, and that we should soon be attacked, and some of us killed. As I pitied the state of his mind, I only told him, that yesterday, he and I knew the French savages were watching to take an advantage of us; but for his satisfaction I would take a sweep, on foot, while the Chikkasah painted themselves, according to their war-custom when they expect to engage an enemy. I went out with my gun, pouch, and belt-pistols, and within two-hundred yards of the camp, discovered the enemies tracks; they had passed over a boggy place of the creek, upon an old hurricane-tree. I proceeded with the utmost caution, posting myself now and then behind large trees, and looking out sharply lest I should fall into an ambuscade, which the Choktah are cunning artists in forming. In this manner I marched for three quarters of an hour, and then took to high ground, a little above the enemies camp, in order to return for help to attack them. But the aforesaid brave youth, led on by his ill genius, at this time mounted a fiery horse, which soon ran into the ambuscade, where they shot him with a bullet in his breast, and another entered a little below the heart. The horse wheeled round in an instant, and sprung off, but in pitching over a large fallen tree, the unfortunate rider, by reason of his mortal wounds, fell off, a victim to the barbarians. One of them soon struck a tomohawk into his head, just between his eyes, and jerked off a piece of scalp about the bigness of a dollar—they took also his Indian breeches, and an handkerchief he had on his head, and immediately flew through a thicket of briars, to secure their retreat. When they fired their two guns, I immediately gave the shrill war-whoop, which was resounded by one of the Chikkasah that had been out a hunting from the camp. They instantly set off full speed, naked, except their Indian breeches and moccasenes. I put myself in the same flying trim, on the enemies firing; we soon came to the tragical spot, but without stopping, we took their tracks, gave chase, and continued it a great way: unluckily, as we were running down a steep hill, they discovered us from the top of another, and soon dispersed themselves; by which means, not being able to discover one track of those foxes on the hard hilly ground, we were obliged to give over the chace, and returned to camp. We buried our friend, by fixing in a regular manner a large pile of great logs for the corpse, with big tough sapplings bent over it, and on each side, thrust deep into the ground, to secure it from the wild beasts. Though the whole camp at first imagined the enemy had killed me and captivated the other, yet the warriors did not shew the least emotion of gladness, nor even my favourite friend, the war-leader, when they first saw me safe: but the women received me with tears of joy. I mention this to shew the force of education and habit—those who are used to scenes of war and blood, become obdurate and are lost to all the tender feelings of nature; while they, whose employment it is to mourn for their dead, are susceptible of the tender impressions they were originally endued with by Deity.
As the French frequently had been great sufferers by the Chikkasah, ever since the year 1730, necessity obliged them to bear their losses with patience, till they could get them revenged by the friendly hands of their red mercenaries. As soon as they had ingratiated themselves into the affections of all those Indians who were incorporated among the Muskohge, and had settled them near the Alebahma-garrison; and other towns, besides headmen, in sundry parts of the nation, being devoted to their service, they imagined they had now interest enough to get several of those warriors killed, who had joined the Chikkasah against their people over the Missisippi. But the old head-men of the Muskohge convened together, and agreed to send a peremptory message to the French, ordering them, forthwith, to desist from their bloody politics, otherwise the river should carry their blood down to Mobille, and tell that garrison, their own treachery was the sole occasion of it, by mischievously endeavouring to foment a civil war between them, as they boasted they had done among the foolish Choktah. With much regret they laid aside their scheme, and were forced openly to wipe away the memory of every thing which had before given them offence; and to include all indiscriminately in the treaty of friendship, as all had only one fire. This proved a mortifying stroke to the French on sundry accounts: and during the continuance of this distracted scene, if any British governor of capacity and public spirit, had properly exerted himself, they must have withdrawn to Mobille, without any possibility of ever returning. For the enmity would soon have advanced to a most implacable hatred, as in the case of the Chikkasah and French: but such a conduct was incompatible with the private views of some among us.
As the small-pox broke out in our camp, when we got nigh to the Muskohge country, and detained the Indians there till they recovered, I set off without them for Charles-town. By the benefit of the air, and their drinking a strong decoction of hot roots, they all recovered. A Choktah warrior of Yahshoo-town, humorously told me afterwards, that ookka hoomeh, “the bitter waters,” meaning spirituous liquors, cured some people, while it killed others. He, by the advice of one of the English traders, administered it in pretty good doses to seven of his children in the small-pox, which kept out the corrupt humour, and in a short time perfectly cured each of them, he said, without the least appearance of any dangerous symptoms; whereas the disorder proved very mortal to the young people in the neighbourhood, who pursued a different course of physic. As most of the Indian traders are devotees of Bacchus, their materia medica consists of spirituous liquors, compounded with strong herbs and roots, of which they commonly have a good knowledge: and I have observed those who have left off the trade, and reside in the British settlements, to give their negroes for an anti-venereal, a large dose of old Jamaica and qualified mercury mixt together,—which, they say, the blacks cheerfully drink, without making a wry face, contrary to their usage with every other kind of physic; and it is affirmed, that by this prescription, they soon get well.
The small pox with which the upper towns of the Muskohge were infected, was of the confluent sort, and it would have greatly depopulated them, if the officious advice of some among us, of all the other towns to cut off every kind of communication with them, on the penalty of death to any delinquent, had not been given and pursued. They accordingly posted centinels at proper places, with strict orders to kill such, as the most dangerous of all enemies: and these cautious measures produced the desired effect. And by the mean mediation of several of our principal traders, joined with the interest of their red friends, the commandant of the Alebahma fort, prevailed at last on the Chikkasah chieftain to take the three French prisoners to him, as he would pay him to his own satisfaction, give him presents, and drink with him as a friend, who had buried the bloody tomohawk deep in the ground. They were delivered up; and by that means the French were enabled to discourage those Muskohge warriors, who had joined the Chikkasah in the aforesaid acts of hostility against the Missisippi inhabitants. In about the space of three months from the time the Chikkasah left their own country with me, they arrived at the late New-Windsor garrison, the western barrier of South-Carolina, and beautifully situated on a high commanding bank of the pleasant meandering Savanah river; so termed on account of the Shawano Indians having formerly lived there, till by our foolish measures, they were forced to withdraw northward in defence of their freedom.
At the request of the governor and council I rode there, to accompany our Chikkasah friends to Charles-town, where, I believe, on my account, they met with a very cold reception: for as something I wrote to the two gentlemen who fitted out, and sustained the loss of the Sphynx-company, had been inserted in the “modest reply to his Excellency the Governor,” formerly mentioned, in order to obtain bills of exchange on Great Britain, I was now become the great object of his displeasure, and of a certain sett, who are known to patronise any persons if they chance to be born in the same corner of the world with themselves. The Chikkasah had a very ungracious audience: On account of the excessive modesty of this warlike people, their chieftain gave out a short oration, without hinting in the most distant manner, at any difficulties they underwent, by reason of their strong attachment to the British Americans,—concluding, that as the English beloved men were endowed with a surprising gift of expressing a great deal in few words, long speeches would be troublesome to them. He intended to have spoken afterwards of the Choktah affairs, and that I was a great sufferer by them, without any just retribution, and accordingly was very desirous of a second public interview; but our cunning beloved man artfully declined it, though they staid as late as the middle of April. It was a custom with the colony of South-Carolina towards those Indians who came on a friendly visit, to allow them now and then a tolerable quantity of spirituous liquors, to cheer their hearts, after their long journey; but, if I am not mistaken, those I accompanied, had not a drop, except at my cost. And when the Governor gave them, at the entrance of the council-chamber, some trifling presents, he hurried them off with such an air as vexed them to the heart; which was aggravated by his earnestly pointing at a noted war-leader, and myself, with an angry countenance, swearing that Indian had been lately down from Savanah, and received presents. They had so much spirit that they would not on any account have accepted his presents, but for my persuasions. As for myself, I could not forbear saying, honour compelled me as solemnly to declare that his assertion was not true, and that I had often given more to the Choktah at one time, than he had ever given to the Chikkasah, in order to rivet their enmity against the French of Louisiana, and thereby open a lasting trade with them, from which I was unfairly excluded, on account of a friendly monopoly, granted by him for a certain end to mere strangers. My words seemed to lie pretty sharp upon him, and I suppose contributed not a little to the uncourtly leave he took of our gallant, and faithful old friends. Soon after, at the request of the Governor and council however, I accompanied them the first day’s march, on their way home from Charles-town: they had no public order of credit for their needful travelling charges, though I sollicited his Excellency and the council to grant them one, according to the ancient, hospitable, and wise custom of South-Carolina, to all Indians who paid them a friendly visit, whose journey was far shorter, were often uninvited, and of much less service, than the Chikkasah to the British interest. As their horses were very poor, I told the Governor they could travel only at a slow pace, and as the wild game was scarce in our settlements, hunger, and resentment for their unkind usage, would probably tempt them to kill the planters stock, which might produce bad consequences, and ought to be cautiously guarded against; but I was an unfortunate solicitor.
With a flow of contrary passions I took my leave of our gallant Chikkasah friends. I viewed them with a tender eye, and revolved in my mind the fatigues, difficulties, and dangers, they had cheerfully undergone, to testify the intense affection they bore to the British Americans,—with the ill treatment they had received from our chief magistrate, on account of his own disappointments, and sharp-felt censures, for some supposed mismanagement, or illicit measures in trade. He is reported to have been no way churlish to several of the dastardly Choktah, notwithstanding his unprecedented and unkind treatment of our warlike Chikkasah—two hundred of which would attack five hundred of the others, and defeat them with little loss. Their martial bravery has often testified this against enemies even of a greater spirit.
Not long after the Chikkasah returned homeward, I advertised in the weekly paper, that as I intended to leave Charles-town in a short time, I was ready and willing to answer any of the legislative body such questions as they might be pleased to propose to me concerning our Indian affairs, before the expiration of such a time; and that if his Excellency desired my attendance, and either notified it in writing, or by a proper officer, I might be found at my old lodgings. On the evening of the very last day I had proposed to stay, he sent me a peremptory written order to attend that night, on public business, concerning Indian affairs; I punctually obeyed, with respect to both time and place. He was now in a dilemma, by reason of his (supposed) self-interested conduct concerning the Choktah trade, which occasioned the aforesaid modest reply, that arraigned his proceedings with severity and plainness. As I came down with the Indians, and was detained by his Excellency, under the great seal of the province, till this period, April 1750, I had just reason to expect that good faith would have been kept with me—that I should have been paid according to promise, at least for all the goods I gave the Indians, by virtue thereof; and have had a just compensation for the great expenses I was at in serving the government;—but except the trifling sum of four pounds sterling, when I was setting off for the Indian country, I never received one farthing of the public money, for my very expensive, faithful, and difficult services.191
In most of our American colonies, there yet remain a few of the natives, who formerly inhabited those extensive countries: and as they were friendly to us, and serviceable to our interests, the wisdom and virtue of our legislature secured them from being injured by the neighbouring nations. The French strictly pursued the same method, deeming such to be more useful than any others on alarming occasions. We called them “Parched-corn-Indians,”192 because they chiefly use it for bread, are civilized, and live mostly by planting. As they had no connection with the Indian nations, and were desirous of living peaceable under the British protection, none could have any just plea to kill or inslave them. But the grasping plan of the French required those dangerous scout-parties, as they termed them, to be removed out of the way; and the dormant conduct of the South-Carolina chief, gave them an opportunity to effect that part of their design; though timely notice, even years before, had been given by the Cheerake traders, that the French priests were poisoning the minds of those Indians against us, who live among the Apalahche mountains, and were endeavouring to reconcile them to all the various nations of the Missisippi and Canada savages; and that there was the greatest probability they would accomplish their dangerous plan, unless we soon took proper measures to prevent it. The informers had ill names and resentment for their news, and the assembly was charged with mispending their time, in taking notice of the wild incoherent reports of illiterate obscure persons. But it afterwards appeared, that according to their testimony, the interest and security of South-Carolina were in great danger. By the diligence of the French, their Indians entered into a treaty of friendship with the Cheerake: and their country became the rendezvous of the red pupils of the black Jesuits. Hence they ravaged South-Carolina, beginning at the frontier weak settlements, and gradually advanced through the country, for the space of eight years, destroying the live stock, insulting, frightening, wounding, and sometimes killing the inhabitants, burning their houses, carrying away their slaves, and committing every kind of devastation, till they proceeded so low as within thirty miles of Charles-town.193 The sufferers often exhibited their complaints, in the most pathetic and public manner; and the whole country felt the ill effects of the late over-bearing and negligent conduct. False colouring could serve no longer, and a few inconsiderable parties were sent out—but not finding any enemy, they were in a few months disbanded, and peaceable accounts were again sent home.
Our Settlement-Indians were at this time closely hunted, many were killed, and others carried off. A worthy gentleman, G. H. Esq;194 who lived at the Conggarees, suffered much on the occasion—he was employed to go to the Cheerake country, in quest of valuable minerals, in company with an Indian commissioner:195—in one of their middle towns, he retook some of our Settlement-Indians from the Canada-savages, whom a little before they had captivated and carried off from South-Carolina in triumph. While they were beating the drum, singing, dancing, and pouring the utmost contempt on the English name, honour prompted him to prefer the public credit to his own safety. By the earnest mediation of one of the traders, the head-men of the town consented to be neutral in the affair, and act as impartial friends to both parties. He then, with Col. F—x,196 and some of the traders, went in a warlike gallant manner, and regardless of the savages threats, took and brought to a trader’s house, our captivated friends:—they stood all night on their arms, and at a convenient interval, supplied those whom they had liberated, with necessaries to carry them to our settlements, where their trusty heels soon carried them safe. The gallant behaviour of those gentlemen gained the applause of the Cheerake—and each soon returned in safety, without any interruption, to their respective homes, where I wish they had ever after continued. But Mr. G. H. having considerably engaged himself in trade with the Katahba Indians, set off afterwards in company with an half-bred Indian of that nation, the favourite son of Mr. T. B. a famous old trader: in their way to the Katahba, they were intercepted, and taken by some of the very savages who had threatened him among the Cheerake, when he released our domestic Indians. The government of South-Carolina was soon informed of the unhappy affair: and they dispatched a friendly embassy to the lower towns of the Cheerake, requesting them to intercept and retake the prisoners, if they passed near their country, and offered a considerable reward. Our friends were carried a little to the northward of the Cheerake nation, where their captors camped several days, and the Cheerake held with them an open friendly intercourse, as in despite to the English. The head men of the lower towns, not only stopped the traders and their red friends from going to rescue them, but likewise threatened them for their generous intention. The savages, instead of keeping a due northern course homeward, took a large compass north-west, by the side of the Cheerake mountains, being afraid of a pursuit from the Katahba Indians. They marched fast with their two captives, to secure their retreat till they got within the bounds of the French treaty of peace, and then steered a due northern course, continuing it till they got nigh to their respective countries, where they parted in two bodies, and each took one of the prisoners with them. But as travelling so great a way in the heat of summer, was what Mr. G. H. was unaccustomed to, he was so much overcome by fatigue and sickness, that for several days before, he could not possibly walk. He then requested them to put him out of his misery, but they would not; for they reckoned his civil language to them proceeded from bodily pains, and from a martial spirit, which they regarded. They consented to carry him on a bier, which they did both with care and tenderness. But on parting with his companion, he refused absolutely to proceed any farther with them, when they tomohawked him, just as his parted friend was out of the hearing of it. The last afterwards got home, and told us this melancholy exit of our worthy and much-lamented friend—who died as he lived, always despising life, when it was to be preserved only in a state of slavery. Though he was thus lost to his family and the community, by a manly performance of the duties of his office, in which he engaged by the pressing entreaties of the Governor, yet his widow was treated ungenerously and basely, as was Capt. J. P. at the Conggarees.—But there would be no end, if we were to enter into particulars of court policy, and government honor and gratitude.
If our watch-men had not been quite remiss, they would have at least opposed the French emissaries on their first approach to our colonies, and have protected our valuable civilized Indians; for our negroes were afraid to run away, lest they should fall into their hands. The scheming French knew of what importance they were to us, and therefore they employed their red friends to extirpate them. And while those remote savages of Missisippi and Canada were pretending to seek the revenge of some old grievance, they wounded us at the same time in two very material points,—in getting a thorough knowledge of the situation of our most valuable, but weak southern colonies, and thus could strike us the deeper,—and in destroying such of our inhabitants, as were likely to prove the greatest check to their intended future depredations. By our own misconduct, we twice lost the Shawano Indians; who have since proved very hurtful to our colonies in general. When the French employed them to weaken South-Carolina, a small company of them were surrounded and taken in a remote house of the lower settlements: and though they ought to have been instantly put to death, in return for their frequent barbarities to our people, yet they were conveyed to prison, confined a considerable time, and then discharged, to the great loss of many innocent lives. For as the Indians reckon imprisonment to be inslaving them, they never forgive such treatment; and as soon as these got clear, they left bloody traces of their vindictive tempers, as they passed along. About this time, a large company of French savages came from the head-streams of Monongahela-river to the Cheerake, and from thence were guided by one of them to where our settlement-Indians resided. They went to a small town of the Euhchee, about twelve miles below Savanah-town, and two below Silver-bluff, where G. G. Esq; lives, and there watched like wolves, till by the mens making a day’s hunt, they found an opportunity to kill the women and children. Immediately after which, they scouted off different ways, some through Savanah-river, which is about 200 yards broad; and others to the hunting place, both for their own security, and to give the alarm: We had on this occasion, a striking instance of the tender affection of the Indian women to their children, for all those who escaped, carried off their little ones. The men, by the alarming signal of the shrill-sounding war-cry, soon joined, ran home, and without staying to view the bloody tragedy, instantly took the enemies tracks, and eagerly gave chase. To avoid the dreaded pursuit, the Cheerake guide led the French mercenaries a northern course, as far as the thick woods extended, which was about fifteen miles from the place of their murders. From thence they shifted toward the north-west, and were stretching away about 10 miles to the north of Augusta, for Ninety-Six, which lay in a direct line to the lower towns of the Cheerake; when unluckily for them, just as they were entering into the open, and long-continued pine-barren, they were discovered by one of our hunting white men, who was mounted on an excellent white horse, and therefore a fine mark to be shot, which they would have done for their own security, only he outstripped them, and kept in their back-tracks, to trace them to their theatre of blood—their posture and countenances plainly told him what they had done, on some of our barriers. He had not proceeded far, when he met the enraged Euhchee, on the hot pursuit. He told them their course, and that their number was twenty-six. In running about twelve miles farther, they came in sight of the objects of their hatred and rage: presently, they ran on each side of them, engaged them closely, and killed several. Those who escaped, were forced to throw away nine guns, (they had taken from some of our people) and almost every thing, even their light breeches, to save their lives. They were so exceedingly terrified, lest the enraged pursuers should continue the chase, that they passed wide of our then weak settlement of Ninety-Six, and kept on day and night, till they got near to their conductor’s mountainous country. This was in the beginning of May 1750: and in our Indian-trading way, we say that, when the heat of the new year enables the snakes to crawl out of their lurking holes, the savages are equally moved to turn out to do mischief. Many have experimentally felt the truth of this remark.
I had at this time occasion to go to the Cheerake country; and happened to have a brave chearful companion, Mr. H. F.197 of Ninety-Six settlement. We had taken a hearty draught of punch, about ten miles from Keeohwhee-town, opposite to which the late Fort-Prince-George stood, and were proceeding along, when we discovered the fresh tracks of Indians in the path, who were gone a-head. As we could not reasonably have the least suspicion of their being enemies, we rode quite carelessly: but they proved to be the above-mentioned Monongahela-Indians. Their watchfulness, and our singing, with the noise of our horses feet, made them hear us before they could possibly see us,—when they suddenly posted themselves off the path, behind some trees, just in the valley of Six-mile-creek, in order to revenge their loss by the Euhchee, which they ascribed to the information of the white man. But their Cheerake guide prevented them from attempting it, by telling them, that as his country was not at war with us, his life must pay for it, if they chanced to kill either of us; and as we were fresh and well-armed, they might be sure we would fight them so successfully, as at least one of us should escape and alarm the towns: with this caution they forbore the hazardous attempt. They squatted, and kept close therefore, so as we did not see one of them; and we suspected no danger. By the discontinuance of their tracks, we soon knew we had passed them: but, just when we had hidden two cags of rum, about two miles from the town, four of them appeared, unarmed, stark naked, and torn by the thickets. When we discovered them, we concluded they had been below on mischief. If we had not been so nigh the town, my companion would have fired at them. We went into the town, and the traders there soon informed us of their cowardly design.
We went as far as the mid-settlements, and found most of the towns much disaffected to us, and in a fluctuating situation, through the artifice of the French. In a few days we returned, but found they had blocked up all the trading paths, to prevent our traders from making their escape. Just as we descended a small mountain, and were about to ascend a very steep one, a hundred yards before us, which was the first of the Apalahche, or blue ridge of mountains, a large company of the lower town Indians started out from the sloping rocks, on the north side of the path, a little behind us. As they were naked except their breech-cloth, were painted red and black, and accoutered every way like enemies, I bid my companion leave the luggage-horses and follow me: but as he left his arms at the lower town, and was not accustomed to such surprises, it shocked him, till they ran down upon him. On this I turned back, and stood on my arms, expecting they would have fired upon us. However, they proposed some questions, which I answered, as to where we had been, and were going, and that we were not any of their traders. Had it been otherwise, the dispute would have been dangerous. We got over the mountain, and safe to Tymahse; here we rested two nights, and found the people distracted for mischief, to which the many causes before mentioned prompted them. The governor, in less than a month after this period, had the strongest confirmation of the ill intention of these savages and their allies. Many expresses with intelligence I sent, but the news was pocketed, and my services traduced—because I would not assist the prime magistrate in a bad cause, he and his humble servants depreciated the long series of public services I had faithfully performed, and called them mere accidental trifles; contrary to his former acknowledgments, both verbal and in writing. The French, however, had a different opinion of my services; they were so well acquainted with the great damages I had done to them, and feared others I might occasion, as to confine me a close prisoner for a fortnight when I went to the Alebahma-garrison, in the Muskohge country. They were fully resolved to have sent me down to Mobille or New Orleans, as a capital criminal, to be hanged for having abetted the Muskohge, Chikkasah, and Choktah, to shed a torrent of their christian blood; though I had only retaliated upon them, the long train of blood they had years before wantonly spilled. They wanted to have confronted me with the French prisoners I formerly mentioned, and with the Long Lieutenant, whom we met two days before the Choktah killed one of our people below Book’pharaah, or the long swamp. I was well assured, he was to have gone down to be baptized, and so become a good West-Florida-French christian, in order to condemn me, the poor bloody heretic. I saw him, and they had by this time taught him to count beads; but I doubted not of being able to extricate myself some way or other. They appointed double centries over me, for some days before I was to be sent down in the French king’s large boat. They were strictly charged against laying down their weapons, or suffering any hostile thing to be in the place where I was kept, as they deemed me capable of any mischief. I was not indeed locked up, only at night, lest it should give umbrage to our friendly Indians, but I was to have been put in irons, as soon as the boat passed the Indian towns, that lay two miles below the fort, in the forks of the Koosah and Okwhuske rivers. About an hour before we were to set off by water, I escaped from them by land: and though they had horses near at hand, and a corrupt town of savages settled within 150 yards of the garrison, yet under those disadvantages, besides heavy rains that loosened the ground the very night before, I took through the middle of the low land covered with briers, at full speed. I heard the French clattering on horse-back along the path, a great way to my left hand, and the howling savages pursuing my tracks with careful steps, but my usual good fortune enabled me to leave them far enough behind, on a needless pursuit. As they had made my arms prisoners, I allowed them without the least regret to carry down my horses, clothes, &c. and punish them by proxy, in the manner they intended to have served the owner, for his faithful services to his country.
While Governor G— presided in South-Carolina, it was needless to apply for a payment of the large debt the government owed me: but on his being succeeded by his Excellency W. H. L. Esq; I imagined this a favourable time to make my address. This worthy patriot had been well informed, by several Indian trading merchants of eminent character, of the expensive, difficult, and faithful services I had cheerfully done my country, to the amount of above one thousand pounds sterling on the public faith, and of the ungenerous returns I had received: he according to his natural kindness and humanity, promised to assist me. I then laid my case, with the well-known and important facts, before the members of the house of assembly in Charles town; and when they convened, presented a memorial to the legislative body. But several of the country representatives happened to be absent; and as the governor could not be reasonably expected in a short time, to purify the infected air which had prevailed in that house for fourteen years, a majority of the members had evidently determined not to alleviate my long complaint of grievances. To invalidate its force, they objected, that my claim was old; but did not attempt to prove the least tittle of what I exhibited to them to be false; they knew they could not. After a long and warm debate, when my secret enemies observed the clerk of the house was drawing near to the conclusion of my memorial, they seized on a couple of unfortunate monosyllables. I had said, that “the Indian Choktah had a great many fine promises;” the word fine was put to the torture, as reflecting on the very fine-promising gentleman. And in another sentence, I mentioned the time his excellency the late Governor of South-Carolina did me the honour to write me a very smooth artful letter, by virtue of which I went all the way to Charles-town, &c. The words smooth, so highly ruffled the smooth tempers of those gentlemen, that they carried a vote by a majority, and had it registered, importing, that they objected against the indelicacy, or impropriety, of the language in my memorial,198 but not against the merit of its contents. The minute, I here in a more public manner record anew, to the lasting honour of the persons who promoted it. The voice of oppressed truth, and injured innocence, can never be wholly stifled. Lest my memorial should again appear at the public bar of justice, in a less infected time, it was not sent to the office; which indicates that the former art of pocketing was not yet entirely forgotten. Indeed every state suffers more or less, from some malign influence, one time or other; but I have the happiness to say that the infection was not universal. South-Carolina has always been blessed with steady patriots, even in the most corrupt times: and may she abound with firm pillars of the constitution, according to our Magna Charta Americana, as in the present trying æra of blessed memory, so long as the heavenly rays shall beam upon us!
As the power and happiness of Great Britain greatly depends on the prosperity of her American colonies, and the heart-soundness of her civil and ecclesiastical rulers—and as the welfare of America hangs on the balance of a proper intercourse with their Indian neighbours, and can never be continued but by observing and inforcing on both sides, a strict adherence to treaties, supporting public faith, and allowing only a sufficient number of such faithful and capable subjects to deal with them, as may gain their affections, and prove centinels for the public security—I presume that the above relations, and observations, instead of being thought to be foreign, will be deemed essential to an history of the Indians. The remarks may be conducive also to the public welfare. Ignorance, or self-interest, has hitherto wrongly informed the community of the true situation of our Indian affairs westward.
ACCOUNT
OF THE
CHIKKASAH NATION.
The Chikkasah country lies in about 35 Deg. N. L. at the distance of 160 miles from the eastern side of the Missisippi; 160 miles to the N. of the Choktah, according to the course of the trading path; about half way from Mobille, to the Illinois, from S. to N; to the W. N. W. of the Muskohge (Creeks) about 300 computed miles, and a very mountainous winding path; from the Cheerake nearly W. about 540 miles; the late Fort-Loudon is by water 500 miles to the Chikkasah landing place, but only 95 computed miles by land.199
The Chikkasah200 are now settled between the heads of two of the most western branches of Mobille-river; and within twelve miles of the eastern main source of Tahre Hache, which lower down is called Chokchooma-river, as that nation made their first settlements there, after they came on the other side of the Missisippi. Where it empties into this, they call it Yahshoo-river. Their tradition says they had ten thousand men fit for war, when they first came from the west, and this account seems very probable; as they, and the Choktah, and also the Chokchooma, who in process of time were forced by war to settle between the two former nations, came together from the west as one family.201 The Chikkasah in the year 1720, had four large contiguous settlements, which lay nearly in the form of three parts of a square, only that the eastern side was five miles shorter than the western, with the open part toward the Choktah. One was called Yaneka, about a mile wide, and six miles long, at the distance of twelve miles from their present towns. Another was ten computed miles long, at the like distance from their present settlements, and from one to two miles broad. The towns were called Shatara, Chookheereso, Hykehah, Tuskawillao, and Phalacheho. The other square was single, began three miles from their present place of residence, and ran four miles in length, and one mile in breadth. This was called Chookka Pharáah, or “the long house.” It was more populous than their whole nation contains at present. The remains of this once formidable people make up the northern angle of that broken square. They now scarcely consist of four hundred and fifty warriors, and are settled three miles westward from the deep creek, in a clear tract of rich land, about three miles square running afterward about five miles toward the N. W. where the old fields are usually a mile broad. The superior number of their enemies forced them to take into this narrow circle, for social defence; and to build their towns, on commanding ground, at such a convenient distance from one another, as to have their enemies, when attacked, between two fires.202
Some of the old Nahchee Indians203 who formerly lived on the Missisippi, two hundred miles west of the Choktah, told me the French demanded from every one of their warriors a drest buck-skin, without any value for it, i. e. they taxed them; but that the warriors hearts grew very cross, and loved the deer-skins. According to the French accounts of the Missisippi-Indians, this seems to have been in the year 1729. As those Indians were of a peaceable and kindly disposition, numerous and warlike, and always kept a friendly intercourse with the Chikkasah, who never had any good-will to the French; these soon understood their heart-burnings, and by the advice of the old English traders, carried them white pipes and tobacco in their own name and that of South-Carolina,—persuading them with earnestness and policy to cut off the French, as they were resolved to inslave them in their own beloved land. The Chikkasah succeeded in their embassy. But as the Indians are slow in their councils on things of great importance, though equally close and intent, it was the following year before they could put their grand scheme in execution. Some of their head-men indeed opposed the plan, yet they never discovered it. But when these went a hunting in the woods, the embers burst into a raging flame. They attacked the French, who were flourishing away in the greatest security; and, as was affirmed, they entirely cut off the garrison, and neighbouring settlements, consisting of fifteen hundred men, women, and children—the misconduct of a few indiscreet persons, occasioned so great a number of innocent lives to be thus cut off.
The Nahchee afterwards built and settled a strong stockade fort, westward of their old fields, near a lake that communicates with Bayouk Dargent; but the ensuing summer, near 2000 French regulars and provincials, besides a great body of the Choktah and other savages invested it. The besieged sallied on them, with the utmost fury, killed a considerable number, and in all probability, would have totally destroyed the white soldiery, but for the sharp opposition of the Choktah in their own method of fighting. The Nahchee were at length repulsed, and bombarded with three mortars, which forced them to fly off different ways. The soldiers were too slow footed to pursue; but the Choktah, and other red allies, captivated a great number of them, and carried them to New Orleans, where several were burned, and the rest sent as slaves to the West India Islands: the greater part however went to the Chikkasah, where they were secured from the power of their French enemies. The French demanded them, but being absolutely refused, unluckily for many thousands of them, they formally declared war against the Chikkasah. In the open fields the Chikkasah bravely withstood, and repelled the greatest combined armies they were able to bring against them, north and south, and gave them and their swarms of red allies several notable defeats.204
A body of the lower French, and about fourteen hundred Choktah, attacked the Long House Town, when only sixty warriors were at home; yet they fought so desperately, as to secure themselves, their women and children, till some of the hunters, who had been immediately sent for, came home to their assistance; when, though exceedingly inferior in number, they drove them off with great loss. Another time, the lower and upper Louisiana-French, and a great body of red auxiliaries, surprised late at night all their present towns, except Amalahta, that had about forty warriors, and which stood at some distance from the others. A considerable number of the enemy were posted at every door, to prevent their escape; and what few ran out were killed on the spot. The French seemed quite sure of their prey, having so well inclosed it. But, at the dawn of day, when they were capering and using those flourishes, that are peculiar to that volatile nation, the other town drew round them stark naked, and painted all over red and black; thus they attacked them, killed numbers on the spot, released their brethren, who joined them like enraged lions, increasing as they swept along, and in their turn incircled their enemies. Their release increased they joy and fury, and they rent the sky with their sounds. Their flashy enemies, now changed their boasting tune, into “Oh morblieu!” and gave up all for lost. Their red allies out-heel’d them, and left them to receive their just fate. They were all cut off but two, an officer, and a negroe who faithfully held his horse till he mounted, and then ran along side of him. A couple of swift runners were sent after them, who soon came up with them, and told them to live and go home and inform their people, that as the Chikkasah hogs had now a plenty of ugly French carcases to feed on till next year, they hoped then to have another visit from them and their red friends; and that, as messengers, they wished them safe home. They accordingly returned with heavy hearts to the Chikkasah landing place, N. W. on the Missisippi, at the distance of 170 miles, where they took boat, and delivered their unexpected message:—grief and trembling spread through the country,—and the inhabitants could not secure themselves from the fury of these war-like, and enraged Chikkasah. Every one of their prisoners was put to the fiery torture, without any possibility of redemption, their hearts were so exceedingly imbittered against them.
Flushed with this success, many parties turned out against the French, and from time to time hunted them far and near:—some went to the Missisippi, made a fleet of cypress-bark canoes, watched their trading boats, and cut off many of them without saving any of the people.205 The French finding it impracticable for a few boats to pass those red men of war, were obliged to go in a fleet, carry swivel-guns in their long pettiaugres, with plenty of men; but always shunning the Chikkasah side of the river, and observing the strictest order in their movements by day, and in their stations at night. The walking of a wild beast, I have been assured, has frequently called them to their arms, and kept them awake for the whole night, they were in so great a dread of this warlike nation. The name of a Chikkasah became as dreadful, as it was hateful to their ears.206 And had it not been more owing to French policy than bravery, in uniting all the Missisippi and Canada-Indians in a confederacy and enmity against them, Louisiana-settlements would have been long since, either entirely destroyed, or confined to garrisons.
When any of the French armies made a tolerable retreat, they thought themselves very happy. Once, when the impression was pretty much worn out of their minds, and wine inspired them with new stratagems, and hopes of better success, a great body of them, mixed with a multitude of savages, came to renew their attack. But as their hostile intentions were early discovered, the Chikkasah had built a range of strong stockade forts on ground which could not safely be approached, as the contiguous land was low, and chanced then to be wet. A number of the French and their allies drew near the western fort, but in the manner of hornets, flying about to prevent their enemies from taking a true aim, while several ranks followed each other in a slow and solemn procession, like white-robed, tall, midnight-ghosts, and as if fearless, and impenetrable. The Indians did not at first know what sort of animals they were, for several shots had been fired among them, without incommoding them, or retarding their direct course to the fort:—as they advanced nearer, the Chikkasah kept a continual fire at them, with a sure aim, according to their custom; this was with as little success as before, contrary to every attempt they had ever made before against their enemies. The warriors concluded them to be wizards, or old French-men carrying the ark of war against them. In their council, they were exceedingly perplexed: but just as they had concluded to oppose some of their own reputed prophets to destroy the power of those cunning men, or powerful spirits of the French, lo! those uncommon appearances spread themselves in battle-array, along the south-side of the fort, and threw hand-granadoes into the fort. Hoop Hoop Ha was now joyfully sounded every where by the Chikkasah, being convinced they had skin and bone to fight with, instead of spirits. The matches of the few shells the French had time to throw, were too long; and as our traders had joined their friends by this time, they pulled out some, and threw out other shells, as near to the enemy as they possibly could. They soon found those dreadful phantoms were only common French-men, covered with wool-packs, which made their breasts invulnerable to all their well-aimed bullets. They now turned out of the fort, fell on, fired at their legs, brought down many of them and scalped them, and drove the others with considerable loss quite away to the southern hills, where the trembling army had posted themselves out of danger. In the midst of the night they decamped, and saved themselves by a well-timed retreat, left the Chikkasah triumphant, and inspired them with the fierceness of so many tygers; which the French often fatally experienced, far and near, till the late cession of West-Florida to Great Britain. I have two of these shells, which I keep with veneration, as speaking trophies over the boasting Monsieurs, and their bloody schemes.
In the year 1748, the French sent a party of their Indians to storm some of the Chikkasah traders’ houses. They accordingly came to my trading house first, as I lived in the frontier: finding it too dangerous to attempt to force it, they patted with their hands a considerable time on one of the doors, as a decoy, imitating the earnest rap of the young women who go a visiting that time of night. Finding their labour in vain, one of them lifted a billet of wood, and struck the side of the house, where the women and children lay; so as to frighten them and awake me—my mastiffs had been silenced with their venison. At last, the leader went a-head with the beloved ark, and pretending to be directed by the divine oracle, to watch another principal trader’s house, they accordingly made for it, when a young woman, having occasion to go out of the house, was shot with a bullet that entered behind one of her breasts and through the other, ranging the bone; she suddenly wheeled round, and tumbled down, within the threshold of the house—the brave trader instantly bounded up, sounding the war whoop, and in a moment grasped his gun, (for the traders beds are always hung round with various arms of defence) and rescued her—the Indian physician also, by his skill in simples, soon cured her.
As so much hath been already said of the Chikkasah, in the accounts of the Cheerake, Muskohge, and Choktah, with whose history, theirs was necessarily interwoven, my brevity here, I hope will be excused.—The Chikkasah live in as happy a region, as any under the sun. It is temperate; as cool in summer, as can be wished, and but moderately cold in winter. There is frost enough to purify the air, but not to chill the blood; and the snow does not lie four-and-twenty hours together. This extraordinary benefit, is not from its situation to the equator, for the Cheerake country, among the Apalahche mountains is colder, in a surprising degree; but from the nature and levelness of the extensive circumjacent lands, which in general are very fertile. They have no running stream in their present settlement. In their old fields, they have banks of oyster-shells, at the distance of four hundred miles from the sea-shore; which is a visible token of a general deluge, when it swept away the loose earth from the mountains, by the force of a tempestuous north-east wind, and thus produced the fertile lands of the Missisippi, which probably was sea, before that dreadful event.
As the Chikkasah fought the French and their red allies, with the utmost firmness, in defense of their liberties and lands, to the very last, without regarding their decay, only as an incentive to revenge their losses; equity and gratitude ought to induce us to be kind to our steady old friends, and only purchase so much of their land, as they would dispose of, for value.207 With proper management, they would prove extremely serviceable to a British colony, on the Missisippi.208 I hope no future misconduct will alienate their affections, after the manner of the super-intendant’s late deputy, which hath been already mentioned. The skilful French could never confide in the Choktah, and we may depend on being forced to hold hot disputes with them, in the infant state of the Missisippi settlements: it is wisdom to provide against the worst events that can be reasonably expected to happen. The remote inhabitants of our northern colonies are well acquainted with the great value of those lands, from their observations on the spot.209 The soil and climate are fit for hemp, silk, indigo, wine, and many other valuable productions, which our merchants purchase from foreigners, sometimes at a considerable disadvantage—The range is so good for horses, cattle, and hogs, that they would grow large, and multiply fast, without the least occasion of feeding them in winter, or at least for a long space of time, by reason of the numberless branches of reeds and canes that are interspersed, with nuts of various kinds. Rice, wheat, oats, barley, Indian corn, fruit-trees, and kitchen plants, would grow to admiration. As the ancients tell us, “Bacchus amat montes,” so grape-vines must thrive extremely well on the hills of the Missisippi, for they are so rich as to produce winter-canes, contrary to what is known at any distance to the northward. If British subjects could settle West-Florida in security, it would in a few years become very valuable to Great Britain: and they would soon have as much profit, as they could desire, to reward their labour. Here, five hundred families would in all probability, be more beneficial to our mother-country, then the whole colony of North Carolina: besides innumerable branches toward Ohio and Monongahela.
Enemies to the public good, may enter caveats against our settling where the navigation is precarious; and the extraordinary kindness of the late ministry to the French and Spaniards prevented our having an exclusive navigation on the Missisippi. Aberville might still become a valuable mart to us; and from New Orleans it is only three miles to Saint John’s Creek, where people pass through the lake of Saint Louis, and embark for Mobille and Pensacola. The Spaniards have wisely taken the advantage of our misconduct, by fortifying Louisiana, and employing the French to conciliate the affections of the savages; while our legislators, fermented with the corrupt lees of false power, are striving to whip us with scorpions. As all the Florida Indians are grown jealous of us, since we settled E. and W. Florida, and are unacquainted with the great power of the Spaniards in South America, and have the French to polish their rough Indian politics, Louisiana is likely to prove more beneficial to them, than it did to the French. They are fortifying their Missisippi settlements like a New Flanders, and their French artists, on account of our ministerial lethargy, will have a good opportunity, if an European war should commence, to continue our valuable western barriers as wild and waste, as the French left them. The warlike Chikkasah proved so formidable to them, that, except a small settlement above New Orleans, which was covered by the Choktah bounds, they did not attempt to make any other on the eastern side of the Missisippi, below the Illinois; though it contains such a vast tract of fine land, as would be sufficient for four colonies of two hundred and fifty miles square. Had they been able by their united efforts, to have destroyed the Chikkasah, they would not have been idle;210 for, in that case, the Choktah would have been soon swallowed up, by the assistance of their other allies, as they never supplied them with arms and ammunition, except those who went to war against the Chikkasah.
From North-Carolina to the Missisippi, the land near the sea, is, in general, low and sandy; and it is very much so in the two colonies of Florida, to a considerable extent from the sea-shore, when the lands appear fertile, level, and diversified with hills. Trees indicate the goodness or badness of land. Pine-trees grow on sandy, barren ground, which produces long coarse grass; the adjacent low lands abound with canes, reeds, or bay and laurel of various sorts, which are shaded with large expanding trees—they compose an evergreen thicket, mostly impenetrable to the beams of the sun, where the horses, deer, and cattle, chiefly feed during the winter: and the panthers, bears, wolves, wild cats, and foxes, resort there, both for the sake of prey, and a cover from the hunters. Lands of a loose black soil, such as those of the Missisippi, are covered with fine grass and herbage, and well shaded with large and high trees of hiccory, ash, white, red, and black oaks, great towering poplars, black walnut-trees, sassafras, and vines. The low wet lands adjoining the rivers, chiefly yield cypress-trees, which are very large, and of a prodigious height. On the dry grounds is plenty of beach, maple, holly, the cotton-tree, with a prodigious variety of other sorts. But we must not omit the black mulberry-tree, which, likewise, is plenty. It is high, and, if it had proper air and sun-shine, the boughs would be very spreading. On the fruit, the bears and wild fowl feed during their season; and also swarms of paroquets, enough to deafen one with their chattering, in the time of those joyful repasts. I believe the white mulberry-tree does not grow spontaneously in North-America. On the hills, there is plenty of chesnut-trees, and chesnut-oaks. These yield the largest sort of acorns, but wet weather soon spoils them. In winter, the deer and bears fatten themselves on various kinds of nuts, which lie thick over the rich land, if the blossoms have not been blasted by the north-east winds. The wild turkeys live on the small red acorns, and grow so fat in March, that they cannot fly farther than three or four hundred yards; and not being able soon to take the wing again, we speedily run them down with our horses and hunting mastiffs. At many unfrequented places of the Missisippi, they are so tame as to be shot with a pistol, of which our troops profited, in their way to take possession of the Illinois-garrison. There is a plenty of wild parsley, on the banks of that river, the roots of which are as large as those of parsnips, and it is as good as the other sort. The Indians say, they have not seen it grow in any woods remote from their country. They have a large sort of plums, which their ancestors brought with them from South-America, and which are now become plenty among our colonies, called Chikkasah plums.211
To the North West, the Missisippi lands are covered with filberts, which are as sweet, and thin-shelled, as the scaly bark hiccory-nuts. Hazel-nuts are very plenty, but the Indians seldom eat them. Black haws grow here in clusters, free from prickles: and pissimmons, of which they make very pleasant bread, barbicuing it in the woods. There is a sort of fine plums in a few places, large, and well-tasted; and, if transplanted, they would become better. The honey-locusts are pods about a span-long, and almost two inches broad, containing a row of large seed on one side, and a tough sweet substance the other. The tree is large, and full of long thorns; which forces the wild beasts to wait till they fall off, before they can gather that part of their harvest.—The trees grow in wet sour land, and are plenty, and the timber is very durable. Where there is no pitch-pine, the Indians use this, or the sassafras, for posts to their houses; as they last for generations, and the worms never take them. Chinquapins are very plenty, of the taste of chesnuts, but much less in size. There are several sorts of very wholesome and pleasant-tasted ground nuts, which few of our colonists know any thing of. In wet land, there is an aromatic red spice, and a sort of cinnamon, which the natives seldom use. The Yopon, or Cusseena, is very plenty, as far as the salt air reaches over the low lands. It is well tasted, and very agreeable to those who accustom themselves to use it: instead of having any noxious quality, according to what many have experienced of the East-India insipid and costly tea, it is friendly to the human system, enters into a contest with the peccant humours, and expels them through the various channels of nature: it perfectly cures a tremor in the nerves.212 The North-American tea has a pleasant aromatic taste, and the very same salubrious property, as the Cusseena. It is an evergreen, and grows on hills. The bushes are about a foot high, each of them containing in winter a small aromatic red berry, in the middle of the stalk: such I saw it about Christmas, when hunting among the mountains, opposite to the lower Mohawk Castle, in the time of a deep snow. There is no visible decay of the leaf, and October seems to be the proper time to gather it. The early buds of sassafras, and the leaves of ginseng, make a most excellent tea, equally pleasant to the taste, and conducive to health. The Chinese have sense enough to sell their enervating and slow-poisoning teas, under various fine titles, while they themselves prefer Ginseng-leaves. Each of our colonies abounds with ginseng, among the hills that lie far from the sea.213 Ninety-six settlement, is the lowest place where I have seen it grow in South Carolina. It is very plenty on the fertile parts of the Cheerake mountains; it resembles Angelica, which in most places is also plenty. Its leaves are of a darker green, and about a foot and half from the root; the stalk sends out three equal branches, in the center of which a small berry grows, of a red colour, in August.—The seeds are a very strong and agreeable aromatic: it is plenty in West-Florida. The Indians use it on religious occasions. It is a great loss to a valuable branch of trade, that our people neither gather it in a proper season, nor can cure it, so as to give it a clear shining colour, like the Chinese tea. I presume it does not turn out well to our American traders; for, up the Mohawk river, a gentleman who had purchased a large quantity of it, told me that a skippel, or three bushels, cost him only nine shillings of New York currency: and in Charles-Town, an inhabitant of the upper Yadkin settlements in North Carolina, who came down with me from viewing the Nahchee old fields on the Missisippi, assured me he could not get from any of the South Carolina merchants, one shilling sterling a pound for it, though his people brought it from the Alehgany, and Apalahche mountains, two hundred miles to Charles-Town.
It would be a service, worthy of a public-spirited gentleman, to inform us how to preserve the Ginseng, so as to give it a proper colour; for could we once effect that, it must become a valuable branch of trade. It is an exceeding good stomachic, and greatly supports nature against hunger and thirst. It is likewise beneficial against asthmatic complaints, and it may be said to promote fertility in women, as much as the East-India tea causes sterility in proportion to the baneful use that is made of it. A learned physician and botanist assured me, that the eastern teas are slow, but sure poison, in our American climates; and that he generally used the Ginseng very successfully in clysters, to those who had destroyed their health, by that dangerous habit. I advised my friend to write a treatise on its medical virtues, in the posterior application, as it must redound much to the public good. He told me, it would be needless; for quacks could gain nothing from the best directions; and that already several of his acquaintance of the faculty mostly pursued his practice in curing their patients. The eastern tea is as much inferior to our American teas, in its nourishing quality, as their album græcum is to our pure venison, from which we here sometimes collect it; let us, therefore, like frugal and wise people, use our own valuable aromatic tea, and thus induce our British brethren to imitate our pleasant and healthy regimen; shewing the utmost indifference to any duties the statesmen of Great-Britain, in their assumed prerogative, may think proper to lay on their East-India poisoning, and dear-bought teas.
The industry of the uncorrupt part of the Indians, in general, and of the Chikkasah, in particular, extends no farther than to support a plain simple life, and secure themselves from the power of the enemy, and from hunger and cold. Indeed most of them are of late grown fond of the ornaments of life, of raising live stock, and using a greater industry than formerly, to increase wealth. This is to be ascribed to their long intercourse with us, and the familiar easy way in which our traders live with them, begetting imperceptibly an emulous spirit of imitation, according to the usual progress of human life. Such a disposition, is a great advance towards their being civilized; which, certainly must be effected, before we can reasonably expect to be able to bring them to the true principles of christianity. Instead of reforming the Indians, the monks and friars corrupted their morals: for, in the place of inculcating love, peace, and good-will to their red pupils, as became messengers of the divine author of peace, they only impressed their flexible minds with an implacable hatred against every British subject, without any distinction. Our people will soon discover the bad policy of the late Quebec act, and it is to be hoped that Great-Britain will in due time, send those black croaking clerical frogs of Canada home to their infallible mufti of Rome.
I must here beg leave to be indulged, in a few observations on our own American missionaries. Many evils are produced by sending out ignorant and wicked persons as clergymen. Of the few I know,—two among them dare not venture on repeating but a few collects in the common prayer. A heathen could say, “if thou wouldst have me weep, thou must first weep thyself:” and how is it possible we should be able to make good impressions on others, unless they are first visible on ourselves? The very rudiments of learning, not to say of religion, are wanting in several of our missionary Evangelists; the best apology I have heard in their behalf, is, “an English nobleman asked a certain bishop, why he conferred holy orders on such a parcel of arrant blockheads? He replied, because it was better to have the ground plowed by asses, than leave it a waste full of thistles.”
It seems very surprising, that those who are invested with a power of conferring ecclesiastical orders, should be so careless in propagating the holy gospel, and assiduous to prophane holy things, in appointing and ordaining illiterate and irreligious persons to the service. What is it? but saying, “go teach the American fools. My blessing is enough. Cherish confidence, and depend upon it, they will not have confidence to laugh at you: Leave the remote and poor settlements to the care of divine providence, which is diffusive of its rich gifts. The harvest is great elsewhere. Only endeavour to episcopize the northern colonies; it is enough: there they are numerous, and able to pay Peter’s pence, as well as our old jewish, and new parliamentary tithes; and in time your labours will be crowned with success.”
That court however, which sends abroad stupid embassadors to represent it, cannot be reasonably expected to have success, but rather shame and derision. What can we think at this distance, when we see the number of blind guides, our spiritual fathers at home have sent to us, to lead us clear of the mazes of error? but, that they think of us with indifference, and are studiously bent on their own temporal interest, instead of our spiritual welfare. There are thousands of the Americans, who I believe have not heard six sermons for the space of above thirty years—and in fact they have more knowledge than the teachers who are sent to them, and too much religion to communicate with them. And even the blinder sort of the laity not finding truth sufficiently supported by their purblind guides, grow proud of their own imaginary knowledge, and some thereby proudly commence teachers,—by which means they rend the church asunder; and, instead of peace and love, they plant envy, contempt, hatred, revilings, and produce the works of the flesh, instead of those of the spirit.
Not so act the uncivilized Indians. Their supposed holy orders are obtained from a close attention to, and approved knowledge of their sacred mysteries. No temptations can corrupt their virtue on that head: neither will they convey their divine secrets to the known impure. This conduct is worthy to be copied, by all who pretend to any religion at all, and especially by those who are honoured with the pontifical dignity, and assume the name of “Right reverend, and Most reverend Fathers in God.” I have been importunately requested at different times, by several eminent gentlemen, who wish well to both church and state, to represent the evils resulting from such missionaries, in hope of redress; and on this occasion, I thought it criminal to refuse their virtuous request. The representation is true, and the writer is persuaded he cannot give the least offence by it, to any but the guilty.
My situation does not allow me, to fix the bounds our legislators claim on the Missisippi: but I have good reason to believe that the fine court title which France, in her late dying will, has transferred to Great-Britain, mostly consists in ideal possessions she never enjoyed. The monopolies already made, are equally unjust and pernicious. They, who take up valuable lands, especially on such a barrier, ought to settle them in a reasonable time, or be prevented from keeping out industrious inhabitants, and causing the place to continue in a defenceless condition. Before we can settle the Missisippi, with any reasonable view of success, the government must build sufficient places of strength, both to make the colony appear respectable in the eyes of the Indians, and guard it from the evil eye of the Spaniards, who are watching at New Orleans, and over the river, to impede our interests, in that valuable but dangerous quarter. It might become an impenetrable barrier, if proper encouragement was given to the laborious and hardy inhabitants of our northern settlements, on the various branches of the Ohio, and in the back settlements of North Carolina, who are now almost useless to the community. As Great-Britain would be the chief gainer by their removal, she ought to encourage them to remove.214 Great numbers of them were preparing to come down,215 even in the years 1768 and 1769; but finding too many inconveniences and hazards in their way, they declined the attempt. As it is natural for every colony to endeavour to increase its number of industrious inhabitants, it cannot be expected, even if the mother country behaved more prudently than of late, that any of them would exert themselves much on such an occasion, as to raise dangerous rivals in their own staple commodity.—However rice, indigo, silk, hemp, wine, and many other valuable productions are suitable to so fine a soil and climate; besides great quantities of beef, pork, and every kind of useful timber for Jamaica, which is contiguous to the mouth of the Missisippi. So great an acquisition of raw materials would soon prove very beneficial to Great-Britain, as well as a great safe-guard to the best part of our other colonies, and a very needful check to Spanish insolence. Such a material undertaking, as the colonizing of so important a barrier, deserves public encouragement to put it in a fair way of doing well; and the continuance of a supply, and protection through its infant state, to secure it from any artful attempts the Spaniards and their French subjects might plot to disturb its tranquility, and thereby check its growth.
There might be introduced even among the Indian nations I have described, a spirit of industry, in cultivating such productions as would agree with their land and climates; especially, if the super-intendency of our Indian affairs, westward, was conferred on the sensible, public-spirited, and judicious Mr. George Galphin, merchant, or Lachlan M’Gilwray, Esq; of equal merit. Every Indian trader knows from long experience, that both these gentlemen have a greater influence over the dangerous Muskohge, than any others besides. And the security of Georgia requires one or other of them speedily to superintend our Indian affairs. It was, chiefly, the skilful management of these worthy patriots, which prevented the Muskohge from joining the Cheerake, according to treaty, against us in the year 1760 and 1761,—to their great expence and hazard of life, as they allowed those savages to eat, drink, and sleep at Silver-Bluff, below New Windsor garrison, and at Augusta fifteen miles apart, and about 150 miles from Savanah. I write from my own knowledge, for I was then on the spot, with a captain’s commission from South Carolina. A Muskohge war against us, could easily be prevented by either of those gentlemen, if chosen, and the destructive plan of general licences was repealed. It is to be hoped, that they who are invested with the power, will retract their former error, and have the pleasure of knowing the good effect it would produce, by giving an opportunity of civilizing and reforming the savages; which can never be effected by the former usual means. Admit into Indian countries, a sufficient number of discreet orderly traders.—This needful regulation will likewise benefit trade, which is almost ruined; and our valuable weak frontier colonies would thereby increase in numbers, proportionable to their security.
Formerly, each trader216 had a licence for two towns, or villages; but according to the present unwise plan, two, and even three Arab-like pedlars sculk about in one of those villages. Several of them also frequently emigrate into the woods with spirituous liquors, and cheating trifles, after the Indian hunting camps, in the winter season, to the great injury of a regular trader, who supplies them with all the conveniences of hunting: for, as they will sell even their wearing shirt for inebriating liquors, they must be supplied anew in the fall of the year, by the trader. At my first setting out among them, a number of traders who lived contiguous to each other, joined through our various nations in different companies, and were generally men of worth: of course, they would have a living price for their goods, which they carried on horseback to the remote Indian countries, at very great expences. These set an honest copy for the imitation of the natives, for as they had much at stake, their own interest and that of the government co-incided. As the trade was in this wise manner kept up to its just standard, the savages were industrious and frugal. But, lowering it, through a mistaken notion of regaining their affections, we made ourselves too cheap to them, and they despised us for it. The trade ought to be raised to a reasonable fixed price, the first convenient opportunity—thus we shall keep them employed, and ourselves secure. Should we lower the trade, even fifty per cent below the prime cost, they would become only the more discontented, by thinking we had cheated them all the years past. A mean submissive temper can never manage our Indian affairs. The qualities of a kind friend, sensible speaker, and active brisk warrior, must constitute the character of a superintendant. Great care ought to be taken, not to give the Indians offence, or a mean opinion of the people or government our Indian superintendants represent.
At a general congress in Mobille, Anno 1765, where were present his Excellency the learned, cheerful, patriotic Governor of West-Florida, George Johnstone Esquire, the present superintendant of Indian affairs, and the head-men and warriors of the Choktah, and warlike Chikkasah nations, a tariff of trade was settled on every material article, in the most public and solemn manner,217 mostly according to the Muskohge standard, and to the great satisfaction of the Indians. The price for which the corrupt and shamefully-indulged vagrant pedlars forced the traders at the risque of their lives, to traffic with them, being then about 70 per cent, below the French tariff in Indian trade up the Missisippi. Each of these traders took out Indian trading licences, to which the fixed prices of various goods were annext, thereby impowering them to traffic during the space of a twelvemonth; and they gave penal bonds of security to the secretary, for the just observance of their instructions. This proved however, through a bare-faced partiality, only a shameful farce on œconomy and good order. His Excellency, and the honourable Col. W——n,218 were so strongly convinced of my former integrity, that in order to testify publicly their approbation of my good conduct, they did me the honour to pass security in the secretary’s office, for my dealing with the Indians in strict conformity to the laws of trade. As I lost in the space of a year, to the amount of two and twenty hundred dollars-worth of goods at prime cost, by the disorderly conduct of other licensed traders, and had just reason to hope for redress on exhibiting a well-supported complaint; I drew up on my own account, and at the importunate request of the Chikkasah head-men, a memorial, setting forth their having notoriously violated every essential part of their instructions, enticing the Indians also to get drunk, and then taught them to blaspheme their maker. This I proved, and that some of the lawless traders had furnished the Indians, in the space of a few months, with so great a quantity of prohibited liquors, as either did, or might enable some of them to decoy the savages to squander away thousands of drest deer-skins,—but they escaped with impunity.
A few months before this period, some family disputes rose very high between the Chikkasah, on the following account. The Indians being ambitious, free, and jealous of their liberties, as well as independent of each other, where mutual consent is not obtained; one half of the nation were exceedingly displeased with the other, because, by the reiterated persuasions of a certain deputy, the latter had disposed of a tract of land, twelve miles toward the south, on the upper trading Choktah, or Mobille path, to one of those disorderly traders. By the application of the deputy, the head-men of both parties met him according to appointment, and partook of a plentiful barbicued feast, with plenty of spirituous liquors. As such conduct was against his majesty’s proclamation, and appeared to me to be calculated, either for a clandestine trade, or family-job, I rejected the invitation, lest otherwise I might be charged as a party. When they became intoxicated with liquor, a war-leader of the dissenting party, struck his tomohawk at the head of a noted chieftain, upbraiding him for bringing a strange fire into their land; but happily the blow missed its aim. Their disputes consequently rose higher every day; and the dissidents informed the Muskohge of their then situation, and future intentions. Yah-Yah-Tustanage, “the Great Mortar,” a bitter enemy of the English, soon sent up a company of his war-relations, to persuade them to guard in time, against our dangerous encroachments, by killing all the English, that planted their lands without the general consent of the owners, and to take their black people as a good prize; because they were building and planting for the reception of an English garrison, which was to come from the Missisippi, and be the first means of enslaving them. While their transport of madness lasted, it was fruitless to reason with them; but at every convenient opportunity, I used such plain, friendly, and persuasive arguments to sooth them, as I imagined might regain their lost affections, and procrastinate the dangerous impending blow. They consented at last to forbear every kind of resentment against our late suspicious conduct, on condition of my writing to those who could redress them, and our people speedily withdrawing from their land the intruding planters. This I did; and at Mobile I delivered my remonstrance to the superintendant. Upon my urging the absolute necessity of pacifying our old steady friends, by removing the ungenerous cause of their jealousy, he assured me, that he would gladly comply with so just a request, especially, as it exactly coincided with his majesty’s proclamation, then fixed on the fort-gate.
In the space of about ten days after, by order of Governor Johnstone, all the Chikkasah and Choktah traders were cited to appear before him and the superintendant, in order to know the merit of, and answer to, my numerous complaints. When they appeared, and every thing was properly adjusted, his secretary read paragraph by paragraph, and his excellency, very minutely examined all the reputable traders, who confirmed to his full satisfaction, the truth of every thing in my complaint. But tho’ the memorial set forth, among other instances, that “but a few minutes after I had once a troublesome dispute with the abovementioned Chikkasah leader, on account of the traders prohibited and poisoning liquors, he went home distracted, and finding none but his aged mother, he would have killed her with his tomohawk, only for her earnest entreaties, and then sudden escape,”—yet none of those disorderly people were either suspended from trading with the Indians, or forfeited the penalty of their bonds—neither was the Indians request complied with. Though, I believe, the termination was to the no small mortification of his excellency.
Anno 1767, the super-intendant’s deputy convened all the Chikkasah traders and head-men of the nation, declaring that he had received positive orders from the superior over Indian affairs, to bring the trade to the late standard of the Muskohge. The head-men replied, that if their traders, or the superintendant acted unwisely, they were not bound to follow the copy. We urged, that he had already exceedingly lowered the Missisippi-Indian trade, and had, at the Mobille congress, fixed a Tariff, a copy of which every one of us had, as well as a regular licence, having given approved security for our peaceable conduct, and fair dealing with the Indians, for the space of a year: and that besides the wrong policy of such an edict, as he now proposed, if we proved rogues to our own interest with them, we ought to be arrested as fools below. We concluded, by observing the great disadvantage of navigation that Mobille lay under, to which Charles-town was no way exposed in imports and exports; and that if the aforesaid Indian trade should, by any act be reduced below its present standard, it must necessarily cease of itself, unless as free-men, we said No to the command. Which the traders did, and resolved to support it.
The deputies219 treatment of Capt. J. C—l—b—rt,220 who has lived among the Chikkasah from his childhood, and speaks their language even with more propriety than the English, deserves to be recorded—but I hope the gentleman will soon do it himself, to shew the higher powers the consequences of appointing improper, mercenary, and haughty persons to such offices. Sir William Johnson acted very differently—he was kind, intelligent, intrepid—he knew when to frown and when to smile on the Indian nations he was connected with, and blended the serpent with the dove. He chose his deputies or representatives in the Indian countries, according to their qualifications in the Indian life; and not unskilful men, and mere strangers, like some who have been obtruded into our southern nations. His prudent and brave deputy Col. Craghan,221 did our chain of colonies more real service in a few months, than all our late southern commissioners of Indian affairs could possibly have done in ages. In the dangerous time of our settling the Illinois-garrison, 500 leagues up the Missisippi, he went from Johnson’s Hall, in the lower part of the Mohawk country, and from thence coursed through the various nations of Indians, to the head-branches of Canada; and in like manner, down those of the Missisippi, to the garrison, amidst the greatest dangers; pleasing and reconciling the savages as he proceeded. The Chikkasah first informed me of his journey and success—and I had it some time after, circumstantially confirmed to me by Sir W. Johnson. When I spoke to the Col. himself on his fatigues and perils, he modestly replied “that while he was performing the needful duties of his office, and acting the part of a beloved man with the swan’s wing, white pipe, and white beads, for the general good of his country, and of its red neighbours, he had no leisure to think of any personal dangers that might befall a well-meaning peacemaker.” Having reconciled the Kuskuske Indians,222 whom the French garrison had decoyed by their false painting of us, to remove with them over the Missisippi,—he from thence proceeded down by water to New Orleans; afterwards, along the gulph-stream of Mexico, to the place from whence he set off, amounting nearly to 5000 miles, in the oblique course he was forced to take.
In brief, able superintendants of Indian affairs, and who will often visit the Indians, are the safest and strongest barrier garrisons of our colonies—and a proper number of prudent honest traders dispersed among the savages would be better than all the soldiers, which the colonies support for their defence against them. The Indians are to be persuaded by friendly language; but nothing will terrify them to submit to what opposes their general idea of liberty. In the disputes between governors, superintendants, their deputies, and the traders, care should be taken to keep them very secret from the Indians,—for they love such traders as are governed by principle, and are easily influenced by them. Several agents of governors and superintendants have experienced this, when dispatched into their countries to seize either the goods or persons of one and another trader, who was obnoxious by not putting the neck under their lordly feet. Some have hardly escaped from being tomohawked and cut to pieces on the spot by the enraged Indians, for the violence offered to their friendly traders.—When an Indian and trader contract friendship, they exchange the clothes then upon them, and afterwards they cherish it by mutual presents, and in general, will maintain it to the death. As early as 1736 the Georgia governor began to harrass the licensed traders, and sent a commissioner to seize the goods of several Carolinian traders: in executing his commission, he was soon encircled by twenty-three Indians, and would have been instantly dispatched, but for the intercession of one of the suffering traders, Mr. J. G—r of Tennase.223 When a governor of any of our colonies, is either weak in his intellects, or has self-interested pursuits in view, incompatible with the public good, he will first oppress the Indian traders, and misrepresent all under his government who oppose him; and then adopt and pursue the low and tyrannical court maxim “divide, and you will subdue and rule them.” Whether the animosities that subsisted among the inhabitants of Georgia, when Mr. Ellis went to preside there, sprung from any such cause, I will not say, but I well know that by his wisdom, cheerful and even temper, and an easy winning behaviour, he soon reconciled the contending parties in his gay and friendly hall.
The grateful and polite in that colony, have taught their rising families to revere his name, on account of his generous and patriotic spirit. He instructed the inhabitants of that infant colony, by example, how to fortify themselves against hostile dangers. The people were few, weak, harrassed, and disheartened: but as soon as the father and general put to his helping hand, their drooping spirits recovered. Then, defensible garrisons sprung up, after the manner of ancient Thebes; but as he knew that peace with the numerous nations of neighbouring Indians was essential to the welfare of a trading colony, he acted the part of the Archimagus, or great beloved man, with the swan’s wing, white pipes, and tobacco, between the mischievous Muskohge and our colonies, at Savanah, in concert with the two worthy gentlemen before-mentioned. At that time our Indian affairs in general wore a most dangerous aspect—and the public stock was expended:—when the governor saw that he could not shake hands with the Indians, empty handed, he cheerfully supplied their discontented head-men with his own effects, and even his domestic utensils. They set a high value on each gift, chiefly for the sake of the giver, whom they adopted as brother, friend, father. He gave the colony a strong example of public spirit, by sacrificing his ease, and private interest, to the welfare of the people; whom he faithfully patronized (during his too short stay) according to the paternal intentions of his late Majesty. He was never ordered by his Prince to inform the legislative body of the colony, that, if the electors petitioned his majesty for the liberty of chusing representatives, he, through his own grace and goodness, would order his governor to inform them he was pleased to indulge them in the object of their submissive prayer. But had it been otherwise, Mr. Ellis would have deemed such a ministerial order, a gross attack upon his honour, if not on the constitutional rights of British subjects, and have rejected it with contempt. When a gentleman of abilities employs his talents, in his proper sphere, in promoting the general good of society (instead of forwarding only his own interest) he is both an honour and a blessing to the community: the grateful public always revere such a character, and fail not to hand it down to the latest posterity, to stimulate others to follow the example. Such was Mr. Ellis in Georgia; and such was the learned, wise, polite, affable, and now much lamented Sir Henry Moore Bart., the late governor of New-York colony. His virtues so strongly endeared him to those he governed, and to every one who had the pleasure of his acquaintance, that his memory will never be forgotten. He came to his government at the most confused time America ever knew. He found the senior member of the council strongly barricaded in the fort,—but presently he ordered away the cannon, and put a stop to other hostile preparations. He conversed with the people as a father. They were soon convinced of his upright intentions, and he lived triumphant in their hearts. If strict integrity, great abilities, and the most ardent desires and endeavours to promote the mutual interests of prince and people,—if the most impartial administration of justice to every denomination of faithful subjects—if indefatigable application to public business, and a cheerfulness to redress every grievance that had the least tendency to affect the lives or property even of the meanest person: if these be the characteristics of one of the best of governors, our hearts feelingly testify, and the tears of a grateful people plainly shewed, he enjoyed them in the most eminent degree. His stay, however, among them was but short, for having given a finished copy for others to pursue, heaven called him home to reward him for his shining virtues: and, though the other worthy patriot is in being, yet the honest sons of Georgia deeply lament his being lost to them.224