Appendix
Page 1, l. 12. totam aestimare Romam: to appreciate Rome in its entirety.
Page 3, l. 12. Hinc ad Tarpeiam, etc.: he leads him next to the Tarpeian Rock and to the Capitol, now of gold, once thick with wild bushes.
Page 4, l. 24. Hinc septem, etc.: from here you may see the seven hills of the sovereign city, and appreciate Rome as a whole, the Alban and the Tusculan hills, and all the cool suburban retreats.
Page 10, l. 1. rerum, etc. Rome became a supreme thing of beauty.
Page 10, l. 13. nativa praesidia: natural defences.
Page 10, l. 21. regionum, etc. A site in the middle of Italy, singularly fitted by nature for the development of the city.
Page 17, l. 2. nec ferrea, etc.: nor has he seen the hardships of the law, the mad forum, or the archives of the people.
Page 22, l. 2. Ille, ille, etc.: he it was, Jupiter himself, who withstood the attack, he who willed it that the Capitol, that these temples, that the whole city and you all should be safe.
Page 29, footnote 1. in montibus, etc.: built between mountains and valleys, raised and almost suspended on high, through the stones of its buildings, with its back streets.
Page 39, l. 6. ubi semel, etc.: he who has once strayed from the right path will come to calamity.
Page 52, l. 11. lanificium: the working of wool.
Page 55, l. 26. graffiti: ancient scribblings, scratched, painted, or otherwise marked on a wall, column, tablet, or other surface.
Page 61, l. 4. quaestio de repetundis: court for extortion.
Page 64, l. 15. familiarem, etc.: intimate with L. Lucullus, wealthy, of intractable character.
Page 73, l. 14. qui de censoribus, etc.: whosoever shall have secured a contract from the censors shall not be accepted as associate or shareholder.
Page 73, footnote 2. Asiatici, etc.: of the public revenue of Asia, he had a very small share.
Page 91, l. 3. fortissimus, etc.: a most powerful and important farmer of the public revenue.
Page 93, l. 20. insanum forum: the forum in its maddening bustle.
Page 116, l. 12. doctissimus, etc.: the most learned of that time.
Page 121, l. 11. monumentum, etc.: a monument more enduring than bronze.
Page 123, l. 20. vere humanus: truly refined.
Page 127, l. 23. omnia, etc.: he transforms himself into all portentous shapes.
Page 130, l. 20. ménager ses transitions: to pass gradually over to the other side.
Page 132, l. 18. de vi: of criminal violence.
Page 133, l. 9. Uni se, etc.: they are addicted to one and the same practice, that they may cautiously cheat and craftily contend, outdo each other in blandishments, feign honesty, set snares as if they were all enemies to each other.
Page 133, l. 28. rari nantes, etc.: few and scattered swimmers in the vast abyss.
Page 142 (bottom). Claudite, etc.: close the doors, maidens, enough have we sung. And you, noble couple, live happily and apply your vigorous youth to the assiduous task of wedlock.
Page 149, footnote 2. Si quid, etc.: if a woman act reprehensibly or disgracefully, he punishes her; if she has drunk wine, if she has done something wrong with a stranger, he condemns her. If you surprise your wife in the act of adultery, you may with impunity kill her without any form of judgment; but if she caught you in adultery, she would not dare touch you, for she has no right.
Page 150, l. 11. liberorum, etc.: in order to have children.
Page 155, l. 22. Odi, etc.: I hate and I love. You ask perhaps how that can be. I do not know, I feel it, and am distressed.
Page 155 (bottom). Elle apportait, etc.: she revealed in her private behavior, in her affections, the same vehemence and the same passion which her brother showed in public life. Ready for all excesses, and not blushing to confess them, loving and hating with fury, incapable of controlling herself, and opposed to all constraint, she did not belie the great and haughty family from which she was sprung.
Page 178,1. 3. rusticorum, etc.:
The farmer-soldier’s manly brood
Was trained to delve the Sabine sod,
And at an austere mother’s nod
To hew and fetch the fagot wood.
Page 178, l. 20. Maxima, etc.: the greatest concern must be shown for children.
Page 185, l. 8. Avarus, etc.:
The covetous is the cause of his own misery.
Bravery is increased by daring and fear by hesitation.
You can more easily discover fortune than cling to it.
The wrath of the just is to be dreaded.
A man dies every time that he is bereft of his kin.
Man is loaned, not given to life.
The best strife is rivalry in benignity.
Nothing is pleasing unless renewed by variety.
Bad is the plan which cannot be altered.
Less often would you err if you knew how much you don’t know.
He who shows clemency always comes out victorious.
He who respects his oath succeeds in everything.
Where old age is at fault youth is badly trained.
Page 187, l. 7. Grais, etc.: the muse gave genius to the Greeks and the pride of language, covetous of nothing but of praise. But the Roman youths by long reckonings learn to split the coin into a hundred parts. Let young Albinus say: “If you take one away from five pence, what results?” “A groat.” Good, you’ll thrive.
Page 189, l. 1. In grammaticis, etc.: in the study of literature, the perusal of the poets, the knowledge of history, the interpretation of words, the peculiar tone of pronunciation.
Page 191, l. 9. Orator est, etc.: an orator, my son, is an upright man skilled in speaking.
Page 191, l. 11. Rem tene, etc.: master the subject; the words will follow.
Page 196, l. 9. vir bonus, etc.: see page 191, l. 9.
Page 196, l. 13. Non enim, etc.: eloquence and oratorical aptness obtain good results if they be swayed by a right understanding and by the discretion and control of the mind.
Page 210, footnote 1. Mancipiis, etc.: avoid being like the Cappadocian monarch, rich in slaves and penniless in purse.
Page 211, footnote 1. pone aedem, etc.: behind the temple of Castor are those to whom you’d be sorry to lend money.
Page 215, l. 18. An te ibi, etc.: would you stay there among those harlots, prostitutes of bakers, leavings of the breadmakers, smeared with rank cosmetics, nasty devotees of slaves?
Page 216, footnote 2. agrum, etc.: in cultivating the fields or in hunting, servile occupations, etc.
Page 233, l. 5. Nec turpe, etc.: what a master commands cannot be disgraceful.
Page 233, footnote 3. Coli rura, etc.: it is a bad practice to fill the fields with men from the workhouse, or to have anything done by men who are forsaken by hope.
Page 235, footnote 2. Regum, etc.: we have taken the tyrant’s temper.
Page 239, l. 10. ante focos, etc.: it was customary once to take places in the long benches before the fireplace, and to trust that the gods were present at our table.
Page 246, l. 5. nunc vero, etc.: but now from morning till evening, on holidays and working days, the whole people, senators and commoners, busy themselves in the forum and retire nowhere, etc. (See page 133, l. 9, and translation of that passage.)
Page 246, footnote 2. Urbem, etc.: remain in the city, Rufus; stay there and live in that light. All foreign travel is humble and lowly for those that can work for the greatness of Rome.
Page 247, footnote 1. Frequens, etc.: constant change of abode is a sign of unstable mind.
Page 248, l. 12. contentio, etc.: not a straining of the mind, but a relaxation.
Page 259, l. 12. locus, etc.: a pleasant site, on the sea itself, and can be seen from Antium and Circeii.
Page 265, footnote 3. Ut illum, etc.: may the gods confound him who first invented the hours, and who first placed a sundial in this city. Pity on me! They have cut up my day in compartments. Once when I was a boy my stomach was my clock, and it was much more fitting and reliable; it never failed to warn me except when there was nothing; now, even when there is something, there is no eating unless it so please the sun. For the whole city is full of sun-dials, and most of the people crawl on in need of food and drink.
Page 269, footnote 1. Romae, etc.: in Rome it was for a long time a joy and a pride to open up the house at early morning and attend to the legal needs of the clients.
Page 275, l. 20. Nesciit vivere: he did not know how to live.
Page 277, l. 10. ad noctem: late into the night.
Page 280, l. 17. Saepe tribus, etc.: often you would see three couches with four guests apiece.
Page 283, l. 21. [Greek: Emetikhaeu], etc.: he was under the emetic cure, and consequently ate and drank freely and with much satisfaction; and everything certainly was good and well served; nay more, I may say that
“Though the cook was good,
’Twas Attic salt that flavored best the food.”
Page 283, footnote 1. qua lege, etc.: which law did not determine the expense, but the kind of victuals and the manner of cooking them.
Page 285, l. 11. Agricolo, etc.: the farmer is the first who after a long day of toil in the fields adapted rustic songs to the laws of metre; the first in satisfied leisure to modulate a song on his reed, which he would say before the gods decked with flowers. It was the farmer, O Bacchus, who with his face colored with reddish minium, taught his untrained feet the first movements of the dance.
Page 287, l. 13. Quippe etiam, etc.: for even on holy days, divine and human laws allow us to perform certain works. No religion has forbidden to clear the channels, to raise a fence before the corn, to lay snares for birds, to fire the thorns, and plunge in the wholesome river a flock of bleating sheep.
Page 303, l. 2. lex de ambitu: law concerning the courting of popular favor in canvassing.
Page 307, l. 4. Eandem, etc.: a time will come when you will bewail that valor of yours.
Page 309, l. 7. Spectatum, etc.: they come to see, but they come also to be seen.
Page 313, l. 27. summuts artifex: consummate artist.
Page 314, l. 3. gravis: serious.
Page 314, l. 4. gravitas: seriousness.
Page 315, l. 14. Fescennina, etc.: the rude Fescennine farce grew from rites like these, where rustic taunts were hurled in alternate verse; and the pleasing license, tolerated from year to year, gambolled, etc.
Page 317, l. 18. Nihil mihi, etc.: know well that I lacked nothing except company with whom to laugh in a friendly way and intelligently over these things.
Page 324, l. 28. mos maiorum: the customs of our ancestors.
Page 327, l. 12. Felix, etc.: blessed is he who succeeded in knowing the causes of events.
Page 327, l. 16. Fortunatus, etc.: fortunate he also who knows the rustic gods.
Page 333, l. 6. lectisternia: a feast of the gods during which their images on pillars were placed in the streets.
Page 333, l. 6. supplicationes: religious solemnities for supplication.
Page 333, l. 6. ludi: games.
Page 339, l. 23. numen: godhead, deity.
Page 340, footnote 3. idem etiam, etc.: he says also that Jupiter is the power of this law, eternal and immutable, which is the guide, so to speak, of our life and the principle of our duties; a law which he calls a fatal necessity, an eternal truth of future things.
Page 341, l. 15. qua: as.
Page 341, l. 26. O qui res, etc.: thou who rulest with eternal sway the doings of men and gods.
Page 342, l. 1. Olli, etc.: the sire of men and gods, smiling to her with that aspect wherewith he clears the tempestuous sky, gently kissed his daughter’s lips; then thus replies: Cytherea, cease from fear; immovable to thee remain the fates of thy people.
Page 351, l. 13. Iuppiter, etc.: Jove reserved these shores for the just, when he alloyed the golden age with brass; with brass, then with iron he hardened the ages, from which there shall be a happy escape according to my predictions.
Footnotes
2 Aen. viii. 90. foll. The Capitoline hill, which Virgil means by “arx” a conspicuous object from the river just below the Aventine, and would have been much more conspicuous in the poet’s time. There is a view of it from this point in Burn’s Rome and the Campagna, p. 184.
3 Plutarch, Cato minor 39. Cato was expected to land at the commercial docks below the Aventine (see below), where the senate and magistrates were awaiting him, but with his usual rudeness rowed past them to the navalia.
4 Aen. viii. 363. Possibly Virgil meant to put this dwelling on the site of the future Regia, just below the Palatine and between it and the Forum. See Servius ad loc.
5 The modern visitor would cross by the Ponte Rotto, which is in the same position as the ancient bridge, just below the Tiber island.
8 For navigation of the river above Rome see Strabo p. 235.
9 Horace Od. i. 2. After a bad flood in A.D. 15 proposals were made for diverting a part of the water coming down the Tiber into the Arnus, but this met with fatal opposition from the superstition of the country people (Tacitus, Ann. i. 79). Nissen, Italische Landeskunde, i. p. 324, has collected the records of these floods.
10 See Nissen, i. p. 407. But it seems likely that the Tiber valley was less malarious then than now (see Nissen’s chapter on malaria in Italy, p. 410 foll.). In an interesting paper on Malaria and History, by Mr. W.H.S. Jones (Liverpool University Press), which reached me after this chapter was written, the author is inclined to attribute the ethical and physical degeneracy of the Romans of the Empire partly to this cause.
13 Reden und Aufsätze, p. 173 foll.
16 Beloch, Die Bewölkerung der griechisch-römischen Welt, cap. 9, approaching the problem by three several methods, puts it in the first century A.D. at 800,000, including slaves. In Cicero’s time it was, no doubt, considerably less; but we know that in his last years 320,000 free persons were receiving doles of corn, apart from slaves and the well-to-do.
17 Hülsen-Jordan, Röm. Topographie, vol. i. part iii. pp. 627, 638.
18 Ib. 643; Cic. ad Att. xv. 15. Here, after the death of his daughter Tullia, Cicero wished to buy land on which to erect a fanum to her (Cic. ad Att. xii. 19). Here also were the horti Caesaris.
20 Hülsen-Jordan, op. cit. p. 143 note.
21 See below, p. 302. Dionysius of Halicarnassus (iii. 68) gives an elaborate account of it in the time of Augustus, when it had been altered and ornamented.—Hülsen-Jordan, p. 120 foll.
22 Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 199; Wissowa in
Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyklopädie, s.v. Diana.
23 The two roads converged just before arriving at the city. The reader may be reminded that it was by the via Appia that St. Paul entered Rome (Acts xxviii.). Another useful passage for this gate is Juvenal in. 10 foll.
24 It might be useful here to follow the course of the pomerium, which also went round the Palatine, as described in Tacitus, Annals xii. 24.
25 Cic. de Officiis iii. 16. 66, and the story there related.
26 Strictly speaking, the Oppius Mons, or southern part of the Esquiline.
27 See Lanciani’s admirable chapter, “A Walk through the Sacra Via,” in his Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome, p. 190 foll.
28 Georg. ii. 502. Virgil, for all his admiration of
Rome, did not love its crowds.
29 Cic. pro Plancio, ch. 7. Cp. Horace, Sat. i. 9; Lucilius, Frag. 9 (ed. Baehrens), which last will be quoted in another context.
30 On the vexed question of the position of the Subura and its history see Wissowa, Gesammelte Abhandlungen, p. 230 foll.
31 For excavations here see Lanciani, op. cit. p. 221 foll.
33 Formerly we may assume that it faced south or south-east, like the temple.
34 It was completed by Caesar in 46 B.C.
35 Beloch, Bewölkerung p. 382.
36 C.I.L. i. 206, and Dessau, Inscr. Lat. Selectae, ii. 1. p. 493.
37 Cic. ad Q. Fratr. iii.I. 14 Suet. de Grammaticis, 15; Corn. Nepos, Atticus, 13.
38 Hülsen-Jordan, Röm. Topographie, vol. i. part iii. p. 323.
39 This is the number receiving corn gratis when Julius
Caesar reformed the corn-distribution.—Suetonius, Iul. 41.
40 See Zeller, Stoics, etc., Eng. trans. p. 255 foll.
41 cic. de Legibus, i. 15. 43. It was not as yet possible to be “poor, making many rich”; to have nothing and yet to possess all things.
42 See the definition of insula in Festus. n. Ill. and for insula generally Middleton’s article “Domus” in the Dict, of Antiquities, ed. 2. De Marchi (La Religione nella vita domestica, i. p. 80) compares the big lodging-houses of the poor at Naples.
43 Cicero (Leg. Agr. ii. 35. 96) describes Rome as being (in comparison with Capua) “in montibus positam et convallibus, coenaculis (i.e. upper rooms) sublatum atque suspensam, non optimis viis,” etc. Vitruv. ii. 17 is the locus classicus.
45 In C.I.L. vi. 65-67 we find a Bona Dea erected “in tutelam insulae,” i.e. a common cult for all the lodgers. De Marchi l.c. compares the common shrine of the Neapolitan lodging-house. Tutela is mentioned as a protecting deity both of insulae and domus by St. Jerome, Com. in Isaiam, 672.
47 Cic. ad Att. xv. 17; cp. xiv. 9.
48 Plut. Crassus 2: perhaps from Fenestella.
49 “Dormientem in taberna,” Asconius, ed. Clark, p. 37. Cp.
Tacitus, Hist i. 86, for persons sleeping in tabernae.
50 Tucker, Life in Ancient Athens, p. 10.
51 The Moretum may be a translation from a Greek poet, perhaps Parthenius, but it is certainly as well adapted to the experience of Italians.
52 e.g. Caesar, Bell. Civ. iii. 47. Cp. Tacitus, Ann. xiv. 24.
53 On this point see Salvioli, Le Capitalisme dans le monde antique, ch. vi. is a book with many shortcomings, but written by an Italian who knows his own country.
54 See the author’s Roman Festivals, p. 76 (Cerealia).
55 Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, ii. pp. 107, 110 foll. A modius, which = nearly a peck, contained about 20 lb. of wheat (Pliny, N.H. xviii. 66). Four and a half modii x 20=90 lb.
56 Hirschfeld, Verwaltungsbeamten, ed. 2, p. 231; Strabo, p. 652 (Rhodes).
58 Marquardt, op. cit. p. 110.
59 For Gracchus’ motives see a paper by the present writer in the English Historical Review for 1905, p. 221 foll.
60 Cic. Tusc. Disp. iii. 20. 48.
61 Lex Julia municipalis, 1-20, compared with Suetonius, Jul. 41.
62 A good example will be found in Cic. ad Att. iv. 1. 6 foll.; the first letter written by Cicero after his return from exile.
63 See my Roman Festivals, pp. 85 and 204.
64 Pliny, Nat. Hist. xviii. 17.
66 Frontinus i. 4. The date of his work is towards the end of the first century A.D.
67 See Lanciani, Ruins and Excavations, p. 48; Mommsen, Hist. vol. i. Appendix.
68 Frontinus i. 7, whose account is confirmed by the recently discovered Epitomes of Livy’s lost books.—Grenfell and Hunt, Oxyrhynchus Papyri, iv. 113.
69 See the useful table in Lanciani, op. cit. 58.
70 This dates from the reign of Domitian. The nature of the public fountain may be realised at Pompeii. See Mau, Pompeii, its Life and Art, p. 224 foll.
71 Cic. de Officiis, i. 42. 150.
73 It is very conspicuous, e.g., in the novels of Jane
Austen.
74 G. Unwin, Industrial Organisation, etc., p. 2.
75 Plutarch, Numa, 17; Ovid, Fasti, iii. 310 foll.
76 J.B. Carter, The Religion of Numa, p. 48.
77 Marq. iii. p. 138. See also Kornemann’s article “Collegium” in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encykl., and Waltzing, Corporations professionelles chez les Romains, i. p. 78 foll.
78 Le Capitalisme, etc., p. 144 foll.
79 Cairnes, Slave Power, pp. 78, 143 foll. See below, p. 235.
80 Pliny, Nat. Hist. xviii. 107.
81 C.I.L. i. 1013. The date is possibly pre-Augustan.
83 See my Roman Festivals, p. 148. For the mills of various kinds see also Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 405.
86 Cp. the uncta popina of Horace, Epist. i. 14. 21 foll.
Scene in a wineshop at Pompeii, Mau, p. 395.
87 See, e.g., the Laudatio Turiae, C.I.L. vi. i. 1527, line 30.
88 Only very rich families employed their own fullers.—Marq. Privatleben, p. 512.
89 Menaechmi, 404: this may, however, be only a translation from the Greek.
91 Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 693 and reff.
92 Cato, de re rustica, 135; a very interesting chapter, which shows that of the farmer’s “plant,” clothing, rugs, carts as well as dolia, were best purchased at Rome.
95 Lex Julia Municipalis, line 56 foll.
97 See Greenidge, Roman Public Life, p. 225.
99 Plut. Crassus, 2; Pliny, N.H. xxxiii. 134: equivalent to about £160,000.
104 Pliny, N.H. xxxiii. 148; Livy xxxvii. 59.
105 Polyb. xxxiv. 9, quoted by Strabo, p. 148. Cp. Livy xlv. 18 for valuable mines in Macedonia.
106 Polyb. xviii. 35, For the unwillingness to serve, Livy,
Epit. 48 and 55.
107 Cunningham, Western Civilisation (Modern), p. 162 foll.
108 Duruy, Hist. de Rome, vol. ii. p. 12.
109 Cic. de Provinciis consularibus, v. 12.
110 Cic. pro Quinctio 3. 12; a good case of partnership in a res pecuaria et rustica in Gaul.
111 Examples in Livy xxiii. 49; xxxii. 7 (portoria); xxxviii. 35 (corn-supply); xliv. 16 (army); xlii. 9 (revenue of ager Campanus).
112 Festus, ed. Müller, p. 151.
113 e.g. Livy xxii. 60 praedibus et praediis cavere populo.
114 Cicero, in his defence of Rabirius Postumus, 2.4, says that Rabirius’ father magnas partes habuit publicorum. One Aufidius (Val. Max. vi. 9. 7) “Asiatici publici exiguam admodum particulam habuit.” Cp. Cic in Vat. 12. 29
115 This is the view of Deloume, Les Manieurs d’argent à
Rome, p. 119 foll.
116 Marq. Staatsverwaltung, ii. p.291
117 Deloume, Manieurs d’argent, p. 317 foll.
120 ad Att. i. 17. 9. Crassus, no doubt a large shareholder, urged them on.
121 In a letter to his brother, then governor of this province, Cicero contemplates the possibility of contracts being taken at a loss (ad Q.F. i. 1. 33), “publicis male redemptis.” And in a letter of introduction in 46, he alludes to heavy losses suffered in this way, ad Fam. xiii. 10.
125 Ib. xiii. 9. I have not adhered quite closely to his translation.
126 “Qui est in operis ejus societatis,” i.e. engaged as a subordinate agent.—Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, ii. p. 291.
128 See his article in Dict. of Antiq. ed. 2, s.v. argentarii.
129 Augustus’ grandfather was an argentarius (Suet. Aug. 2), yet his son could marry a Julia, and be elected to the consulship, which, however, he was prevented by death from filling.
130 The word for this cheque is perscriptio. Cp. Cic. ad Att. ix. 12. 3 viri boni usuras perscribunt, i.e. draw the interest on their deposits.
131 Cic. ad Att. xii. 24 and 27.
133 Cic. ad Att. xiii. contains many letters of interest in this connexion.
134 Cic. ad Att. xiii. 2. 3. Cp. xii. 25. In xii. 12 Cicero’s divorced wife Terentia wishes to pay a debt by transferring to her creditor a debt of Cicero’s to herself. Another way in which actual payment could be avoided was by paying interest on purchase-money instead of the lump sum. Cp. xii. 22.
135 A good example of this in Velleius ii. 10 (house-rent).
136 Cic. de Officiis, ii. 24, 84.
137 Caesar, de Bell. Civ. iii. 1 and 20 foll.
138 Deloume in his Manieurs d’argent has a chapter on this (p. 58 foll.), but his details are not wholly to be relied on. Boissier’s sketch in Cicéron et ses amis, 83 foll., is quite accurate.
141 Deloume’s attempt to prove that Cicero speculated with enormous profits seems to me to miss the mark.
142 ad Q. Fratr. ii. 4. 3. Cp. ad Att. iv. 2.
144 ad Att. xii. 22. I may add in a footnote a final startling example of recklessness we have been noting. Decimus Brutus had, in March 44 B.C., a capital of £320,000, yet next year he writes to Cicero that so far from any part of his private property being unencumbered, he had encumbered all his friends with debt also (ad Fam. xi. 10. 5). But this was in order to maintain troops.
145 ad Att. xiii. 42. Cp. xvi. 5.
146 What the king really wanted the money for, was to bribe the senate to restore him.—Cic. ad Fam. i. 1.
147 Cic. pro Bab. Post. 8. 22.
148 Varro, R.R. i. 2. Ferrero (Greatness and Decline of Rome) has the merit of having discerned the signs of the regeneration of Italian agriculture at this time, but he is apt to push his conclusions further than the evidence warrants. See the translation of his work by A.E. Zimmern, i. p. 124; ii. p. 131 foll. The statement of Pliny quoted by him (xv. 1. 3) that oil was first exported from Italy in the year 52 B.C., is, however, of the utmost importance.
149 The Republic was not to last long; but among the consuls of the last years of its existence were several members of the old families.
150 ad Fam. xv. 12. This rather stilted letter is nearly identical with one to the other consul-designate, another aristocrat, Claudius Marcellus. Cicero is in each case trying to do his own business, while writing to a man of higher social rank than his own.
151 The letters of the years 58 to 54 are full of bitter allusions to the invidia of these men, which culminate in the long and windy one to Lentulus Spinther of October 54, where he actually accuses them of taking up Clodius in order to spite him. In a confidential note to Atticus in the spring of 56, he told him that they hated him for buying the Tusculan villa of the great noble Catulus.—ad Fam. i. 9; ad Att. iv. 5.
152 Plutarch, Cato major 2 and 12.
153 Corn. Nepos, Cato 1. 4, who remarks that Cato’s return from his quaestorship in Sardinia with Ennius in his train was as good as a splendid triumph.
154 Plut. Aem. Paul. 6 ad fin.
156 The difference between him and his father, especially in politics, is sketched in Plutarch’s Life of the latter, ch. xxxviii.
157 Leo, in Die griechische und lateinische Literatur, p. 337.
158 The best specimens, or rather the worst, are to be found in the speeches in Pisonem, in Vatinium, and in the Second Philippic.
159 The most instructive passage on vituperatio is Cicero’s defence of Caelius, ch. 3. Cp. Quintilian iii. 7. 1 and 19. On the custom at triumphs, etc., see Munro’s Elucidations of Catullus, p. 75 foll. for most valuable remarks.
160 We have courteous letters from Cicero both to Piso and Vatinius, only a few years after he had depicted them in public as monsters of iniquity.
161 Plut. C. Gracchus, ch. 6 ad fin. Cp. Livy vii. 33.
162 These characteristic figures may be most conveniently seen in Strong’s interesting volume on Roman sculpture, p. 42 foll.
163 Plut. Cato, ch. 1. ad fin. Blanditia was the word for civility in a candidate: “opus est magnopere blanditia,” says Quintus Cicero, de pet cons.§ 41.
164 There is a pleasanter picture of Cato, sitting in Lucullus’ library and in his right mind, in Cic. de Finibus iii. 2. 7.
165 See Leo, in work already cited, p. 338 foll.
166 For this remarkable writer, of whose work only a few fragments survive, see Leo, op. cit. p. 340, and Schanz, Gesch. der röm. Literatur, i. p. 278 foll.
168 The other Caesarian writers followed him more or less successfully; Hirtius, who wrote the eighth book of the Gallic War, and the authors of the Alexandrian, African, and Spanish Wars (the first possibly by Asinius Pollio).
171 The passage just cited from the de Finibus (iii. 27) introduces us to the library of Lucullus at Tusculum, whither Cicero had gone to consult books, and where he found Cato sitting surrounded by volumes of Stoic treatises.
172 The fragments of Panaetius are collected by H.N.
Fowler, Bonn, 1885. The best account of his teaching known to me is in
Schmekel, Philosophie der Mittleren Stoa, p. 18 foll. But all can
read the two first books of the de Officiis.
173 Leo, op. cit. p. 360. Schmekel deals comprehensively with Posidonius’ philosophy, as reflected in Varro and Cicero, p. 85 foll.
174 See Professor Reid’s introduction to Cicero’s Academica, p. 17. Cicero considered Posidonius the greatest of the Stoics.—Ib. p. 5.
175 Cic. de Legibus i. affords many examples of this view, which was apparently that of Posidonius, e.g. 6. 18 and 8. 25. Cp. de Republica, iii. 22. 33.
176 Gaius i. i; Cic. de Officiis iii. 5. 23; Mommsen, Staatsrecht, iii. p. 604, based on the research of H. Nettleship in Journal of Philology, vol. xiii. p. 175. See also Sohm, Institutes of Roman Law, ch. ii.
177 Brutus 41. 151, where he plainly ranks him above Scaevola. The passage is a most interesting one, deserving careful attention.
178 The Ninth Philippic: the passage referred to in the text is 5. 10 foll.
179 I omit pro Murena, chs. vii. and xxi., for want of space. Sulpicius was opposing Cicero in this case, and the latter’s allusions to him are useful specimens of the good breeding spoken of above.
180 See Dio Cassius xl. 59; and Cic. ad Fam. iv. 1 and 3, to Sulpicius, with allusions to his consulship.
182 The speech in Pisonem; cp. the de Provinciis consularibus, 1-6. This Piso was the father of Caesar’s wife Calpurnia, who survives in Shakespeare.
183 The difficult passage in which Cicero describes the perversion of this character under the influence of Philodemus, has been skilfully translated by Dr. Mahaffy in his Greek World under Roman Sway, p. 126 foll.; and the reader may do well to refer to his whole treatment of the practical result of Epicureanism.
184 This chapter is also useful as illustrating the urbanity of manners, for Lucullus and Pompeius were political enemies.
185 ad Fam. viii. 5 fin.; viii. 9. 2.
186 See the introduction of Asconius to Cicero pro
Cornelio, ed. Clark, p. 58.
188 ad Q. frat. ii. 1. 1; ii. 10. 1.
189 The letters written immediately after Cicero’s return from exile are the best examples of this paralysis of business, e.g. ad Fam. i. 4; ad Q. F. ii. 3. See a useful paper by P. Groebe in Klio, vol. v. p. 229.
190 This appears from a letter of Oaelius to Cicero in 51.—ad Fam. viii. 8. 8.
191 Asconius in Cornelianum, ed. Clark, p. 59. “Ut praetores ex edictis suis perpetuis ius dicerent.”
192 All his letters are in the eighth book of those ad
Familiares.
193 Tacitus, Annals xiii. 2: “voluptatibus concessis.”
197 Exactly the same combination of real interest in, and frivolous treatment of, politics is to be found in the early letters of Horace Walpole to Sir H. Mann, especially those of the year 1742.
199 Caesar, Bell. Civ. iii. 20 foll.
200 See above, p. 86; cp. p. 58.
201 So for example Servaeus is disqualified, ad Fam. viii. 4. I.
204 Lucilius, Fragm. 9, ed. Baehrens.
205 This probably means that the deity was believed to reside in the cake, and that the communicants not only entered into communion with each other in eating of it, but also with him. It is in fact exactly analogous to the sacramental ceremony of the Latin festival, in which each city partook of the sacred victim, in that case a white heifer. See Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 96 and reff.
206 This interesting custom is recorded by Servius (ad Aen. iv. 374). For the whole ceremony of confarreatio see De Marchi, La Religione nella vita domestica, p. 155 foll.; Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 32 foll. Cp. also Gaius i. 112.
209 i.e. ius commercii and ius connubii: the former enabling a man to claim the protection of the courts in all cases relating to property, the latter to claim the same protection in cases of disputed inheritance.
210 i.e. ius provocationis, ius suffragii, ius honorum.
211 This is how I understand Cuq, Institutions juridiques des Romains, p. 223. In the well known Laudatio Turiae we have a curious case of a re-marriage by coemptio with manus, for a particular purpose, connected of course with money matters. See Mommsen’s Commentary, reprinted in his Gesammelte Schriften, vol. i.
212 Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, ch. x.
213 See, however, the curious passage quoted by Gellius (iv. 4. 2) from Serv. Sulpicius, the great jurist (above, p. 118 foll.), on sponsalia in Latium down to 89 B.C.
214 For the other details of the dress, see Marq. Privatleben, p. 43.
216 These lines suggested to Virgil the famous four at the end of the fourth Eclogue. See Virgil’s “Messianic Eclogue,” p. 72.
217 She was addressed as domina, by all members of the family. See Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 57 note 3. It should be noted that she had brought a contribution to the family resources in the form of a dowry (dos) given her by her father to maintain her position.
218 These details are drawn chiefly from the sixth book of
Valerius Maximus, de Pudicitia.
219 This is proved by an allusion to Cato’s speech in support of the law, in Gellius, Noct. Att. vi. 13.
220 Livy xxxiv. 1 foll., where the speech of Cato is reproduced in Livy’s language and with “modern” rhetoric.
221 De Marchi, op. cit. p. 163; Marq. Privatleben, p. 87 foll. Confarreatio was only dissoluble by diffarreatio, but this was perhaps used only for penal purposes. Other forms of marriage did not present the same difficulty, not being of a sacramental character.
226 Plutarch, Cato the Elder 8.
227 Gellius (x. 23) quotes a fragment of Cato’s speech de Dotibus, in which the following sentences occur: “Si quid perverse taetreque factum est a muliere, multitatur: si vinum bibit, si cum alieno viro probri quid fecerit, condempnatur. In adulterio uxorem tuam si prehendisses sine indicio impune necares: illa te, si adulterares sive tu adulterarere, digito non auderet contingere, neque ius est.” Under such circumstances a bold woman might take her revenge illegally.
228 Gellius i. 6; cp. Livy, Epit. 59.
230 The story of the relations of Cicero, Terentia, Clodius, and Clodia, in Pint. Cic. 29 is too full of inaccuracies to be depended on. In the 41st chapter what he says of the divorce and its causes must be received with caution; it seems to come from some record left by Tiro, Cicero’s freedman and devoted friend, and as Cicero obviously loved this man much more than his wife, we can understand why the two should dislike each other.
231 Plutarch, Ti. Gracch. 1; Gaius Gracch. 19. The letters of Cornelia which are extant are quite possibly genuine.
232 The recent edition of the Ars amatoria by Paul Brandt has an introduction in which these points are well expressed.
234 Cicéron et ses amis, p. 175.
235 Decimus Brutus, one of the tyrannicides of March 15, 44.
238 Cic. ad Fam. viii. 7: a letter of Caelius, in which he tells of a lady who divorced her husband without pretext on the very day he returned from his province.
239 Plut. Cato min. 25 and 52. Plutarch seems to be using here the Anti-Cato of Caesar, but the facts must have been well known.
242 The so-called Laudatio Turiae is well known to all students of Roman law, as raising a complicated question of Roman legal inheritance; but it may also be reckoned as a real fragment of Roman literature, valuable, too, for some points in the history of the time it covers. It was first made accessible and intelligible by Mommsen in 1863, and the paper he then wrote about it has lately been reprinted in his Gesammelte Schriften, vol. i., together with a new fragment discovered on the same site as the others in 1898. This fragment, and a discussion of its relation to the whole, will he found in the Classical Review for June 1905, p. 261; the laudatio without the new fragment in C.I.L. vi. 1527.
243 App. B.C. iv. 44. The identification has been impugned of late, but, as I think, without due reason. See my article in Classical Rev., 1905, p. 265.
244 This is how I interpret the new fragment. See Classical Rev. l.c. p. 263 foll.
245 For the legal question see Mommsen, Gesammelte
Schriften, i. p. 407 foll.
246 The account that follows is put together from Appian iv. 44, Valerius Maximus vi. 7. 2, and the Laudatio. Appian preserved some fifty stories of escapes at this time, and the only one that fits with the Laudatio is that of Lucretius.
247 Newman, Politics of Aristotle, i. p. 372.
248 A list of the best authorities will be found at the beginning of Professor Wilkins’ book. Of these by far the most useful for a student is the section in Marquardt’s Privatleben, p. 79 foll. The two volumes of Cramer (Geschichte der Erziehung, etc.), which cover all antiquity, are, as he says, most valuable for their breadth of view. See also H. Nettleship, Lectures and Essays, ch. iii. foll.
249 Plut. Cato the Elder, ch. xx.
251 Plut. Cato minor 1 ad fin. What is told in the earlier part of this chapter may perhaps be invention, based on the character of the grown man; but this information at the end may be derived from a contemporary source.
253 There is a single story of Cicero’s boyhood in Plutarch’s Life of him, ch. ii., that parents used to visit his school because of his fame as a scholar, etc., but to this I do not attach much importance.
254 So in ad Q.F. iii. 1. 7: de Cicerone tuo quod me semper rogas, etc.
258 See the few fragments in the Appendix to Riese’s edition of the remains of Varro’s Menippean Satires, p. 248 foll.
261 There is probably an allusion to the Stoic view, that reason is not attained till the fourteenth year, in Virgil’s line in Ecl. 4. 27.
262 in Nonius, p. 108, s.v. ephippium. Cp. the account of the education of Cato’s young son, Plut. Cato, 20. Cp. also Virg. Aen. ix. 602 foll.
263 in Nonius, p. 156, s.v. puerae.
267 Cic. pro Cluentio 60. 165; Marq. Privatleben, p. 87.
268 See a paper by the author in Classical Rev. vol. x. p. 317, in which evidence is collected in support of this view. That the praetexta had a quasi-sacred character seems certain; see e.g. Hor. Epod. 5. 7; Persius, v. 30; pseudo-Quintilian, Declam. 340. See Henzen, Acta Fratrum Arvalium 15, for the pueri patrimi et matrimi, representing in that ancient cult the children of the old Roman family.
270 Polyb. vi. 53. For an account of the practice of laudatio see Marq. Privatleben, p. 346 foll. This, too, degenerated into falsification.
271 A full list of games will be found in Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 814 foll.
272 The question is discussed by Quintilian, i. 2.
274 Full details about elementary schools in Wilkins, ch. iv., and Marq p. 90 foll.
276 Plutarch is careful to tell us that Aem. Paullus exercised this supervision himself (ch. vi.).
277 Pro Flacco 4, 9. Cp. ad Quint. Fratr. i. 2. 4.
278 That the boy was not always respectful is shown in an amusing passage in Plautus. Bacchides, III. iii. 34 foll.
279 Sen. Controversiae, vii. 3. 8.
280 London, O.J. Clay and Sons, 1895.
281 Fortuna occurs many times, as in the so-called sententiae Varronis printed at the end of Riese’s edition of the fragments of Varro’s Menippean satires. This is characteristic of the period.
283 Marq. Privatleben, p. 95 foll.; Wilkins, p. 53.
284 There is a good example of this in the well-known case of Brutus’ loan to the Salaminians of Cyprus: see especially Cic. ad Alt. v. 21. 12.
286 Mommsen, Hist. of Rome, iv. p. 563.
287 Quintilian was of opinion that Greek authors should precede Latin: i. I. 12.
289 There are many subjects in the book of other kinds, but all are illustrated in exactly the same way.
290 H. Jordan, M. Catonis praeter librum de re rustica quae extant, p. 80.
291 Full information on this point will be found in
Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 131 foll.
292 See my Roman Festivals, p. 56. The Liberalia (March 17) was the usual day for the change, and a convenient one for the enrolment of tirones.
293 See the very interesting note (11) in Marq. p. 123, as to the enrolment in municipal towns.
299 Rhetorica ad Herenniwm, init. The date of this work was about 82 B.C. See a paper by the author in Journal of Philology, x. 197.
300 H. Nettleship, Lectures, etc., p. III; Wilkins, p. 85; Quintil. xii. 2.
302 Quintil. i. 4. 5; xii. 1. 1; xii. 2 and 7.
305 ad Fam. xvi. 21. The translation is based on Mr.
Shuckburgh’s.
306 See Der Horn, Gutsbetrieb, by H. Gummerus, reprinted from Klio, 1906: an excellent specimen of economic research, to which I am much indebted in this chapter.—E. Meyer, Die Sclaverei im Altertum, p. 46.
312 Wallon (Hist. de l’Esclavage, ii. p. 38) has noted that Virgil alone shows a feeling of tenderness for the lot of the captive, quoting Aen. iii. 320 foll. (the speech of Andromache): but this was for the fate of a princess, and a mythical princess. No Latin poet of that age shows any real sympathy with captives or with slaves.
313 Cic. pro lege Manilia 12. 23. Plutarch, in his Life of Pompey 24, adds that Romans of good standing would join in the pirates’ business in order to make profit in this scandalous way.
314 Suet. Aug. 32, of the period before Augustus.
315 Varro, R.R. ii. 10; Diodorus xxxvi. 3. 1.
“Mancipiis locuples eget aeris Cappadocum rex:
Ne fueris hic tu.”
319 Hor. Epode 2. 65. Cp. Tibull. ii. 1. 25 “turbaque vernarum, saturi bona signa coloni.”
320 See Gummerus, op. cit. p. 63, who considers the obaeratus of Varro as the equivalent of the addictus of the Roman law of debt.
321 See the well-known description of the Forum in Plautus’ Curculio, iv. 1: “pone aedem Castoris, ibi sunt subito quibu’ credas male”; Marq. Privatleven, p. 168; Wallon, op. cit. ch. ii.
322 Gellius iv. 2 gives an extract from the edict of the aediles drawn up with the object of counteracting such sharp practice.
324 N.H.. vii. 55. This story affords a good example of the tricks of the trade: the boys were not twins, and came from different countries, though exactly alike.
327 Galen v. p. 49, ed. Kuhn; Galen was a native of this great city.
329 Sittengeschichte, i., ed. 5, p. 264.
330 Probably by Clodius in 58.
331 Asconius ad Cic. pro Cornel., ed. Clark, p. 75;
Waltzing, Corporations professionelles, i. p. 90 foll.
332 Baking as a trade only came in, as we saw, in 174; Plautus died in 184; some doubt is thus thrown on the Roman character of the passage, or the allusion may not be to a public bakery.
333 See a remarkable passage of Athenaeus (vi. 104) quoted by Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 156, on the use of slaves at Rome for unproductive labour.
334 Sallust, e.g., says of his own life in retirement that he would not engage in “agrum colendo aut venando, servilibus officiis.”—Catil. 4.
335 Wallon, Hist. de l’Esclavage, vol. ii. ch. iii.
337 iv. 3. 11 and 12. Plutarch says that as military tribune Cato the younger had fifteen slaves with him.—Cato minor 9.
339 In ch. 185 he mentions towns where many other objects may be bought best and cheapest: at Rome, e.g., clothing and rugs, at Cales and Minturnae farm-instruments of iron, etc. See also Gummerus, op. cit. p. 36.
341 Assiduos homines quinquaginta praebeto, i.e. the contractor: ch. 144.
342 See the discussion of this word in Gummerus, p. 62 foll. Varro defines them as those “qui suas operas in servitutem dant pro pecunia quam debebant” (de Ling. Lat. vii. 105), i.e. they give their labour as against servitude.
344 Cp. Plut. Cato the Elder 21; a slave must be at work when he is not asleep.
345 This is a point on which I cannot enter, but there can
hardly be a doubt that in the long run free labour is cheaper.
See Cairnes, Slave Power in America, ch. iii.; Salvioli, Le
Capitalisme, p. 253; Columella, Praejatio.
346 Gummerus, p. 81. At the same time the small cultivator is an obvious fact in Columella, cultivating his bit of land without working for others.
347 For Spartacus, Appian, B.G. i. 116; for Caelius,
Caesar, B.C. iii. 22; and cp. B.C. i. 56.
351 For examples of slaves’ devotion to their masters,
Appian, B.C. iv. 29; Seneca, de Benef. iii. 25.
352 ad Fam. xvi. 1; read also the charming letters which follow. Tiro was manumitted by Cicero at an unknown date.
354 See the article “Manumissio” in Dict. of
Antiquities.
355 Only in exercising the jus suffragii he was limited with all his fellow libertini to one of the four city tribes.
357 Sall. Cat. 24 and 56; Wallon, ii. p. 318 foll.
358 See, e.g., Cic. ad Att. ii. 24. 3; Asconius, in Milonianam (ed. Clark, p. 31); Milo’s host of slaves had gladiators among them, and were organised in military fashion (an antesignanus, p. 32), when he fell in with Clodius.
360 De Pet. Consulatus, 5. 17.
361 ad Quint. Fratr. i. 2 ad fin.
364 Wallon, op. cit. ii. p. 436.
365 See Otto Seeck, Geschichte des Untergangs der antiken
Welt, ch. iv. and v.
366 See Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 172.
367 Wallon (ii. p. 255 foll.) has collected a number of examples. Plautus’ slaves are as much Athenian as Roman, but the conditions would be much the same in each case. Cp. Varro, Men. Sat. ed. Riese, p. 220: “Crede mihi, plures dominos servi comederunt quam canes.”
370 “Coli rura ab ergastulis pessimum est et quicquid agitur a desperantibus,” wrote Pliny (Nat. Hist. xviii. 36) in the famous passage about latifundia.
372 See some excellent remarks on this subject in Ecce
Homo, towards the end of ch. xii. (“Universality of the Christian
Republic “).
373 The Slave Power, ch. v., and especially p. 374 foll. A living picture of the mean white may be found in Mark Twain’s Huckleberry Finn, drawn from his own early experience, particularly in ch. xxi.
374 “Regum nobis induimus animos,” wrote Seneca in a well-known letter about the claims of slaves as human beings, Ep. 47.
375 Life in Ancient Athens, p. 55.
376 For this view of the Lar see Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Römer, p. 148 foll.; and a note by the author in Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft, 1906, p. 529.
378 Cato, R.R., ch. ii. init.; Horace, Epode 2. 65; Sat. ii. 6. 65.
379 Romische Religion, p. 214.
380 Or lectulus adversus, i.e. opposite the door; Ascon. ed. Clark, p. 43, a good passage for the contents of an atrium.
381 See Mau’s Pompeii, p. 248.
383 The extent to which this could be carried can be guessed from Sall. Cat. 12.
384 Quintus Cicero, growing rich with Caesar in Gaul, had a fancy for a domus suburbana: Cic. ad Q. Fr. iii. I. 7. Marcus tells his brother in this letter that he himself had no great fancy for such a residence, and that his house on the Palatine had all the charm of such a suburbana. His villa at Tusculum, as we shall see, served the purpose of a house close to the city.
385 A great number of passages about the noise and crowds of Rome are collected in Mayor’s Notes to Juvenal, pp. 173, 203, 207.
386 Some interesting remarks on the general aspect of the city will be found in the concluding chapter of Lanciani’s Ruins and Excavations. For the bore elsewhere than in Rome, see below, p. 256.
387 ad Fam. ii. 12: “Urbem, Urbem, mi Rufe, cole, et in ista luce viva Omnis peregrinatio (foreign travel) obscura et sordida est iis, quorum industria Roma potest illustris esse,” etc.
388 Lucr. ii. 22 foll.; iii. 1060 foll. Cp. Seneca, Ep. 69: “Frequens migratio instabilis animi est!”
390 These houses, with the coast on which they stood, have long sunk into the sea, and we are only now, thanks to the perseverance of Mr. R.T. Günther of Magdalen College, realising their position and former magnificence. See his volume on Earth Movements in the Bay of Naples.
391 See Cic. pro Caelio, §§ 48-50.
392 Cicero’s Villen, Leipzig, 1889.
394 The villa had once been Sulla’s also: and the aristocratic connection gave its owner some trouble. See above, p. 102.
398 op. cit. p. 15. I am assured by a travelling friend that the Fibreno is a delicious stream.
401 For further details of the amenities of the villa at
Arpinum see Schmidt, op. cit.
403 O.E. Schmidt, Briefwechsel Cicero’s, pp. 66 and 454; but see his Cicero’s Villen, p. 46, note.
405 See Seneca, Epist. 69, on the disturbing influence of constant change of scene.
406 There is an exception in the young Cicero’s letter to
Tiro, translated above, p. 202.
407 Censorinus, De die natali, 23. 6.; Pliny, N.H. vii. 213. On the whole subject of the division of the day see Marquardt, Privatlben, p. 246 foll.
408 In the XII Tables only sunrise and sunset were mentioned (Pliny, l.c. 212). Later on noon was proclaimed by the Consul’s marshal (Varro, de Ling. Lat. vi. 5), and also the end of the civil day. Cp. Varro, L.L. vi. 89.
409 Cic. pro Quinctio, 18. 59.
410 See the article “Horologium” in Dict. of Antiquities, vol. i.
411 Our modern hours are called equinoctial, because they are fixed at the length of the natural hour at the equinoxes. This system does not seem to have come in until late in the Empire period.
412 For the water-clock see Marquardt, op. cit. p. 773 foll.
413 The lines are so good that I may venture to quote them in full from Gell. iii 3 (cp. Ribbeck, Fragm. Gomicorum, ii. p. 34): “parasitus esuriens dicit:
Ut illum di perdant primus qui horas repperit,
Quique adeo primus statuit hic solarium.
Qui mihi comminuit misero articulatim diem,
Nam olim me puero venter erat solarium,
Multo omnium istorum optimum et verissimum:
Ubivis ste monebat esse, nisi quom nihil erat.
Nunc etiam quom est, non estur, nisi soli libet.
Itaque adeo iam oppletum oppidum est solariis,
Maior pars populi iam aridi reptant fame.”
The fourth line contains a truth of human nature, of which illustrations might easily be found at the present day.
414 Pliny, N.H. xv. 1 foll, supplies the history of the oil industry. For the candles see Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 690.
416 Marq. Privatleben, p. 264.
417 Cic. ad Q.F. ii. 3. 7. For the lippitudo, ad Att. vii. 14.
418 Hor. Epist. ii. 1. 112; Pliny, Ep. iii. 5, 8, 9.
419 Hor. Epist. ii. 1. 103: “Romae dulce diu fuit et solenne reclusa Mane domo vigilare, clienti promere iura” etc. It is curious that all our information on this early business comes from the literature of the Empire. The single passage of Cicero which Marquardt could find to illustrate it unluckily relates to his practice as governor of Cilicia (ad Att. vi. 2. 5).
420 e.g. ad Q.F. i. 2. 16.; and Q. Cic. Commentariolum petitionis, sec. 17.
421 See what he says of M. Manilius in De Orat. iii. 133.
422 The word seems to be connected with ieiunium (Plant. Curculio I. i. 73; Festus, p. 346), and thus answers to our break_fast_. The verb is ientare: Afranius: fragm. “ientare nulla invitat.”
423 Galen, vol. vi. p. 332. I take this citation from Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 257; others will be found in the notes to that page. Marquardt seems to have been the first to bring the evidence of the medical writers to bear on the subject of Roman meals.
424 See the interesting account of these (salutatores, deductores, assectatores) in the Commentariolum petitionis of Q. Cicero, 9. 34 foll.
426 Q. Cicero, _Comment. Pet._9. 37.
427 See the author’s Roman Festivals, pp. 125 foll.
430 Fragm. 9. Baehrens, Fragm. Poet. Rom. p. 141. Cp.
Galen, vol. x. p. 3 (Kuhn).
431 Livy xlv. 36; Cic. ad Fam. i. 2; for a famous case of “obstruction” by lengthy speaking, Gell. iv. 10.
434 de Divinatione, ii. 142, written in 44 B.C.
435 Varro, R.R. i. 2; the words are put into the mouth of one of the speakers in the dialogue. See, for examples from later writers, Marq., Privatleben, p. 262.
436 ad Att. xiii. 52; the habit may have often been dropped in winter.
437 Seneca, Ep. 86. The whole passage is most interesting, as illustrating the difference in habits wrought in the course of two centuries.
438 Mau, Pompeii, p. 300. See above, p. 244.
439 See the plan in Mau, p. 357; Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 272.
440 See Professor Purser’s explanation and illustrations in the Dict. of Antiquities, vol. i. p. 278.
441 The subject of the public baths at Rome properly belongs to the period of the Empire, and is too extensive to be treated in a chapter on the daily life of the Roman of Cicero’s time. Public baths did exist in Rome already, but we hear very little of them, which shows that they were not as yet an indispensable adjunct of social life; but the fact that Seneca in the letter already quoted describes the aediles as testing the heat of the water with their hands shows (1) that the baths were public, (2) that they were of hot water and not, as later, of hot air (thermae). The latter invention is said to have come in before the Social war (Val. Max. ix. 1. 1.). Some baths seem to have been run as a speculation by private individuals, and bore the name of their builder (e.g. balneae Seniae, Cic. pro Cael. 25. 61). In summer the young men still bathed in the Tiber (pro Cael. 15. 36). At Pompeii the oldest public baths (the Stabian; Mau, p. 183) date from the second century B.C.
442 The tradition was that the paterfamilias originally also sat instead of reclining. See Marq. Privatleben, p. 292 note 3.
443 Columella, ii. 1. 19, a very interesting chapter;
Plutarch, Cato min. 56.
444 Plut. Lucullus 40; see above, p. 242.
445 Plut. Quaest. Conv. 1. 3 foll.; and Marq. p. 295.
446 Hor. Sat. i. 4. 86; cp. Cic. in Pisonem, 27. 67.
448 Lucilius, fragm. 30; 120 foll.; 168, 327 etc. Varro wrote a Menippean satire on gluttony, of which a fragment is preserved by Gellius, vi. 16.
449 See the interesting passage in Cic. pro Murena, 36. 75, about the funeral feast of Scipio Aemilianus.
450 Catull. 47. 5: “vos convivia lauta sumptuose De die facitis?”
451 26. 65 foll; Hor. Od. iii. 19, and the commentators.
452 ad Fam. vii. 26, of the year 57 B.C. The sumptuary law must have been a certain lex Aemilia of later date than Sulla. (See Gell. ii. 24: “qua lege non sumptus cenarum, sed ciborum genus et modus praefinitus est.”) This chapter of Gellius, and Macrob. iii. 17, are the safest passages to consult on the subject of the growth of gourmandism.
453 See Munro, Elucidations of Catullus, p. 92 foll.
454 Tibull. ii. 1. 51 foll. Cp. ii. 5. 83 foll. Several are also described by Ovid in his Fasti. A charming account of feste in a Tuscan village of to-day will be found in A Nook in the Apennines, by Leader Scott, chapters xxviii. and xxix.: a book full of value for Italian rural life, ancient and modern.
455 Wissowa, Religion und Kultus, p. 366. “Feriae” came in time to be limited to public festivals, while “festus dies” covered all holidays.
456 de Legibus, ii. 8. 19: cp. 12. 29.
457 Georg. i. 268 foll. Cato had already said the same thing: R.R. ii. 4.
458 Thus Ovid describes the rites performed by the Flamen Quirinalis at the old agricultural festival of the Robigalia (Robigus, deity of the mildew) as if it were a curious bit of old practice which most people knew nothing about.—Fasti, iv. 901 foll.
459 Greenidge, Legal Procedure in Cicero’s time, p. 457.
460 It is the same word as our fair.
461 Fasti, iii. 523 foll.; Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 51.
462 Roman Festivals, p. 185. The custom doubtless had a religious origin.
463 Ib. p. 268. Augustus limited the days to three.
464 Wissowa, Religion und Kultus, p. 170. The cult of Saturn was largely affected by Greek usage, but this particular custom was more likely descended from the usage of the Latin farm.
465 See above, p. 172. Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 586;
Frazer, Golden Bough (ed. 2), vol. iii. p. 188 foll.
466 Cic. Verr. I. 10. 31; where Cicero complains of the difficulties he experienced in conducting his case in consequence of the number of ludi from August to November in that year.
467 Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 217 foll.
468 See the account in Dion. Hal. vii. 72, taken from
Fabius Pictor.
469 See Friedländer in Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, iii. p. 508, note 3.
470 For full accounts of this procession, and the whole question of the Ludi Romani, see Friedländer, l.c.; Wissowa, Religion und Kultus, p. 383 foll.; or the article “Triumphus” in the Dict. of Antiquities, ed. 2. All accounts owe much to Mommsen’s essay in Römische Forschungen, ii. p. 42 foll.
471 On the parallelism between the Ludi Plebeii and Romani see Mommsen, Staatsrecht, ii. p. 508, note 4.
472 Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 179 foll.
475 Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 91 foll.
476 Livy xxii. 10.7; Dionys. vii. 71.
477 Pliny, N.S. xxxiii. 138. The same thing happened once or twice under Augustus.
480 We have some details of the ridiculously lavish expenditure of this aedile in Pliny, N.H. xxxvi. 114. He built a temporary theatre, which was decorated as though it were to be a permanent monument of magnificence.
485 There is no evidence that slaves were admitted under the Republic. Columella, who wrote under Nero, is the first to mention their presence at the games (R.R. i. 8. 2), unless we consider the vilicus of Horace, Epist. i. 14. 15, as a slave. See Friedländer in Marq. p. 491, note 4.
486 See above, p. 13; Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 208.
489 Dionys. Hal. in. 68 gives this number for Augustus’ time, and so far as we know Augustus had not enlarged the Circus.
491 Pliny, N.H. x. 71: he seems to be referring to an earlier time, and this Caecina may have been the friend of Cicero. In another passage of Pliny we hear of the red faction about the time of Sulla (vii. 186; Friedl. p. 517). Cp. Tertullian, de Spectaculis, 9.
492 For a graphic picture of the scene in the Circus in
Augustus’ time see Ovid, Ars Amatoria, i. 135 foll.
494 See Schol. Bob. on the pro Sestio, new Teubner ed., p. 105.
495 Val. Max. ii. 3. 2. The conjecture as to the object of the exhibition by the consuls is that of Bücheler, in _Rhein. Mus._1883, p. 476 foll.
496 The example was set, according to Livy, Epit. 16, by a Junius Brutus at the beginning of the first Punic war.
498 The origin of these bloody shows at funerals needs further investigation. It may be connected with a primitive and savage custom of sacrificing captives to the Manes of a chief, of which we have a reminiscence in the sacrifice of captives by Aeneas, in Virg. Aen. xi. 82.
499 See Lucian Müller’s Ennius, p. 35 foll., where he maintains against Mommsen the intelligence and taste of the Romans of the 2nd century B.C.
500 Cic. Brutus, 28. 107, where he speaks of having known the poet himself.
504 It is only fair to say that this information comes from a letter of Asinius Pollio to Cicero (ad Fam. x. 32. 3), and as Pollio was one who had a word of mockery for every one, we may discount the story of the tears.
505 Tibicines, usually mistranslated flute-players; this characteristic Italian instrument was really a primitive oboe played with a reed, and usually of the double form (two pipes with a connected mouthpiece), still sometimes seen in Italy.
507 Val. Max. ii. 4. 2; Livy, Epit. 48.
509 Tertullian, de Spectaculis, 10; Pliny, N.H. viii. 20.
510 See the excellent account in Hülsen, vol. iii. of Jordan’s Topographie, p. 524 foll. Some of the arches of the supporting arcade are still visible.
511 ad Fam. vii. I. Professor Tyrrell calls this letter a rhetorical exercise; is it not rather one of those in which Cicero is taking pains to write, therefore writing less easily and naturally than usual?
512 I have used Mr. Shuckburgh’s translation, with one or two verbal changes.
513 Pliny, Nat. Hist. viii. 21.
514 de Div. i. 37. 80. Cp. the story in Plut. Cic. 5.
515 Hor. Ep. ii. 82; Quintil. ii. 3. Ill.
516 Val. Max. viii. 10. 2. Cicero was said to have learnt gesticulation both from Aesopus and Roscius.—Plut. Cic. 5.
521 A useful succinct account of the literature of this difficult subject will be found in Schanz, Gesch. der rom. Litteratur, vol. i. (ed. 3) p. 21 foll.
522 This is the view of Mommsen, Hist. iii. p. 455, which is generally accepted. For further information see Teuffel, Hist. of Roman Literature, i. (ed. 2) p. 9. That they were in fashion before the mimus is gathered from Cic. ad Fam. ix. 16.
524 Political allusions in mimes, were, however, not unknown. Cp. Cic. ad Alt. xiv. 3, written in 44 B.C., after Caesar’s death.
525 All the passages about Publilius are collected in Mr. Bickford Smith’s edition of his Sententiae, p. 10 foll. On mimes generally the reader may be referred to Professor Purser’s excellent article in Smith’s Diet. of Antiq. ed. 2.
526 Animo aequissimo, ad Fam. xii. 19. He means perhaps rather that flattering allusions to Caesar did not hurt his feelings.
527 See Ribbeck, Fragm. Comic. Lat. p. 295 foll.
529 See another excellent article of Professor Purser’s in the Dict. of Antiq.
530 See the Hibbert Journal for July 1907, p. 847. In the second sense Cicero often uses the plural “religiones,” esp. in de Legibus, ii.
531 See Middleton, Rome in 1887, p. 423; Horace, Sat. i. 8. 8 foll.; Nissen, Italische Landeskunde, ii. p. 522.
532 Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 336 foll.
533 Monumentum Ancyranum (Lat.), 4. 17.
535 Valerius Maximus, Epit. 3. 4; Wissowa, Rel. und
Kult. p. 293.
536 See, e.g. Dill, Roman Society from Nero to Marcus
Aurelius, ch. v.
537 See, e.g., pro Sestio, 15. 32; in Vatinium, 7. 18.
538 Augustine, Civ. Dei, iv. 27.
539 Cp. i. 63 foll.; iii. 87 and 894; v. 72 and 1218; and many other passages.
540 iii. 995 foll.; v. 1120 foll.
542 ii. 22 foll.; iii. 1003; v. 1116.
543 Roman Poets of the Republic, p. 306.
544 The secret may be found in the last 250 lines of Bk. iii., and at the beginning and end of Bk. v.
547 “Philosophy has never touched the mass of mankind except through religion” (Decadence, by Rt. Hon. A.J. Balfour, p. 53). This is a truth of which Lucretius was profoundly, though not surprisingly, ignorant.
550 Ribbeck, Fragm. Trag. Rom. p. 54: Ego deum genus esse semper dixi et dicam coelitum, Sed eos non curare opinor quid agat humanum genus.
552 See H.N. Fowler, Panaetii et Hecatonis librorum fragmenta, p. 10; Hirzel, Untersuchungen zu Cicero’s philosophischen Schriften, i. p. 194 foll.
554 Schmekel, Die Mittlere Stoa, p. 85 foll.; Hirzel, Untersuchungen, etc., i. p. 194 foll.
555 The fragments are collected by E. Agahd, Leipzig, 1898.
The great majority are found in St. Augustine, de Civitate Dei.
556 As Wissowa says (Religion und Kultus der Römer, p. 100), Jupiter does not appear in Roman language and literature as a personality who thunders or rains, but rather as the heaven itself combining these various manifestations of activity. The most familiar illustration of the usage alluded to in the text is the line of Horace in Odes i. 1. 25: “manet sub Iove frigido venator.”
557 ap. Aug. Civ. Dei, iv. 11.
559 ap. Aug. Civ. Dei, vii. 13: animus mundi is here so called, but evidently identified with Jupiter.
562 Aug. de consensu evangel. i. 23, 24. Cp. Civ. Dei, iv. 9.
563 Ib. i. 22. 30; Civ. Dei, xix. 22.
564 See Wissowa, Religion und Kultus, p. 103.
565 de Rep. iii. 22. See above, p. 117.
567 de Nat. Deor.. i. 15. 40: “idem etiam legis perpetuae et eternae vim, quae quasi dux vitae et magistra officiorum sit, Iovem dicit esse, eandemque fatalem necessitatem appellat, sempiternam rerum futurarum veritatem.” Chrysippus of course was speaking of the Greek Zeus.
568 e.g. de Off. iii. 28; de Nat. Deor. i. 116.
569 Glover, Studies in Virgil, p. 275.
570 It is interesting to note that in the religious revival of Augustus Jupiter by no means has a leading place. See Carter, Religion of Numa, p. 160, where, however, the attitude of Augustus towards the great god is perhaps over-emphasised. On the relation of Virgil’s Jupiter to Fate, see E. Norden, Virgils epische Technik, p. 286 foll. Seneca, it is worth noting, never mentions Jupiter as the centre of the Stoic Pantheon.—Dill, Roman Society from Nero to M. Aurelius, p. 331.
571 See an article by the author in Hibbert Journal, July 1907, p. 847.
576 Sall. Cat. 51; Cic. Cat. iv. 4. 7.
578 Reid, The Academics of Cicero, Introduction, p. 18.
581 Suetonius, Jul. 88. See E. Kornemann in Klio, vol. i. p. 95.
582 We do not know exactly when this preface was written. Prefaces are now composed, as a rule, when a work is finished: but this does not seem to have been the practice in antiquity, and internal evidence is here strongly in favour of an early date.
583 Epode 16. 54; cp. 30 foll.
584 Sir W.M. Ramsay, quoted in Virgil’s Messianic
Eclogue, p. 54.
585 Dr. J.B. Mayor, in Virgil’s Messianic Eclogue, p. 118 foll.