Chapter XII The Decline of Oratory
Owing to the extraordinary success of the Macedonian arms, Hellenic culture spread rapidly over a great part of the world; but it was beaten out thin in the process.490
The conditions of life in Greece underwent a great change in the generations which succeeded the death of Alexander. Athens, which had for so long been the intellectual headquarters of the world, was now only a station of secondary importance. Alexandria, founded by the king himself, became under the divine auspices of the Ptolemies not only the great mart of the world but the greatest centre of learning; Pergamus in the course of time rivalled Alexandria, at any rate in literary resources; while Antioch and Tarsus also became prominent in the history of learning.
From early times men of genius born elsewhere in Greece, in the Ionian cities and in Magna Graecia, had turned to Athens for appreciation of their powers. It is easy to see at a glance how much Athens owed to these aliens for her intellectual advancement—Gorgias of Leontini, Protagoras of Abdera, Anaxagoras of Clazomenae, Thrasymachus of Chalcedon. Her dramatic poets were her own, and so were her great orators, with the exception of Lysias; but this is partly due to the fact that the constitution of her laws gave little opportunity for aliens to win distinction on the platform or the stage. Of her great historians, one was not of Athenian birth and even wrote in a foreign dialect; in philosophy no true-born Athenian before Plato won real distinction. In the Macedonian era a distinguished stranger had more prospect not only of appreciation but of material advancement in one of the royal cities than in a city-state which had become little better than a minor satrapy in one of the great empires, and traded only on the fading memories of its former magnificence. Life in the great cities was very different, too, from life in democratic Athens. From the time of Pericles to that of Demosthenes, all citizens had at least a strong corporate feeling; all citizens knew each other. The sculptor fought side by side with the tanner, the Alcmaeonid met the lamp-seller in debate; there were many common grounds in which all could meet under conditions of equality. In the law-courts the orator must satisfy not only the learned few but the unlettered many; in the theatre the poet and his actors appealed to all classes, from the high-priest who must not be allowed to slumber on his central throne to the people who ate sweetmeats in the back rows, and, if dissatisfied, with true Athenian spirit, threw these harmless missiles at the performers.491 Moreover, all spoke the same language. The diction of tragedy gradually put off its artificiality, and the orators approached nearer and nearer to the idiom of common speech.
In Alexandria, on the other hand, to take one typical example, there was no such unity. Among the Greek inhabitants there were many classes—the court-circle, the scholars of the Museum, the merchants, the mercenary troops, all with different aims and occupations; and these formed but a minority. In addition there would be thousands of Jews, Egyptians, Phoenicians, Mesopotamians, and others, to whom Greek was at first a foreign language, and who when they had acquired it spoke, in the κοινή, a dialect corrupted by innumerable foreign elements. Thus, though scholarship persisted and flourished, there must always have been a sharp distinction between the lettered classes and the common people.
Oratory, like all other arts, faded away in Athens after Alexander’s death, partly from the general causes indicated, partly on account of the special conditions of Athenian life.
Forced to submit to Antipater in 322 B.C., Athens was allowed to exist on humiliating terms. She received a Macedonian garrison into Munychia, the democracy was overthrown; 12,000 of the poorer citizens were not only disfranchised but expatriated, and an oligarchy was instituted. Five years later a temporary revival occurred, when Polysperchon (317 B.C.) overthrew the oligarchy; but a few months after this Cassander obtained possession of the city and again established a government on narrower lines, installing as governor a man of great erudition and culture, Demetrius of Phalerum. This Demetrius, though practically a satrap of Cassander, governed the city wisely for ten years; but in 307 B.C. he fled before the approach of Demetrius Poliorcetes, son of Antigonus. The Besieger made a proclamation of freedom, which the Athenians by this time were unworthy to enjoy; they ascribed to him divine honours, and in 301 B.C. he took up his quarters in the Parthenon. No wonder that Pallas Athene fled in disgust when her shrine was polluted by the licentious orgies of this new war-god.
Phocion, Demades, and Dinarchus, from among the contemporaries of Demosthenes, lived to see their city under Macedonian rule, but they left no successors. There were few opportunities left for an orator. The ecclesia, when it met on sufferance, could debate only on matters of domestic import; and proposals to improve the water-supply, or erect statues to a tyrant, give less scope for eloquence than the great issues of peace and war which had formerly been the subject of their deliberation. Men of political ability had no scope when politics were dead. In the courts, too, there could be no public cases of great interest comparable with the case of the Crown or the impeachment of Demosthenes. Private cases, in which aspiring politicians had hitherto found it convenient to try their strength, were more suited to the attainments of professional lawyers, and these cases must have greatly decreased in numbers and importance when all the dependencies of Athens were taken from her.492 The oratory of display, brought to perfection by Isocrates, had likewise but few openings. No orator could rise at the Olympic Festival to summon all Greeks to brotherhood in arms; no funeral speech could move a people to tears or exalt them to enthusiasm when battles were waged by mercenaries and war declared not by a nation but by a foreign prince. The art of rhetoric was still practised, but already Aristotle, by going back to first principles, had composed the first and last scientific treatise on this subject, and shown that it must be put into its true place as a branch of philosophy, to be studied in combination with its counterpart, Dialectic.493 Political theory, which figures prominently in Isocrates and Demosthenes, had likewise become the property of the philosophical schools.
Demetrius of Phalerum, the regent of Cassander, is reckoned by Quintilian as the last of the orators. Such time as he could spare from the management of the city and the contemplation of the 360 statues erected to him by an admiring or subservient populace,494 was devoted to the study of philosophy, history and oratory. He wrote more than any other Epicurean on record495—philosophical dialogues, historical works, erudite researches, literary and rhetorical studies, speeches, all testified alike to his industry and the wide extent of his interests. His Rhetoric, which contained personal reminiscences of Demosthenes, is quoted by Plutarch on that account; his treatise on Demagogy contained his ideas of political science; his history of his regency (περὶ τῆς δεκαετείας) might, if we could recover it, add much to our scanty knowledge of that period. So short are the fragments remaining of his work that we must turn chiefly to Cicero and Quintilian for an estimate of his value. We gather that he was an excellent example of the ‘tempered style,’ excelling in grace and brilliance, but deficient in vigour and in real passion. A philosophical treatment of his subject-matter was one of his marked characteristics.496
A few facts about his life are known chiefly from Diogenes. He was the son of Phanostratus, an enfranchised slave. He studied under Theophrastus and entered political life about 324 B.C. Belonging to the Macedonian party, he took part in the negotiations after the Lamian war. In 317 B.C., when Phocion was put to death, he fled, but was chosen by the citizens, with the approval of Cassander, to be their governor, and ruled from 317 to 307, when he was superseded by Demetrius Poliorcetes. He retired to Thebes, and twenty years later went to Egypt. Exiled from Alexandria by Philadelphus, he died of a snake-bite in one of the remote demes of Egypt about 280 B.C.
Demochares and Charisius belong also to this period; the former, one of the few Athenians who retained any independence of spirit, was a nephew of Demosthenes, whose style he imitated; Charisius imitated and exaggerated the simplicity of Lysias.497
From this time onward, oratory is practically dead; declamations on fictitious subjects took the place of real speeches in the assembly or the courts; oratory became an element in education and nothing more. We need mention only Hegesias of Magnesia (c. 250 B.C.), the founder of what was subsequently known as the ‘Asian’ school of rhetoric, the characteristics of which were affected expression, grotesque metaphor, plays upon words, incongruous rhythms, and general lack of ideas.498 Dionysius quotes an extract, with the remark that it looks as if it had been written for a joke. Hegesias is important only on account of the debasing influence which he exercised over his Greek and Roman followers.
For a genuine revival of oratory we must wait till the last years of the Roman Republic.
Footnotes
1 Iliad, ix. 443.
2 Ibid., ix. 502 sqq.
3 Herod., viii. 83.
4 Thuc., i. 138.
5 § 42.
6 Brutus, § 28.
7 Themistocles, ch. ii.
8 Ibid., ch. xi.
9 Ch. xxix.
10 Plato, Republic, i. 330 A.
11 Plato, Alcibiades, 1., 118 C.
12 Plut., Pericles, ch. iv., who quotes Plato (comicus): σὺ γάρ, ὤς φασι, Χείρων ἐξέθρεψας Περικλέα.
13 p. 270 A, Jowett’s translation.
14 Antiphon, Tetral. ii.
15 1. 2. 40.
16 Plato, l.c.
17 Bothe, Comic Frag., i. 162. See also Aristophanes, Acharn. 530.
‘Then Pericles the Olympian in his wrath
Lightened and thundered and confounded Greece.’
18 Thuc., ii. 65.
19 Plut., Pericles, ch. vii.
20 Arist., Rhet., iii. 10. 7 D.
21 Thuc., i. 115-117; Arist., Rhet., iii. 4. 3.
22 Arist., ibid.
23 Herod., vii. 162; Arist., Rhet., i. 7. 34. In a later age the orator Demades borrowed it. (Athenaeus, iii. 99 D.)
24 Plato, Protag., 317 C.
25 Plato, Protag., 337 A-C, where Plato parodies his style.
26 Cicero, Brutus, § 46.
27 Arist., Rhet., ii. 24. 11.
28 Soph. Elench., 183 p. 28 sqq.
29 Vide infra, p. 36.
30 Quoted by Plato, Phaedrus, 273 B.C.
31 Schol. on Hermogenes; also Sext. Empir. adv. Mathem., ii. 96.
32 κακοῦ Κόρακος κακὰ ὠά.
33 Soph. Elench., 184 a. 1.
34 Cf. Plato, Gorgias, 453 A; Phaedr., 259 E.
35 Isocr., Antid., § 155.
36 If it is true, as Philostratus, Ep. ix. says, that Aspasia ‘sharpened the tongue of Pericles’ in Gorgian style, he must have visited Athens in a private capacity at an earlier date, unless his Olympiac and other speeches were widely circulated and read.
37 Πολλαχοῦ τῶν ἰάμβων γοργιάζει, Philost., Lives of the Sophists, ix. 493.
38 Plato, Meno, 70 B; Philost., Epist. ix. 364.
39 περὶ φύσεως ἢ τοῦ μὴ ὄντος, Sext. Emp., vii. 65. Cicero (Brut., § 46) mentions also a collection of communes loci made for instructional purposes.
40 Arist., Rhet., iii. 14. 12.
41 Symposium, 194 E, sqq., 197 D; the latter contains some excellent examples: πραύτητα μὲν πορίζων, ἀγριότητα δ’ ἐξορίζων· φιλόδωρος εὐμενείας, ἄδωρος δυσμενείας, etc.
42 Introduction to the Teubner edition of Antiphon (1908), p. xxviii.
43 Ps.-Plut., Lives of the Orators, Antiphon, § 9.
44 Thuc., viii. 68.
45 Eth. Eudem., iii. 1232 b. 7.
46 The Sophistical element is very prominent, especially in the tetralogies. Like Tisias he makes great use of arguments from probability.
47 De comp. verborum, ch. 22.
48 Such words are, for instance, ἀνατροπεύς; μήνιμα and ἀλιτήριος, separately, as μήνιμα ἀκέσασθαι, δεινοὺς ἀλιτηρίους ἕξομεν, or together, μήνιμα τῶν ἀλιτηρίων προστρίψομαι; θεία κηλίς, γεγωνεῖν, ὀπτήρ, ἀείμνηστος.
49 Rare but not poetical words are, e.g. ὑπῆρκτο, χωροφιλεῖν, καταδοχθείς, ἐπίδοξος, and, from lost Speeches, μοιρολογχεῖν, τριβωνεύεσθαι, ἀστοργία, and many others quoted by lexicographers for their peculiarity.
50 E.g. οἴδαμεν, ᾔδεις, and the remarkable εἰκότερον.
51 Vide supra, p. 16. A striking example of the verbal periphrasis is in Antiphon, Herodes, § 94: νῦν μὲν οὖν γνωρισταὶ γίνεσθε τῆς δίκης, τότε δὲ δικασταὶ τῶν μαρτύρων· νῦν μέν δοξασταί, τότε δὲ κριταὶ τῶν ἀληθῶν.
52 Rhet., iii. 9. 1-2.
53 Rhet., iii. 9. 3: λέξιν ἔχουσαν ἀρχὴν καὶ τελευτὴν αὐτὴν καθ’ αὐτὴν καὶ μέγεθος εὐσύνοπτον. Ibid., 5: εὐανάπνευστος.
54 Herod., i. 16-17.
55 Id., iii. 80-81.
56 Arist., Rhet., iii. 9. 3.
57 Dion., de Lysia, 6; ἡ συστρέφουσα τὰ νοήματα καὶ στρογγύλως ἐκφέρουσα λέξις.
58 See Verrall, Rhyme and Reason, in The Bacchants of Euripides.
59 Supra, p. 20.
60 Arist., Rhet., i.
61 E.g., on the laws, Herodes, § 14, and Choreutes, § 2, where the same passage of about eight lines occurs with only the alteration of two or three unimportant words.
62 Jebb (Attic Orators, vol. i. pp. 40-41) insists that the prominence given to this kind of argument points to a deep religious feeling in the orator’s heart. However, we meet with the same type of argument in Aeschines, to whom no such depth of feeling is usually imputed.
63 Cf. the Demosthenic collection of προοίμια.
64 προκατασκευή.
65 διήγησις.
66 πίστεις.
67 ἐπίλογος.
68 This is another characteristic of the earlier rhetoricians; vide supra, p. 12.
69 Herodes, § 26.
70 The Introduction amounts to one-fifth of the whole speech.
71 Ps.-Plut., Lives of the Ten Orators.
72 Attische Beredsamkeit, vol. i. pp. 104-105.
73 In the similar case discussed by Pericles and Protagoras, the third possibility was considered—the guilt of the javelin. (Plut., Pericles, ch. 36.)
74 ἕνδειξις κακουργίας.
75 Supra, p. 38 sqq.
76 Soph. Elench., 183 b. 32.
77 267 C.
78 x. 416 A.
79 Rhet., iii. 1. 7.
80 The word seems to mean powerful or convincing; whether τόποι (commonplaces or passages) or λόγοι (arguments) is the word to be supplied, we cannot even conjecture.
81 de Isaeo, ch. xx.
82 de Demosthene, ch. iii.
83 Phaedrus, 267 C (Jowett).
84 Book I., 336B.
85 Rhet., iii. 8. 4; iii. 1. 7. The paeon = –⏑⏑⏑ or ⏑⏑⏑–.
86 Cf. Aristoph., Frogs, 866: ἐβουλόμην μὲν οὐκ ἐρίζειν ἐνθάδε.
87 Aesch. in Ctes., § 2.
88 The reference by Arist., Rhet., ii. 23. 28 to ἡ πρότερον Θεοδώρου τέχνη—the earlier treatise of T.—implies others.
89 Cf. Arist., Rhet., iii. 13. 4: διήγησις, ἐπιδιήγησις, προδιήγησις; ἔλεγχος, ἐπεξέλεγχος.
90 Phaedrus, 266 C, λογοδαίδαλος.
91 Aristoph., Clouds, 109.
92 Thuc., vi. 60.
93 de Myst., §§ 61 sqq.
94 Ibid., § 4.
95 Dion., de Lysia, ch. 2.
96 Quint., xii. 10, 21.
97 Philostratus, vita Her. Att., ii. 1, § 14.
98 Hermogenes, περὶ ἰδεῶν, ch. xi. p. 416. Spengel (Rhetores Graeci).
99 Ps.-Plut., Lives of the Ten Orators.
100 The following is a list of some of the poetical or unusual words and phrases occurring in the speeches—de Myst.: § 29 ταῦτα τὰ δεινὰ καὶ φρικώδη ἀνωρθίαζον. § 67 πίστιν... ἀπιστοτάτην. § 68 ὁρῶσι τοῦ ἡλίου τὸ φῶς. § 99 ἐπίτριπτον κίναδος. § 130 κληδών. § 146 (γένος) οἴχεται πᾶν πρόρριζον.
de Pace: § 7 τὸν δῆμον... ὑψηλόν ἦρε. § 8 and in three other passages κατηργάσατο (secure, bring about, cf. Eur. Her., 646 πόλει σωτηρίαν κατεργάσασθαι). § 18 κρατιστεύειν. § 31 ἐκτεῖναι τὸν θυμὸν, ἀρχὴν πολλῶν κακῶν.
The de Pace is noticeable for the recurrence of two grammatical forms which do not occur in the other speeches, the use of τοῦτο μὲν, τοῦτο δέ after the manner of Herodotus for the simple μέν and δέ; and the repetition of δέ with a resumptive force, as, e.g., § 27 ἃ δὲ πρὸς τούτους μόνους ἐκεῖνοι συνέθεντο, ταῦτα δ’ οὐδεπώποτ’ αὐτούς φασί παραβῆναι.
The illogical use of the plural of οὐδείς in the same sense as the singular (de Myst., § 23 οὐδένας, § 147 οὐδένα) is perhaps colloquial. There are many instances of the use of this plural in the later orators, a point which Liddell and Scott did not observe, or, at any rate, failed to make clear. Another phrase which may be colloquial is τῇ γνώμῃ καὶ ταῖν χεροῖν ταῖν ἐμαυτοῦ (de Myst., § 144).
101 de Myst., §§ 48-50.
102 de Myst., §§ 37-39.
103 de Myst., §§ 1-3 and 8.
104 Ibid., § 150.
105 de Myst., §§ 4, 5.
106 de Myst., § 57.
107 de Myst., § 126.
108 Ibid., § 95.
109 ὧ συκόφαντα καὶ ἐπίτριπτον κίναδος, κ.τ.λ., de Myst., § 99.
110 Ibid., § 93.
111 Supra, p. 66.
112 § 8.
113 de Myst., § 112.
114 E.g., the poetical ὑψηλὸν ἧρε. Andoc., § 7; Aesch., § 174. Cf. Euripides, Supp., 555, and Her. 323.
115 de Pace, §§ 24-26.
116 Frag. 5 (Blass).
117 Two lost speeches for Iphicrates, 371 B.C. and 354 B.C., were pronounced spurious by Dionysius; but, as he accepted the date of Lysias’ birth as 459 B.C., he was bound to conclude that these speeches were not by him.
118 Against Eratosthenes, §§ 5-17.
119 Dion., de Lysia, ch. 2: τῆς Ἀττικῆς γλώττης ἄριστος κανών.
120 καταστρατηγεῖ.
121 E.g. δεινὸν δέ μοι δοκεῖ εἶναι εἰ νῦν μὲν... τότε δέ, etc., and ἄξιον δ’ ἐνθυμηθῆναι ὅτι...
122 Examples are numerous: e.g. the speech of Polyaenus (For the Soldier, §§ 4-5) shows a simplicity in narrative which Herodotus could not have surpassed.
123 Ch. ii. pp. 26-7.
124 For the Cripple, § 7.
125 For Mantitheus, §§ 18-21.
126 For the Cripple, §§ 1-3.
127 For the Cripple, parts of §§ 10-12.
128 Ibid., §§ 19-20.
129 de Caede Eratosthenis, §§ 11-14.
130 Supra, p. 76.
131 Supra, p. 62.
132 Agoratus, §§ 39-40.
133 Vide infra, p. 92, on the question of authenticity.
134 Supra, pp. 83 sqq.
135 Lysias, Nicomachus, § 27; Andocides, de Myst., § 93, quoted infra, p. 96.
136 Ps.-Plut., Lives of the Ten Orators; Dion., de Lys., ch. 17, διακοσίων οὐκ ἐλάσσους δικανικοὺς γράψας λόγους.
137 However, Socrates, in Plato’s Menexenus, 236 B, suggests that Pericles’ famous Funeral Speech was composed for him by Aspasia.
138 Epit., §§ 79-81.
139 The reference to the Amazons and the general vagueness of the historical setting are closely paralleled by the Funeral Speech in Plato’s Menexenus, which is generally regarded as a parody.
140 Rhet., III. 10. 7.
141 de Lys., ch. 32.
142 Cf. supra, p. 90.
143 Vide supra, p. 85.
144 Vide supra, pp. 85-6.
145 Supra, pp. 76-7.
146 Andoc., de Myst., § 90.
147 Vide supra, p. 87.
148 § 3.
149 Vide infra, p. 150.
150 Vide supra, p. 72.
151 The second speech with the same title is only an epitome of the first.
152 Cf. supra, p. 90.
153 Dion., de Isaeo, ch. 1.
154 Jebb, vol. ii. p. 265.
155 de Isaeo, ch. 1.
156 He is by far the most important; in some cases we can supplement him from Demosthenes, but other authorities are negligible.
157 §§ 1-11.
158 § 12. I have translated this section, though not relevant to the matter under discussion, because it gives a good indication of Athenian feeling on the subject of the torture of slaves.
159 Jebb, Attic Orators, vol. ii. p. 277³.
160 Cleisthenes (Herod., vi. 129), in a moment of extreme excitement, remarked to Hippoclides ἀπωρχήσαο τὸν γάμον—‘You have danced away your chances of marriage.’
161 Cf., too, the use of ὑπωπτιάζω in the New Testament.
162 E.g. γρῦξαι.
163 It has been already remarked that the speech-writers are, as a rule, ridiculously unsuccessful in their attempt to make their clients speak in the way that is natural to them (vide supra, p. 37).
164 E.g. Or. v. 23, ἡγούμενοι οὐκ ἂν αὐτὸν βεβαιώσειν, κ.τ.λ. Or. v. 31. ὡμολογήσαμεν ἐμμενεῖν οἷς ἂν γνοῖεν. Or. v. 43, δαπανηθείς (in middle sense).
165 E.g. καθιστάνειν, ψηφίσεσθε, ἄξαντες.
166 The Estate of Apollodorus (Or. vii.), § 5.
167 Ciron (Or. viii.), § 28.
168 Nicostratus (Or. iv.), §§ 7-10.
169 de Isaeo, ch. 3.
170 de Isaeo, ch. 4.
171 Ibid., ch. 5.
172 Lysias, fr. 46.
173 Isaeus, fr. 15.
174 Cf. de Isaeo, ch. 14.
175 de Isaeo, ch. 16.
176 Ibid., ch. 3.
177 Cf. supra, p. 38.
178 E.g. Orr. 2, 3, 7, 8, 9.
179 Or. 8 (Ciron), § 46.
180 de Isaeo, ch. 16.
181 Antid., § 161.
182 Phaedr., pp. 278-9.
183 καὶ ἀρχὰς δὲ [και] (τὰς?) περὶ τὴν Χίον κατέστησε καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν τῇ πατρίδι πολίτειαν. Ps.-Plut., 837 B.
184 However, if we pressed this passage, we must regard the journey with Timotheus as unhistorical. All the evidence is to be found in Blass, Att. Ber., vol. ii. pp. 16-17.
185 Antid., §§ 159 sqq.
186 de Comp. Verb., ch. xxiii.
187 de Comp. Verb., ch. xxiii. He quotes Areop., §§ 1-5.
188 Isocrates allows elisions of certain short vowels, but he is more sparing than most poets in the use of it. In the epideictic speeches the commonest elision is of enclitics or semi-enclitics (τε, δέ, etc.) and of personal pronouns. Crasis, except of καὶ ἄν is rare. In the forensic speeches (his early work) elision is much less restricted.
189 Maxim. Planud. ad Hermog., v. 469.
190 Vol. ii. p. 144.
191 Rhet., Book III. 8. 4.
192 Ibid.
193 θαυμάζειν καὶ ζηλοῦν, ἐπαινεῖν καὶ τιμᾶν, etc.
194 E.g. Paneg. § 5, ὅταν ἢ τὰ πράγματα λάβῃ τέλος... ἢ τὸν λόγον ἴδῃ τις ἔχοντα πέρας, where τέλος and πέρας, two words for end or completion, are not really distinguishable, or, at any rate, the distinction is very slight. So in Evagoras, § 11, εὐλογεῖν and ἐγκωμιάζειν are used antithetically (to praise—to eulogise).
195 E.g. Evagoras, § 10, αὐταῖς ταῖς εὐρυθμίαις καὶ ταῖς συμμετρίαις ψυχαγωγοῦσι τοὺς ἀκούοντας. Elsewhere we find μετριότητες, λαμπρότητες, αὐθάδειαι, ἀργίαι, etc.
196 Aristoph., Clouds, passim.
197 Cf. Isocrates’ reference to this passage in Antid., § 193.
198 Hel. (Or. x.), § 1, οἱ δὲ διεξιόντες ὡς ἀνδρία καὶ σοφία καὶ δικαιοσύνη ταὐτόν ἐστι.
199 §§ 9 sqq.
200 Antid., §§ 187-189.
201 §§ 19 sqq.
202 Rhet., i. 1. 10.
203 τὸ τολμᾶν, § 192.
204 Vide supra, p. 137.
205 Or astrology?
206 Antid., Summary of §§ 181-303.
207 Antid., § 11, ἰδέαι.
208 Ep. 1, § 87. This letter is referred to in Philippus, § 81; the text of the letter remaining to us is incomplete.
209 Philippus, 346 B.C.
210 Ibid. (Or. v.), §§ 14-17.
211 Isocrates is said to have spent ten years over the composition of the Panegyricus; it was probably published in 380 B.C.
212 I.e. the victory of the 10,000 at Cunaxa.
213 The truth of this maxim is illustrated by our records of the impromptu performances of Demosthenes, vide infra, p. 190.
214 de Isaeo, ch. xix., παχύτερον ὄντα τὴν λέξιν καὶ κοινότερον.
215 Rhet., iii. 3. 3.
216 Arist., Rhet., iii. 3. 4.
217 Busiris, §§ 5-6. He endeavoured to make Socrates responsible for the misdeeds of Alcibiades.
218 de Isaeo, ch. xx.
219 Dion., de Isocrate, ch. xviii.: τὴν ἀπολογίαν τὴν πάνυ θαυμαστὴν ἐν ταῖς πρὸς Ἀριστοτέλη ἀντιγραφαῖς ἐποιήσατο.
220 See Timarchus, § 49, where Aeschines states, in 346 B.C., that he is rather over forty-five years old.
221 Aesch., de Leg., § 147. Dem. (de Cor., 129 sqq.) asserts that he was originally a slave named Tromes (Coward), but changed his name to Atrometus (Dauntless).
222 Dem., de Cor., §§ 258-259. See further infra, p. 249.
223 However, his elder brother, Philocrates, was elected general three times in succession, and his younger brother, Aphobetus, was sent as an ambassador to the Great King.—Aesch., de Leg., § 149.
224 de Cor., § 262, vide infra, p. 249.
225 de Leg., § 79; vide infra, p. 168.
226 See de Pace (passim) delivered in the same year.
227 Aesch., Ctes., §§ 222-225.
228 Dem., ch. 24, περὶ Ῥόδον καὶ Ἰωνίαν σοφιστεύων κατεβίωσεν.
229 de Leg., § 16, τοῖς γὰρ καιροῖς ἀνάγκη συμπεριφέρεσθαι πρὸς τὸ κράτιστον καὶ τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ τὴν πόλιν.
230 Ibid., § 157, ὁ τῆς μεγίστης σύμβουλος πόλεως.
231 Hyper., adv. Dem., xxiv.
232 de Leg., § 79.
233 Dem., de Falsa Leg., §§ 145, 166-177; de Cor., § 41.
234 Timarchus, § 174; Ctes., § 58.
235 Supra, p. 148.
236 de Leg., § 163.
237 Vide supra, p. 166.
238 ἐπῆλθέ μοι, Aesch., Ctes., § 118, where A. complacently relates the whole incident.
239 de Cor., §§ 129, 262, etc. Further, de Falsa Leg., § 246. A tritagonist would ordinarily have to play the parts of kings and tyrants, who must as a rule be majestic characters (cf. ὁ Κρέων Αὶσχίνης, de Falsa Leg., § 247).
240 Timarch., § 25.
241 Dem., de Falsa Leg., § 252.
242 Dem., de Falsa Leg., § 255, σεμνολογεἳ... φωνασκήσας, etc.; de Cor., § 133, σεμνολόγου; and numerous references to τριταγωνίστης.
243 Aesch., de Leg., § 41, τὴν φύσιν μου μακαρίζων, etc. (of the behaviour of Demosthenes during the first embassy).
244 Ctes., §§ 228-229, ἐξ ὀνομάτων συγκείμενος, etc.
245 Supra, pp. 167-170.
246 Dem., de Cor., § 128.
247 References to himself as πεπαιδευμένος, to his adversaries as ἀπαίδευτοι, to their ἀπαιδευσία, τό ἀμαθές, etc., are very common in the speeches against Timarchus and on the embassy.
248 Infra, pp. 184, 187.
249 Timarch., § 26. Aeschines adds a characteristically Greek touch—‘his body was so horribly out of condition through his drunkenness and other excesses that decent people covered their eyes.’ It was the neglect of the body, rather than the exposure of the arms and legs, which is exaggerated into ‘nakedness,’ that really shocked the spectators, in addition to the ‘rough-and-tumble’ gestures of the orator.
250 Timarch., §§ 37-38.
251 Timarch., § 39. Ἄκυρος is used in a double sense; the early actions of Timarchus are unratified in the sense of not proved; the actions of the Thirty are not ratified by the succeeding governments. It is a looseness of expression which does not spoil the general sense, and there is, perhaps, an implied reference to the Amnesty, declared after the expulsion of the Thirty. Similarly Aeschines declares an amnesty for all the offences of Timarchus before a certain date.
252 Ibid., § 55. In § 70 there is a further apology. Cf. also § 76.
253 Timarch., § 53.
254 Cf. infra, p. 191.
255 Timarch., § 48.
256 Dem., de Falsa Leg., §§ 2, 257.
257 ξενία, expressing the mutual relations of host and guest, cannot be adequately translated into English.
258 de Cor., § 51.
259 Ibid., § 284.
260 Aesch., de Leg., §§ 25-33.
261 Ibid., §§ 75-78.
262 Ibid., § 79.
263 Ctes., §§ 119-121.
264 Aesch., de Leg., § 153.
265 E.g., de Leg., § 147. His esteem for his mother is expressed, ibid., § 148.
266 de Leg., § 152.
267 p. 178.
268 Ctes., § 218.
269 Cf. the frequent use of δεινός and δεινῶς—δεινὴ ἀπαιδευσία, ἀναισχυντία; δεινῶς σχετλιάζειν, ἀσχημονεῖν, ἀγνοεῖν, etc., and compounds such as ὑπεραγανακτῶ, ὑπεραισχύνομαι.
270 E.g. the fine passage about Thebes, infra, p. 186.
271 The speech of Lysias against Eratosthenes, for instance, contains many complicated sentences which are unnecessarily obscure.
272 ὁρώντων φρονούντων βλεπόντων ὑμῶν. Ctes., § 94.
273 Cf. his frequent references to his speeches, supra, p. 177.
274 E.g. de Leg., § 183, τοὺς εἰς τὸν μέλλοντ’ αὐτῷ χρόνον ἀντεροῦντας. Blass, vol. iii. pt. 2, p. 232, notes that there is more consistent care on this point in the de Legatione than in the other two speeches.
275 Ctes., § 99.
276 Ibid., § 78.
277 de Leg., § 81.
278 Cf. Ctes., § 198, ὅστις μὲν οὖν ἐν τῇ τιμήσει τὴν ψῆφον αἰτεῖ, τὴν ὀργὴν τὴν ὑμετέραν παραιτεῖται, ὅστις δ’ ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ λόγῳ τὴν ψῆφον αἰτεῖ ὅρκον αἰτεῖ, νόμον αἰτεῖ, δημοκρατίαν αἰτεῖ, ὧν οὔτε αἰτῆσαι οὐδὲν ὅσιον οὔτ’ αἰτηθέντα ἑτέρῳ δοῦναι.
279 E.g. iambics, Ctes., § 239, ἃ σωφρονῶν ὁ δῆμος οὐκ ἐδέξατο; and de Leg., § 66, μίαν δὲ νύκτα διαλιπὼν συνηγόρουν, etc.; anapaestic effect, ibid., 223, ἀεὶ τὸ παρὸν λυμαινόμενος, τὸ δὲ μέλλον κατεπαγγελλόμενος; and a curious combination, ibid., 91, ἁπάντων μετασχὼν τῶν πόνων τῇ πόλει, ⏑––|⏑––|–⏑–|–⏑–.
280 Ctes., § 135.
281 de Leg., §§ 110, 21.
282 Ctes., §§ 192-193.
283 Ctes., §§ 133-136.
284 Ctes., §§ 99-100.
285 Dem., de Cor., §§ 129, 259.
286 Ctes., §§ 172-173.
287 de Leg., §§ 106-107.
288 de Leg., §§ 34-35.
289 Ctes., § 212, οὐ κεφαλὴν ἀλλὰ πρόσοδον κέκτηται. The play upon words is not easy to reproduce: κεφαλή, of course, suggests κεφάλαιον, ‘principal,’ or ‘capital,’ while πρόσοδος is ‘income’ or ‘revenue.’
290 de Falsa Leg., § 339.
291 Aesch., de Leg., § 1.
292 La Litt. Grecque, iv. 643, with reference particularly to Ctes., § 133 (quoted above, p. 186) and §§ 152 sqq.
293 E.g. on Demosthenes, quoted supra, pp. 187-188.
294 de Sublim., ch. xxiv., οὐ γέλωτα κινεῖ μᾶλλον ἢ καταγελᾶται.
295 Mommsen (Book v., ch. xii. pp. 609-610, Eng. ed. of 1887) could write of Cicero: ‘Cicero had no conviction and no passion; he was nothing but an advocate, and not a good one.’... ‘If there is anything wonderful in the case, it is in truth not the orations but the admiration which they excited.’
296 E.g., in particular, §§ 171-176, partly quoted supra, p. 188.
297 Quoted supra, p. 185.
298 Frogs, 892, αἰθήρ, ἐμὸν βόσκημα, καὶ γλώττης στροφίγξ, καὶ ξύνεσι, etc.
299 Aesch. (Ctes., § 171) says only ἀφικνεῖται εἰς Βόσπορον, which is ambiguous, as there were several Βόσποροι. The fact that he calls the woman Σκυθίς seems to prove that he meant the Crimea.
300 Pytheas, quoted by Dionysius.
301 The last private speeches of which the genuineness is undoubted are dated about 346 and 345 B.C., but others, e.g. Against Phormio, of which the authenticity was not questioned in ancient times, go down to 326 B.C. or even later. The genuineness of the Phormio is at least probable.
302 Aesch. (in 345 B.C.) in the Timarchus, §§ 117, 170-175, refers to him as a teacher. In the Embassy (343 B.C.) there is no reference to this profession.
303 Against Callicles.
304 Against Conon.
305 The speeches Against Zenothemis, Lacritus, Dionysodorus, and Phormio.
306 E.g. Against Boeotus.
307 § 61. ‘Pydna and Potidaea, which are subject to Philip and hostile to you.’ Also § 63.
308 ἐπιστολιμαίους δυνάμεις, § 19.
309 § 19, δύναμιν... ἢ συνεχῶς πολεμήσει....
310 § 21, χρόνον τακτὸν στρατευομένους, μὴ μακρὸν τοῦτον, ἀλλ’ ὅσον ἂν δοκῇ καλῶς ἔχειν, ἐκ διαδοχῆς ἀλλήλοις.
311 § 23, οὐ τοίνυν ὑπέρογκον αυτήν (οὐ γὰρ ἔστι μισθὸς οὐδὲ τροφή), οὐδὲ παντελῶς ταπεινὴν εἶναι δεῖ.
312 I have assumed the traditional order of the Olynthiac speeches to be the correct one. The question is much disputed, and is lucidly discussed by M. Weil in his introductions to the speeches (Les Harangues de Démosthène).
313 Isocr., Philippus, § 73-74.
314 Chers., §§ 24-26.
315 § 77.
316 § 19.
317 § 20.
318 §§ 26-27.
319 The subject is admirably discussed by M. Weil (Les Harangues de Démosthène (2me éd.), pp. 312-316). His arguments should be carefully read by those interested in the subject. I quote only his conclusions: ‘Nous avons déjà vu que plusieurs passages, qui manquent dans S et L, ne pouvaient guère émaner que de Démosthène lui-même’ (p. 314). ‘Le résultat de cet examen, c’est que nous nous trouvons en présence de deux textes également autorisés, et que les additions et les modifications qui distinguent l’un de l’autre doivent être attribuées a l’orateur lui-même....’ (p. 315). These conclusions are adopted by Blass (Att. Bered., 1893) and Sandys (1900), who, however, considers that the shorter version was the orator’s first draft. Butcher (Demosthenes, 3rd ed., 1911) considers that the shorter text represents ‘the maturer correction of the orator.’
320 de Cor., §§ 169-170.
321 Philip seems to have had a genuine admiration for Athens, and always treated her with extraordinary consideration. For a full appreciation of this attitude see Hogarth, Philip and Alexander.
322 Plut., Dem., ch. xxiii.
323 See also infra, p. 253, note 1, and p. 254.
324 Hyp., Against Dem., fr. 3, col. xiii.
325 Dinarchus, Against Dem., § 1.
326 Butcher, Dem., pp. 124-127.
327 This account is taken from Plutarch (Dem., ch. xxix.).
328 Lucian, Dem. Enc., § 50.
329 de Sublimi, ch. xxxiv.
330 § 36, οἷον ἐκ μανδραγόρου καθεύδοντας.
331 Aesch., Ctes., §§ 72, 166; de Leg., § 21; Ctes., §§ 84, 209.
332 Plut., Dem., ch. ix., παράβακχον.
333 ἐνθουιῶντα. Cf. Aristophanes, Clouds, 194:
μὰ γῆν, μὰ παγίδας, μὰ νεφέλας, μὰ δίκτυα.
334 Notably the caricatures of Aeschines’ private life and family history in the de Corona, §§ 129-130, 260. Mr. Pickard-Cambridge makes it clear that the habitual members of the law-courts would be of a lower average socially than the ecclesia. The pay in either case was not enough to attract any but the unemployed, but whereas members of the leisured classes would have sufficient motives for attending the ecclesia, and well-to-do business-men might sacrifice valuable time unselfishly for the good of the State, there would be little inducement to such people to endure the wearisome routine of the law-courts (see Demosthenes, ch. iii.).
335 E.g. Conon, § 4.
336 de Cor., § 263.
337 de Falsa Leg., § 148.
338 Midias, § 91.
339 Ibid., § 105.
340 On the other hand he often apologizes for metaphors by ὣσπερ or οἷον—ἦν τοῦθ’ ὣσπερ ἐμπόδισμά τι τῷ Φιλίππῳ—though ἐμπόδισμα is probably as natural a form of expression as our ‘obstacle.’
341 de Falsa Leg., § 275.
342 I Phil., § 45; cf. τεθνάναι τῷ φόβῳ Θηβαίους, de Falsa Leg., § 81.
343 de Cor., § 296.
344 de Cor., § 169.
345 de Cor., § 208.
346 de Thucyd., ch. 53.
347 Against Conon, §§ 3-5.
348 Against Conon, §§ 8-9.
349 de Demos., ch. xv.
350 Demos., ch. xxii.
351 Demos., chs. liii., liv. So Aeschines, after reading aloud some extracts from Demosthenes, and observing their effect on his hearers, exclaimed, ‘But what if you had heard the brute himself?’
352 de Chersoneso, §§ 69-71, gives an example of a sentence of about twenty-seven lines in the Teubner edition.
353 Timocrates, § 217, οὐδ’ ὁτιοῦν ἂν ὄφελοσ εἴη is a case in point—(⏑⏑⏑⏑––); in this instance no other arrangement of the words was possible; οὐδ’ ὁτιοῦν ἂν εἴη ὄφελος would give a harsh hiatus. Cf. also First Olynthiac, § 27, ἡλίκα γ’ ἐστὶ τὰ διάφορ’ ἐνθάδ’ ἢ ’κεῖ πολεμεῖν, where five shorts appear in sequence.
354 E.g. de Falsa Leg., § 11, διεξιὼν ἡλίκα τὴν Ἕλλαδα πᾶσαν, οὐχὶ τὰς ἰδίας ἀδικοῦσι μόνον πατρίδας οἱ δωροδοκοῦντες. The position of ἀδικοῦσι is peculiar, but the sentence already contains a preponderance of short syllables, and any other arrangement would give more of them together: e.g. the more natural orders τὰς ἰδίας μόνον πατρίδας ἀδικοῦσι (⏒⏑⏑⏑⏑–⏑) or ἰδίας μόνον ἀδικοῦσι πατρίδας (⏑⏑–⏑⏑⏑⏑–⏑⏒⏑⏑).
355 Arist., Rhet., iii. 8. 4.
356 Super alta vectus Attis celeri rate maria, etc. The ending with five short syllables gives an impression of headlong speed.
357 Cf. the ‘spondaic’ hymn, Ζεῦ πάντων ἀρχά, πάντων ἅγητορ, Ζεῦ σοὶ σπένδω ταύταν ὕμνων ἀρχάν.
358 Croiset, Hist. de la Litt. Gr., tome iv., pp. 552-553.
359 See ad hoc, Croiset, iv. 553. 1.
360 de Symmor., §§ 24-26.
361 Third Olynthiac, §§ 10-11.
362 Quoted above, p. 230.
363 Supra, p. 245.
364 First Olynthiac, §§ 25-26.
365 Chersonese, §§ 61-67. The recital of the present condition of Phocis is a simple but impressive piece of argument by description: ‘It was a terrible sight, Gentlemen, and a sad one; when we were lately on our way to Delphi we were compelled to see it all, houses in ruins, walls demolished, the country empty of men of military age; only a few poor women and little children and old men in pitiable state—words cannot describe the depth of the misery in which they are now sunk’ (de Falsa Leg., § 65).
366 Cf. Third Olynthiac, §§ 24-26.
367 Viz., on every meeting of the ecclesia at which legislation was possible.
368 Timocrates, §§ 139 sqq.
369 In particular de Corona, §§ 129-130, 258-262. Cf. supra, p. 164.
370 de Corona, §§ 261-262.
371 Vide supra, pp. 170, 177.
372 οὐ γάρ πως ἅμα πάντα θεοὶ δόσαν ἀνθρώποισι.
373 de Sublimi, ch. xxxiv.
374 de Falsa Leg., §§ 112-113, with Weil’s note.
375 § 90.
376 §§ 9, 196. Weil remarks truly, ‘Les orateurs ne se piquent pas d’être exacts: ils usent largement de l’hyperbole mensongère.’
377 Mr. Pickard-Cambridge (Demos., p. 80) observes: ‘Men who are assembled in a crowd do not think.... The orator has often to use arguments which no logic can defend, and to employ methods of persuasion upon a crowd which he would be ashamed to use if he were dealing with a personal friend.’ This is partly true, but should be accepted with reservations. The arguments in the harangues of Demosthenes will generally bear the light, and the public speeches by distinguished statesmen of this country on the causes of the Great War have frequently appealed to the higher nature of their audiences.
378 There is a pseudo-epilogue, §§ 126-159, devoted chiefly to the birth and life of Aeschines. Here the speech might have ended, but the orator reverts in § 160 to an examination and defence of his own political life. The real epilogue is contained in §§ 252-324. The disorder is undoubtedly due in part to the peculiar facts of the case, namely, that the issues of the trial were much wider than might have appeared. Demosthenes is not so much concerned to prove the legality of Ctesiphon’s decree as to offer an apologia of his own political conduct during many years.
379 Quoted supra, p. 216.
380 A plausible answer. In Greece at the present day water-courses are used as roads, and the same is true of the south of Spain. At Malaga, a few years ago, the tram-line actually crossed the river-bed.
381 Vide supra, p. 237.
382 § 136.
383 § 167.
384 §§ 210 sqq. ‘A State’s character is reflected in its laws’ (νόμους... ὑπείληφασι... τρόπους τῆς πόλεως.).
385 Vide supra, p. 190.
386 Ctes., § 52.
387 Vide supra, pp. 168, 194, 223.
388 Cf. supra, p. 223.
389 We know from Dinarchus, Aristogiton, § 13, that this trial shortly preceded the affair of Harpalus.
390 de Cor., § 313, τραγικὸς Θεοκρίνης.
391 Vide supra, pp. 244-245.
392 This Hegesippus, an orator of secondary importance, was an ardent supporter of the patriotic party. In 357 B.C. he had brought an accusation against one Callippus in connexion with the affairs of Cardia (de Halon., § 43, and the hypothesis to the speech). In 343 B.C. he was one of an embassy sent to Philip (Demos., de Falsa Leg., § 331). He was still alive in 325 B.C. (Croiset, vol. iv. p. 621). The extant speech consists of a clear and straightforward discussion of the various points in Philip’s proposal; the style is easy, but without distinction, and Dionysius, who did not doubt that it was the work of Demosthenes, remarks that the orator has reverted to the style of Lysias (de Demos., ch. ix.). Hiatus is frequent and there are some monotonous repetitions. Critics were somewhat shocked by the concluding phrase of § 45—‘If you carry your brains in your heads, and not in your heels so as to walk on them.’ Aeschines calls the orator κρώβυλος, from his affected way of wearing his hair in a ‘bun’ on the top of his head.
393 Dinarchus, Demos., § 104, ὁμολογῶν λαμβάνειν καὶ λήψεσθαι.
394 Plut., Moralia, 820 F, κατεχώνευσαν εἰς ἀμίδας.
395 Demetrius, de Elocutione, §§ 282, 284.
396 Ibid., § 286.
397 For this and other judgments, see Plut., Demos., chs. viii.-x.
398 Ibid., ch. viii.
399 Dionysius, Isaeus, ch. iv.
400 Hypothesis to Demos., Against Aristogiton.
401 In some MSS. of Demosthenes (Phil., iii., § 72) his name occurs as a member of an embassy which made a tour of the Peloponnese in 343 B.C. to rouse opposition against Philip.
402 See (Aristotle) Ἀθηναίων πολιτεία, ch. 43, with Sandys’ notes. He must have been either ταμίας τῶν στρατιωτικῶν or president of οἱ ἐπὶ τὸ θεωρικόν, or perhaps he held both these appointments, as the scope of his work seems to imply. Ps.-Plutarch says πίστευσάμενος τὴν διοίκησιν τῶν χρημάτων.
403 Ptolemy Philadelphus borrowed it in order to have it copied. He deposited a large sum as security, but in the end he sacrificed the deposit, kept the original, and presented Athens with his new copy.
404 He wore the same clothes in summer and winter, and shoes only in very severe weather (Ps.-Plut.).
405 See his condemnation of the advocates of Leocrates, § 135.
406 οὐ μέλανί ἀλλὰ θανάτῳ χρίοντα τὸν κάλαμον κατὰ τῶν πονηρῶν (Ps.-Plut.).
407 Suidas.
408 Assuming (with Blass) the authenticity of the third letter of Demosthenes, which is doubtful.
409 This list is taken from Suidas. The list compiled by Blass, from various sources, is different in some details.
410 §§ 149-150.
411 E.g. cf. § 3, ἐβουλόμην δ’ ἄν, ὥσπερ ὀυφέλιμόν ἐστι, etc., with Isocr. viii. (de Pace), § 36, ἠβουλόμην δ’ ἄν, ὥσπερ προσῆκόν ἐστιν, etc. also § 7 with Isocr. vii. (Areopagiticus), § 43, etc.
412 Cf. supra, p. 134.
413 This circumlocution may have been employed originally for the avoidance of hiatus, as in the example quoted, and in § 111, τὰ καλὰ τῶν ἔργων; it is, however, also used in cases where no such consideration enters, e.g. § 48, τοὺς ποιητοὺς τῶν πατέρων.
414 E.g. § 7, οὐ μικρόν τι μέρος συνέχει τῶν τῆς πόλεως, οὐδ’ ἐπ’ ὀλιγὸν χρόνον, where συνέχει | οὐδ’ is deliberately avoided.
415 E.g. §§ 71-73.
416 E.g. § 143, καὶ αὐτίκα μάλ’ ὑμᾶς ἀξιώσει ἀκούειν αὐτοῦ ἀπολογουμένου. § 20, πολλοὶ ἐπείσθησαν τῶν μαρτύρων ἢ ἀμνημονεῖν ἢ μὴ ἐλθεῖν ἢ ἑτέραν πρόφασιν εὑρεῖν.
417 See the translation on p. 278.
418 φυγόντα, καὶ... ἀκούσαντα..., ἀφικόμενον καὶ... καταφυγόντα, καὶ οὐδὲν ἣττον... ἀποθανόντα.
419 §§ 49-50.
420 § 51.
421 § 104.
422 § 95.
423 §§ 3, 10; cf. also § 79.
424 § 150, cf. also § 43. ‘He contributed nothing to the nation’s safety, at a time when the country was contributing her trees, the dead their sepulchres, and the temples their arms.’ And § 17, οὔτε τοὺς λιμένας τῆς πόλεως ἐλεῶν; § 61, πόλεώς ἐστι θάνατος ἀνάστατον γενέσθαι. Hyperides has a similarly bold expression, ‘Condemning the city to death.’
425 § 11.
426 § 149.
427 § 5.
428 Leocrates was acquitted by one vote only.
429 § 12. ‘It is so far superior to other courts that even those who are convicted before it do not question its justice. You should take it as your model.’
430 §§ 11-12.
431 §§ 1-2.
432 §§ 92-94.
433 Against Lysicles, fr. 75.
434 He could not afford to be particular as to the kind of cases which he took up; the affair of Athenogenes is far from respectable on either side, and several of his speeches were in connexion with hetairai of the less reputable sort. His defence of the famous Phryne was his masterpiece.
435 He mentions these three among the most famous cases in which he has been concerned (For Euxenippus, § 28).
436 Demos., de Cor., §§ 134-135.
437 Fr. 28.
438 Vide infra, p. 295.
439 The agreement of Blass and Kenyon on this point may be taken as conclusive. Small fragments of another speech For Lycophron have been recently published (Pap. Oxyrh., vol. xiii.).
440 ἀρχαίων κρίσις, v. 6.
441 ὀβολοστατεῖν was used by Lysias also (fr. 41).
442 Demetrius, περὶ ἑρμηνείας, § 302.
443 Leoc., § 40.
444 Fr. 80.
445 Epitaphios, § 5.
446 Cf. de Demos., col. xi, ἐν τῷ δήμῳ ἑπτακόσια φήσας εἶναι τάλαντα, νῦν τὰ ἡμίση ἀναφέρεις, καὶ οὐδ’ ἐλογίσω ὅτι τοῦ πάντα ἀνενεχθῆναι ὀρθῶς, κ.τ.λ. Ibid., col. xiii., καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι φίλοι αὐτοῦ ἔλεγον ὅτι ἀναγκάσουσι, κ.τ.λ. Euxenippus, § 19, etc.
447 §§ 1-3, although a full stop occurs in the second line of § 3, are all really one sentence, but in spite of its length it is perfectly lucid.
448 A good example of a story told by a succession of short sentences joined by καὶ is to be found in Athenogenes, § 5.
449 Frr. 27-28.
450 Euxenippus, §§ 5, 6.
451 Fr. 173.
452 Euxenippus, §§ 1-3.
453 Against Demos., fr. v., col. xv. 15. The tide in the Euripus, which ebbed and flowed nine times a day, was, of course, proverbial.
454 Euxenippus, col. xxxiv., § 22.
455 Against Demos., col. xii.
456 Fr. 76.
457 Athenogenes, col. 2, ἄνθρωπον λογόγραφόν τε καὶ ἀγοραῖον.
458 Lycurgus, Leocr., § 11; cf. § 149.
459 Col. xxxix., the last two fragments of the speech in Blass’ edition.
460 Demos., v., §§ 20-21.
461 de Dinarcho, ch. 6.
462 περὶ ὕψους, ch. 34.
463 Ps.-Plut., § 15.
464 Supra, pp. 18, 294-296.
465 Supra, p. 225-227.
466 Supra, p. 296.
467 Date 336-5 B.C.
468 322 B.C.
469 Epitaphios, § 10.
470 Epitaphios, §§ 41-43.
471 Date between 328 and 323 B.C.
472 Dion. (de Dinarcho, ch. iv., ad fin.) believed that he wrote no speeches during this time, for nobody would take the trouble to go to Chalcis for a speech either in a private or public action—οὐ γὰρ τέλεον ἠπόρουν οὕτω λόγων. Dionysius consequently rejected as spurious all speeches attributed to Dinarchus which were dated between 307 and 292 B.C.
473 Suidas says that he was appointed Commissioner of the Peloponnese (ἐπιμελητὴς Πελοποννήσου) by Antipater, but this was another Dinarchus. Demetrius Magnes, quoted by Dionysius (Din., ch. 1), mentions four men of this name.
474 In Dionysius, de Din., ch. 1.
475 The curious may collect the titles from Dionysius (de Din. chs. x.-xiii.).
476 Dion., Din., ch. 2.
477 Demos., § 58.
478 Ibid., § 35.
479 Ibid., § 83.
480 Demos., §§ 48-63.
481 Phil., § 19.
482 In such extravagances as ἡ τῶν ἐκ προνοίας φόνων ἀξιόπιστος οὖσα βουλὴ τὸ δίκαιον καὶ τἀληθὲς εὑρεῖν (Demos., § 6). Cf. also §§ 12, 23, 59, 110, and elsewhere.
483 Demos., § 28; cf. §§ 10, 27, 46, 76, etc.
484 Demos., §§ 18-21 (thirty-six lines without a real stop); Philocles, §§ 1-3 (twenty-three lines).
485 θηρίον, μιαρός, μιαρὸν θήριον, κάθαρμα, γόης, κατάρατος, κλέπτης, προδότης, ἐπιωρκηκώς, δωρόδοκος, μισθωτός, καταπτυστός are culled without any special diligence from his elegant repertory.
486 Aristog., §§ 1, 2, 9-10.
487 Demos., § 24, description of Thebes, from Aeschines. See Weil, les Harangues de Démosthène, p. 338, note on Philippic, iii., § 41, and Din., Aristog., § 24, which is borrowed from it: ‘Il est à son modèle ce que la bière est au vin.’ (This barley-beer was a barbarian drink.)
488 E.g. the passage about Conon’s son, Demos., § 14, used again in Phil., § 17.
489 Dion., de Din., ch. viii.; Hermogenes, περὶ ἰδεῶν, B, p. 384, iv.
490 The general decline of taste reacted on literary style, cf. infra pp. 309-10.
491 Arist., Eth. Nic., x. 5. 4, οἱ τραγηματίζοντες. Demos., de Cor., cf. supra, p. 249.
492 E.g. many of the private speeches of Demosthenes refer to maritime speculations; many of these cases, under Macedon, would be settled in local courts instead of being brought to Athens, and the diminution of Athenian commerce would still further reduce their number.
493 Arist., Rhet., 1. i., ad init.
494 Diog. Laert., v. 75.
495 Ibid., v. 80-81.
496 Cicero, Brutus, § 37; Orator, § 92; de Oratore, ii. § 95; Quint., x. 1, 80; Diog. L., v. 82.
497 Cicero, Brutus, § 286.
498 He was over-fond of the ditrochaeus (–⏑–⏑) at the end of the sentence, vide Cicero, Brutus, § 286; Orator, §§ 226, 230; Dion., de Comp. Verb., ch. xviii.